A PEACE CONGRESS 
 OF INTRIGUE 
 
 (VIENNA. 1815) 
 
A PEACE CONGRESS 
 OF INTRIGUE 
 
 (VIENNA, 1815) 
 
 A VIVID, IXTI.MATE ACCOUNT 
 OF THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA 
 
 COMPOSED OF THE PERSONAL MEMOIRS 
 OF ITS IMPORTANT PARTICIPANTS 
 
 COMPILED BY 
 
 FREDERICK FREKSA 
 
 TRANSLATED 
 AND WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 
 
 By harry HANSEN 
 
 NEW YORK 
 THE CENTURY CO. 
 
 1919 
 
.A^ 
 
 .4^ 
 
 Copyright, 1919, by 
 The Century Co. 
 
 Published January, 1919 
 
 m I8:9!£ 
 
 Price $2.50 
 
 A512075 
 
.... "Statesmen must by this time have learned 
 that the opinion of the world is everywhere wide-awake 
 and fully comprehends the issues involved. No rep- 
 resentative of any self-governed nation will dare dis- 
 regard it by attempting any such covenants of selfish- 
 ness and compromise as were entered into at the Con- 
 gress of Vienna. The thought of the plain people here 
 and everywhere throughout the world, the people who 
 enjoy no privilege and have very simple and un- 
 sophisticated standards of right and wrong, is the air 
 all governments must henceforth breathe if they would 
 live. It is in the full disclosing light of that thought 
 that all policies must be conceived and executed in this 
 midday hour of the world's life. German rulers have 
 been able to upset the peace of the world only because 
 the German people were not suffered under their tute- 
 lage to share the comradeship of the other peoples of 
 the world either in thought or in purpose. They were 
 allowed to have no opinion of their own which might 
 be set up as a rule of conduct for those who exer- 
 cised authorit}^ over them. But the Congress that 
 concludes this war will feel the full strength of the 
 tides that run now in the hearts and consciences of 
 free men everj^where. Its conclusions will run with 
 those tides." 
 
 WooDROw Wilson. 
 
 In his address to the Congress of the United States, December 4, 1917, 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Foreword. The Legacy of Vienna at Versailles ix 
 THE LIGHTER SIDE OF THE CONGRESS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 ^ I. Those Who Danced at the Congress . 3 
 
 (From the reminiscences of the Countess BemstorflF.) 
 
 II. A Famous Wit at the Congress ... 48 
 
 (From the reminiscences of the Count de la Garde.) 
 
 III. Tales Out of School Ill 
 
 (From the notes of Baron von Nostitz.) 
 
 IV. Of Kings and Noble Lords .... 140 
 
 (From the reminiscences of the Countess Lulu Thlir- 
 heim.) 
 
 BEHIND THE SCENES AT THE CONGRESS 
 
 V. Laying the Foundations for the Prussian 
 
 Power 154 
 
 (From the letters of Wilhelm von Humboldt.) 
 
 VI. A Prince of the House of Hapsburg . 224 
 
 (From the diary of Archduke John of Austria.) 
 
 VII. The Master Craftsman of Diplomacy 
 
 Exposes his Hand 276 
 
 (From the letters of Charles Maurice de Talleyrand 
 to his sovereign. King Louis XVIII of France.) 
 
 *VIII. Poland and Saxony One Hundred Years 
 
 Ago 350 
 
 (From the diary of Baron von Stein.) 
 vii 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 THE LEGACY OF VIENNA AT VERSAILLES 
 
 Milestones — The Congress of Vienna and the 
 Peace Conference of Versailles! Exactly 104 
 years of human history lies between them; and 
 what a history! 
 
 The Peace Conference at Versailles is before 
 our eyes; we are all of us more or less partici- 
 pants. Before it met we had visualized its task. 
 That it will decide matters for good and all no 
 one believes or wishes to believe. That it will al- 
 leviate human suffering and right some of the 
 wrongs that have oppressed mankind is the fer- 
 vent hope of the milhons who look toward it for 
 freedom. It is also their hope and belief that the 
 men who make up this conference are animated 
 by the spirit of service — of adjusting affairs so 
 that they will serve the interests of the many and 
 not the few. It is a conference the decisions of 
 which will not be worth the paper they are written 
 on if they do not have the consent of the governed. 
 
 In this lies the strong contrast between the 
 Congress of Vienna and the Peace Conference at 
 
X FOREWORD 
 
 Versailles. Vienna was a congress of princes and 
 arbitrary, rulers. The hereditary overlords de- 
 cided according to their aims and ambitions, in a 
 spirit of greed and selfishness. Its story need not 
 be told by those of us who view its results in the 
 perspective of one hundred years. It has been 
 set down in no uncertain fashion by the men and 
 women who took part in its negotiations and in 
 its gay social life — in diaries and memoirs that 
 disclose only too well their belief that the people 
 existed only to be trafficked in. 
 
 The significant thing about the Congress of 
 Vienna is that the kings and ministers met to 
 prove the accuracy of this belief. It was like a 
 diet that assembled to reaffirm the articles of a 
 creed that had been under fire. The right of the 
 princes to the bodies and souls of their people was 
 being questioned. The French Revolution had 
 caused many hereditary rulers to fear that even 
 the anointed were not safe without proper guar- 
 anties. The Napoleonic regime had swept many 
 petty lords aside and created new ones overnight ; 
 so that it was apparent even to the humblest Rus- 
 sian muzhik that royalty was often a most hu- 
 man institution. Moreover, the common people 
 heard from the sailors and the merchant classes 
 that across the seas a new nation was growing up 
 without kings or privileged rulers of any kind. 
 It was exactly the logical moment for reaction to 
 
FOREWORD xi 
 
 reassert itself, and the argument of Talleyrand 
 for "legitimacy," in which he set forth that only a 
 legitimate ruler insured a stable government, was 
 the logical result of circumstances, even though 
 he advanced it with the selfish motive of putting 
 the Bourbons securely back into power. 
 
 The Congress of Vienna was called into being 
 by an article in the treaty signed at Paris, May 
 30, 1814, after Napoleon had been crushed by a 
 coalition composed of England, Austria, Russia, 
 and Prussia, and had abdicated at Fontainebleau. 
 It was to begin October 1, 1814, and credentials 
 were to be presented November 1, 1814. About 
 ninety persons actually took part in the Congress, 
 but the number of those present on various mis- 
 sions was much larger. Virtually all the sover- 
 eigns of Europe whose fortunes had been affected 
 by the Napoleonic Wars were there. In addi- 
 tion a great many political groups that sought 
 recognition from the powers were represented 
 by lobbyists. Every salon was a political camp. 
 
 When the Congress assembled, Czar Alexan- 
 der of Russia was its dominating figure. His 
 arms had Been overwhelmingly victorious, and he 
 stood ready to profit by their success. Early in 
 his career he had shown the most liberal tend- 
 encies. To many he was known as "the dream 
 prince." When the Congress closed, it was found 
 that Talleyrand had been its most influential 
 
xii FOREWORD 
 
 figure. As the plenipotentiary of Louis XVIII 
 he had split the allies, driven a wedge between 
 Austria and Prussia, and formed an alliance of 
 defense against Russia and Prussia with Austria, 
 England, and Bavaria. 
 
 England's spokesman was Lord Castlereagh 
 (later Marquis of Londonderry), and for a short 
 time the Duke of Wellington. Prussia was rep- 
 resented by its chancellor, Hardenberg, and to a 
 great degree by Wilhelm von Humboldt. Aus- 
 tria was represented by ^letternich. 
 
 By a secret article in the Treaty of Paris the 
 four powers that had been allied against Na- 
 poleon agreed that they alone should decide on 
 the division of territory, and that France and 
 Spain should later be called into consultation. 
 Talleyrand broke up this plan by playing on the 
 prejudices of the allies. He found that Austria's 
 weak spot was the fear of Prussia's growing mili- 
 tary power. Therefore he seconded Austria's 
 opposition to the seizing of the whole of Saxony 
 by Prussia. 
 
 Prussia demanded Saxony because Russia de- 
 manded the Slav districts of southern Prussia. 
 Saxony was regarded as an outlaw state because 
 its king had supported Napoleon to the end. 
 Other German states, notably Bavaria, had sup- 
 ported Napoleon at one time or another, but they 
 had joined the cause of the allies before Napoleon 
 
FOREWORD xiii 
 
 was defeated. Russia supported the claims of 
 Prussia against Saxony; Prussia supported the 
 claims of Russia against Poland. 
 
 Austria demanded a share of Saxony, Italy, 
 and Poland. It was willing to relinquish its hold- 
 ings in the Netherlands, which were becoming 
 burdensome. Russia objected to appeasing Aus- 
 tria by giving up Polish territory, and Prussia 
 did not want to strengthen Austria by giving up 
 any part of Saxony. 
 
 Some of the minor German princes, reahzing 
 their inability to cope with the larger powers, had 
 reverted to the idea of a German empire. A 
 number of able men had toyed with the plan, but 
 the animosities of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria 
 made united action impossible. The chief expo- 
 nent of this idea was Baron von Stein, who looked 
 forward to an empire with a liberal constitution. 
 Austria supported the project half-heartedly, re- 
 j fusing to enter into it as long as it appeared that 
 Prussia might be an effective antagonist. Prus- 
 1 sia was on the other side of the argument, and 
 ' hoped eventually to be so strong in Germany that 
 i Austria could be disregarded and Prussia could 
 acquire the kaiserdom. It was not until 1871 that 
 Bismarck was able to arrogate the imperial crown 
 ! to Prussia by means of the Franco-Prussian 
 
 i War. 
 
 The smaller nations had various aims. Wiir- 
 
xiv FOREWORD 
 
 temberg opposed the growth of Prussia, but 
 could not hinder it. The Crown Prince of Wiir- 
 temberg, who seems to have been more self-as- 
 sertive than his father, leaned toward Russia and 
 sought Alexander's support for the restoration 
 of the German empire, using his projected mar- 
 riage with the sister of the czar as his bid for sup- 
 port, and hoping eventually to become command- 
 er-in-chief of the army of the German Confed- 
 eration. Before the Congress ended, both Wiir- 
 temberg and Bavaria gave constitutions to their 
 people. 
 
 The Scandinavian nations were also repre- 
 sented at the Congress, but for the most part 
 went empty-handed. The Russian power, which 
 had its genesis in Bjorko, in Lake Malar, and 
 was still regarded as barbarian when the Congress 
 of Utrecht met one hundred years before, 
 rounded out the work of conquest begun with the 
 defeat of Charles XII of Sweden at Pultowa, 
 and held fast to Finland. Pultowa is in the 
 Ukraine, which to-day is knocking at the gates of 
 Versailles for freedom from the yoke of Petro- 
 grad. Finland, still the battle-ground of Russo- 
 German intrigue, is looking to Versailles for 
 guidance to realize its national aspirations. 
 
 In the readjustments that were effected when 
 the return of Napoleon from Elba forced the sov- 
 ereigns to drop their animosities and unite once 
 
FOREWORD XV 
 
 more, Russia retained the greater part of Poland 
 and Bessarabia, and allowed Prussia to keep 
 Posen and Austria to effect a slight rectification 
 of its frontier. Austria gave Belgium to the 
 house of Orange, which made it a part of the 
 Kingdom of the Netherlands. Austria gained 
 Lombardy, Venetia, Illyria, Tyrol, and Salzburg. 
 Prussia gi^udgingly took two fifths of Saxony 
 and certain provinces on the Rhine that were so 
 badly gerrymandered that general opprobrium 
 was visited on the Prussian delegates when they 
 returned to Berlin. Pomerania, which had been 
 Swedish, also went to Prussia. Lauenburg was 
 given to Denmark, but this failed to compensate 
 for the loss of Norway to Sweden. The Saxon 
 King retained his throne and a small fraction of 
 his kingdom, including his best cities, Leipsic and 
 Dresden. It was the Congress of Vienna that 
 gave Helgoland to England, as well as Malta 
 and the Ionian Isles. In its haste it forgot about 
 the little strip of land at the point where Holland, 
 I Germany, and Belgium unite, called Moresnet, 
 'which for a hundred years has had no ruler and 
 ino flag. 
 
 Versailles is dominated by the idea of a league 
 
 of nations to enforce peace; Vienna was domi- 
 
 'nated by the man who years before had dreamed 
 
 of a similar league of nations — Alexander of 
 
 'Russia. But, when the Congress met, Alexander 
 
xvi FOREWORD 
 
 had forgotten his dream. The league was first 
 broached in Alexander's instructions to his envoy 
 in London in 1801. It professed to form a bond 
 between the nations of Europe on the basis of the 
 existing international situation, each nation giv- 
 ing aid to another in case of need. In phraseology 
 it expressed many noble virtues, but it was dis- 
 tinctly meant to be a creation of princes to main- 
 tain their power. It was the forerunner of the 
 *'holy" alliance formed between Austria, Prus- 
 sia, and Russia after Waterloo. 
 
 In the final act of Vienna in 1820 the idea of 
 an international court took expression in a clause 
 which provided that "the confederated states en- 
 gage not to make war against one another on any 
 pretext, nor to pursue their differences by force 
 of arms, but to submit them to the diet, which 
 shall attempt to mediate by means of a commis- 
 sion. If this should not succeed, and a judicial 
 sentence becomes necessary, recourse shall be 
 had to a well organized court, to the decision of 
 which the contending parties will submit without 
 appeal." The court was never organized, or pro- 
 vided with means of enforcing its decisions. 
 
 A peace conference is sometimes spoken of as 
 a high court which shall judge good and evil 
 among the nations. It is scarcely that so long as 
 it represents only one group of litigants. There 
 is hope among many students of political affairs 
 
FOREWORD xvii 
 
 in the United States and England that the con- 
 ference of Versailles may grow into such a court. 
 The development is logical, and would almost 
 seem to have a parallel in the development of 
 our civil courts. 
 
 A congress of nations like that at Vienna, or 
 a peace conference like that at Versailles, is based 
 first of all on force. The men who gathered at 
 Vienna disposed of their world according to terms 
 that they could enforce. Alexander could speak 
 with decision because a great Russian army stood 
 on Russia's western boundaries. The allies and 
 the United States are able to dictate terms of 
 peace because they can enforce that peace. But 
 there is this difference: At ^^ienna force served 
 the outworn institution of the nobility and divine 
 right; at Versailles force is in the hands of men 
 who are directly representative of the actual rul- 
 ing element in their political group. 
 
 In this regard their position is analogous to 
 that of the Vigilantes of frontier days, who or- 
 ganized to run down the horse-thief, and, when 
 they caught him, strung him up. Their rule also 
 was based on force. It was a force that was ap- 
 proved by the best interests of the community, 
 the group that approved law and order; in other 
 words, security of life and property. It was done 
 by consent of the governed, and objected to only 
 by the small minority of disturbers, who soon 
 
xviii FOREWORD 
 
 mended their ways. The Vigilantes went back to 
 their every-day tasks when the legitimate work 
 of the courts was made possible. 
 
 It is therefore not out of place to hope that the 
 peace conference, which has seen an international 
 horse-thief caught and punished, and has now 
 assembled to restore stolen property, may grow 
 into an international court of justice. There is 
 one difficulty in the way. The Vigilantes were 
 sufficiently close to the horse-thief and his gang 
 to hang the ringleader and convert his accom- 
 plices. The work of converting a criminal nation 
 that is powerful enough to maintain its own point 
 of view within its own borders, and is not easily 
 susceptible to pressure other than force from 
 without, presents a problem vastly more difficult 
 of solution. But it can and must be solved. 
 
 It is highly significant that virtually all of the 
 men who kept diaries at the time of the Con- 
 gress of Vienna or who wrote memoirs twenty 
 years after estimated the Congress at its true 
 value. They knew exactly why they had come 
 and what they might expect. Restoration — a 
 return to conditions of pre-Napoleonic times — 
 was their watchword, at least the watchword of 
 the greater princes. The fact that some of the 
 petty princes had lost their thrones and their 
 privileges in the upheaval did not disturb them. 
 They v/ere willing to profit by the situation and 
 
FOREWORD xlx 
 
 to remove these sources of bickering and discon- 
 tent. Political entities were becoming larger 
 and more powerful ; the day of strongly national- 
 ized groups w^as at hand. 
 
 In the past nationalism had not even been a 
 determining factor in the choice of diplomats by 
 the different European courts. It is true that 
 England's foreign policy was conducted by Eng- 
 lishmen who had the welfare of their own na- 
 tion at heart, and to this may be ascribed not a 
 little of England's success in foreign fields. The 
 political affairs of France had remained almost 
 exclusively in the hands of Frenchmen, but at 
 other Continental courts foreigners often decided 
 on the most vital questions that could affect the 
 nations' future. So many nationalities were rep- 
 resented in the entourage of Czar Alexander at 
 the Congress of Vienna — and at other diplomatic 
 conferences — that it is proper to ask whether 
 there was anything left for the Russian people 
 to do except support the foreign administration 
 and bleed for their country. Capo d'Istria was 
 born on the island of Corfu, and received his 
 title from the Duke of Savoy; the cause of the 
 Greek republic lay close to his heart. Later he 
 became Russian minister of foreign affairs jointly 
 with Nesselrode. The Nesselrodes hailed from 
 Livonia, but the migration of the family from 
 Westphalia was comparatively recent, and Nes- 
 
XX FOREWORD * 
 
 selrode himself received a thoroughgoing Ger- 
 man education. Baron von Stein was a German. 
 Pozzo di Borgo was a Corsican who was at first 
 intimately associated with the fortunes of France, 
 but was later exiled by Napoleon. Czartoryski 
 was a Pole. The conglomerate character of Aus- 
 trian ministries is a matter of history. Even 
 Prussia, which set great store by nationality, was 
 not averse to taking brilliant men into its service 
 from other countries. It was Hardenberg, it will 
 be remembered, who found a place in Prussia for 
 the Danish delegate at the Congress, Bernstorff. 
 
 There is no cloud on the origin and nationality 
 of the men who represent the various nations at 
 the peace conference at Versailles. Indeed, so 
 sharply have the lines been drawn that no people 
 to-day will permit its fortunes to be put into the 
 hands of a stranger, or of any man whose nation- 
 ality is not the same as their own. 
 
 In attempting to adjust affairs for the future, 
 Vienna erred in not being guided by the lessons 
 of the past. It took for granted that human af- 
 fairs had remained in a cataleptic state, despite 
 the fact that Europe had just passed through a 
 cataclysm. It failed to interpret aright the spirit 
 that was born with the French Revolution. It 
 attributed the upheaval that followed to the per- 
 sonal influence of one man. Napoleon, by whom 
 it imagined the people had been misled. It failed 
 
FOREWORD xxi 
 
 to realize that Napoleon was wholly as much a 
 product of his time as the wars were a product 
 of his ambition. Fifty years before he might 
 have been another Zacharias Werner, shouting 
 and gesticulating from the political pulpit to an 
 amused, interested, but non-responsive congrega- 
 tion. 
 
 In attempting to adjust affairs in order that 
 there will be a measure of security in Europe in 
 the future, the men who meet at Versailles have 
 before them the lessons of the last hundred years 
 of progreSo toward democratic government. 
 Since the Congress of Vienna history has been 
 written with an eye to movements and tendencies 
 among the people. At Vienna the princes looked 
 down with contempt on the common herd; at 
 Versailles the delegates prefer to call themselves 
 spokesmen of the popular will. Their success will 
 depend entirely on how well they interpret that 
 will. 
 
 Harry Hansen. 
 
 Versailles, France, December, 1918, 
 
THE LIGHTER SIDE OF 
 THE CONGRESS 
 
A PEACE CONGRESS 
 OF INTRIGUE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THOSE WHO DANCED AT THE 
 CONGRESS 
 
 FROM THE REMINISCENCES OF THE COUNTESS 
 BERNSTORFF 
 
 "The Congress dances but accomplishes nothing," 
 said that old wit, the Prince de Ligne, and his mot be- 
 came traditional. If later generations came to think 
 of the Congress of Vienna as a gay, colorful assembly 
 of royal merrymakers, it was largely due to reminis- 
 cences such as these which Elise von Dernath, Countess 
 Bernstorff, wrote for her children twenty-three years 
 after the event. The social position of the countess 
 was unapproachable. Her husband. Christian Giinther 
 von Bernstorff, was so beloved in Vienna that he was 
 enabled to reside there during a period when Austria 
 was nominally at war with Denmark. He was Danish 
 ambassador at Vienna and delegate for Denmark to 
 the Congress with his brother Joachim. The name 
 comes down to our own day, for the Schleswig-Holstein 
 
 3 
 
4 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 question, which this Bernstorff tried, and failed to 
 solve, may come up again for settlement before the 
 peace conference at Versailles ; it is significant also that 
 it was a member of this family who represented Ger- 
 many as ambassador to the United States immediately 
 before America entered the war. Countess Bernstorff 
 was the daughter of the Count of Dernath, and calls 
 herself German on the ground of her Holstein nativity. 
 It is not unlikely that when Prince Hardenberg, the 
 Prussian chancellor, asked Count Bernstorff to enter 
 the Prussian diplomatic service in 1818, his wife's pre- 
 dilections for Prussia may have been a determining 
 factor in placing the Bernstorff family in the Prussian 
 service. 
 
 THOSE WHO DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 
 
 When I let this wonderful time pass in re- 
 view before my mind's eye, so many different pic- 
 tures suggest themselves that I do not know how 
 to unite them; the less so because, unhappily, 
 not all the facts are at my command. Although 
 the Congress had called together the exalted 
 heads of the greatest empires, because it was to 
 decide the most important interests of the na- 
 tions, that had put the long rule of oppression 
 behind them, and to order anew their political 
 relations, yet the task was so tremendous, so dif- 
 ficult, and the interests of those engaged were 
 often so diametrically opposed to one another, 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 5 
 
 that it seemed at first to all observers as if they 
 would not be able to agree. 
 
 It seemed as if the mutual friendly relations 
 were used only for the purpose of investigation, 
 and there was the atmosphere of a thunder-storm 
 and a weight on the spirits. In order to get rid 
 of this and to obtain composure, we entered heart- 
 ily into diversions, and it appeared as if the great 
 lords, with their numerous followings, had come 
 to Vienna solely for the purpose of allowing 
 themselves to be entertained to the fullest extent 
 by their imperial host and to enjoy new festivi- 
 ties daily. 
 
 Tremendous arrangements had been made in 
 the Burg [Hofburg, the place of the Hapsburgs 
 in Vienna] for this hospitality; it cost daily, as 
 it was said, 500,000 gulden [$240,000]. Coffee 
 was cooked in nothing less than enormous brew- 
 ing-kettles. Innumerable cooks were in action; 
 above all, the royal stables used up enormous 
 sums, as a carriage was kept ready for use for 
 every one of the big and little lords. It is prob- 
 able that hospitality has never been practised 
 on a greater scale than at that time by the Em- 
 peror of Austria. Every sovereign found him- 
 self placed so that he could not miss any of the 
 comforts of his own court. Quarters, attendance, 
 equipage— everything was imperial; everything 
 was of that solid pomp such as appertains to 
 
6 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 the princes of the house of Austria and was pos- 
 sible only through the extraordinary wealth not 
 only of the royal house, but of that of a large 
 number of private persons. The Congress is said 
 to have cost the court of Vienna nearly 30,000,- 
 000 gulden. It was at that time that the old 
 Prince de Ligne spoke the mot that has become 
 famous, "Le Congres danse, mais il ne marche 
 pas." 
 
 So long as the Congress was so idle and en- 
 gaged solely in celebrating and in dancing, could 
 any one think ill of us women if we thought of 
 ourselves as the principal characters ? There was 
 festival after festival, and apparently only the 
 most prominent, elegant, and youngest men and 
 women were the regular participants; whereas 
 all the others seemingb^ played the role of super- 
 numeraries. 
 
 Especially amusing was the mixture of all sorts 
 of persons who thought that they had business 
 at the Congress, and some of whom actually had 
 been sent there with a purpose, if not to transact 
 business, at least to observe. 
 
 We saw here nobles and learned men who 
 never before had been on a business errand, but 
 who now considered themselves highly important, 
 and in this belief adopted a patronizing attitude. 
 There were professors who imagined that the 
 Congress, at which they were merely spectators. 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 7 
 
 was grouped about their academic chairs; but 
 they soon went about at a loss, complaining that 
 they could not find out what was actually going 
 on. Others, naturally, could appear only as pri- 
 vate persons because they hoped to act in secret. 
 Many a philanthropist carried a completed con- 
 stitution in his pocket; but, sad to relate, it did 
 not see the light of day. 
 
 In addition to this, picture to yourself the nu- 
 merous following of the high and highest per- 
 sonages, — the swarm of German high nobility, 
 the crowd of strangers who had been attracted 
 by the great drama, — and you will be able to 
 get an idea of the scene in Vienna at the begin- 
 ning of October. 
 
 When I call back my memory of the crowned 
 heads, I see in the foreground the Russian Czar, 
 whose story has always attracted me, and whose 
 tragic death in the year 1825 affected me se- 
 verely. His splendid, handsome, knightly ap- 
 pearance, the graciousness of his actions, would 
 have won him even more conquests if at the same 
 time there had not been a sort of enigmatic re- 
 serve, something gloomy and depressed, in his 
 manner. It was not until later that I learned 
 that at that time he was under the influence of 
 Madame von Krudener [a religious enthusiast] 
 and believed himself the liberator and benefactor 
 
8 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 fiof mankind, and therefore found himself in- 
 ivolved in a world full of contradictions. 
 
 Beside him appeared King Frederick William 
 III, also a heroic figure, but as simple and manly 
 and unassuming as his imperial friend was daz- 
 zling and proud. He impressed by his earnest 
 military attitude, and the stiffness and strength 
 in his expression were attributed to his mourning 
 for his deceased queen [Queen Louise of Prus- 
 sia]. 
 
 From these two I turn to the prince who stood 
 first in our hearts, the good King of the Danes, 
 Frederick VI. With some apprehension we 
 looked forward to his appearance. This man, 
 who was such an excellent monarch, suffered 
 from the reputation, not wholly unfounded, of 
 having been to blame for the misfortune which 
 followed him during his long rule; in addition 
 to that he had come into general disfavor by his 
 alliance with France. Then there was his some- 
 what repulsive exterior, but the modest friendli- 
 ness of his bearing, his gracious, unpretentious 
 attitude, soon won him all hearts and assured him 
 honorable recognition. 
 
 There remain but two kings, two grand dukes, 
 and three dukes for me to describe. I have but 
 little to say of any of them. King Max Joseph 
 of Bavaria seemed to me a jovial, good-hearted 
 man; the King of Wurtemberg, Frederick, a 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 9 
 
 very stout, comical man ; and Grand Duke Karl 
 of Baden appeared unprepossessing and was un- 
 communicative. The Duke of Weimar, Karl 
 August, was by reputation most accomplished 
 and a patron of all the arts and sciences, and 
 soon proved himself a most liberal-minded prince. 
 Duke Frederick William of Brunswick-Oels ap- 
 peared crowned with laurel, but in a not very 
 prepossessing person, with a somewhat diffident 
 manner that was not at all taking. Duke Ernst 
 of Coburg, on the other hand, made a vain pre- 
 tense to good looks. The prejudice that he was 
 still secretly a friend of the French was held 
 against Duke Frederick William of Nassau- 
 Weilburg, a most cultivated and agreeable man. 
 The heir apparent, Leopold of Dessau, and his 
 brother George were youthful spectators in 
 Vienna. 
 
 The two crown princes of Bavaria and Wlir- 
 temberg were almost enemies. The crown prince 
 of Wiirtemberg was married to Charlotte, sec- 
 ond daughter of the King of Bavaria, and was 
 now engaged in obtaining a divorce in order to 
 marry his first love, the Grand Duchess Kath- 
 erine Pavlovna, who since 1812 had been the 
 widowed Duchess George of Oldenberg. This 
 led to a sort of personal rivalry between the two 
 in Vienna. 
 
 The Princes William [youngest brother of the 
 
10 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 King of Prussia] and August [brother of Prince 
 Louis Ferdinand] of Prussia conducted them- 
 selves well and in a dignified manner. Prince 
 William of Holstein-Beck,nephew of the King of 
 Denmark, was an attractive, pleasing, quiet man 
 who longed too much to be back at the cradle of 
 his children. Prince Leopold of Sicily, later al- 
 ways called Prince of Salerno [the youngest son 
 of the King of the Two Sicilies, Ferdinand I], 
 whose good-heartedness shone through an ugly 
 countenance, and who had the reputation of be- 
 ing very learned, was nevertheless the terror of 
 all the women because of his bear-like dancing. 
 The archdukes appeared not only with the great- 
 est modesty, but, because of natural diffidence, 
 kept as much as possible in the background. I 
 made no sort of acquaintance with most of them. 
 Of the many brothers of Emperor Francis [of 
 Austria] I call to mind only Archduke John and 
 Archduke Karl, the victor of Aspern, whom we 
 regarded with a great deal of interest despite 
 his ugliness; at different times he exchanged a 
 few friendly words with me. 
 
 Archduke Ferdinand of Este, the youngest 
 brother of the third consort of Emperor Francis, 
 Marie Louise Beatrice of Modena, was the only 
 dancer among the archdukes, a most polite and 
 agreeable man. He was a grandson of the Em- 
 press Maria Theresa ; his father, Ferdinand, had 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 11 
 
 married the heiress of the house of Este, Beatrice, 
 and was the first Duke of Modena in the house 
 of Austria. Of the archduke heir apparent, Fer- 
 dinand, all sorts of interesting stories were told. 
 
 A member of the Berlin court, the gracious 
 Prince Anthony Radziwill, I will not omit men- 
 tioning here. Even if he had no part in the trans- 
 actions of the Congress, yet he contributed in 
 great measure to the entertainment, and I will 
 have much to tell about him later on. His rela- 
 tive, the charming Prince Adam Czartoryski, 
 friend of Czar Alexander, had an entirely differ- 
 ent place at the Congress. Quiet, and keeping to 
 himself, he appeared but little at the festivities, 
 but tried all the more energetically to act for 
 the best interests of his people. His physiog- 
 nomy, his whole being, drew me toward him, and 
 with interest and sorrow I followed his career. 
 Pozzo di Borgo, St. Marsan, Anstetten, Pal- 
 mella, Dalberg — these all are names of the great 
 diplomats whom I saw with interest in these 
 times. 
 
 Baron von Stein played an important part at 
 the Congress by the force of his personality, even 
 if he was not actively attached to it. He stood 
 as a colossus of the firmest will and immovable 
 self- sufficiency, and many eyes regarded him 
 thankfully and hopefully. Baron Hans von 
 
12 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Gagern, the representative of the Netherlands, 
 was a character of an entirely different sort. 
 
 It was at the home of Prince Metternich, the 
 chief of the statesmen, that we first had our view 
 of this colorful world. It was on October 2, 
 even before the arrival of the sovereigns, that we 
 found assembled there every one who had been 
 called hither by the Congress. Our host gave up 
 trying to make every one in the crowd known 
 to one another, and tired of asking questions, I 
 awaited time and opportunity to make me ac- 
 quainted with these new guests. The remark- 
 ably confiding address of a young German be- 
 came most annoying to me ; his impolite advance 
 drove me more and more into a corner, until I 
 found myself between a console and the aggress- 
 ive stranger. 
 
 Finally I gave an answer that made him pon- 
 der, and which freed me from his unwelcome 
 presence. He had expressed his astonishment 
 that I spoke German so well and did not prefer 
 Hungarian; but upon learning that I could not 
 speak Hungarian and was not a Hungarian, he 
 hurriedly left me in order to ask my name. As 
 I did the same, I learned that the man who was 
 returning to me was the Crown Prince of Ba- 
 varia. This knowledge, however, could not lead 
 me to forgive his conduct, no matter how great 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 13 
 
 the compliment when he told me that he had 
 taken me for Julia Zichy [a famous beauty of 
 the Congress]. He now expressed his astonish- 
 ment at my German speech, since he considered 
 me Danish, and no matter how I fought this 
 view, for as a native of Holstein I could and 
 wished to think of myself as German, he did 
 not desist from the idea he had formed, and 
 afterward twitted me again and again with the 
 peculiarities of the Danish women, their reserve, 
 etc. 
 
 But why do I tarry to describe such unimpor- 
 tant things before telling about the actual open- 
 ing of this great epoch, the entry of the mon- 
 archs? We saw them from the windows of a 
 house that the court chamberlain had leased ad- 
 joining the Burg for the prince of Holstein- 
 Beck, who accompanied our king. At first Czar 
 Alexander and King Frederick William [of 
 Prussia] entered on horseback, and between them 
 rode Emperor Francis, who had gone out to 
 greet them. This procession was led by the 
 richly caparisoned noble guard of the Hunga- 
 rians, with Prince Esterhazy at their head, attired 
 in the uniform of a magnate, the value of which 
 was said to be several million gulden. The pearl 
 pendants on his boots and the aigrette of gems 
 in his head-gear are famous. The impression 
 which the prince and princess made on the popu- 
 
14 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 lace was far different from what had been ex- 
 pected. 
 
 The noble, refined bearing of King Frederick 
 William and his manly earnestness won him gen- 
 eral applause, which he neither sought nor de- 
 sired. Alexander, on the other hand, was unable 
 to win the Viennese public away from him [Fred- 
 erick William] either at this time or later, and 
 even to me there was something about his over- 
 friendly attitude and solicitous greeting that did 
 not please me. The King of Prussia appeared 
 altogether too serious, but the natural and easy 
 bearing and well-intentioned friendliness of my 
 own Emperor Francis pleased me best of all. 
 
 A few days later Emperor Francis also went 
 out to meet our good King Frederick [of Den- 
 mark] and this time in a carriage. I was con- 
 cerned not a little when I found that the unat- 
 tractiveness of our monarch was increased by a 
 rash, which was due to the heat experienced on 
 the journey; nevertheless the good Viennese 
 public here expressed that favor which it always 
 demonstrated toward the Danish King. 
 
 The September sun shone down on this spec- 
 tacle. On October 1 a splendid concert opened 
 the great festivities at the Burg. In the riding- 
 school, which had been converted into an audi- 
 torium, five hundred voices sang Handel's great 
 oratorio "Samson," Later his ^'Festival of Alex- 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 15 
 
 ander" was performed in the same manner. A 
 few days later the same riding-school was the 
 scene of a bal pare, of which the extraordinary 
 feature was not only a great number of beau- 
 tifully attired women and men bedecked with 
 orders, but especially the tremendous dimensions 
 of that hall. 
 
 After strolling through the ball-rooms, one 
 perceived a truly magnificent spectacle on the 
 landing of a large staircase. From this galleries 
 extended around the upper part of the haJl, 
 where the concerts had been given. In the place 
 of windows were seen enormous mirrors in which 
 sparkled the reflection from a hundred thousand 
 lights. The staircase, dividing to two sides, led 
 down to the splendid parquet of the lower hall 
 along the walls of which were rows of seats as 
 in an amphitheater. Blinded, almost dizzy, I re- 
 mained a few moments above, and then viewed 
 from below the dazzling procession which, com- 
 prising the numerous court of Vienna united with 
 all the foreign courts, descended the stairs. 
 There was dancing, but for the most part the 
 time was passed in gazing about this new, strange 
 world and in asking about this or that striking 
 personage. At this affair I saw the Prince Witt- 
 genstein for the first time. 
 
 After eight or fourteen days a new festival was 
 given in this hall, a masked ball, which, however. 
 
16 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 most of the participants, including myself, at- 
 tended without costume. I recall with pleasure 
 a beautiful group of twenty-four attractive Vien- 
 nese women. They represented the four ele- 
 ments in groups of six each. The youngest and 
 most delicate figures had been chosen to repre- 
 sent the air ; they were dressed in the filmiest veil- 
 ing. The nymphs of the sea were richly deco- 
 rated with pearls and corals, and the spectator 
 missed none of their charms. For fire scrupulous 
 care with regard to age had been taken, and 
 therefore our friend, the Princess Kaunitz, had 
 a place among the sextet that she filled most 
 worthily. Her eyes seemed to burn in competi- 
 tion with the costume, which was the color of fire, 
 and I seemed to become heated when this sala- 
 mander brood passed by. Behind them, with 
 heavy tread, came six well-proportioned matrons, 
 bedecked with jewels and gold and other costly 
 products of the earth, each of these worthily rep- 
 resenting Mother Earth. On their heads they 
 wore little gold baskets laden so heavily with the 
 fruit of autumn that the forehead of one of them 
 bled under the bandeau to which the baskets were 
 fastened. It seemed to me that the joy of the 
 moment was too dearly bought by this drop of 
 blood. 
 
 We had been cautious enough to remain away 
 from an enormous popular festival in the Augar- 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 17 
 
 ten. We were told no end of things about the 
 crowd that had gathered there; it had been so 
 unusual that many of the most prominent women 
 came home with torn clothes, and later missed 
 many of their gems. The Princess Colloredo, 
 who is inchned to be stout, not only had her skirt 
 torn from her in the crowd, but even her sleeves.^ 
 In a large hall built of boards for this occasion, 
 and which adjoined the pavilion erected by Em- 
 peror Joseph II, the famous, and at that time 
 already aged. Admiral Sidney Smith [born 
 1764; died 1840] later gave an affair for the 
 benefit of the negro slaves, and invited all sover- 
 eigns, with their following, and the mightiest and 
 the least powerful of the princes to a dinner. It 
 was known in advance that he was prepared to 
 give tremendous speeches in which he would plead 
 in behalf of the slaves, and would propose to 
 have the Congress unanimously adopt a resolu- 
 tion to abolish the slave-trade. I do not recall 
 whether he started a collection for them at table 
 or whether the ball that followed, to which every 
 invited gentleman had been asked to bring a 
 partner, was a picnic or paid for from the purse 
 of Sidney Smith. 
 
 It is thoroughly impressed on my memory, 
 however, that with the Russian delegate, the 
 
 ^ Another version of this public festival in the Augarten is told 
 by the Count de la Garde, who ostensibly suffered no such dis- 
 ability. 
 
18 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Countess Stackelberg, born Countess Ludolf, 
 with whom I had made an appointment, I over- 
 looked the correct hour, and arrived while the 
 men were still dining. We had ourselves directed 
 quickly into the vacant ball-room, and pleaded 
 that our premature arrival be not announced. 
 Czar Alexander, however, learned of it, and 
 glad, perhaps, of an opportunity to avoid the 
 endless speeches of his host, and perhaps also in 
 order to enjoy our embarrassment, persuaded the 
 King of Denmark to pay his respects to his part- 
 ner — who was myself — at once. The czar arose 
 from dinner, and the retinue of both monarchs 
 did the same. Shrinking in a corner behind a 
 pillar, we heard the approaching steps and the 
 clatter of sabers, and to our horror saw the king, 
 led by the czar, enter our large hall, look sharply 
 for us, and then hasten toward us. We heard the 
 czar joke about the impatience of his royal 
 brother, who wished to thank the woman of his 
 choice for the alacrity with which she had re- 
 sponded to his call. Then he grasped my hand 
 with a great display of courtesy, and kissed the 
 large spot where unhappily a tear in my glove 
 exposed my hand. 
 
 This intimacy almost confounded me, as it was 
 wholly unexpected, coming from him. I was not 
 present at the first reception, at which all the 
 Viennese women were presented to him, and 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 19 
 
 therefore had remained a stranger to him until 
 now. This awkward omission had left him and 
 me both ill at ease, and until this time he had 
 not known how to make my acquaintance. At a 
 ball of the Countess Zichy it happened that I 
 danced opposite him in a "tempete" kno\Mi as 
 "Figaro," and at every posture he gave me the 
 compliment that belonged to the dance, but was 
 no longer used, and probably forty times I had 
 to acknowledge his unusually low and respect- 
 ful bow. At another time — the great crowds 
 found at all private functions excused it — it hap- 
 pened that I brushed the round back of this great 
 lord somewhat roughly, and my glance asking 
 for forgiveness — interrupted shortly after by 
 those coming between us — won a most friendly 
 greeting from him. After such pantomimic 
 greetings my first humorous conversation was 
 doubly painful, and my mischievous husband, 
 who came in the retinue of the king [of Den- 
 mark] and stood near by, hugely enjoyed my 
 discomfiture. 
 
 Happily this little scene was soon terminated 
 by the arrival of a number of women and by the 
 request of the host that the great lords respect- 
 fully return to the table. This host was con- 
 spicuously active. He was a little man, slightly 
 deformed, whose rather generous proportions 
 proved an advantage, since it meant much for 
 
W A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 him to bedeck himself with his innumerable or- 
 ders. He did not wear them with the ribbons, 
 as is ordinarily done, but suspended by their 
 chains, of which it is customary to wear only one 
 on great occasions. In order to wear a great 
 many at one time, he had hung them on white 
 silk sashes fastened at the shoulder. As, how- 
 ever, this method did not suffice, and he did not 
 wish to offend any of those present who had 
 given him decorations, he varied his display 
 hourly until all had been exhibited. This and 
 many another idiosyncrasy of the good Sidney 
 Smith caused a jolly air to pervade the assembly, 
 and as the spacious halls easily accommodated 
 the crowd, the dancing gave real novel pleasure. 
 For the first time the crowd enjoyed the polo- 
 naise; we marched up and down the stairs and 
 through the galleries, and altogether this made 
 a charming spectacle. 
 
 On October 18, in commemoration of the bat- 
 tle of the nations, the great new hall of wood 
 on the speedway, adjoining the country home of 
 Prince Metternich, was dedicated. It had been 
 built in the summer, for the opening of the Con- 
 gress had been expected earlier, and Count 
 Fuchs, husband of the gracious Laura, had asked 
 at that time where he might procure tickets for 
 the loges from which he meant to view this spec- 
 tacle. This event, the outcome of which was 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 21 
 
 feared by those who recalled the terrible fire at 
 the Schwarzberger fete in Paris on July 1, 1810, 
 was wholly successful. 
 
 The strictest precautions against fire had been 
 taken. All draperies had been omitted from the 
 large decorations of a noble sort. A row of 
 pillars that encircled the hall formed a series 
 of anterooms in which we could refresh ourselves. 
 Along these pillars, inside the dance-hall, were 
 rows with comfortable seats for the women, and 
 countless lamps made the night like day. Frorri 
 the anterooms broad steps, which were heated, 
 led to the large halls below ground, where a 
 bounteous supper was served. The heat was 
 hardly needed, for pleasant, summer-like weather 
 favored the festival so much that when, like all 
 good things on earth, it reached its close, and the 
 crush for carriages was so tremendous that we 
 had to wait hours for them, the wait on the steps 
 of the landing did not have the discomforts of a 
 cool night. 
 
 I shall never forget the original and beautiful 
 appearance of this scene. Think of a stairway, 
 almost as high as a house, covered with red cloth, 
 canopied with Turkish tents, and lighted by 
 bright pitch torches, on which camped a large 
 part of the company, wrapped in cloaks, with 
 chairs placed on the upper steps for the women, 
 among whom I was included. Thus I waited 
 
22 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 until early dawn for the arrival of my carriage. 
 My husband, who felt indisposed, had left early 
 for home, and had entrusted me to the care of 
 his brother, Joachim. 
 
 A number of weeks later Prince Metternich 
 issued invitations to a costume ball in order to 
 utilize the splendid building once more before 
 the breaking-up of the Congress. No one cared 
 to think that it was going to close soon. In 
 honor of the exalted host and his royal master, 
 the guests agreed to appear in the folk costume 
 of the various countries and provinces that were 
 united under the scepter of Austria. It was 
 necessary not only to choose a costume, but to 
 join a quadrille or to form one. I decided in 
 favor of the latter method, and was pleased when 
 my dear Henriette Schladen, her friend, the 
 beautiful Therese Wrbna, and the attractive 
 Marie Huegel joined me. We all had figures 
 that were very much alike and appeared in most 
 colorful Transylvanian costumes, which fitted 
 our partners even better than us. Baron Karl 
 von Huegel, later the famous traveler, was one 
 of these men; I had chosen Baron William Ham- 
 merstein for my dancing partner; the others I 
 do not recall. I well remember the impatience 
 with which I, attired long before, awaited the 
 coming of the ladies, who were to call for me 
 and who were to be accompanied by the carriage 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 23 
 
 containing our escorts. At last, at the stroke 
 of nine, they were at my door, and it was eleven 
 before we neared the scene of so much splendor, 
 of which much was lost to us by this long trip. 
 The road to our destination, which usually could 
 be traversed in a quarter of an hour at most, was 
 blocked by so many carriages that we might well 
 be thankful for having arrived without injury. 
 
 A dazzling carousal in the imperial riding- 
 academy closed the series of the great fetes of the 
 Congress before the coming of advent. In pri- 
 vate homes, however, many social affairs and 
 theatrical performances still took place. Very 
 pleasing comedies were played at the home of 
 the Princess Bagration, and she herself danced 
 the national dance of her fatherland in Russian 
 costume with a grace and naturalness that is 
 rarely seen in a woman of society. In the Arn- 
 stein home we viewed an exhibit of wax figures, 
 performed by living persons, some of them very 
 1 handsome. 
 
 I The houses of the Jewish bankers Arnstein 
 j and Eskeles were the meeting-places of many 
 I friends, mainly Prussians. New faces were con- 
 ; tinually seen there, partly because travelers came 
 I and went without interruption, and also because 
 1 it proved impossible to become acquainted with 
 1 all members of the Congress and not even with 
 the retinues of the sovereigns in their entirety. 
 
24 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 We women learned to know only such as were 
 enabled by their position and rank to take part 
 in the polonaise. 
 
 The Russians obtruded their presence every- 
 where with their characteristic boldness; espe- 
 cally General Tschernitscheff placed emphasis 
 upon playing an important role, and he succeeded 
 ably. The French, on the contrary, kept in the 
 background. The Prussians had tact enough to 
 mingle but sparingly amid so-called elegant so- 
 ciety. Even if they were not actually clumsy, 
 they were still too good and too matter of fact 
 for society. I remember that I frequently 
 danced a polonaise with Col. Count Schwerin, 
 who died only too soon afterward at Ligny, and 
 with whose widow I became well acquainted 
 later. I was greatly pleased at his simple Ger- 
 man good-heartedness. I waltzed with the Prince 
 of Hohenzollern and also with Brauchitsch, who 
 even at that time seemed to regard me as almost 
 a compatriot of his. 
 
 There were many hosts in the city; Prince 
 Metternich and Prince Trautmannsdorff were 
 the most active entertainers. Even the ambassa- 
 dors and delegates to the Congress did not allow 
 a dearth of invitations. My old patron and 
 uncle on my father's side, the chancellor, Prince 
 Hardenberg [of Prussia], usually arranged 
 things so that I sat beside him, and knew how 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 25 
 
 to make the time fly for me by his charming con- 
 versation. He succeeded more or less in mak- 
 ing me forget what I had heard about his present 
 affairs in Berhn and about his past. He spoke 
 often and gladly about himself, his longing for 
 a comfortable domesticity, and lamented the fate 
 that had always deprived him of it. Humboldt 
 was true to his old practice, and offered me his 
 arm whenever an occasion presented itself. 
 Sometimes it happened that I was escorted by 
 total strangers and was seated beside total 
 strangers. Then I asked the names of my neigh- 
 bors, first to the right and then to the left. This 
 happened in the first days, when I was placed 
 i between Lord Aberdeen and Prince Radziwill, 
 with whom I began at that time an acquaintance 
 that was to be greatly strengthened in Berlin. 
 His cheerful disposition and Polish grace, his 
 German true-heartedness and Polish versatility, 
 appeared to such advantage that his whole being 
 must please in the world outside and charm in 
 his home. He seemed to be a kindly father. 
 Everything — even his making a noise with the 
 I skin of the grape, which he could not keep from 
 j doing below the table — reminded him of the dear 
 \ little ones to whom he introduced me in his stories. 
 I Gentz, the famous statesman and Metternich's 
 right hand and pen, also invited us often to the 
 • most exclusive little dinners, made exclusive bv 
 
26 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 the society with which he knew how to surround 
 himself, and exclusive also by the delicacies which 
 he caused to be gathered from east, west, north, 
 and south. The entrance to his house was in a 
 horrible condition: the entrance to the court 
 seemed likely to break one's neck ; the house door 
 was so low that it threatened to destroy my head- 
 dress ; the stairs, steep and dark, did not disclose 
 to what quarters in the house they led. In these 
 little rooms was heaped up everything that riches, 
 taste, and the most refined elegance knew how to 
 discover. The senses of sight and smell and the 
 desire for comfort were all flattered. The host 
 on this occasion exhibited his graciousness, and I 
 rarely attended gatherings in which cheerfulness 
 and wit, common sense and culture were mingled 
 in such an absorbing manner and where every one 
 amused himself and the company in such an 
 unusual way. 
 
 Once the number of guests surpassed the num- 
 ber of places that he had ready for them. There- 
 fore the table was enlarged to such an extent 
 that the servants could no longer go around it, 
 making it necessary for the serving to take place 
 through three double doors, which had been re- 
 moved. 
 
 I recall that on another occasion I was pre- 
 pared in advance for a meeting with an old Ber- 
 lin acquaintance of my husband at the dinner of 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 27 
 
 Gentz, namely, Rahel Varnhagen, at that time 
 still called the "little Levy." I recall that I 
 greeted her with condescension, and then paid no 
 more attention to this person, who was not espe- 
 cially favored by nature ; for I found more pleas- 
 ure in listening to the ghost-stories that were be- 
 ing told at the table at this moment. Imagine 
 my astonishment in the summer of 1833 when I 
 found this dinner mentioned in the book "Rahel," 
 and discovered that I had been invited princi- 
 pally to meet her. The reference was to this 
 effect : 
 
 "Vienna, December 7, 1814. 
 "Gentz wrote me to postpone the engagement, as the 
 ladies that he had invited on my behalf had to partici- 
 pate in tableaux at court. He left me to choose whether 
 I wished to dine with him without the Countesses Bern- 
 storff and Fuchs, or on Monday with them. I chose 
 the latter because I wanted to see both as matadores 
 of graciousness. Gentz discovered this. Countess 
 Fuchs is the sister of the Countess Plettenberg, and all 
 my men folk are in love with her. Countess Bemstorff 
 is the wife of Count Christian, and I have seen a most 
 charmingly innocent letter of hers, so absolutely dis- 
 creet that she seems singular to me." 
 
 It intrigued me a great deal to learn which of 
 my letters might have come to her knowledge, 
 
28 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 and my dear husband enjoyed the expression, 
 "absolutely discreet." 
 
 As I have gone into the subject of the dinners, 
 I will tell about those that I remember most 
 vividly. One took place at the home of the 
 newly married Count and Countess Miinster 
 [Count Miinster, delegate representing the Eng- 
 lish-Hanoverian interests, was married in 1814 
 to Wilhelmine, Countess of Schaumburg-Lippe]. 
 Joachim also had been invited. We had been 
 well received, and during the dinner we listened 
 to the half-humorous, half-serious observations of 
 Pozzo di Borgo, the interesting Corsican, who 
 was already a famous statesman in the Russian 
 service at that time. 
 
 At the second of these dinners I M-as not so 
 much at home, for our host, Talleyrand, received 
 me alone in place of a hostess. I remained the 
 sole woman present because his niece, the lovely 
 Dorothea [Princess of Courland, whose husband 
 was the Prince Edmond Talleyrand-Perigord], 
 had suddenly become ill. I could not get to feel 
 comfortable; I have no praise for the world- 
 famous graciousness of the host, perhaps because 
 he speaks very softly, and I can hear his words 
 only with great difficulty. His external appear- 
 ance antagonizes me; his stern features, from 
 which sparks of understanding flash almost 
 against his will, and in which one seeks vainly for 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS S9 
 
 any sign of feeling or of pleasure and compla- 
 cency, are horrible to me, and when my affrighted 
 glance measures him, I become repulsed at the 
 sight of his club-foot, which reminds me of my 
 godfather. It was once said of Talleyrand that 
 he was actually kindly, and that if the character- 
 istics which resulted from contact with the world 
 and the contradictions of his being were not taken 
 into account, he was not bad; whereupon *'R.' 
 remarked: *'I believe it. He does not need to 
 be bad; nature has done this for him." 
 
 It is time that I bring my narrative of the din- 
 ners to a close with the remark that we also 
 found it appropriate to entertain our king. He 
 showed us the favor of dining with us three times, 
 and you may well believe that we did everything 
 our household would allow to give these dinners 
 a festive appearance, though in these efforts lay 
 many discomforts and petty and larger sacrifices. 
 A number of cooks were added, the table service 
 was augmented, largely from Count Schulen- 
 burg, my husband's colleague, servants were 
 hired, and, worst of all, I had to clear my bed- 
 room each time; for this, decorated in red dam- 
 ask, became the reception-room. High person- 
 ages were invited as guests, but what I regret 
 most is that no women were invited. And yet 
 the good king seemed glad to be with us. 
 
 A slight cold, which made my wish for the quiet 
 
30 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 of my houshold more acute, had kept me in the 
 house for several weeks. Out of my windows 
 in the meantime I observed a ceremony which 
 was unique of its kind, and intended by the wit 
 of the Congress as the last and newest drama 
 for its members. It was the funeral of a field 
 marshal, that of the wit himself, the old Prince 
 de Ligne, who closed his career on December 17, 
 1814 — an active and eventful career full of 
 achievements, the manifestations of which we fol- 
 lowed through several generations. A gentle 
 death closed with a friendly hand his long and 
 happy life. Surrounded by the numerous mem- 
 bers of his family, — children, grandchildren, 
 and adult great-grandchildren, — he died a pious 
 Catholic. His wit remained faithful to him until 
 the last moment, for when he saw his wife weep- 
 ing in a corner of the room he said in a moved 
 voice: "Ah, voila le perroquet qui pleure! Pauvre 
 perroquet!" ["Ah, there is a parrot that weeps! 
 Poor parrot!"] A kindly father and grand- 
 father and a careless husband, it must be con- 
 fessed, he had always been. He and his wife, who 
 really resembled a parrot, had led a married life 
 like innumerable other lives in the world: they 
 had gone through a long life together without 
 hate and without love for each other. Despite 
 all that, I liked the old hero ; I realized this when 
 I beheld his shabby old hat in the middle of all 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 31 
 
 the pomp of his funeral. That moved me truly, 
 for one will not soon meet a more spirited and 
 harmlessly witty character than this noble, splen- 
 did old man. This I said to myself with sincere 
 feeling. 
 
 I speak here of the Prince de Ligne as the wit 
 of the exalted gathering, and it was his wit which 
 amused all, but Lord Stewart amused them 
 often, even if in an entirely different manner and 
 always unconsciously and in a way rather un- 
 worthy of him. The reputation of being a hero, 
 which was well deserved, had preceded him. 
 Even his appearance was taking, for he was at- 
 tractive, and made a stately appearance in his 
 red uniform of the hussars, and the one eye that 
 was continually moist gave him a rather senti- 
 mental, but not disfiguring, look. This favorable 
 impression was soon obliterated by his aversion, 
 which was disclosed more and more. Stewart's 
 elder brother, the prime minister. Lord Castle- 
 reagh, possessed a natural urbanity which stood 
 in favorable contrast to the unscrupulousness of 
 his brother. He was often accused of deception, 
 but did not deserve this accusation ; his character 
 was one of frank true-heartedness and upright- 
 ness. 
 
 His lack of firmness, his too great readiness to 
 make concessions, often gave his political meth- 
 ods the appearance of deceit. I have found that 
 
32 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 only too often weakness is regarded as deception. 
 In the world of elegance he was not forgiven the 
 youthfulness and the cheerfulness with which he 
 personally opened the ball after dinner at his 
 soirees. But I, however, danced gladly with the 
 happy statesman, because I was glad not to find 
 the lassitude and boredom which usually distin- 
 guishes men of the world, and which unhappily 
 has come to be the fashion among many young 
 men in our own day. 
 
 The love of amusement and dancing was 
 manifest with renewed energy at the beginning 
 of the carnival. It was as if we had just re- 
 turned from the country and longed for the di- 
 version that we had long missed. The opening 
 of the carnival consisted, curiously enough, of 
 three or four balls for children ; after a few hours 
 the little guests departed to make room for the 
 grown-ups. My husband declared himself unre- 
 servedly against this unchildlike amusement. 
 Only in the case of the children's ball given by 
 the Stackelbergs was an exception unavoidable. 
 Henriette still holds a lively memory of this early 
 look into the great world. She remembers with 
 pleasure her little experiences at this ball, and 
 with horror that she nearly stepped on the toes 
 of the King of Prussia. I tried to keep my eye 
 on my little treasures as much as possible in the 
 crowd of this colorful world of children and 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 33 
 
 princely personages, of attentive mothers and 
 young women busy with themselves; I observed 
 with pleasure her natural, childlike manner, 
 which stood so favorably in contrast to that of 
 her playmates, who for the most part were re- 
 splendent in most unchildlike decorations. Their 
 high coiffures were adorned with artificial flow- 
 ers, they wore gowns of silk and tulle; the bou- 
 quet on the left side and the little fan completed 
 their woman's finery. Most of them were very 
 pretty; they formed a pleasing group of chil- 
 dren, among which my own dear ones had a de- 
 served place. 
 
 Despite the apparent unanimity and agree- 
 ment w^ith which the princes and their ministers 
 associated, this attitude in general was mislead- 
 ing, for exactly in this month of January the 
 Congress was almost disrupted by the increasing 
 enmity. 
 
 On January 16, King Frederick told me that 
 Czar Alexander had replied to Metternich's in- 
 vitation to a ball with a negative and the added 
 remark that he would rather fight him with pis- 
 tols. Others declared that the czar had informed 
 Emperor Francis that so long as Metternich 
 remained no results could be attained, for he 
 spoiled everything. 
 
 Even before unity had been restored the sov- 
 ereigns appeared together in public once more; 
 
34 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 it was when they met to commemorate with feel- 
 ings born of the most painful memories the re- 
 quiem mass for Louis XVI on January 21. 
 
 The ceremony itself was most dignified, and 
 enhanced by the beautiful music. Little could 
 be heard of the sermon, which Talleyrand him- 
 self had written, and the cold affected all more 
 than anything else. My dear husband returned 
 chilled. I had, however, limited myself to visit- 
 ing the beautiful Stephan's church after the cere- 
 mony to view its memorial decorations, which 
 were not at all appropriate. I had made an ap- 
 pointment for this purpose with the Countess 
 Caroline zur Lippe-Biickeburg. If I must tell 
 why I did not attend this great ceremony, I shall 
 have to confess that I did not have the necessary 
 rich winter wardrobe. This circumstance had 
 already caused me to miss promenades on the 
 glacis, and yet I did not think for a moment of 
 procuring a second winter hat when the old one 
 was in good condition and elegant enough for 
 other events. 
 
 If luxuries continue to increase in the same 
 measure in the next twenty-three years as they 
 have in the last twenty-three years, my children 
 and grandchildren, who once will read this, will 
 be astounded principally at the simplicity of 
 my wardrobe. They would be mistaken if they 
 believed that I procured many new costumes for 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 35 
 
 the never-ending festivities of the Congress. No, 
 I do not recall having had any other expenses, 
 outside of the unavoidable ones for white gloves 
 and white shoes, for the hair-dresser, who came 
 daily, for the two costumes for the carousal and 
 the masquerade, and beyond the little trousseau 
 which my husband had brought for me from 
 Paris, which included several rich and one or two 
 ball costumes. In order to give an indication of 
 the simplicity of the modes of that time I might 
 remark that a small tulle cap with rose-colored 
 decorations had to serve me even at the great 
 soirees where there was dancing. Up to that 
 time caps for young women had been unheard 
 of, and the mode had just arrived. The richest 
 Viennese women were distinguished for their 
 simplicity, and appeared covered with their jew- 
 els only at the great festivities ; they never looked 
 down with scorn upon those who were more sim- 
 ply attired than they. 
 
 During a dinner at the home of the Princess 
 Bagration I was amused to hear the wager which 
 Czar Alexander made with the Countess Flora 
 Wrbna [born Countess Kageneck, wife of Count 
 Eugen Wrbna] as to which one could dress most 
 quickly for a formal occasion. I was not pres- 
 ent when the wager was carried out a few days 
 later, but I heard a great deal about it. The 
 czar and Flora arrived at Zichy's at the stroke 
 
36 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 of nine, and showed themselves to the assembled 
 guests in ordinary attire, without a cloak or any 
 other covering. Then both were led aside by 
 witnesses who had been chosen with great solem- 
 nity. The czar appeared in five minutes in full 
 uniform, with silk hose, etc., and found Flora 
 also ready, attired in a complete French court 
 costume of the ancien regime, which appeared 
 most comical. She had even found time to add 
 beauty-spots and to powder her hair ; neither the 
 shoes with high heels nor the bouquet had been 
 forgotten, and she wore small gauntlets. Enough ; 
 nothing was lacking. For winning the wager 
 she received a gracious note from the Czar of 
 All the Russians and almost a library. 
 
 As the winter festivities went on, early spring 
 arrived, mild breezes blew, and seemed about to 
 bring the buds of life. We went on a pleasure 
 drive, which in contrast to sleighing we called a 
 "Pirutschade." I had been named the partner 
 of the Archduke John. It was most opportune 
 that on the evening before I met our Oriental 
 singer, the famous Hammer, during a visit at 
 the home of my friends, the Beroldingens. Ham- 
 mer was in the confidence of the Archduke John. 
 I did not hide the fact that I was a bit appre- 
 hensive because of the long hours that I was to 
 pass in such close company with a man whom I 
 did not know and at best had hardly seen. 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 37 
 
 although I had heard nothing but the best re- 
 ports of him, in addition to knowing about the 
 originahty of his people and of his province, 
 Styria. Hammer thereupon amused us by de- 
 claring that the embarrassment of the noble man 
 was no less than mine, and that he was worried 
 about the manner in which he should entertain 
 me. "You know her," he had told Hammer, 
 "so please inform me how I can amuse her and 
 with what I can win her interest. That she is 
 a competent woman I know, but what else she 
 is I don't know." 
 
 And thereupon the archduke had asked 
 whether he might interest me by talking about 
 music. "Oh, no!" our friend had replied. 
 "Of all things in the world, but not music." 
 I promised the gleeful group that I would 
 return on the day following the drive to 
 make a report on the turn that this greatly feared 
 adventure had taken, and I kept my word; for 
 I assured them all triumphantly that the arch- 
 duke and I had been greatly pleased with each 
 other, and that while together time had gone with 
 lightning-like rapidity. And this was actually 
 true, for my guide had so much common sense 
 and tact and such learning, and I was so inter- 
 ested in what he told me in his pure German 
 speech, that his conversation, so strongly in con- 
 trast to that usually carried on in the great world, 
 
38 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 caused me so much pleasure that I gladly over- 
 looked what it lacked in brightness and grace. 
 
 At two o'clock I was ready for the drive in 
 the carriage. I found most of the members of 
 the company already assembled in the strongly 
 heated halls of the Burg; nevertheless we had 
 to remain there attired in heavy furs in order 
 to wait for a few late-comers. Finally the line 
 started. We passed through the principal 
 streets of Vienna, through the avenues of the 
 Prater, even the most distant, and so by means of 
 all sorts of imaginable detours to our destination, 
 the Augarten. This goal was too near for most 
 of the participants, and this also was my case, 
 for my partner was just describing the years of 
 the war and oppression in the most interesting 
 manner. Before that he expressed pleasure be- 
 cause the populace showed more enthusiasm for 
 my King of the Danes than for any other of the 
 great lords who drove by. We had the oppor- 
 tunity to observe this well, because he drove 
 ahead of us with the Grand Duchess Marie 
 Pavlovna of Weimar, sister of Czar Alexander. 
 Not only in one street or at one spot; no, every- 
 where the incessant cheering of the people 
 greeted him. But my archduke also was greeted 
 with demonstrations of the unusual regard that 
 he enjoys. 
 
 Upon arriving at the pavilion of the Augarten 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 39 
 
 we disposed of our furs and then proceeded to 
 dinner, during which the old Prince Albert of 
 Saxe-Tesche, a son-in-law of the Empress Maria 
 Theresa, sat beside me, and I was placed oppo- 
 site the empresses. On a stage that had been 
 constructed tor this event we saw Caroline Seid- 
 ler appear for the first time in the role of Agnes 
 Sorel. I had seen her in the summer of 1812, 
 when, almost a child, she played the part of 
 Susanna in "The Wedding of Figaro" at the 
 birthday celebration of the old Prince von Labko- 
 witz. She had been for a long time absent from 
 the stage, and in the meantime had developed her 
 voice to its fullest proficiency. After the theater 
 we drove back under the light of torches, and 
 when I returned late that night, tired out, but 
 most happy, I found my family still at tea await- 
 ing me. 
 
 This was the last care-free event of what 
 seemed to be an endless line of festivals of the 
 Congress. A few days later the report that the 
 prisoner of Elba had flown spread through the 
 assembly of care-free merry-makers, and fear 
 dampened our spirits. But the daily activities 
 of the pleasure-seekers went on, nor would any 
 one of them confess the extent of their perturba- 
 tion. 
 
 I shall never forget the day when the first 
 report of the landing of Napoleon in the Gulf 
 
40 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 of Juan, between Cannes and Antibes, reached 
 Vienna. It was on a Saturday, I think the fifth 
 or the sixth of March, toward evening, when my 
 husband first received this news at the Burg, 
 where an audience was gathering for a theatrical 
 performance, and whispered it to me; for one 
 dared not yet mention aloud the name of the 
 vanquished enemy, even if up to that day it had 
 been hoped that he was banned forever. 
 
 Although the politicians were accustomed to 
 control themselves, this terrible news could be 
 clearly read on their features. It was written 
 most deeply on those of Talleyrand; it was ex- 
 pressed most loudly by Stewardt, and Alexan- 
 der's paleness, his earnest physiognomy, showed 
 clearly what he would not have confessed at any 
 costs. His usual triumphant look was already 
 gone. Yet it was hoped that the European 
 prisoner, who had been so poorly guarded, would 
 be caught before he could set the world afire 
 anew. In this hope they tried to make the best of 
 a bad bargain, and on March 13 issued the proc- 
 lamation declaring Napoleon an outlaw, which 
 has been so often criticized. 
 
 Eight days after that ominous evening we 
 were again invited to the Burg. It was thought 
 that the suspense of waiting for further news 
 might be overcome by diversions; comedies and 
 tableaux were to hold the interest of the gather- 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 41 
 
 ing. But in vain. All were more or less down- 
 cast; for the post had just brought news of the 
 worst sort. Napoleon had entered Lyons amid 
 the enthusiasm of the populace; the troops that 
 had been sent against him had for the most part 
 joined him. It was now felt that the act of out- 
 lawry was not sufficient and that war would be 
 unavoidable, had not Talleyrand said at once: 
 "II faut courir lui comme sur un chien enrage." 
 [*'It is necessary to fall upon him as on a mad 
 dog."] 
 
 The Congress appeared like a theatrical per- 
 formance while the house was burning. The 
 artists were dismissed before the last act. All 
 thought only of momentary salvation. I myself 
 was deeply moved; my health suffered, and I 
 believed for a moment that I would be down 
 with jaundice. I saw the color daily in Koss, 
 and Minister Rosencranz also suffered severely 
 1 from it ; luckily, this calamity did not come to me. 
 ] After all the sacrifices of the previous cam- 
 paigns we now looked forward to a new war, 
 I which would be destructive enough in all its 
 I forms and results even if the outcome were suc- 
 : cessful, w^hich no one doubted. And would the 
 \ good allies again commit a foolhardly act and 
 j place an inefficient watch over Napoleon? 
 j Would they allow themselves again to be robbed 
 I of the fruits of victory? 
 
42 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 I cannot refrain from mentioning a trick 
 which was not only inopportune at this earnest 
 moment, but rather unworthy of the statesman 
 who perpetrated it. No matter how important 
 the moment appeared to Prince Metternich, nor 
 how irksome and depressing the events must have 
 been to him, his mood for a practical joke pre- 
 vailed so far over the seriousness of the situation 
 that he did not desist from giving his secretary, 
 Herr von Gentz, the keeper of the minutes of 
 the Congress, a scare that was almost fatal in 
 its consequences. He prepared a manifesto in 
 which Napoleon was represented as offering a 
 reward of many thousands of ducats to the per- 
 son who would deliver Gentz dead or alive to 
 him, or who would simply produce proofs of his 
 murder. This manifesto was placed in a news- 
 paper copy that had been specially printed for the 
 occasion, and then delivered to the bedside of 
 this faint-hearted man with his morning's coffee. 
 To the great joy of his superior, this almost 
 paralyzed the unfortunate secretary. 
 
 Every one spoke of leaving. The Empress 
 Elizabeth of Russia, born Princess of Baden, 
 gave the signal for departure. We had a fare- 
 well audience with her together with a large 
 number of others at her home ; it was a most im- 
 posing circle. The empress called my husband 
 to her and said many flattering things to him in 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 43 
 
 a gracious and yet extremely sincere manner. 
 This scene has left so lively an impression on my 
 memory that I could paint it. The sweet dig- 
 nity of this noble, unhappy princess cannot be 
 praised too much. I will mention an unimpor- 
 tant event in this connection solely in order to 
 speak of her for a moment longer. Her attire 
 was always simple, and enhanced by the beauty 
 of her diamonds or pearls. A theatrical per- 
 formance was about to be given at court; we 
 had just seated ourselves before the lowered cur- 
 tain when the bands of a costly collar of pearls 
 worn by the empress parted, and these beautiful 
 pearls rolled down, disappearing under the seats. 
 We wished to pick them up, but she stopped the 
 movement with her kindly commanding request 
 that we do not bother ; it is not worth the trouble. 
 
 From now on only farewell dinners and sup- 
 pers interrupted the daily life of the household, 
 for with the preparations for war came also 
 the preparations for the devotion which every one 
 more or less determined to observe at Easter. 
 
 I had long wished to hear a sermon by Zacha- 
 rias Werner, the famous poet and convert, who 
 while still a Protestant wrote the play "The 
 Consecration of Might," in which he glorified 
 Luther. I had been deterred during advent 
 not only by the cold, but also because I feared 
 the enormous crowd in the various little churches 
 
44 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 where he preached, and from the pulpit of which 
 he thundered especially against the frivolity of 
 the Congress of Vienna. He had also given 
 much attention to the levity of the Viennese 
 women, and assured them that he respected their 
 cooks more than themselves, addressing them as 
 *'Meine gnadigen, doch nun vielleicht ungnadig- 
 en Damen" ["My gracious, but now perhaps un- 
 gracious, ladies"]. On another occasion he made 
 an improper and scandalous confession of his 
 own sins; then again he spoke of horses and 
 horse-breeding. At another time he stepped 
 from the pulpit with the words: "You believe 
 that the kings and lords have made peace? 
 Foolishness ! Amen !" 
 
 Now in holy week I found two opportunities 
 to hear him. Joachim accompanied me to 
 church, but each time I found all seats taken, and 
 had to be satisfied with sitting on a balustrade 
 opposite the pulpit. I found in Werner a zealot 
 who often said very trivial and again very ele- 
 vated things, accompanied by vulgar and exces- 
 sive gesticulations; so that I might call him the 
 Jean Paul of the pulpit. Sometimes he sat, 
 sometimes he stood, and often he knelt, and fre- 
 quently tears interrupted his discourse. 
 
 On holy Thursday, March 23, we partook 
 of holy communion with Oberconsistorialrat 
 Waechter. On Sunday, the twenty-sixth, I 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 45 
 
 found our king with his entire suite in the Dan- 
 ish chapel. Up to that time I had always avoid- 
 ed such a meeting. Now I sat there beside the 
 king, Henriette at my side, quiet and reverent; 
 but sad to relate, during the sermon she dropped 
 a little collection of kreuzer that she carried for 
 us. They rolled about the floor with a great 
 deal of noise, and his majesty himself picked up 
 most of them. 
 
 In the middle of February I went to the last 
 soiree given by the Castlereaghs before their de- 
 parture. We said to ourselves that the farewell 
 was for life, even if we did not suspect what 
 a tragic destiny lay in store for this man of 
 honor. A few years later he ended, by cutting 
 his throat, a busy and what appeared to be a 
 happy life. His successor, the hero, the Duke 
 of Wellington, viewed the world of women espe- 
 cially with askance. Finally this honorable, 
 good-looking man appeared, decorated with or- 
 ders, covered with renown. Was it for this that 
 the women crowded around him and begged a 
 kiss from him upon being presented? Was it 
 North German custom that kept me in the back- 
 ground or perhaps an ardor dampened somewhat 
 through my acquaintance with other heroes or 
 a surviving diffidence that caused me to keep 
 aloof? Enough; I did not rush toward him, so 
 that I had to seek an opportunity later of being 
 
46 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 presented to him, for this belonged to the eti- 
 quette which was observed by an ambassador. 
 Regarding his sociability in Vienna I will merely 
 say that he did not follow the example of his 
 predecessor of receiving every evening, but set 
 apart one or two days a week for this purpose, 
 on which society crowded into his home. Once, 
 in the early days of March, his doors were open, 
 and his reception-rooms were filled with his fol- 
 lowing, with Lady Radcliffe present to do the 
 honors. He himself, however, had departed on 
 an excursion to Pressburg. His dupes included 
 not only many of most respected persons, but 
 also the King of Prussia. Conduct such as this 
 won nothing for the ambassador of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Despite this — that is to say, in the latter part 
 of May, April, and most of May — Czar Alex- 
 ander took walks continually with his bosom 
 friend. Prince Eugene de Beauharnais, former 
 Viceroy of Italy. The Viennese, who had 
 looked at this friendship with askance from the 
 start, were now furious at it. It is generally be- 
 lieved that this stepson of Napoleon meant to 
 betray his new friends and his patron, and it is 
 thought that his humbled and, since the appear- 
 ance of Napoleon, tearful mien is only a mask. 
 
 Alexander does not permit himself to be 
 
DANCED AT THE CONGRESS 47 
 
 warned, at least not by words. The warning, 
 therefore, becomes more pointed, for at a street 
 corner a female fruit-vendor throws rotten 
 apples at the pair, so that they have to take 
 refuge in the first house at hand. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 
 
 FROM THE REMINISCENCES OF THE COUNT DE 
 LA GARDE 
 
 To the statesmen and generals at the Congress of 
 Vienna Charles-Joseph, Prince de Ligne, was a link 
 with the past. When the Congress met, he was already 
 in his eightieth year, and yet his mind was as active 
 as when he entered the Austrian Army over sixty years 
 before. He had friends in every court in Europe, and 
 was sought out by such men as Rousseau, Voltaire, 
 Schlegel, Goethe, and Frederick the Great. He was 
 born in Brussels of Belgian parentage, and passed most 
 of his military life with the Austrian Army. His title 
 of field marshal came from Catharine II of Russia, to 
 whom he refers in his talk with Count de la Garde. The 
 latter was a gallant of the time of the Congress. He 
 was born in 1783 of French parentage, and through 
 the death of his parents entered the house of his kins- 
 man, the Marquis de Chambonas, who was related by 
 marriage to the Prince de Ligne. De la Garde escaped 
 the Terror with his patron, and then entered upon a 
 career of light-hearted vagabondage, tasting the gay 
 social life at the European courts, a friend of Mme. 
 
 ' 48 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 49 
 
 Recamier and Queen Hortense, the latter writing music 
 for some of his poems. 
 
 A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA 
 
 On the day after my arrival I made haste to 
 pay my respects to the Prince de Ligne. 
 
 "You have come at the proper time to behold 
 great events," he said to me. ^'Europe is in 
 Vienna. The web of politics is shot through 
 with festivities." 
 
 Thereupon with youthful vivacity he asked me 
 a number of questions — about Paris, my famil}^ 
 my travels, and my plans, until we were inter- 
 rupted by the announcement that his carriage 
 was ready. 
 
 "I shall expect you at dinner to-morrow," he 
 said, "and thence we will attend the masked ball. 
 In a few moments I will point out to you the 
 sights of this great scene." 
 
 At nine o'clock we reached the imperial palace, 
 called the Burg. In this ancient palace a mum- 
 mers' show was taking place; character masks 
 appeared, and often under the immobility of the 
 domino they concealed political combinations, 
 masterpieces of intrigue or plans. The prin- 
 cipal hall was splendidly lighted, and was sur- 
 rounded by a circular gallery that opened into 
 spacious rooms in which arrangements for supper 
 
50 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 had been made. Upon the rows of seats that 
 were built like an amphitheater sat a group of 
 women, a number of them in domino costumes, 
 but the majority in character costumes. One 
 can think of nothing more imposing than this 
 assemblage of young and beautiful women, each 
 adorned particularly to suit her charms; all the 
 centuries, all the countries, seemed to have met 
 as if by design in this circle. 
 
 At regular intervals the orchestras played suc- 
 cessively the polonaise and the waltz; in the 
 adjoining halls minuets were danced with Ger- 
 man earnestness, and this was in no wise the least 
 amusing part of the picture. 
 
 The prince was right, Vienna at that time was 
 a cross-section of Europe, and this ball a cross- 
 section of Vienna. Nothing was more bizarre 
 than these masked and unmasked persons, among 
 whom without distinction moved all the sover- 
 eigns attending the Congress. 
 
 "Observe," said the Prince de Ligne to me, 
 "this pleasing figure of elegant and military 
 bearing. That is Czar Alexander. He offers 
 his arm to Prince Eugene de Beauharnais, for 
 whom he has developed a sincere liking. Upon 
 Eugene's arrival here with his father-in-law, the 
 King of Bavaria, the Austrian court was in doubt 
 what rank to give him. The Czar of Russia, 
 however, spoke so favorably of him that he was 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 51 
 
 given a reception in keeping with his noble 
 character. The czar, as you know, inspires 
 friendship and has a feehng for friendship. 
 
 "Do you know that man with the tall, noble 
 figure, whom the beautiful Neapolitan holds cap- 
 tive with her rounded arms? It is the King of 
 Prussia, whose earnest face, nevertheless, re- 
 mains immobile. And this mischievous masked 
 figure is perhaps an empress and perhaps only 
 a grisette. 
 
 "This frank countenance, on which good-heart- 
 edness is pictured, is Maximilian, King of Ba- 
 varia, who, although he occupies a throne, has 
 not forgotten his place as colonel in the French 
 service and who holds for his subjects the love 
 that once he gave his regiment. 
 
 "That short, pale man yonder with the Roman 
 nose and the white-blond hair is the King of Den- 
 mark. Political considerations had caused an 
 unfavorable feeling toward him on the part of 
 the sovereigns, but the charm of his conduct, the 
 frankness and magnanimity of his character, 
 soon won him all hearts. His animated and 
 cheerful disposition and his happy sallies are the 
 joy of the royal assemblies; he is known here as 
 the jester of the sovereign's brigade. When you 
 observe the simplicity of his manners and know 
 what good fortune his little kingdom enjoys, you 
 
52 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 will hardly come to the conclusion that he is the 
 most absolute monarch of Europe. 
 
 "This gigantic figure, whose proportions the 
 black domino can neither conceal nor diminish, 
 is the King of Wiirtemberg. Beside him stands 
 his son, the crown prince, whose love for the 
 Grand Duchess of Oldenburg, sister of Czar 
 Alexander, draws him to the Congress and prob- 
 ably occupies him even more than the important 
 interests that one day will be his. We shall 
 soon be able to watch this romance unfold. 
 
 "The two young men who have just passed by 
 are the crown prince of Bavaria and his brother. 
 Prince Karl. The head of the prince may well 
 be compared to that of Antinous. This great 
 surging crowd of human beings of varied appear- 
 ance and costumes are ruHng princes or arch- 
 dukes or exalted personages of the various king- 
 doms; for outside of a number of Englishmen, 
 who may be recognized by their well-chosen at- 
 tire, there is surely not a single person here who 
 does not have a title added to his name. Now 
 I have initiated you fairly well ; you may now go 
 your own way." 
 
 After the prince left me, I continued my wan- 
 derings through the hall, and as if called together 
 by a general rendezvous, I met, one after another, 
 all the persons with whom I had become ac- 
 quainted from Naples to St. Petersburg and 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 53 
 
 from Stockholm to Constantinople. What a 
 motley of costumes and tongues! This fete ap- 
 peared to me like a bazaar of all the nations of 
 the world. As if for the first time I felt the en- 
 chantment of a masked ball. The uninterrupted 
 music, the secrecy surrounding the disguises, the 
 intrigues by which I was surrounded, the general 
 incognito, the merry-making without measure or 
 restraint, the wealth of seductive opportunities, — 
 in a word, the magic of this great social picture 
 confused my mind, and even older and stronger 
 natures were overcome by it. 
 
 I was soon surrounded by friends, so that at 
 a moment when the Prince de Ligne was occu- 
 pied with only a few^ persons, I asked him to go 
 to no more pains on my account for this evening. 
 I plunged myself into the tumult of joy, of care- 
 free feeling and happiness, which everywhere 
 seemed to dominate the whirl of this extraordi- 
 nary gathering. I met a few more friends, in 
 whose company I cheerfully passed the two hours 
 that remained before supper; then about twenty 
 of us sat down at table to see the end of this jolly 
 evening together. 
 
 Toward the end of the soiree I was lucky 
 enough to meet my excellent friend General Tet- 
 tenborn. Upon parting. General Tettenborn 
 said to me: 
 
 "Until to-morrow; I will be at your house at 
 
54* A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ten o'clock. We will then proceed to the great 
 military festival that is being held to celebrate 
 peace. Before we lay down our arms the mon- 
 archs wish to thank Providence for the extraor- 
 dinary favor shown them." 
 
 At the appointed hour Tettenborn presented 
 himself with the punctuality of an Austrian cap- 
 tain of cavalry. It was a mild and clear October 
 morning. Soon we trotted upon the glacis be- 
 tween the Neue Tor and the Burg Tor. On the 
 way we were joined by several friends who also 
 were led on by curiosity. Tettenborn wore his 
 resplendent military uniform; the great number 
 of military orders that decorated his breast 
 demonstrated that he had proved himself worthy 
 of the protection of the Goddess of Fortune. 
 Hardly had we arrived in the Prater when he 
 had to leave us in order to join the suite of Czar 
 Alexander; I, however, remained surrounded by 
 friends, and soon we found a favorable place 
 where we could observe all the details of this 
 beautiful festival. Although one could attend 
 events of this kind frequently enough in that sol- 
 dierly time, I do not think that any ever equaled 
 this in splendor and majesty. The war, which 
 had terrified the world by its bitterness and 
 length, was over. The giant of renown had not 
 been conquered, but crushed by weight of num- 
 bers; and the cheering and enthusiasm called 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 55 
 
 forth by this success demonstrated sufficiently- 
 well the power of the antagonist and the unex- 
 pectedness of the triumph. 
 
 Numerous battalions of infantry and regi- 
 ments of cavalry, among them the Schwarzen- 
 berg Uhlan Regiment and the cuirassiers of 
 Grand Duke Constantine, had gathered on an 
 enormous meadow. All of these troops were in 
 most dazzling array. 
 
 The sovereigns arrived on horseback. The 
 troops formed a double square, in the center of 
 I which a great tent, or, rather, a temple in honor 
 ; of the general peace, had been erected. The pil- 
 lars which supported the tent were decorated 
 I with trophies of weapons, and standards that 
 I fluttered in the breeze. Everywhere the ground 
 ( was bedecked with leaves and flowers. In the 
 I middle of the tent stood an altar richly adorned 
 I with draperies of gold and silver and all the 
 I pomp of the Catholic faith. Countless candles 
 ! shed their light, which was dimmed by the rays 
 : that the sun sent down in all its glory. The steps 
 ( of the altar were covered with carpets of red 
 : damask. 
 
 I Soon the royal carriages, drawn by four horses, 
 1 arrived with the empresses, queens, and duch- 
 I esses, who seated themselves upon the velvet-up- 
 ' bolstered arm-chairs. Finally, when this dazzling 
 assembly, this crowd of military men, courtiers, 
 
56 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 masters of the horse, and pages had taken the 
 places set aside for them, the honored Archbishop 
 of Vienna, surrounded by his clergy, began the 
 mass, a function that he had reserved for himself 
 despite his advanced age. The entire population 
 of Vienna and its environs had streamed in to 
 attend this solemn service. 
 
 At the moment of the consecration of the host 
 a salvo of artillery greeted the presence of the 
 God of Battles. At the same moment, as if by 
 a sign, all these warriors, kings, princes, gener- 
 als, and soldiers fell upon their knees and bowed 
 down before the One Whose hands held the de- 
 cision of victory or defeat. The tremendous 
 crowd of spectators seemed to be seized by the 
 same feeling; with one accord they bared their 
 heads and knelt in the dust. The cannon became 
 silent, and a solemn stillness followed the thun- 
 der of the guns. Finally the priest of the Lord 
 raised aloft the symbol of redemption and turned 
 toward the army to give the blessing. The serv- 
 ice was concluded, the bowed figures rose, and 
 the clatter of Weapons again filled the air. 
 
 A chorus of voices began a hymn to peace in 
 German, and a large band of wind instruments 
 played an accompaniment. Suddenly the whole 
 army and all the countless spectators joined in 
 the singing. No, never before has the human 
 ear heard anything more affectin*]^ than when 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 57 
 
 those thousands of voices melted together as one 
 in praising the beneficence of peace and the glory 
 of the Almighty. 
 
 After the religious ceremony the rulers and 
 all the princesses placed themselves on a rise of 
 ground near the Burg Tor. The troops paraded 
 before them ; Grand Duke Constantine and other 
 princes marched at the head of the regiments that 
 had been presented to them. From all sides 
 came cheers and appeals for the preservation of 
 peace, the first need of the peoples. 
 
 The inventive faculty was not too tired to pro- 
 pose new festivities daily, banquets, concerts, 
 hunting-parties, masked balls, carousals. Fol- 
 lowing the example of the head of their exalted 
 family, all the princes of the Austrian house had 
 divided the duties of hospitality between them in 
 order to extend to their distingushed guests the 
 entertainment of Vienna. It was considered so 
 undesirable to interrupt this succession of amuse- 
 ments that the court did not even put on mourn- 
 ing for Queen Marie Caroline of Naples, and 
 jthis despite the fact that this one surviving daugh- 
 iter of ]Maria Theresa had ended her eventful life 
 before the entry of the monarchs into Vienna. 
 I Any effort to announce her death publicly was 
 jscrupulously avoided; this assembly, dedicated 
 I only to insouciance and pleasure, was not to be 
 I given a mournful tinge. 
 
58 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Nothing equaled the mutual confidence with 
 which these monarchs lived together. They 
 studied how to perform little acts of friendship 
 and good-will. They met daily, and yet this did 
 not detract from the sincerity of their frank de- 
 meanor, which was worthy of the times of chiv- 
 alry. Did they propose by means of this honor- 
 able conduct to wipe out all the reported misun- 
 derstandings, the selfish scheming, the play for 
 personal advantage, usual at the congresses of 
 kings? Or were they astonished and entranced 
 at a life and a fraternal relation which stood in 
 such strong contrast to the stiff formalities of 
 their courts? 
 
 In order to avoid the embarrassments of for- 
 malities and disputes over precedence in rank, it 
 was unanimously decided to abide by the rule of 
 seniority upon entering and leaving a room and 
 on the horseback-rides and pleasure-drives. The 
 suggestion for this decision is credited to Czar 
 Alexander. The rank according to age was 
 placed as follows : 
 
 1. King of Wiirtemberg, born in the year 1754 
 
 2. 
 
 King of Bavaria, 
 
 (( a (( 
 
 « 1756 
 
 3. 
 
 King of Denmark, 
 
 (( <c « 
 
 " 1768 
 
 4. 
 
 Emperor of Austria, 
 
 U (( u 
 
 " 1768 
 
 5. 
 
 King of Prussia, 
 
 ii ii a 
 
 " 1770 
 
 6. 
 
 Emperor of Russia, 
 
 a u ic 
 
 " 1777 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 59 
 
 This order of precedence, however, was in 
 force only at the festivities ; at the official sessions 
 of the Congress the monarchs did not appear in 
 person. 
 
 One of the first courtesies exchanged between 
 the monarchs was the bestowal upon one another 
 of the great cross of their orders. It was difficult 
 to distinguish between these decorations of all 
 forms and names, ranging from the names in the 
 calendar of the saints to the most unusual titles, 
 such as the elephant, the phoenix, the black, red, 
 and white eagle, the fleece, and so on. This ex- 
 change was only a preliminary to something more 
 important — to the presentation of kingdoms, 
 provinces, or aggregations of souls. 
 I The ceremony specially discussed among all 
 I others of this kind was that at which Lord Castle- 
 \ reagh, in the name of his king, bestowed the Or- 
 der of the Garter on the Emperor of Austria. 
 I The Prince de Ligne, who attended this cere- 
 j mony, described to me the dignity and splendor 
 with which it was carried out. Sir Isaac Hart, 
 J the foremost herald of the order, had been sent 
 I specially from London for this purpose. He him- 
 : self invested the emperor with the separate arti- 
 ^cles of the costume of the order, and placed on 
 him the garter that is so greatly desired; Lord 
 jCastlereagh then presented the statutes of the 
 ' order to the emperor. In gratitude for this cour- 
 
60 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 tesy, the emperor gave the title of field-marshal 
 to the English prince regent and to his brother, 
 the Duke of York. 
 
 When the rulers had no more orders to give, 
 they began to present to each other regiments 
 of their armies ; and so it became a point of honor 
 for the princes to appear at once in the uniform 
 of the regiment that had been given to them. 
 
 In this manner the Emperor of Austria gave 
 the Hiller Regiment to Czar Alexander, and the 
 Blackenstein Hussars to the crown prince of 
 Wiirtemberg. Alexander acknowledged this by 
 bestowing one of his regiments of the emperor's 
 guard. In order to demonstrate the value he 
 placed upon this gift, he determined to present 
 the regimental colors to his new soldiers in per- 
 son. This standard had been tastefully em- 
 broidered by the Empress of Austria and bore 
 the device, "Unaufloslicher Bund zwischen den 
 Kaisern Alexander und Franz" ["Indissoluble 
 tie between the Emperors Alexander and Fran- 
 cis"]. The regiment was drawn up in order of 
 battle on one of the greens of the Prater. A 
 tremendous crowd assembled. Alexander ap- 
 proached with the flag, which he had received 
 from the hands of the Empress of Austria, and 
 gave it to the soldiers with the words, "Soldiers, 
 remember that you are ready to die in the defense 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 61 
 
 of this flag and in the defense of your emperor 
 and your colonel, Alexander of Russia." 
 
 The monarchs paid calls upon one another, and 
 surprised one another like good old friends. In 
 a word, it was royal camaraderie. For instance. 
 Czar Alexander and the King of Prussia agreed 
 to surprise Emperor Francis on his birthday 
 while dressing. One presented to him a loung- 
 ing-robe padded with marten sable; the other 
 gave him a wash-bowl and a pitcher of the finest 
 Berlin workmanship. Reports of these scenes 
 of domestic confidences were soon in everybody's 
 mouth, and became the subject of all conversa- 
 tions. 
 
 The stranger is well received in Vienna; civil- 
 ians welcome him with hearty hospitality, and 
 the authorities show him affability. In return 
 they make only one request, that their guests do 
 not speak or act against the Government. "May 
 you enjoy," they say, "all the pleasant diver- 
 sions that surround you ; become acquainted with 
 our rich and beautiful environs ; visit the theaters, 
 the casinos, and the ball-rooms; but do not cast 
 a shadow on our merry-making by political com- 
 ment. Refrain from all criticism, which would 
 not add to your comfort and might affect our 
 own." 
 
 These were the conditions for a cheerful wel- 
 come ; but woe to the stranger who sinned against 
 
62 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 these wise laws ! On the day of his error he re- 
 ceived a short communication which asked him 
 most politely to appear on the following day be- 
 fore the police judge. In the most friendly man- 
 ner he was informed that his passports were not 
 in order and that his business was at an end. 
 He protested in vain, might refer to his connec- 
 tion with various governments, and reiterate that 
 he was there only for pleasure; it was all of no 
 avail; he had to leave. 
 
 Two events differing greatly in character oc- 
 cupied the minds of all at that time, the fate of 
 the Kingdom of Saxony and the announcement 
 of a carousal, or tournament, which had been dis- 
 cussed since the opening of the Congress, and 
 was to be held in the imperial riding-academy. 
 A few words were devoted to Saxony, and the 
 plan of giving it to Prussia as reparation was 
 touched on ; the preparations for the tournament, 
 however, were discussed down to the smallest 
 detail. Of all the festivities at the court it was 
 to be one of the most beautiful. We steeped our- 
 selves in descriptions and representations of the 
 tournaments under Louis XIV, and became con- 
 fident that they would be surpassed in splendor. 
 
 The colors of the various quadrilles and the 
 supposed dexterity of the individual champions 
 were the subject of gossip. Various devices, the 
 meaning of which the women tried to solve, were 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 63 
 
 cited. The excellent King of Saxony and his 
 state were entirely forgotten ; his case had to give 
 way before one more important. 
 
 Prince Talleyrand received me with that char- 
 acteristic cordiality that is his, took my hand 
 with a friendliness that reminded me of other 
 times, and said: 
 
 "So I have to come to Vienna, Monsieur, and 
 invite you formally, in order to get you to visit 
 me?" 
 
 I may be mistaken, but at this moment he 
 seemed to give the lie to the maxim that was so 
 long ascribed to him, "Speech is given man so 
 that he may hide his thoughts." Noting by my 
 embarrassment that I had not hit upon a happy 
 reply, he immediately presented the Duke of 
 Dalberg, and accompanied this introduction witi 
 a few polite and flattering words. 
 
 ! Karl von Dalberg of Hesse was prince-primate of 
 I the Confederation of the Rhine from 1806 to 1813, and 
 j the last archbishop-elector of Mayence. 
 
 ! I had not seen Talleyrand since the year 1806. 
 
 I His look still reflected refinement, his features 
 showed his imperturbable calm, the bearing of a 
 self-possessed man, who was admired throughout 
 all Europe at that moment as the foremost dip- 
 lomat of all times. He still possessed the same 
 
64 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 deep, melodious voice, the same free and natural 
 manners, the same cosmopolitanism, the reflec- 
 tion of a social order that had passed away and 
 of which he was the last representative. 
 
 Standing face to face with the man in this 
 salon, it was not easy to avoid an irrepressible 
 feeling of diffidence and fear. 
 
 The renown of the French plenipotentiaries at 
 the Congress preceded them; but Talleyrand 
 seemed to dominate specially through his assur- 
 ance and the force of his spirit. Always the same, 
 he practised diplomacy as he had practised it in 
 other days in his salons at Paris or Neuilly after 
 a victorious battle, and this despite the fact that 
 the task of France was now as arduous on ac- 
 count of outward conditions as because of in- 
 ternal embarrassments. Surrounded by many 
 handicaps, the result of the new organization 
 and the faulty harmony within, French diplo- 
 macy could take no effective strides. It was well 
 known that it was neither the desire nor in the 
 power of the Government to do this. 
 
 The great powers that acted as arbiters of the 
 Congress stepped forward with a unanimity 
 without precedent in diplomatic annals. Noth- 
 ing in the world seemed pow^erful enough to 
 loosen a link in this closed chain. The repre- 
 sentatives of France, therefore, were compelled 
 to draw upon their genius or talents in order to 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 65 
 
 overcome the obstacles which a quadruple alliance 
 placed in their way with the whole weight of its 
 momentary prestige and unity. 
 
 The power, however, that Talleyrand did not 
 get from his Government he created himself ; for 
 one might well say that no matter what the 
 achievements and the personal influence of its 
 other members, the French embassay at the Con- 
 gress was concentrated in him. With that won- 
 derful comprehension that seemed to anticipate 
 and to decide beforehand on events, he soon knew 
 how to regain a fitting place for France. 
 
 He wholly repudiated all points of view and 
 intentions of the guiding committee composed of 
 the four great powers. "I bring you more than 
 you possess," he said to them, "the idea of legit- 
 imacy." He disrupted the powers, which up to 
 that time had been so much in agreement; he 
 hinted at the danger embodied in a Russia inordi- 
 ;nately enlarged and dominating the rest of Eu- 
 irope, and pointed to the necessity of damming 
 'its progress in the north. He understood how 
 jto win England and Austria to this view. In 
 I this manner Czar Alexander, who six months be- 
 jfore had determined upon the restoration of the 
 ^Bourbon house in the salon of Talleyrand and 
 I under his influence, now beheld with disgust his 
 i plans disarranged by the representative of a 
 'state that had to thank Alexander for its exist- 
 
66 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ence. In a disagreeable mood he often remarked, 
 '"M. de Talleyrand here plays the part of the 
 minister of Louis XIV." 
 
 It has been said, and certainly with justice, 
 that Prince Talleyrand was never greater than 
 at the moment when France lay crushed by the 
 disaster of 1814. I had seen him eight years be- 
 fore as minister of the French Empire, at that 
 time the all-powerful lawmaker of Europe. In 
 Vienna, as the ambassador of a vanquished peo- 
 ple, he was exactly the same, his power just as 
 firm. It was the same cultivated dignity, per- 
 haps with just an added nuance of pride; the 
 same poise, worthy of a country that had been 
 conquered, but was nevertheless necessary to the 
 balance of power in Europe, and which could 
 draw new strength even from catastrophe. His 
 attitude, a word from him, was the best expres- 
 sion of the greatness of our fatherland. When 
 one saw this look, which no ill fortune could 
 darken, this assurance, which nothing could dis- 
 turb, one felt that this man had a strong and 
 powerful nation behind him. 
 
 As he was in politics, so he was also in private 
 life, in his salon. He had adhered to his Parisian 
 habits in Vienna. He received visits daily while 
 dressing, and the most earnest discussions often 
 ensued while his valet attended him. I have often 
 seen him sitting in his salon beside the beautiful 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 67 
 
 Countess Edmond de Perigord, with all the dip- 
 lomatic notabilities around him, all the ministers 
 of the victorious powers engaged in a discussion 
 with him while standing and listening as pupils 
 would to a teacher. In our century M. de Tal- 
 leyrand is perhaps the only person who has last- 
 ingly celebrated such triumphs. 
 
 The Duke of Dalberg was worthy to stand at 
 the side of the Prince de Talleyrand. As the 
 scion of one of the oldest and most noble of 
 German families, he contributed a great deal on 
 March 31 to the resolutions that returned the 
 Bourbon family to the throne. At the same time 
 he also interested himself in the application of 
 constitutional measures that were adopted to 
 overcoming divergent views and to reunite 
 France. 
 
 Before departing for Vienna, M. de Talley- 
 rand had prepared his own instructions; it was 
 contended that he had remained faithful to his 
 task and had foreseen and predetermined with 
 a wonderful perspicacity the various phases 
 through which the negotiations would pass. It 
 is not generally known that the French ambassa- 
 dor carried on two lines of correspondence with 
 Paris. One, compiled by M. de Besnadiere, was 
 exclusively anecdotal and sent to King Louis 
 XVIII. In this M. de Talleyrand sprinkled 
 the original, piquant impressions, the delicate and 
 
68 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 comprehensive comment which characterize hun. 
 The other correspondence, which was wholly po- 
 litical in character and was prepared princi- 
 pally by the Duke of Dalberg, was sent direct to 
 the ministry of foreign affairs. 
 
 I was often tempted at that time to draw a com- 
 parison between the two men who in such a re- 
 markable society drew the attention of all per- 
 sons upon themselves, the Prince de Ligne and 
 M. de Talleyrand. Both had lived with the no- 
 table men of the eighteenth century, and seemed 
 to have been bequeathed as models and orna- 
 ments to the new generation. Both were repre- 
 sentatives of this cultivated society, but in a dif- 
 ferent manner. The one shared its frivolous and 
 restless spirit, the other its naturalness and the 
 nobility of its conduct. Both understood how 
 to please by the magic of their spirit; the one in 
 a more resplendent, the other in a deeper, man- 
 ner. M. Talleyrand was born in order to ravish 
 men through the force of his sharp and brilliant 
 understanding; the Prince de Ligne pleased and 
 dazzled by the magical charm of the inexhausti- 
 ble power of his imagination. This one brought 
 to literature the refinement, agreeableness, and 
 splendor of a courtier; the other dominated the 
 most important affairs with the calm ease of a 
 cultivated man and the unmovable moderation of 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 69 
 
 a well-poised man. The one, as the other, was 
 rich in pertinent thoughts, witty, original, and 
 piquant; those of the statesman were more char- 
 acteristic, those of the warrior more unexpected, 
 spontaneous. In both, finally, this kindly dis- 
 position was ingrained, — it is always the legacy 
 of a man from birth, — and in the one it disclosed 
 itself in a quiet, in the other a more communica- 
 tive, manner. 
 
 Happy the man, I often said to myself, who 
 can pass the morning with the Prince de Ligne 
 and the evening with M. de Talleyrand ! Where 
 the one enriches the spirit with lessons drawn 
 from a wide experience, with true and beautiful 
 descriptions, the other encourages good taste by 
 his sure tact, penetrating observations, and the 
 magic of his conversation, which captures every 
 one. 
 
 I went to the Prince de Ligne in order to pay 
 him my daily visit. He was still in bed, and I 
 entered the library, which at the same time was 
 his bedroom. The place where a famous man 
 lives is always interesting. Everywhere one finds 
 traces of his inclinations, and the special char- 
 acter of his genius stands forth in the smallest 
 details; everything here awakens curiosity or 
 commands attention. Surrounded by his books 
 and scattered manuscripts, the Prince de Ligne 
 
70 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 seemed like a general in his tent among his weap- 
 ons and trophies. 
 
 The license of considering a pleasing disorder 
 artistic, which is permitted to poets, was misused 
 to some extent by the prince, who allowed a gen- 
 eral topsy-turvydom that was not without charm 
 to exist all about him. Here lay Montesquieu, 
 there Rousseau, opened beside an amorous cor- 
 respondence; there little verses beside military 
 writings of the Archduke Karl; letters half be- 
 gun, poems, and outlines of strategic writings. A 
 remarkable mixture of the characteristics of a 
 cultivated man, a soldier, a man of intellectual 
 attainments belonged to the Prince de Ligne, 
 representative of a type of men such as is no 
 longer found. He held the most excellent women 
 enthralled by his seductive, dazzling entertain- 
 ment ; he astonished the most prominent generals 
 by the depth of his plans, and held all spellbound 
 by the pointedness and accuracy of his comment. 
 
 He had a desk before him, on which he was 
 writing. 
 
 "I am going to Schonbrunn to-day," he said 
 to me. "You will accompany me, will you not? 
 I have the honor of presenting my respects to the 
 little duke, the born king. Permit me to finish 
 this chapter, in which I am describing an event 
 of this time; then I will be at your service." 
 
 *'I am putting my ideas on paper in any sort 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 71 
 
 of way," he added, "in order not to forget them. 
 This great picture makes me enthusiastic; in the 
 middle of these intoxicating joys comes a thought 
 that may one day have a good or pleasing effect. 
 Drawn into this circle of chimeras, I cannot de- 
 sist being an observer. Despite the fact that I 
 am a participant in this drama, I consider every- 
 thing that takes place about me about as impor- 
 tant as stepping on an ant-hill." 
 
 He resumed his writing. Suddenly he turned 
 to me, for he had to look up something. 
 
 "Do me the favor and give me yonder volume 
 of manuscript that you see lying on the third 
 book-shelf." 
 
 I rose and began to hunt the place he indi- 
 cated, but as I hesitated for a moment, he jumped 
 from the bed, climbed up the ladder, seized the 
 book, and lay down again with a speed too fast 
 for words. I expressed my astonishment at this 
 mobility, so unusual for one of his age. 
 
 "It is true," he said to me, "I have always 
 been light of foot, often to my advantage. On 
 that wonderful trip on which I accompanied 
 Catharine the Great to Taurus, the imperial yacht 
 sailed around the Parthian foot-hills, where the 
 temple of Iphigenia is said to have stood. We 
 were disputing over the plausibility of this tradi- 
 tion when Catharine stretched her hand out to 
 the shore and said: 
 
72 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 " 'Prince de Ligne, I present the disputed 
 ground to you.' In a moment I sprang into the 
 sea, clad in my uniform and wearing my hat, 
 and swam ashore. I drew my sword and cried 
 out: 'Your Majesty, I take possession of this 
 country.' The chff bears my name since that 
 time, and I am its possessor. You see, my child, 
 mobility often has happy consequences, and in 
 life you must know how to make quick decisions. 
 
 "A few years before the Revolution I was so- 
 journing in Paris. In the enjoyment of the 
 moment and with the abandon of youth I had 
 not thought of the condition of my purse ; it was 
 unhappily as empty of money as my heart was 
 full of happiness and my head full of hopes. But 
 I had to be in Brussels within a day or two in or- 
 der to dine with the archduchess, Regent of the 
 Netherlands. I was unacquainted in this great 
 Paris, and therefore in the direst embarrass- 
 ment. I was honorably bound by ties of friend- 
 ship to Prince Max, at that time a colonel in the 
 French service and to-day King of Bavaria. You 
 know his nobility, his wonderful unselfishness; 
 everything that he possessed was at all times at 
 the disposal of his friends. I turned to him. 
 However, the excellent Max was not yet a king 
 and had no minister of finance at his side to ad- 
 minister his income. As chance would have it, 
 his purse was just as light as my own. 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 73 
 
 "What was I to do? The postilion is the most 
 irreconcilable of men, and at every station ap- 
 proaches with hat in hand to demand payment. 
 I learned that my cousin, the Duke of Arenberg, 
 was to travel that very evening to Brussels by 
 extra post. My decision was made in a moment. 
 'You will be there before him,' I said to myself. 
 Booted and spurred as a courier, I went to the 
 post, had a horse given me, and rode forth to 
 order relays for the duke at the next station. In 
 this manner I hurried from Paris to Brussels, al- 
 ways a few minutes ahead of him, and so kept 
 him supplied with post-horses on the whole jour- 
 ney. My cousin, who had sent forward no cour- 
 ier, could not explain what unseen agency he had 
 to thank for this punctuality, which increased the 
 speed of his journey by a great deal. Upon his 
 arrival I related the story of my trickery, at 
 which we laughed heartily, and which enabled 
 me to keep my dinner engagement with the arch- 
 duchess." 
 
 While chatting thus the Prince de Ligne at- 
 tired himself. When he had put on his resplend- 
 ent uniform of a colonel of the body-guard and 
 had decorated himself with half a dozen orders, 
 he said to me: 
 
 "If the Goddess- of Fortune came to me to- 
 day with her crystal, how gladly would I ex- 
 change this pomp for the simple uniform of a 
 
74 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 color-sergeant in the regiment of my father! I 
 was not yet sixteen years old when I wore it for 
 the first time, and I thought then that thirty 
 was old age. Everything changes with time. 
 Now, as an octogenarian, I still feel young, al- 
 though many mockers try to hint that I am too 
 young. What does it matter? I do everything 
 I can to prove to them that I am young enough. 
 Taken as a whole, my career was a happy one. 
 Neither remorse, nor ambition nor jealousy 
 hemmed my path ; I have piloted my boat fairly 
 well, and until I step into the boat of Charon, I 
 shall not desist considering myself young, to the 
 great discomfiture of all those who insist that I 
 am old." 
 
 Even in this joking he gave a grace to all his 
 words that cannot be described. I repeated that 
 age had passed him by without touching him, 
 and that time did him the honor of forgetting 
 him. He believed me, and an expression of gen- 
 uine pleasure brightened his pleasing counte- 
 nance. 
 
 As we decended the stairs we found several of 
 the importunate persons who steadily besieged 
 him. His face darkened. He freed himself from 
 these onerous callers with a few polite words and 
 left. 
 
 "Oh," he said, "these wordmongers, wit-chas- 
 ers, these variable lexicons, who in place of talent 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 75 
 
 have only memory ! The best book to learn from 
 is the world, but this book will always remain 
 sealed for them." 
 
 Soon we were rolling forward on the way to 
 Schonbrunn. Unhappily, the carriage of the 
 prince did not deserve the compliment that I had 
 just passed on the prince himself. It was impos- 
 sible to believe that it had ever been young, and 
 its springs demanded in a loud voice to be ex- 
 changed for the more elastic ones of our time. I 
 still see it before me, this old, gray vehicle drawn 
 by two lean, white horses. On the doors of the 
 carriage was painted the broad coat of arms and 
 above it could be read the motto of the house of 
 Egmont, from which the line of the prince was 
 descended : 
 
 "Quo res cumque cadunt, semper stat linea recta." 
 
 On the rear of this peculiar vehicle stood a 
 Heyduc, six feet tall, an old Turk whom Prince 
 Potemkin had given the prince at the siege of 
 Ismail, and who bore the name of the conquered 
 town. But the marshal knew how to shorten the 
 long route, just as he understood how to enrich 
 his not too luxurious meals by his entertaining 
 manner. The ride of nearly one hour seemed 
 short, and soon we had reached the gates of the 
 palace. 
 
76 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 In the anteroom we were received by a French 
 attendant who still wore the livery of Napoleon. 
 He recognized the marshal, and hastened to an- 
 nounce us to Mme. de Montesquieu [governess 
 of Napoleon's son]. 
 
 *'I hope we shall not have to wait," the prince 
 remarked to me, "for, as I already have told you, 
 I am a Count de Segur at Schonbrunn." 
 
 The prince referred to the post of grand master 
 of the ceremonies, which M. de Segur occupied 
 with Napoleon; the Prince de Ligne had become 
 acquainted with the count at the court of Cath- 
 arine of Russia. 
 
 A few moments later Mme. de Montesquieu 
 appeared and excused herself most politely for 
 not being able to admit us at once. 
 
 "The young prince," she said, "is just sitting 
 for a portrait that Isabey is making of him, and 
 which is intended for the empress, Marie Louise. 
 As he is greatly attached to M. le Marechal, his 
 visit will without doubt be a welcome diversion 
 for him. I will attempt to bring the sitting to 
 an early close." 
 
 "It will interest you to know what happened 
 to me on my first visit to this place," said the 
 prince when Mme. de Montesquieu had taken 
 leave. "When the child was informed that the 
 Marshal Prince de Ligne desired to visit him he 
 cried out: 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 77 
 
 " *Is that one of the marshals who betrayed my 
 father? He shall not enter!' 
 
 "It cost a great effort to make the child com- 
 prehend that France was not the only land in 
 which there are marshals." 
 
 Soon thereafter Mme. de Montesquieu led the 
 way to the prince. When the young Napoleon 
 spied the prince he sprang from his chair and 
 threw himself into his arms. He was really the 
 prettiest child one could imagine. His resem- 
 blance to his grandmother, Maria Theresa [Em- 
 press of Austria], was astonishing. The angelic 
 lines of his face, the dazzling whiteness of his 
 skin, the fire in his eyes, the beautiful blond hair, 
 which fell upon his shoulders in thick locks, pro- 
 vided a most charming subject for the brush of 
 Isabey. He wore the Legion of Honor upon 
 his dolman. 
 
 "A Frenchman, my PWnce," said the marshal 
 to him and pointed to me. 
 
 "Good day. Monsieur," said the child to me. 
 "I like Frenchmen very much." 
 
 I recalled an expression of Rousseau, "No one 
 cares to be interrogated, and children the least 
 of all," therefore I bent silently down to him and 
 embraced him. 
 
 We then approached Isabey, who was working 
 to complete the portrait of the young prince. It 
 had a surprising effect and was charming, as are 
 
78 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 all the productions of this great artist. It is the 
 picture that Isabey presented to Napoleon in the 
 year 1815 upon his return from the Island of 
 Elba. 
 
 "What pleases me most in this portrait," said 
 the Prince de Ligne, "is its extraordinary sim- 
 ilarity to a youthful picture of Joseph II [of 
 Austria] that I received from the Empress Maria 
 Theresa." 
 
 In the meantime the young Napoleon had gone 
 to a corner of the salon to get a wooden regiment 
 of Uhlans which his great-uncle, the Archduke 
 Karl, had presented to him a few days before. 
 By the action of a simple mechanism each of the 
 horsemen, who were fastened to movable bars, 
 imitated all the military evolutions ; broke ranks, 
 formed columns, etc. 
 
 "To drill, my Prince!" cried the Prince de 
 Ligne in a loud voice. 
 
 The regiment was immediately taken out of 
 its box and placed in the order of battle. 
 
 "Attention!" commanded the old marshal, 
 who had drawn his sword and adopted the bear- 
 ing of a general on parade. 
 
 Immovable and attentive, as grave as a Rus- 
 sian grenadier, the young prince took his place 
 at the left wing of his troops, his hand on the 
 handle of the bars. A command was given; its 
 execution followed immediately. A second, the 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 79 
 
 same compliance ; on both sides the same earnest- 
 ness. In fact, when one saw the pleasant face of 
 this child brighten at this game of battle and be- 
 held the features of the famous old warrior come 
 to life, one might well have said : the one has in- 
 herited his lively passion for the art of war from 
 his father, and the other, younger by forty years, 
 wishes to live again his glorious campaigns. A 
 charming contrast, and a picture worthy of in- 
 spiring the genius of our painters. 
 
 These great manoeuvers were interrupted as 
 the empress was announced. As she preferred 
 to be alone with her son, whose education she per- 
 sonally directed, we withdrew. Isabey remained, 
 as he wished to show her his work. 
 
 When we were again seated in the carriage, 
 the Prince de Ligne, still greatly moved by the 
 visit, said to me : 
 
 "Oh, when Napoleon received the submission 
 of Vienna at Schonbrunn, when he here planned 
 the memorable Battle of Wagram, when he 
 caused his victorious phalanges to parade before 
 the astonished Viennese in these broad courts, he 
 was far from foreseeing that he whose fate lay 
 wholly in his hands would one day hold back the 
 son of the victor and the daughter of the van- 
 quished as hostages. In my long career I have 
 seen a great deal of glory and misfortune, but 
 
80 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 nothing compares to the story of which a chapter 
 has just been unfolded before us." 
 
 As we rode across the glacis between the sub- 
 urbs and the city we observed a broad, open, 
 and extraordinary low carriage, filled by a per- 
 son of generous girth. 
 
 "Halt!" said the prince to me. "We must 
 salute. That is his Majesty by grace of God and 
 Robinson Crusoe, the King of Wiirtemberg. Un- 
 til now," continued the prince, "we have attended 
 only the festivities of kings; to-morrow I will 
 call for you for a festival of the people. 
 
 This public festival is one of the most imposing 
 events of the city of Vienna, and had long been 
 the subject of general expectation. 
 
 I had therefore gladly accepted the invitation 
 of my famous guide, the Prince de Ligne. I vis- 
 ited him before noon, and we started out for the 
 Augarten, where the event was to be celebrated. 
 
 An enormous assembly of people crowded the 
 beautiful spot. The weather was magnificent. 
 The tribunes erected for the monarchs and the 
 personages of the Congress were occupied by 
 men and women spectators attired in brilliant 
 finery. The prince preferred to mingle among 
 the people. This pleased me a great deal, for I 
 hoped that opportunities would offer for me to 
 hear his spirited comment. 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 81 
 
 Four thousand Austrian veterans had been in- 
 vited to attend this festival. They defiled before 
 the tribunes of the sovereigns to military music, 
 and then took their places under the big tents 
 provided for them. Thereupon events of all 
 kinds were presented, which lasted the entire day. 
 
 The end of the program was marked by the 
 ascension of a balloon of enormous dimensions; 
 the aeronaut who wxnt up with it, a rival of Gar- 
 nerin and Blanchard, called himself Kraskowitz. 
 Soon he was seen suspended majestically over the 
 crowd, and a great number of banners with the 
 colors of the nations represented in Vienna were 
 unfurled. 
 
 "Truly," said the Prince de Ligne to me, "if 
 this aeronaut is somewhat of a skeptic, he has an 
 opportunity for composing a philosophic treatise 
 from his windy height on human vanity and the 
 drama that he sees below. All these prominent 
 persons, who appear so little when viewed from 
 above with an untrammeled eye, must lose a great 
 deal of their importance. If suddenly there came 
 a gust of wind that carried him still higher, all 
 these majesties, these celebrities, and all these 
 immortal human beings would disappear from 
 his view and mingle with the dust that is raised 
 by their feet and their horses' shoes. Soon his 
 gaze is able to distinguish nothing more than in- 
 definite masses, a chaos without names." 
 
82 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 One hour later the aeronaut had landed gently 
 on the Island of Lobau. 
 
 In the meantime the monarchs moved about in 
 the crowd without attendants, viewed everything, 
 gossiped condescendingly with the old battle- 
 scarred soldiers. There was something patriar- 
 chal about the way in which they went about in 
 the midst of the people, who crowded about them. 
 
 When evening came innumerable lamps 
 brought the light of day to the Augarten. A 
 splendid pyrotechnical display now took place 
 before the palace; the most beautiful of the pic- 
 tures represented famous buildings of Milan, 
 Berlin, and St. Petersburg. An enormous crowd 
 surged back and forth in the avenues of the Au- 
 garten, and yet the most remarkable order 
 reigned everywhere. There was something calm 
 and studied in this merry-making, such as is pe- 
 culiar only to the German. 
 
 In the hostelry "Zur Kaiserin von Oesterreich" 
 congregated most of the strangers whose ex- 
 penses were not provided by the court or who 
 gladly evaded the demands of etiquette. This 
 society, at first little taken notice of, soon became 
 an advisory power, and even if it had no voice 
 at the Congress, it at least had influence. 
 
 We seated ourselves at a table at which at least 
 twenty persons of different nationalities already 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 83 
 
 sat. One of my neighbors directed my attention 
 to a young woman whose blue eyes, clear com- 
 plexion, and adornment cast a radiance on every- 
 thing about her. 
 
 "This young woman," he said to me, "is being 
 spoiled like a favorite child, thanks to a happy 
 accident." 
 
 "You seem to know her. Tell me about her, 
 if you will." 
 
 "Eight days ago, with a few friends I left the 
 Baths of Diana, where we had dined, and pro- 
 ceeded to Caroline, — that is the name of this 
 woman, — and ordered punch. This soon put us 
 in a merry mood, and the result of this was an 
 uproar, which annoyed the neighborhood and 
 caused considerable property damage, which I 
 forgot to pay for upon my departure. Tw o days 
 later I returned in order to recompense my host- 
 ess for the indiscretion and to apologize for the 
 foolhardiness of my comrades. I climbed the 
 stairs with the unrestrained manner of one who 
 possessed the freedom of the house, entered, and 
 who do I see in the reception-room but a cham- 
 berlain in court costume, who wears a golden key 
 on his coat-lapel and who makes it his duty to 
 bar my way. 
 
 " 'My dear sir,' he says to me, 'you may not 
 enter here.' 
 
84 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 " 'That command, sir, cannot refer to me. I 
 have but to say the word, and will do so speed- 
 
 ily.' 
 
 " 'Pardon, sir, but the king may wish to speak 
 before you. His Majesty is within, and I am 
 here on duty.' 
 
 " *I understand, sir. I came with regard to 
 several broken pieces of furniture; I will leave 
 the field to one who knows better than I how to 
 repair an injury.' 
 
 "Thereupon I withdrew. But that does not 
 end the matter. His INIajesty, it seems, was not 
 an extensive conversationalist, and his entertain- 
 ment was soon at an end. Just as he was prepar- 
 ing to take his leave from the pretty child, a po- 
 lice agent entered with a neatly folded paper 
 which was not exactly a love-letter, but the sig- 
 nificance of which would leave no one in doubt 
 for a moment. It came from Councilor Siber, 
 director of the police of Vienna. 
 
 " 'Ma'm'selle,' said the police agent to Caro- 
 line, 'your neighbors have complained to the po- 
 lice director regarding the uproar which occurred 
 in your home the day before yesterday. I have 
 received the order to conduct you to his head- 
 quarters, so that you may justify your conduct.' 
 
 "You must know that the police of Vienna, as 
 faithful adherents to ancient customs and man- 
 ners, have retained a certain practice that affects 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 85 
 
 persons of the sex and position of Mademoiselle 
 Caroline. When these are to be punished for an 
 infraction of this sort, the police mete out a pun- 
 ishment in a paternal manner, much as an irate 
 father might punish his ill-tempered child. Every- 
 thing is done in perfect good form ; a woman ad- 
 ministers the punishment in a remote room of the 
 house of the director of police. The only means 
 of obtaining a mitigation of punishment is a more 
 or less large number of gulden, which the guilty 
 one may place in the hand of the one who admin- 
 isters punishment. 
 
 "The poor Caroline knew all these details. 
 When she saw the police agent and heard his 
 command she grew pale; a cold shudder ran 
 through her limbs, and she pictured the avenging 
 fury armed with the shameful instrument of deg- 
 radation; therefore she threw herself in tears at 
 the feet of her royal admirer and cried with all 
 the power that fear gave her: 
 
 " 'Sire, you are king; protect me! save me!' 
 
 *'The appearance of the royal master confused 
 the police official; he explained the incident to 
 the king. The monarch, moved by the pleading 
 of his ward, raised the beautiful weeping girl 
 with one hand and with the other dismissed the 
 messenger, to whom he said : 
 
 " 'You may withdraw. Madame belongs to 
 
86 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 my household, and she is responsible to me alone 
 for her conduct.' 
 
 "The unexpected pleases kings as well as 
 women; out of this incident, which was meant to 
 be only a passing mood, has developed a real, 
 lasting protection. At this Congress of amuse- 
 ments everything was arranged satisfactorily 
 without any other plenipotentiary than love. 
 Since that time the young favorite has been 
 loaded with presents of all kinds; his Majesty 
 even appeared recently with her at a masked ball 
 and gave his arm to the girl, who was disguised 
 only in a light domino, an occurrence which 
 caused the Prince de Ligne to remark: 
 
 " 'That is the Danish Du Barry; I wish her 
 nothing more than a little witness to the joys of 
 the Congress ; then good fortune will have placed 
 a golden spoke in her wheel.' " 
 
 The salon of the Russians was primarily that 
 of the Princess Bagration. This woman, the wife 
 of the field-marshal, in a certain sense repre- 
 sented her countrymen in Vienna. 
 
 At one of the soirees given by the princess I 
 sat beside the Prince Koslovski and the Baron 
 Ompteda, and felt certain that both would find 
 a wide field for their biting remarks in this nu- 
 merous circle. 
 
 "Observe," said the baron, "there behind the 
 chair of Czar Alexander stands his brother the 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 87 
 
 Grand Duke Constantine, the third in rank in 
 the empire and probably heir to the throne. 
 What a servile attitude he assumes toward the 
 czar! With what affectation he exhibits himself 
 as the first of his subjects! One might actually 
 regard him as enthusiastically for servitude as 
 others are for freedom." 
 
 "Have you heard," said the Prince Koslovski 
 to me, "of an incident which brought all the po- 
 litical salons in uproar? The Baron von St 
 
 [probably Stein] standing yonder, beside M. 
 von Hardenberg, plays the leading role. Nat- 
 urally violent and easily excitable, this statesman, 
 despite his contact with the diplomatic world in 
 which he lives, has never been able to moderate 
 his temper. A great many of his colleagues have 
 already complained of him. Eight days ago the 
 business agent of a petty German prince had him- 
 self announced to the baron. The latter was ex- 
 ceedingly busy and w^ished to be alone. The vis- 
 itor entered modestly and wished to speak with 
 that respect which he was expected to show the 
 representative of a great power. The baron 
 looked up, and, without asking the visitor for his 
 name, fell suddenly upon him, took him by the 
 collar, and threw him out of the room. All this 
 occurred with lightning-like rapidly. As a re- 
 sult, explanations were demanded by the insulted 
 man. The violent-tempered diplomat had to ex- 
 
88 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 cuse his discourteous action, but the impression 
 it caused had not yet been obHterated. One must 
 admit that it stands in tragic contrast to the 
 calmness and patience which the arbiters of 
 our fates show in their relations with one an- 
 other." 
 
 I had promised the Prince Ypsilanti that I 
 would call for him and visit the Princess Suwarov 
 with him. I went to him in great haste. Ypsi- 
 lanti at this time was actually besieged by those 
 frivolous love affairs that are so well designed to 
 turn a young head. His noble military form, his 
 tall, lean figure, were not in the least aiFected 
 by the loss of his arm. 
 
 " 'Just look,' he said to me, and held out a 
 packet of letters. 'There are six that have ar- 
 rived since yesterday and in all kinds of lan- 
 guages, Italian, French, yes, even Greek. My 
 faith! I have rendezvous in all the churches of 
 Vienna. Come, my friends,' he continued, 'more 
 weighty matters occupy my time; let us talk of 
 Greece.' " 
 
 The dejeuner at the Princess Suwarov's was 
 most lively. Among the women of high Russian 
 society no one united better the advantages of 
 intelligence with the charms of a mild and gra- 
 cious soul. We amused ourselves by discussing 
 the interesting events that had taken place in 
 St. Petersburg since my departure and all sorts 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 89 
 
 of subjects affecting our friends. One anecdote 
 followed another. 
 
 Ypsilanti listened to us in silence, yet that ex- 
 ultation, the germ of which he had carried in his 
 soul from his earliest youth, betrayed itself in the 
 brightness of his eyes, the expression of his face. 
 Through the death of his father he had become 
 heir to an enormous fortune. Despite the fame 
 that he had w on in war, despite the seductiveness 
 of amusements and of love, he centered all his 
 thoughts, all his dreams for the future, on Greece, 
 his fatherland, whose serfdom he lamented, and 
 everywhere he sought avengers for it. 
 
 I soon observed that the Princess Suwarov en- 
 couraged him in these hopes for freedom; the 
 whole of polite Russian society was pleased to 
 occupy itself with this idea, which had been 
 handed down from generation to generation for 
 a century like a pious humanitarian legacy. 
 
 "The great European war," said Prince Ypsi- 
 lanti, with heat, "has ended; the era of Greece 
 has arrived. Its cause will become that of the 
 whole Congress; the signal for its independence 
 must be given from Vienna." 
 
 "Well, then," said the princess, "why be in- 
 active? What a task to be the liberator of an 
 oppressed people at the age of three and twenty ! 
 Our century is the century of youth ; youth over- 
 comes all obstacles. 
 
90 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 "The Congress cannot be deaf to the voice of 
 religion and humanity. Ah-eady Greece may 
 count on many avengers in the Peloponnesus, 
 the two principalities, the archipelago, and also 
 at other localities. Only a drop more and the 
 measure is full." 
 
 I was to pass the next day with the Prince de 
 Ligne in his country house on the Kahlenberg. 
 Upon arriving there I found M. de Nowosiltzov, 
 a statesman of real merit who possessed the con- 
 fidence of the Czar of Russia to a great degree. 
 At that time, as was said, the czar took a lively 
 interest in the future of Poland. As an imperial 
 counselor, member of the provisional government 
 at Warsaw, ]M. de Xowosiltzov was just engaged 
 in prejDaring a constitution, which the Czar of 
 Russia wished to present to the new kingdom. 
 
 The Prince de Ligne had a lively interest in 
 Poland. For that reason he listened most at- 
 tentively to the discussion of the plans of Alex- 
 ander — plans one might still credit at that time. 
 
 "After so many remarkable efforts," said M. 
 de Nowosiltzov, "after so many broken hopes 
 and vain sacrifices, Poland is again to breathe 
 freely. The care of the czar for his new subjects 
 cannot be called into question; cast a glance at 
 this manuscript. It is the constitution of the 
 Kingdom of Poland. Czar Alexander himself 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 91 
 
 improved it. You will see thereby that there is 
 no nobler heart than his when great thoughts 
 come from the heart. The laws and constitution 
 of the kingdom will be the keystone of peace in 
 Europe." 
 
 As a matter of fact, any of the extracts that 
 he read to us from the manuscript honored the 
 statesman as much as the friend of humanity. 
 
 We were interrupted during the commentary 
 which the counselor gave us after his reading by 
 the visit of the Count Arthur Potocki, a young 
 friend of the Prince de Ligne. No matter how 
 strongly Polish he was and how filled with noble 
 thoughts for his country, yet his presence caused 
 M. de Xowosiltzov to roll up his manuscript with- 
 out another word ; he took his leave soon after. 
 
 "I bring you, my Prince," said the young 
 count, "the billets to the imperial carousal which 
 absolutely will take place during next week. It 
 will be one of the most imposing dramas that 
 have ever been seen." Without tarrying longer 
 he left us. 
 
 ''You come," said the prince to me, "in order 
 to pass a few hours with me to-day in my house 
 on the Kahlenberg. Before we go thither do not 
 refuse to visit Isabey with me. I must sit to him 
 to-day for my portrait. During this hour of 
 martyrdom you may muse through his picture- 
 
92 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 gallery. Come. His conversation is just as full 
 of spirit as his brush." 
 
 We soon reached the home of the artist, which 
 was located in the Leopoldstadt. Isabey lived 
 in splendor, as once Benvenuto Cellini had in 
 the Louvre. The walls of his atelier were entirely 
 covered with sketches of his paintings and out- 
 lines of paintings; it resembled a magic lantern 
 in which could be seen, one after another, all the 
 personages of the Congress. 
 
 M. de Talleyrand had given him the idea, as 
 he said, of coming to Vienna, and to this trip art 
 is indebted for his excellent historical sketch that 
 depicts a sitting of the delegates of the Congress. 
 The fall of Napoleon had caused the loss of all 
 of his patronage. One day in the workroom of 
 M. de Talleyrand, who had contributed substan- 
 tially to this great catastrophe, he lamented the 
 results of a restoration that was the cause of his 
 ruin. Before Talleyrand's eyes at that moment 
 lay a copper-plate engraving of the Peace of 
 Westphalia at JMiinster, after the painting of 
 Terborch. He pointed to it, and said to the art- 
 ist: 
 
 "A congress is about to be opened in Vienna; 
 go there." 
 
 These few words were a ray of hope to Isabey, 
 and his decision was made. INI. de Talleyrand 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 93 
 
 encouraged him in the most well-meaning and 
 flattering manner. 
 
 The hour during which the prince posed seemed 
 short to me. His portrait had progressed far 
 enough to permit the likeness to be criticized. I 
 paid the artist my compliments. All those who 
 knew this marvelous aged man recognized him 
 wholly in his portrait. 
 
 Soon thereafter we joyfully began our little 
 journey. On the way we discussed the Viennese 
 amusements. 
 
 "In order to describe adequately the fairy-like 
 fetes that follow one upon the other," said the 
 Prince de Ligne, "should not one be a poetic ma- 
 gician like Ariosto ? Truly, I should not be sur- 
 prised if the entertainment committee shortly 
 caused the announcement to be made in all cities 
 and villages of the monarchy that a prize will be 
 awarded the lucky person who succeeds in in- 
 venting a new pleasure for the monarchs assem- 
 bled here." 
 
 At these words we entered the court of his 
 modest residence. The house was small, but com- 
 fortable. The Prince de Ligne had succeeded 
 without difficulty in fulfilling the wish of Socra- 
 tes, of having none but true friends here. The 
 side of the house that stands opposite the Dan- 
 ube is covered with French verses of which he is 
 
94 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 the author; one of these clearly reflects the calm 
 of his noble soul: 
 
 Sans remords, sans regrets, sans crainte, sans envie. 
 (Without remorse, without regrets, without fear, 
 without envj.) 
 
 "I feel so greatly the emptiness of virtually 
 everything," he repeated often, "that it cannot be 
 credited to me as a great virtue if I am neither 
 envious nor malicious nor desirous of fame." 
 
 Thereupon he led me into his garden. 
 
 "I should depart from the practice of every 
 proprietor if I did not begin by showing you all 
 the details of my principality," he said, "but as 
 my house and its environs are small, this will not 
 take much time. Nevertheless, here I am able 
 at last to enjoy my own self, having escaped the 
 tumult of festivities and the exhaustion of amuse- 
 ments. Here the air refreshens me, here I gain 
 new powers, which I use up again every night 
 in the unending intoxication of joy of the Con- 
 gress." 
 
 It was three o'clock; in a small room adjoin- 
 ing the library were served a few bits that the 
 prince himself had brought with him. We seated 
 ourselves and began one of the most pleasing din- 
 ners that lives in my memory. The prince told 
 stories freely, and he narrated well and with 
 charm. 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 95 
 
 The Empress of Austria was in a certain sense 
 the soul of these balls, banquets, reunions, and 
 masquerades. Born in Italy as a member of the 
 famous house of Este, lauded by both Ariosto 
 and Tasso, she had inherited taste and talent for 
 all the arts from her ancestors. She possessed 
 extraordinary goodness. Her lively fantasy oc- 
 cupied itself with the details of these festivals. 
 Two French artists, M. Isabey and M. Moreau, 
 the latter an architect of significant gifts, assisted 
 her in originating and arranging the fetes. She 
 designed and gave commands, and it was the task 
 of the artists to realize her happy, charming ideas. 
 
 Among her favorite amusements was the giv- 
 ing of theatrical performances in her salons. She 
 herself was the impresario, and spared no pains 
 to bring together an assembly of actors from 
 among the members of society. 
 
 This morning I called on Prince Eugene de 
 Beauharnais. We had known each other since 
 my youth, and on all the occasions that brought 
 me near him in Paris, Milan, and Vienna, I, like 
 all his friends, had access anew to his unselfish 
 heart and his friendly spirit. 
 
 He was ailing ; I remarked that his health suf- 
 fered under the influence of mental sorrows. 
 How many poignant sorrows he had to suffer! 
 The misfortune of France, the downfall of Na- 
 
96 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 poleon, the loss of brilliant rank, and the death 
 of a worshiped mother all in the course of a few 
 months ! 
 
 His position in Vienna had something forced 
 and unreal about it. It was a source of continued 
 discomfort to him. Diplomatic inquiries had pre- 
 ceded his reception; for this he thanked the in- 
 fluence of the King of Bavaria, his father-in- 
 law, and the interest of Czar Alexander. But 
 one could not forget that he was the adopted son 
 of Napoleon, and it was known that he could 
 never disguise his noble character, and that he 
 surely would use his whole influence in behalf of 
 a man who had been his patron. His position 
 between the victorious powers who triumphed 
 by the misfortune of France and the representa- 
 tives of the government of the Bourbons seemed 
 to leave him standing isolated in the middle of 
 this stream of amusements. 
 
 I passed the evening in the salon of the Coun- 
 tess Fuchs. As always, a great many persons 
 were present ; happily, I was able to find a place 
 beside Baron Ompteda. None understood so 
 well as he how to sketch a portrait with a few 
 strokes. His tongue, however, was feared as 
 much as his sketches. 
 
 "Since your departure," he said to me, "Vienna 
 has suffered a siege and a hostile occupation; 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 97 
 
 despite that you will observe no great changes. 
 The ridiculous things have remained unchanged, 
 which bespeaks the immobility of the Austrian 
 Government. They merely strike the eye more 
 sharply now in view of the progressive enlight- 
 enment of the century. 
 
 "Even the salons are still as you left them; 
 this one especially is, as formerly, the gathering- 
 place of the friends of our charming queen. No 
 title was ever more deserved than this, and never 
 have subjects sought to throw off her yoke. 
 
 "Nostitz is just entering there with Borel. 
 Nostitz has only one fault; I believe he lives in 
 a cab. At any hour, whether one is in the Graben, 
 in the Prater, or on the bastions, he is to be seen 
 driving by. He is half man, half vehicle, as once 
 the centaurs were half man, half horse. 
 
 "Gentz also is present. He holds all the se- 
 crets of Europe in his hands; soon he will also 
 be the possessor of all the European orders. He 
 is one of the organs of that silent organism which 
 we call the Austrian Government. Perhaps his 
 manifests, his newspaper articles, and his procla- 
 mations have been just as disastrous to Napoleon 
 as the ice of Russia. But honors and orders do 
 not satisfy him as remuneration. The monarchs 
 know that he also loves money; they give it to 
 him in sufficiency. Bowed down by tasks and 
 
98 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 affairs, cut off from all entertainments, he tries 
 to find forgetfulness by plunging into the whirl- 
 pool of the world." 
 
 One of the most painful events of my life, the 
 death of the Prince de Ligne, threw a shadow 
 over all the festivities at the Congress, and the 
 impression that this unexpected event made was 
 marked and painful. 
 
 Mourning for the noble dead was not officially 
 announced; but it was general, nevertheless, for 
 it came from the heart. For long years the Vien- 
 nese had regarded the Prince de Ligne with re- 
 spect and wonder, feelings that were heightened 
 by the enthusiasm of strangers for him. Without 
 doubt they recalled how much Emperor Francis 
 had loved him, what fame these men unitedly 
 achieved in their wars, and the confidential rela- 
 tion that he had enjoyed with all the personages 
 of the last century. 
 
 A few days later sincere tears were shed in 
 memory of the Prince de Ligne. A solemn re- 
 quiem was said for the marshal as Knight of the 
 Golden Fleece in the royal chapel. All his friends, 
 his family, and his admirers attended. This nu- 
 merous and grief-stricken crowd proved clearly 
 that the famous man had not gone to his grave 
 forgotten. 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 99 
 
 As I passed through the Graben I found here, 
 as always, a crowd of pedestrians and gossips. 
 I joined one of these groups. An event given 
 by M. von Metternich was the subject of con- 
 versation. 
 
 "The arrangements," said one, *'were rich and 
 tasteful, as always; and yet there was never a 
 more icy company. The sovereigns were ex- 
 pected ; all had promised to honor the event with 
 their presence, but not a single one appeared. 
 Every one is lost in conjecture about it." 
 
 "Then the brothers, who are otherwise so 
 agreed, proved themselves Cains?" said another. 
 "They had sworn to give the lie to the proverb 
 that the kings cannot agree." 
 
 "Yes, the horizon darkens, if we may speak 
 after the manner of our newspapers. I have 
 heard it said that there are new disagreements in 
 the Congress ; also there is talk about the assem- 
 bly of troops in Poland under the supreme com- 
 mand of the Grand Duke Constantine. But no 
 eye can penetrate the veil behind which the polit- 
 ical reports are hidden. Even the insignificant 
 events, the visits which the monarchs pay one 
 another, and the exchange of decorations with 
 which they most usefully brighten their leisure 
 hours or divert their cares — everything is in ob- 
 scurity." 
 
100 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 I proceeded in the evening to the Leopoldstadt 
 theater with a few friends in order to attend the 
 performance of a Httle play, "The Visitors in 
 Vienna," which usually drew a full house. At 
 seven o'clock we had procured tickets with great 
 effort and entered the hall, which was already 
 filled. The play deserved its success. The art 
 of the actor Scholz, who excelled in it, as well 
 as a number of spirited references, found much 
 approval. All the nations of Europe, united in 
 Vienna by amusement, played their parts therein. 
 
 "Peace, which has been banned from the con- 
 siderations of the Congress, has fled to the stage," 
 said Prince Koslovski. "Is it not a choice picture 
 when you consider that the nations of Europe 
 give one another the hand of friendship on the 
 Leopoldstadt stage and dance a ballet together, 
 while their representatives, not far from here, 
 are ready to precipitate themselves into a hand- 
 to-hand fight?" 
 
 In the whole city nothing was a more frequent 
 topic of conversation than the fire that one night 
 deprived the capital of Austria of one of its most 
 beautiful decorations, the palace of Prince Ra- 
 zumowski. In the evening a mot of M. de Talley- 
 rand w^as repeated everywhere. He was just 
 about to begin his toilet when he was told of the 
 unfortunate occurrence. 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 101 
 
 "That is a mild punishment for the good for- 
 tune of being a courtier," was his comment, and 
 calmly he placed his coiffure in the hands of 
 his valet. 
 
 A short time later the Countess Zichy gave a 
 great ball which the monarchs w ere to honor with 
 their presence. The assembly of the Countess 
 Zichy was brilliant and one of the best attended 
 that had been seen in a long time. All the mon- 
 archs had come; they had been expected with 
 impatience. Their expressions were carefully 
 observed, and every one sought to read their most 
 secret thoughts. When they were seen to be in 
 agreement pleasure was depicted on all faces. 
 For several days the report had spread, and also 
 seemed to be confirmed, that all the questions of 
 the Congress, even the most difficult ones, had 
 finally been decided, and that complete una- 
 nimity prevailed among the lords of the earth who 
 had been in disagreement. Public announcement 
 of certain significant decisions and general peace, 
 it was said, would greet the new year. 
 
 In the meantime a large orchestra had begun 
 a polonaise in a charming manner. Czar Alex- 
 ander, according to his custom, was at the head 
 of the dancing column. His partner was the 
 Princess of Paar, just as celebrated through her 
 charms as through the refinement of her spirit. 
 The clock announced midnight ; the new year be- 
 
102 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 gan. It is well known that Austria has retained 
 the honored custom of our fathers of greeting 
 the first hour of the new year with mutual felici- 
 tations. At the stroke of the hour the princess 
 stood still, turned to the Czar of Russia, and 
 said: 
 
 *'I am happy. Sire, to be the first to bring 
 good wishes for the new year to so great a mon- 
 arch. May your Majesty permit me to plead on 
 behalf of all Europe for the preservation of a 
 general peace and the agreement of all peoples?" 
 
 Wishes expressed by such a beautiful mouth 
 could not fail to be well received. The czar re- 
 ceived the petition and the petitioner with appre- 
 ciation. He responded that all his hopes and 
 wishes were directed toward reaching this de- 
 sired goal, and that no sacrifice was too great 
 to enable him to make a peace, which was the first 
 need of mankind. 
 
 An enormous circle had formed. When the 
 czar concluded, the women broke into a little 
 hurrah, a little triumph that did not seem to 
 displease the czar. For in addition to other char- 
 acteristics of Louis Le Grand, he attempted also 
 to combine his dignified bearing with the most re- 
 fined conduct. The orchestra resumed the inter- 
 rupted melody, and the polonaise was ended amid 
 murmurs of approval and expressions of admira- 
 tion. 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 103 
 
 One of the most unusual of the affairs given 
 during the Congress of Vienna was probably the 
 dinner, or picnic, to which Admiral Sidney Smith 
 invited the princes, the personages, and the hu- 
 manitarians who at that time sojourned within 
 the walls of Vienna. 
 
 Sir William Sidney Smith, British admiral, had vir- 
 tually closed bis distinguished naval career in 1814. 
 He entered the navy, as he expressed it, "at the begin- 
 ning of the American War," when he was eleven years 
 old. He served against the French and the Turks, and 
 in 1799 captured Napoleon's flotilla before St. Jean 
 d'Acre and raised the siege. He was first employed by 
 the Kins: of Sweden in the war with Russia in 1790- 
 1792, and it was in the interest of Sweden that he 
 appeared at the Congress. 
 
 Admiral Smith regarded the Congress of 
 Vienna as an excellent opportunity to develop 
 the activity of his spirit. He was therefore one 
 of the first to proceed to Vienna. The admiral 
 called himself the plenipotentiary of Gustavus 
 Adolphus, the former King of Sweden, who un- 
 der the title of the Duke of Holstein had dele- 
 gated Smith to demand the return of his lost 
 crown. This honorable commission he owed to 
 his capacity of former officer of the Swedish ma- 
 rine and knight of the Order of the Swords. 
 
104 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Immediately after the opening of the sessions 
 of the Congress Sir Sidney Smith hastened to 
 place the cause of his eminent client before the 
 highest court in Europe. The moment seemed 
 to have been well chosen; the words "justice," 
 "reparation," and "legitimacy" were daily ac- 
 claimed scrupulously. When the unthroned mon- 
 arch placed this matter before the consciences of 
 the princes through Sir Sidney Smith, he was 
 attempting to fight them with their own weap- 
 ons. But in politics the most logical grounds are 
 not always the most successful. Days and months 
 passed without the slightest reference to a res- 
 toration of the scepter to the dethroned king. 
 
 The arrangements for the picnic, however, 
 found fewer difficulties. In the Vienna confer- 
 ence, which seemed to have for their motto that 
 the little should be robbed for the benefit of the 
 great, it was easier to bring about any sort of 
 entertainment than to accomplish the restoration 
 of a throne. The object of this general invita- 
 tion was a subscription, at the head of which the 
 admiral had placed his own name. The mon- 
 archs had accepted the invitation and, it was de- 
 clared, subscribed with great avidity. 
 
 All had wished to express their approval of 
 Sir Sidney Smith's humanitarian plans by their 
 signatures and to testify to this by attendance at 
 his picnic — all, with the exception of two, the 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 105 
 
 Emperor Francis and the King of Wiirtemberg. 
 The former was kept from attending the festival 
 through an inopportune event; he had, however, 
 subscribed a thousand ducats. The latter had 
 left Vienna two days before, and his defiant de- 
 parture was the subject of all conversations. 
 
 Domineering and impetuous by nature. King 
 Frederick of Wiirtemberg endured the tedious- 
 ness of the conferences with impatience. At so- 
 cial functions he appeared virtually always with 
 either an apprehensive or a discontented look. 
 There was soon an occasion at which the full im- 
 petuosity of his character stood revealed. Among 
 the many demands for reparation which were 
 submitted for the decision of the Congress, was 
 also that of the nobility of Germany, which had 
 sent its deputies to obtain the restoration of its 
 former position and its former rights. At a 
 conference which his JNIajesty the King of Wiir- 
 temberg attended these demands were discussed 
 and the restoration of the Holy Roman Empire 
 was touched upon. The king controlled himself 
 only with effort. When the delegates began to 
 speak of the measures that they considered expe- 
 dient in order to limit the prerogatives of the sov- 
 ereigns, he jumped from his chair as if beside 
 himself. Before him stood a table that unfor- 
 tunately lacked the curved opening which had 
 been provided at the imperial table in order to 
 
106 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 accommodate his unusual girth. As the mon- 
 arch rose, his rotund proportions caused the ta- 
 ble to upset with a loud crash. The angry mood 
 of the king was only heightened thereby ; without 
 delay he departed, hastened to his house, and on 
 the same night left the capital of Austria, after 
 having insisted to his plenipotentiaries that all 
 demands of the nobility must be repudiated with- 
 out reservation. 
 
 Who has not already tried to describe ^I. von 
 ]Metternich? As in the case of M. de Talleyrand, 
 his contemporaries concede him all the glory that 
 history gives him. Although more accomplished 
 hands than mine already have drawn his por- 
 trait, I am not able to withstand the impulse to 
 describe him according to the judgment which I 
 formed of him in the midst of the dazzling power 
 and the diplomatic reserve in which he had moved 
 since youth. 
 
 It was still possible at that time to take M. 
 von IMetternich for a young man. His features 
 were pleasing and entirely regular ; his smile was 
 seductive; his face expressed shrewdness and a 
 kindly disposition. He was of middling stature, 
 well built, and his stride had something noble and 
 elegant about it. At the first glance one was 
 pleasantly surprised to find in him one of those 
 men whom nature has richly endowed in order 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 107 
 
 to insure them success in society. If, however, 
 his physiognomy was carefully scrutinized, a cer- 
 tain malleabihty and yet firmness became notice- 
 able ; and upon observing his penetrating glance, 
 no one could have any doubt of his extraordi- 
 nary political talents. In him was recognized 
 the statesman who was used to leading men and 
 affairs of the greatest import. 
 
 In the course of the thirty years that ^I. von 
 [Metternich has participated in the gigantic up- 
 heavals which have stirred all Europe he has pre- 
 served the unusual versatility of his spirit, his 
 extraordinary penetration, and his comprehen- 
 sive understanding, which foresees events and 
 directs them. His judgment, the fruit of long 
 reflection, is irrevocable, and his word is final, as 
 is fitting in a statesman who has confidence in 
 the power of his words. Above, all, M. von ]Met- 
 ternich is one of the best raconteurs of our time. 
 There was a tendency to discard his political 
 methods on the ground that they followed too 
 much the laws of immobility. Surely a spirit as 
 cultivated as his will have understood that it is 
 not in the destiny of men to remain always at the 
 same level, and that standing still in our century 
 means nothing less than retrogression. But it is 
 likely also that he comprehends well enough that 
 upheavals are not always steps to progress, and 
 that in leading men it is necessary to have con- 
 
108 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 sideration for their habits and their actual needs. 
 Even if the moment has not come for passing 
 final judgment on M. von Metternich, contem 
 porary history must content itself with placing 
 beyond doubt the peaceful and cloudless good 
 fortune which his calm and undisturbed leader- 
 ship guaranteed the hereditary states of Austria. 
 This good fortune, which is sufficient for him, 
 justifies his claim to renown. 
 
 Accident had again brought me together with 
 Baron Ompteda. 
 
 "What news?" I asked him. 
 
 "Everything i. concluded, or nearly ready to 
 be concluded. Europe has to thank the depar- 
 ture of Lord Castlereagh for the happy outcome 
 of the negotiations." 
 
 "My lord was, therefore, the only obstacle to 
 peace?" 
 
 "Far from it. For four months the delegates 
 have conferred without coming to an agreement. 
 Suddenly Lord Castlereagh is called to England 
 to attend the opening of Parliament. You will 
 understand that he could not appear there with- 
 out at least bringing some news from the Conti- 
 nent. He therefore gave the negotiations a new 
 turn, hurried the progress of the conferences, 
 and sped up the results. Why have not the other 
 nations also parliaments that must be opened? 
 
A FAMOUS WIT AT THE CONGRESS 109 
 
 "The Austrian court goes on most compla- 
 cently," continued the baron. "The European 
 Congress has decided the fate of Naples and its 
 improvised king, Joachim. The throne is to be 
 restored to the Bourbons. It is probably known 
 to you that the imperial chancery has determined 
 not to make an official announcement of the death 
 of Queen Christine for the reason that it did not 
 know what title to give her. Now that obstacle 
 is removed. 
 
 "Prince Koslovski has just confirmed the sig- 
 nificant news that I had received this morning 
 from Prince Ypsilanti. Napoleon has actually 
 left the Island of Elba. The master and pris- 
 oner of Europe, as he has been called, fled from 
 his prison armed with his fame, and entrusted 
 Cgesar and his fortune to a light vessel." The 
 highly placed judges of the Congress desire that 
 this news shall not be generally known until they 
 have adopted measures which are called for by 
 the seriousness of the situation. 
 
 Either the secret was kept, or the whirl of 
 amusements won a victory over this grave news, 
 for the city of Vienna retained its usual appear- 
 ance. The walls and the Leopoldstadt, which 
 leads to the Prater, were filled with pedestrians, 
 who longed for the first rays of the sun. Nothing 
 suggested that the thunder-clap had reached 
 
110 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 here; everywhere joy and a care-free spirit 
 reigned. 
 
 Full five long days Vienna remained without 
 further reports. The festivities and amusements 
 continued as before. At last it was impossible 
 to doubt longer; the thunder-storm broke. Na- 
 poleon was in France. This adventurer, as Pozzo 
 di Borgo dared to call him, had been received by 
 the French people. The soldiers rushed toward 
 their general; nothing hindered his triumphal 
 march. 
 
 The high personages happened to be gathered 
 at a ball of M. von INIetternich when the news of 
 Napoleon's landing in Cannes and of his first 
 successes arrived. The news spread with the 
 speed of an electrical spark. The waltz was in- 
 terrupted ; vainly the orchestra continued to play. 
 Czar Alexander approached the Prince de Tal- 
 leyrand. 
 
 "I told you that this would not last," he said. 
 
 The French ambassador bowed with unmoved 
 countenance and without answering. 
 
 The King of Prussia beckoned to the Duke of 
 Wellington; both left the ball-room. Immedi- 
 ately after them followed Czar Alexander, Em- 
 peror Francis, and M. von Metternich. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 
 
 FROM THE NOTES OF BARON VON NOSTITZ 
 
 Karl, Baron von Nostitz, was a man of the world 
 whose characteristics are clearly reflected in his notes 
 on the Congress. He was concerned principally with 
 personality, and had a wholesome contempt for the 
 bickerings of the princes and the intrigues of the diplo- 
 mats. He was bom in Dresden, but his career took him 
 into many fields. He was known as one of the tallest 
 men of his time, and this led in part to his appointment 
 as adjutant to Prince Louis Ferdinand of Prussia. He 
 fought at the latter's side at Saalfeld, and when the 
 prince was killed attempted to recover his body from 
 the French; but in vain. In 1812 he fought in the 
 Austrian Army as a major, and in 1813 joined the 
 Russo-German Legion of the Russian Army. He at- 
 tended the Congress as a member of the suite of the 
 czar. He fought in the war against the Turks in 1828 
 and against the Poles in 1831. He was made a lieuten- 
 ant-general for his services at Ostrolenka, and was 
 wounded in the attack on Warsaw. He died in 1838. 
 
 Ill 
 
112 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 
 
 Vienna, December, 1814. 
 
 The princes gladly throw off the restrictive 
 etiquette of the courts, and seek entertainment 
 at promenades and in little circles where out- 
 ward show does not prevail, something that 
 rarely happens in the events at court. oNIost 
 often the Czar of Russia and the King of Prus- 
 sia meet on the bastions at noon, and also at the 
 soirees, of which they visit most frequently that 
 at the house of JNIinister Zichy, although always 
 unannounced. For these long evening visits the 
 beautiful daughter-in-law of the house, the 
 Countess Zichy, seems to be the magnet which 
 attracts even the habitual coldness and reserve 
 of the king; and following the example of Czar 
 Alexander, he is often observed as most de- 
 voted to the women. 
 
 Emperor Francis lives in his own way, and 
 appears only, as is customary, in public places, 
 or where etiquette or his courtesies as host de- 
 mand his presence. 
 
 Since the last carousal, moreover, the great 
 court events have ended, and the monarchs meet 
 now only at small affairs, to which one attempts 
 to give an air of greater freedom by concerts, 
 tableaux, and stage romances presented by men 
 and women of society. 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 113 
 
 So far as the actual work and diplomatic 
 progress of the Congress is concerned, it has not 
 yet produced a single significant result. Se- 
 cretly, hidden behind velvet and purple robes, 
 antagonistic spirits fight one another with the 
 daggers of intrigue. 
 
 Politics here also appears to be a matter of 
 partizanship and petty greed, partly because of 
 ill-will, more often because of the great differ- 
 ence in opinion of the negotiators who are as- 
 sembled here. This makes them ill tempered 
 and distrustful, and the princely spectators are 
 more and more disinclined to unite in the field 
 of diplomacy, where rights are attacked now by 
 this one, now by that one, in a manner that would 
 never be permitted on another sort of field. 
 Therefore, the presence of the princes does not 
 seem to result in any advantage, and if by a sud- 
 den and unforeseen turn of events it does not 
 become as healing and rich in blessings as the 
 light of the sun, the princes will have met for no 
 good purpose, and will part with regret and dis- 
 gust, with aversion and ill will against the min- 
 isters, to get rid of their venom at the first 
 pretext. 
 
 The men who stand highest in this sinister 
 fight in versatility of spirit and creative strength 
 that continually devises new methods are Czar 
 Alexander and Prince Mettemich. 
 
114 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Years ago public opinion united to praise the 
 just and upright quahties of Czar Alexander; 
 called him a reve chevalier, and by this compli- 
 mentary term attempted to cloak a defect in 
 character. Within the last few years the pubhc 
 had more and more arrived at a different view; 
 the Congress has now confirmed this verdict, and 
 the czar appears as a shrewd man with a serious 
 object, losing much of his illusory character. 
 His plan seems to be to confuse opinion by im- 
 partiality and apparent resignation, for he al- 
 w^ays shows himself at promenades and at other 
 public places arm in arm witli the most insignifi- 
 cant persons, whose only qualities are appear- 
 ance and a youthful deference, and, despite all 
 their outward graciousness, are known as narrow 
 and inexperienced. To these belong INIoritz 
 Woina, who stands highest in favor, the little 
 Liechtenstein, and other young men. 
 
 INIetternich acquired so much cunning and 
 subtlety in England that the Russians, whose 
 czar lost his time there with the prince regent 
 and the ministers, regard him as a very versatile 
 and shrewd diplomat. Mystification is one of the 
 natural attributes of this minister, for he often 
 carries it to a disconcerting extreme in social in- 
 tercourse, and has developed it to such a state 
 of perfection in office that with gentleness and an 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 115 
 
 easy manner it offsets Austria's weakness else- 
 where. 
 
 Talleyrand is less able to make himself felt, 
 and it seems as if in our time we shall see all the 
 glamour fall from the French. It is remarked 
 that his politics is no longer worth anything, as 
 it is not reinforced by 400,000 bayonets. Actu- 
 ally this minister has accomplished nothing, but 
 by much clever intrigue he keeps separated parts 
 [lands] which France would not like to see 
 united. "I want nothing for myself," he said. 
 ^'France also demands nothing; I am here only 
 to maintain the political principles and to prevent 
 their being attacked." 
 
 Despite this speech it is suspected that he car- 
 ries instructions for some definite purpose, but 
 he has not yet achieved any. Is it not worth be- 
 lieving that Louis XVIII sets store by puttine 
 the Bourbons again on the throne of Naples? 
 Must one not think of that old interest of France 
 — the desire to see itself surrounded only by 
 petty princes? 
 
 Xesselrode might play a very important part 
 in representing the point of view of his mon- 
 arch, but the presence and personal activity of 
 the latter places the minister in the subordinate 
 role of an ambassador, who is everything only 
 because of his master, and is ruled by him even 
 down to his diplomatic notes. 
 
116 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 The understanding and wisdom of the Portu- 
 guese ambassadors, Lobo, Saldanha, and Pal- 
 mella, are universally praised. Possessing a 
 great deal of information about each of their spe- 
 cial interests, they enter into the discussion only 
 so far as it relates to their own case. 
 
 Vienna, December, 1814. 
 If one penetrates behind the smooth, decep- 
 tive exterior to the spirit that moves this elevated 
 drama of the great assembly of princes, one finds 
 vicious intrigue instead of frankness, envy in 
 place of confidence, meanness in place of lib- 
 erality. It is hardly known why the monarchs 
 have assembled here. Some assert that it is for 
 the restoration of the royalistic principle, and 
 the resulting reintroduction into their countries 
 of the lords who were unjustly forced out. This 
 principle is to put Frederick August [King of 
 Saxony] back on the throne. Russia, on the 
 other hand, says, ''Que s'il y avail un inalheur, il 
 valait mieu^ celiii de la dynastie que du pays/' 
 ["If there is a misfortune, better that of the 
 dynasty than of the country."] The Prussians 
 declare that it is not merely a case of the ruler, 
 but also that of the country, and that the situa- 
 tion Saxony is in demands union with Prussia 
 as soon as the loss of southern Prussia robs the 
 country of its topographical center, on which the 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 117 
 
 basis of security both against the north and the 
 west had been strongly built. Humboldt an- 
 nounced this mihtary-political reason openly, 
 Hardenberg and the king likewise had no other 
 idea, and the Prussian people asserted their 
 right to possess Saxony with such a display of 
 pride and strength that in a recent memorial the 
 king had the whole power of the country placed 
 at his disposal for the acquisition of Saxony. 
 
 The Russian czar, following his own peculiar 
 will, stands firm at the side of Prussia, which 
 will not give up a single village. Prussia de- 
 pends upon its own army of 260,000 men and a 
 Russian army in Poland under Barklai, which 
 is reported to reach 360,000 men, w^ithout the 
 guards in St. Petersburg, and with the southern 
 army of from 60,000 to 80,000 men under Ben- 
 nigsen, and without the Cossacks. 
 
 In his naivete Emperor Francis comments on 
 all this political activity: "It is, after all, a pretty 
 hard task to remove one regent from his throne." 
 
 Just as lively a controversy, and so far with- 
 out result, is being waged over Poland. Many 
 would like to let Prussia take the millions that it 
 wishes from this land in order to remove the 
 pressure of Prussia on Germany, and that of 
 Russia on the west. Metternich has not only 
 not reached his peculiar and secret diplomatic 
 aim through the coalition, but Prussia and Rus- 
 
118 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 sia have allied themselves in powerful opposi- 
 tion, and insist on. the demand that will assure 
 Saxony to Prussia and Poland to Russia. 
 
 "What a great role the Czar of Russia could 
 play, what an immortal place could he make for 
 himself in history, if he would complete the great 
 equalization without looking at a few measures 
 of land!" cries Austria; that is to say, if he would 
 do everything that it asks. 
 
 Nothing has yet been done about Germany 
 and its forthcoming federative constitution. A 
 number of projects have been submitted, among 
 others also one from INIetternich for a confed- 
 eration, which looks rather muddled. His basic 
 principles are general representation under the 
 condition of relinquishirent of individual rights, 
 in order to build up strength for the whole and 
 a constitution of the states. Wiirtemberg and 
 Bavaria, which egotistically believed that they 
 would retain everything and add to it, protested 
 strenuously against this interference with their 
 sovereignty. 
 
 The king of Wiirtemberg departed on Decem- 
 ber 27, and bestowed thousands of ducats on 
 cuisine, stable, and cellar; the snuffboxes also 
 are rich without and mostly full within, ''he 
 plus gueux est le plus genereux" ["The biggest 
 scoundrel is the most generous"], says the 
 maxim. If the other princes do this only by one 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 119 
 
 half, the Congress will end like those great gam- 
 ing parties at which the servants alone are win- 
 ners. To this group probably belong also the 
 French dancers, among whom jNIlle. Bigottini as 
 Nina and Mile. Aime excelled. They have de- 
 parted ; the former took with her 40,000 gulden 
 in Viennese coin and a child, which Franz Palfy 
 acknowledges, who guarantees the brat 100,000 
 Viennese gulden, and the mother a yearly income 
 of 6000 francs. If any one does not find this 
 sum sufficient, let him add the thirty-six years of 
 Bigottini. 
 
 There are no more great festivals. 
 
 January, 1815. 
 It appears that things are going on in Italy 
 in peace-time just as they did during the late 
 war; every messenger who arrived from the 
 Rhine with new laurels was met at the Burg by 
 news of disaster in Italy. The ill-omened des- 
 patches have not yet ceased to come; inadapta- 
 bility, formality, heterogeneousness, pretensions, 
 and poverty are causes which are working against 
 the new Government. Field-lNIarshal Belle- 
 garde finally came to the belief that he could get 
 security only by using force, and during the lat- 
 ter part of last year the troops were kept under 
 arms for days. A conspiracy of General Lecchi, 
 a political free-lance, caused the most recent ap- 
 
120 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 prehensions, and it is also said that King Joa- 
 chim [Murat] was concerned in it. All who 
 come from Italy speak of the aversion of that 
 country toward the Germans [Austrians] and 
 of the agitation and striving toward independ- 
 ence. The discontented people would soon break 
 their bonds if Austria was involved in a war, and 
 then jNIurat would certainly make use of his ad- 
 vantageous military position. 
 
 January 7, 1815. 
 Nobody is satisfied here, and even the spec- 
 tator wishes this existence to come to an end. 
 Only God knows how and when that will be 
 brought about. Daily new reports whirl through 
 the city, heralding now war, now peace. To-day, 
 the seventh, the olive branch is being exhibited; 
 to-morrow, perhaps, will sound the call to arms. 
 Russia wishes Poland, in order to pay the cost 
 of the war; and wants to poise its iron heel in 
 this country, in order to be ready to march west- 
 ward. Prussia is disturbed by the friendship of 
 Russia, is relieved by Russia's giving up its de- 
 signs on southern Prussia, and demands Saxony 
 on its part. It is easy to imagine how wit and 
 dialectic cleverness support these demands, and 
 how they are fought by Austria, whose protests 
 are given weight and emphasis by the backing of 
 France and England. This is the way it went on 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 121 
 
 in notes and now proceeds in oral conferences. 
 Metternich talks about the principle of monarch- 
 ial rights, Hardenberg about the welfare of 
 the people based upon well-secured boundaries; 
 and thus things will continue pell-mell until the 
 sword is drawn, or, what is most likely, until a 
 partition is made — the proof of mediocrity, mis- 
 erable ally of necessity and weakness. Plectuntur 
 Achivij etc.! 
 
 I do not believe that war will result; it will 
 not be kindled by the heated passions of the op- 
 posing groups. The tinder, however, will re- 
 main here, and will start the spark in a few years. 
 The Prussians especially are very warlike, and 
 Alexander does not seem to be averse to war. In 
 the meantime clever politics is aiming for the 
 predominating position, which Russia holds now 
 not because it stands above the others, but among 
 them, and therefore is able to direct the course 
 of events by leaning one way or another, by its 
 yes and no. 
 
 France views these manifestations with appro- 
 bation and increases the difficulties, so that it 
 can then come forward with a helping hand, 
 which it could not do if it was foremost in the 
 negotiations. England is wholly for Austria, 
 and makes itself to be hated because of its poli- 
 tics by the opposition, and because of the inso- 
 
122 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 lence and rudeness of its representatives by all 
 parties. 
 
 With the others the situation remains as it 
 was, and the Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg is 
 restricting his group more and more. He also 
 represents the point of view of another party, 
 which would like to raise the Germans to power 
 and itself with them, and which made such strong 
 overtures to the people during the war. 
 
 Austria, or, rather, ^letternich, who seems to 
 have lost his w^ay in his own labyrinth, j^uts much 
 stress upon its power and its alliances ; and when 
 everything is taken into consideration, there are 
 probably more troops distributed in the royal and 
 imperial states than the monarchy ever had be- 
 fore. Witli all tlie reserve troops, its strength is 
 nearly 500,000 men. Yet there were that many 
 in 1809, and what part of that number was able 
 to fight? Time and circumstances are more fa- 
 vorable now, but the spirit is still decayed, and 
 the moral strength lies prostrate. 
 
 January 15, 1815. 
 The oral conferences are now attended by Wes- 
 senberg, at times ^letternich himself; Humboldt, 
 often also Hardenberg; ^liinster, Talleyrand, 
 Castlereagh. This extraordinary ambassador 
 appears limited in capability, and foreign as an 
 Englishman. His wife, on the contrary, is 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 123 
 
 dressed entirely in costume, laughably theatrical, 
 colossal and ungracious, plump and gossipy. 
 She is the joke of society, and much like the 
 hostess of the Congress. 
 
 Humboldt works with a great deal of pro- 
 fundity and industry; he is an excellent man to 
 work things out, but he invents nothing, takes no 
 great pleasure in ordinary affairs, and regards 
 them in the ironic manner of the worldly wise 
 man as manifestations of social intrigue, for so- 
 ciety is his element. 
 
 Prince Repnin has returned to his more lim- 
 ited circle as adjutant. His ears now find the 
 siren tones from Dresden less flattering, but he 
 will always be assured of the affection of his 
 friends and the recognition of his honest eager- 
 ness, even if, as a sacrifice to political enslave- 
 ment, he bears the burden of being criticized as 
 "lacking in knowledge and ability" in the most 
 valuable year of his life. 
 
 Czar Alexander is devoting more than usual 
 attention to his friendship with local women, so 
 that even the Russian women appear to be dis- 
 pleased. He does not, however, indulge in any 
 sultanic behavior, so that it may be said that the 
 manners of the Viennese will not be corrupted 
 by the Russians. The aimahles vainquers have 
 often made advances under the leadership of 
 Czernischeff, but with little success, and many 
 
124 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 a shout of victory has died down to nothing in 
 the face of the invincibihty of the Viennese 
 women. The czar is j^robably the most easily 
 satisfied ; a word and a look seem to be sufficient 
 for him. His gallantry has designated beauties : 
 la heaute coquette, Caroline Scecheny; la beaute 
 triviale, Sophie Zichy; la beaute etounante, Ro- 
 sine Esterhazy; la beaute celeste, Julie Zichy; 
 la beaute du diable. Countess Sauerma; la beaute 
 qui iusjnre seul de vrai sentiment, Gabriele 
 Auersperg. 
 
 In addition to these women, who probably are 
 among the most beautiful, there are others also 
 capable of inspiring feelings according to mutual 
 desires and needs. Among the young, blossom- 
 ing, beautiful women are the Countesses Stahr- 
 emberg, Wrbna, etc., who are lively, gentle, and 
 as vigorous as life within the narrow walls of the 
 city, by candle-light and with continuous danc- 
 ing, will permit. The number of beautiful local 
 women has been augmented by the new arrivals, 
 and the older ones have by no means abdicated. 
 Names of the most beautiful and gracious women 
 of the capital of ten years ago are still found on 
 the lips, even if not in the hearts, and among 
 these are the Countess Lory Fuchs, the prin- 
 cesses of Courland, etc. 
 
 Poor Lory fights against growing old, and 
 her battle would be less futile if the chests at 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 125 
 
 home were full of gold and paper, which pleases 
 even more ; but her evening salons are beginning 
 to be attended less and less. I never cared for 
 the princesses of Courland. Formerly they were 
 merely women who asserted their sex with all 
 the vivacity that their blood gave them. Youth, 
 the love of variety, and their easy-going atti- 
 tude in affairs made these pretty women inter- 
 esting; for years their jolly career has been con- 
 fined within the boundaries of Austria. This 
 was due to the fact that they became thoroughly 
 imbued with the local manner of thinking and 
 acting, being drawn to the men first by their zest 
 for life, then to the women by prudence ; to-day 
 it is difficult to tell just what these women are. 
 At times they are feminine, at times masterful; 
 then politically inclined, then sentimental; a bit 
 bigoted, and then again frivolous; and this with 
 such capriciousness and tediousness that one 
 fears to go near them. 
 
 The Duchess of Sagan, regarded as the best, 
 the cleverest, and most unaffected of the women, 
 has been able to hold the admiration of her fol- 
 lowers with the strongest ties. For years Prince 
 Windischgriitz has been entrusted with her heart 
 and her love. A liaison wholly within the sphere 
 of exclusive society, without the allurement of a 
 sacrifice, a contradiction; carried on in a quiet 
 and every-day manner, which was formerly not 
 
126 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 the custom of this determined woman. Jeanne is 
 tiring herself with a Dutchman, Borel, who was 
 a bright young knight eight years ago, but who 
 has been so changed by nature, rich living, and 
 the mustiness of the world that he has lost all 
 courage and strength, and lies around on sofas 
 and chairs like a masque thrown aside from yes- 
 terday's carnival. Pauline has attached herself 
 more and more firmly to Wallmoden, after both 
 had done a lot of looking around; he loves the 
 woman madly with a sort of phlegmatic frenzy. 
 
 The Princess Bagration still maintains a salon 
 where people meet on certain days. A beautiful, 
 cultivated woman who loves life can always give 
 her charms new brilliancy in such a manner. 
 
 The young Princess Taxis, the wife of Paul 
 Esterhazy, is a new star in the Viennese firma- 
 ment. She is a young, desiring woman with 
 brilliant eyes and a well-built figure, often bored, 
 because she seems to demand much. At such 
 times she turns to the little Karl Liechtenstein, 
 whom her eyes and her hand can always find. 
 When the young man has recovered from the 
 enchantment of his first surprise, she will proba- 
 bly find a way, and Paul will then be welcomed 
 as a member in that great order of men for which 
 he is now preparing with his waddling manner 
 of body and mind. 
 
 The Countess Bernstorff rises far above the 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 127 
 
 foreign women by her very greatness. She pos- 
 sesses youth and brightness, but lacks grace, hav- 
 ing been forced forward in the Danish manner. 
 
 There is a good deal of laughter at the pecu- 
 liar appearance of the seven sleepers among the 
 Englishwomen, who have come out of their 
 mountain to the city that has grown strange to 
 them. Lady Castiereagh is colossal and plump; 
 her attire is alwaj^s surprising, because it is so 
 tastelessly overloaded ; her manner wild and care- 
 less. 
 
 Lady Rumboldt is married to Sir Sidney 
 Smith and has two charming daughters. It is 
 a strange tribe, with other clothes and manners; 
 but this country might well keep for itself the 
 beauty of the younger daughter as a wonderful 
 treasure. The girl has a skin like white velvet, 
 on which glows the pink of dawn; teeth like 
 pearls; a mouth like a rose; a foot like those in 
 Paris; a tall and well-rounded figure as in Old 
 England; and a pair of eyes that always say, 
 "Come hither!" Prince August of Prussia an- 
 swered their call with all the bustle and officious- 
 ness of his egotistical manner. The girl did not 
 recognize the counterfeit coin which princes for 
 the most part distribute, and now, when the 
 coinage does not stand wear, she is disconsolate 
 at the bad bargain, especially as she staked hon- 
 est goods on it. This knowledge is good for the 
 
128 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 highest bidder who now goes into the market; 
 for with her agihty and warmth she is not hkely 
 to lock herself up in the empty chamber of her 
 heart. At a ball yesterday at Karl Zichy's I 
 spoke a great deal with mother and daughter 
 after the rear-admiral had introduced me. 
 
 "Tell me, IMonsieur, were you really with 
 Prince Louis? He is said to have been such a 
 fine man. Does he resemble Prince August 
 much?" 
 
 "You are making a mistake in inquiring of 
 me. I was aide-de-camp and a war-time friend 
 of Prince Louis, and I am therefore paid to be 
 partial." 
 
 "But that does not prevent you from seeing, 
 and all the world declares that there is a great 
 resemblance between the two princes." 
 
 "In this case I must turn to some one who 
 knows the two better than I, and who will say 
 that Prince August is a caricature of Prince 
 Louis." 
 
 That found its mark. At eight o'clock that 
 evening the house was opened to me by the father 
 and the mother. 
 
 Sir Sidney Smith is no Englishman in ap- 
 pearance and speech; he is known to the world 
 for his deeds and his words. Of the numerous 
 stars and crosses that he wears the one of great- 
 est significance is a medal which the Bishop of 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 129 
 
 St. Jean d'Acre gave him after the defense of 
 the fortress, with the words: ''Cette medaiUe est 
 de Richard Coeur de Lion, nous la tenons de lui; 
 nous la rends a son comjmtriote en souvenir de 
 sa 'presence glorieuse chez nous dans la ville, oil 
 son roi a egalement porte sa gloire de son nom, 
 il y a des siecles/' ["This is the medal of Richard 
 Coeur de Lion; we received it from him; I give 
 it to his compatriot as a remembrance of his glori- 
 ous presence in our city, to which his king also 
 carried the glory of his name centuries ago."] 
 
 The ambassador Lord Stewart is an insolent 
 Englishman, who appears to crush everything 
 under his feet. 
 
 Among the old women who are misplaced in 
 society, the Countess Festetics is especially sin- 
 gled out for attention by the Czar of Russia, not 
 on her own account, but because she is the mother 
 of tlie Countess Julie Zichy. In her own coun- 
 try she speaks Hungarian; in Vienna and wher- 
 ever life may lead her unwieldy body, German. 
 With difficulty the czar works his way through 
 the strange words, even more laboriously than 
 when he fulfills her need for consolation. Re- 
 cently she was very sad. 
 
 "What ails you?" asked the czar. 
 
 "I have to weep. I hear that your Majesty 
 wishes to begin war against us. That would be 
 
130 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 horrible!" O innocence, how true and appro- 
 priate! 
 
 January, 1815. 
 
 Dancing is tiresome and is changing, just like 
 everything else in Vienna. Formerly every one 
 whirled about in the ecstasy of the waltz, and 
 found refreshment in the quadrille and the shot- 
 tische; now there is virtually nothing but the 
 polonaise, which is danced by old women with 
 the great lords through all the rooms. 
 
 In the theater pantomime has found its best 
 interpreter in Bigottini; she presents passion in 
 acting of the highest degree, has the noblest man- 
 ner, and at the same time the most emotional 
 expression. Nina is her triumph; in order to 
 heighten the effect of her acting, it is said that 
 she played the part of this insane girl so mar- 
 velously because of her love for the passion dis- 
 plaj^ed at Duroc's death. Any one who has va- 
 ried so much in love through frivolity and greed 
 is not so powerfully shaken by death. 
 
 Reinoldy still excels as pantomimist in com- 
 edy, as, for instance, in the shy knight. 
 
 January 20, 1815. 
 The English ambassador Stewart gave a hot 
 pare in honor of the birthday of the Queen of 
 England on January 18. It was a brilliant as- 
 sembly of rich men and women and high per- 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 131 
 
 sonages. The Princess Taxis, the grand duchess, 
 and the empress appeared covered with jewels; 
 the Queen of Bavaria also was not poverty- 
 stricken. Everywhere was English comfort, but 
 nowhere joy, which is ordinarily not absent where 
 there is pomp and splendor. Among the local 
 young women the eye is easily attracted by the 
 young and pretty Countess Kobarty, because she 
 once received a legacy of 500,000 gulden from 
 her father. 
 
 The affection of Czar Alexander for the young 
 Countess Auersperg grows more and more lively, 
 perhaps because of the charm of her pure spirit. 
 The Czar asked me at the ball given by the Prin- 
 cess Bagration, ''Si je connaissais d'anciemic^ 
 date la princess'' ["Whether I knew the coun- 
 tess a long time"]. 
 
 ''Je Vai beaucoup vu chez son pere, lorsquelle 
 etait encore enfant; elle s'appele Gabriele et elle 
 est digne d'u/n Henri IV ["I have often seen 
 her at her father's house when she was still a 
 child; her name is Gabriele and she is worthy of 
 a Henry IV"]. 
 
 January 22, 1815. 
 
 Talleyrand has again been admitted to the 
 present conferences at the request of Castle- 
 reagh, so that Rasumowski (often with Capo 
 d'Istria), Hardenberg (often with Humboldt), 
 Castlereagh and Wessenberg, often also Met- 
 
132 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ternich, form the committee. In everything there 
 is a marked agreement between England and 
 France, and those who adhere strongly to the 
 system of restoring the states to their former 
 outlines place all the blame for the confusion in 
 the Congress on the shoulders of Czar Alexan- 
 der, who decided the fate of Poland on his own 
 motion at Paris and made himself king of the 
 new kingdom, so that Prussia was forced to turn 
 to Saxony to indemnify itself for southern Prus- 
 sia. Prince Czartoryski, who knows the inti- 
 mate feelings of the czar from having been 
 raised with him, is now called the moving spirit, 
 who is impelled by the allurement of two crowns. 
 
 January 24, 1815. 
 
 To the diversions that one finds here belongs 
 also the mass said on the twenty-second anni- 
 versary of the guillotining of Louis XVI. Tal- 
 leyrand prepared for it in Stephan's Church, and 
 it might be viewed as a poor piece of theatrical 
 decoration. 
 
 Sometimes it seems as if a mighty spirit puts 
 its imprint on human affairs in order to give the 
 proper valuation to the true standards. Talley- 
 rand was undoubtedly proud that with salvaged 
 honor he was able to celebrate this day ; I believe 
 that he gave the feast more on his own account. 
 It is true that he did not cast a vote [against 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 133 
 
 Louis]. Circumstances, which have been very 
 advantageous to hini, saved him from that; but 
 a man can be judged by his works and not b}" 
 his words, and we have but to look at the basic 
 principles which moved the man of Autun to 
 know that the head of Louis would not have been 
 any more secure if he had been turned over to 
 this man's judgment. 
 
 To the mauvaises plaisanteries regarding the 
 present King of France belongs the following: 
 ''Les Anglais out nourri un cocJion; les Franfais 
 Vont achete pour Louis XVIII, mais il ne vaut 
 pas I Napoleon' ["The English raised a big 
 hog; the French bought it for Louis XVIII, but 
 it is not worth I Napoleon"]. 
 
 January 27, 1815. 
 Austria was to present an ultimatum regard- 
 ing Saxony at the end of January. Its content 
 is already known; it was short and concise and 
 declared briefly, "Prussia may count at the most 
 on getting from 400,000 to 500,000 souls in Sax- 
 ony; the rest go back to the despised king." Be- 
 cause of the manner in which this was expressed 
 the note could be answered only by "Yes" from 
 Hardenberg or "Vorwarts" ["Forward"] by 
 Bliicher [who was known as Marshal Vorwarts]. 
 Just before this note was to be presented, an 
 English courier arrived, who emphasized as most 
 
134 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 important the sanctity of the agreements with 
 Prussia, and brought very lukewarm assurances 
 for Frederick August [King of Saxony]. Lit- 
 tle attention was given to the prized principle of 
 royalty [legitimacy] in the face of the political 
 principle. Austria immediately withdrew from 
 its position, and since that time the partitioning 
 of Saxony has gone forward so energetically 
 that the returning king will hardly retain a de- 
 nuded branch. And yet in tlie end Austria may 
 be regarded as doing everything possible for 
 Saxony, despite the fact that it has started only 
 petty intrigues. Prussia must be filled with rage 
 and contempt. 
 
 Fear of war has wiped out the flames that were 
 beginning to rise in England. So much the bet- 
 ter for us. What the others do not wish to do 
 we must do as soon as conditions are more favor- 
 able. 
 
 Fehniari/y 1815. 
 
 The King of Denmark appears to me as the 
 most comical of all the monarchs now assembled 
 at Vienna not only because of his figure, but his 
 whole being. He also would like to get some- 
 thing, waits from day to day for his turn to 
 come, and in his person reproduces the whole 
 ridiculous passivity of his cabine^ 
 
 Think how clever the Danes considered them- 
 selves when the present king, then crown prince, 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 135 
 
 carried on his military foolishness in Holstein 
 and attempted to strengthen his neutrality. The 
 flaccid, narrow-minded cabinet meant that it 
 could stand neutral while France and England 
 fought, expecting both to protect Denmark's 
 commerce because of their own interest. At 
 first the matter really worked very well, and was 
 not at all badly thought out by the elder Bern- 
 storff; but when Napoleon began to make his 
 w ar on commerce, when his armies occupied Ger- 
 many, Denmark had to make a decision and 
 could no longer procrastinate. 
 
 February, 1815. 
 
 At the ball of the Russian ambassador Stak- 
 elberg recently occurred an incident which as- 
 tounded all those present. The Crown Prince 
 
 of X [Wiirtemberg?] suddenly began to 
 
 call in a loud voice from behind the chair of Baron 
 von Stein: 
 
 *'He was once! He was once! The Crown 
 
 Prince of X was once a most promising 
 
 prince; his present conduct no longer fulfils that 
 promise. Has your excellency heard that also?" 
 
 "Heard nothing whatever about it," replied 
 Stein, brusquely. 
 
 "Surely the author reads his own writings," 
 replied the crown prince. 
 
136 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Thereupon Stein jumped up in a rage and 
 cried : 
 
 ''Mon Prince y c'etait un propos insolent que 
 voiis vous etes permis de tenir, et [raising his 
 fist] gare a quiconque osera le re peter!" [My 
 Prince, that was an insolent act which you per- 
 mitted yourself, and guard well against repeat- 
 ing it!"] 
 
 A short time later the crown prince came to 
 apologize to Stein, or at least to make an ex- 
 planation. 
 
 One would scarcely believe what pamphleteer- 
 ing miscreants there are now in Bavaria; their 
 field of battle is the "Allgemeine Zeitung" of 
 Cotta, and IMarshal Wrede swings the torch most 
 of all, a man who has wiped out the favorable 
 impression he made in the last war by his proud, 
 cold, and arrogant bearing, without having any 
 external polish — everywhere except among the 
 Austrians, w^hose need leads them to hope that 
 this former disloyal Bavarian will make a good 
 commander for the Austrian-Bavarian Army. 
 The political stream that flows from the canal of 
 Prince Wrede has its source to some extent in 
 the sewer of General Langenau, especially that 
 which concerns Saxony. 
 
 Another Bavarian general who clings to Aus- 
 tria is Count Pappenheim, a man who formerly 
 served in the army and who as a real knight is 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 137 
 
 honestly paying back to his friends and to the 
 world the debt that encumbers a proud name. 
 Glad to be freed from French oppression, to 
 which he acquiesced only with the greatest reluc- 
 tance in order to save his fortune, he now acts 
 harsh and insolently toward all persons whom 
 his party regards as disturbers of the peace, sim- 
 ply because they do not approve the political 
 distortions, and are combating the shams in their 
 search for the substance. The German swash- 
 bucklers adopted the same attitude in the Mid- 
 dle Ages; only the men who confused things in 
 those days were the priests rather than the diplo- 
 mats, who have come in our time. The knights 
 were always the ones who bore arms. 
 
 February, 1815. 
 When one follows the princes from public into 
 private life, he discovers that they live like other 
 citizens in a proper manner with their own. The 
 Empress of Russia is a great deal with her sis- 
 ter, the Queen of Bavaria; the czar, however, is 
 often with his sisters, the Princesses Marie and 
 Catharine, two very interesting women, one of 
 whom attracts the mind and the other the heart 
 of the brother. The Grand Duchess Marie ap- 
 pears delicate and refined, but always as if be- 
 hind a mourning veil. She must be very sus- 
 ceptible to sad impressions from without; her 
 
138 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 soul was long distiirl)ed about the fate of her 
 brother and of her fatlierland. 
 
 Catharine seizes hold on life more forcibly, 
 and makes its splendor her own in a truly mas- 
 terful spirit. She has unusually beautiful parts, 
 as mouth, figure, eyes of fiery brilliancy. Her 
 mind is cultivated, wide-awake, and acute; her 
 speech is not sufficiently feminine, coming more 
 in sentences and phrases. In this princess I see 
 Peter the Great, Catharine, and Alexander, and 
 imprints of the times that followed them, mingled 
 now glaringly, now softly. Through her union 
 with the Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg two as- 
 piring, commanding spirits are brought together, 
 who wish to arrange the world according to their 
 ideas. The project of taking command of that 
 army of the empire [the German federal state], 
 which is still slumbering far off in the back- 
 ground, is to be the first step toward power, 
 which some day he would probably be glad to 
 exchange for the imperial crown. 
 
 February 8, 1815. 
 While the progress of the negotiations was 
 slowly going forward, the little princes shrieked 
 like the ravens at the brook, and there was no 
 foolishness imaginable that was not contained 
 in their notes. All wanted to acquire something, 
 and not only what they had — if, for instance, the 
 
TALES OUT OF SCHOOL 139 
 
 Peace of Westphalia was taken as a basis — no, 
 not even that was sufficient for the hungry ones. 
 Thus I had a discussion with the sixty-fourth 
 [Prince of] Reuss, a young man of great depth 
 and practical usefulness, on the reparation for 
 the princes and their future rights. He imme- 
 diately protested against the Treaty of West- 
 phalia, and would hardly affirm the golden bull; 
 these he considered interference in the rights of 
 the princes. The cleverest talk this way. Now, 
 what is to be done with these people? 
 
 Recently they spoke against all feudal obli- 
 gations on their part to the greater sovereigns, 
 but affirmed and even fought heatedly for those 
 which their subjects had to have toward them. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 OF KINGS AND NOBLE LORDS 
 
 FROM THE REMINISCENCES OF THE COUNTESS 
 LULU THURHEIM 
 
 Alexander and Frederick William — these are the 
 personages who interest the Countess Lulu Thiirheim, 
 and she views them through the eyes of an Austrian 
 woman whose life is a round of festivities at court, and 
 whose ears hear the prattle of the queens and prin- 
 cesses and minor folk. The countess was born in 1788 
 at the castle of Orbeck in Flanders, and as a child fled 
 with her parents into Westphalia to escape the vindic- 
 tiveness of the French Revolutionists toward the 
 emigres. She presided over a salon at Castle Schwert- 
 berg in upper Austria and in Vienna, and when she 
 came to attend the Congress she was an accomplished 
 woman of the world, concerned not so much with pol- 
 itics as with personality. 
 
 OF KINGS AND NOBLE LORDS 
 
 The features of Alexander [of Russia] are 
 not regular, but despite this their whole effect is 
 pleasing. The eyes lie deep, but betray wit and 
 
 140 
 
OF KINGS AND NOBLE LORDS 141 
 
 vivacity; the nose is "a la Kalmuch"; the mouth 
 small and well formed; and the teeth strikingly 
 white. His figure is majestic, but he holds his 
 body bent forward at an angle, probably because 
 of his high, tight military collar, and he swings 
 his body in walking in order to give the appear- 
 ance of not being stilted. The expression of his 
 features is a mixture of natural pride and an 
 affability that is strange to him. His look is 
 stern, but his smile is ravishing. 
 
 At first, when the czar begins to play his role, 
 he appears to you as an original character; but 
 when he lets himself go, you observe his medioc- 
 rity. Yes, he even makes the impression of a 
 good fellow, and this also appears to be his inner- 
 most self. He speaks the French and German 
 languages without the least accent. His conver- 
 sation is not at all brilliant; since his arrival in 
 Vienna not a single mot saillant [striking phrase] 
 has been related of him ; whereas in Paris, where 
 he was idolized, a large number of bon mots cred- 
 ited to Alexander were repeated. He permits 
 himself to speak at length only on military topics, 
 and repeats at every opportunity the phrase "we 
 soldiers," with which he tries to provoke Metter- 
 nich, who is hardly a soldier. He is specially 
 gracious to officers, and greets the simplest lieu- 
 tenants with the distinguishing words, "Friends 
 and brothers." 
 
142 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Alexander is unusually industrious; his secre- 
 tary of state Nesselrode insists that there remains 
 nothing for him to do. The politics of the czar, 
 however, are not very complicated; they center 
 on the desire to acquire Poland. Neither the 
 opposition of numerous cabinets nor the devices 
 of a Matternich, a Talleyrand, or a Castlereagh 
 could swerve him an inch. It was believed that 
 first out of lassitude and finally from impatience 
 he would concede what at first he strenuously op- 
 posed. But if he is to be besieged for a long time, 
 there is a possibility that his besiegers may die 
 from hunger. 
 
 One day he said to Emperor Francis: 
 "I foresee that within two years we will de- 
 clare war on each other if we are not able to 
 arrive at an agreement." 
 
 Our emperor thereupon answered boldly: 
 "Not in two years, your Majesty, but at once, 
 if that is your wish." 
 
 Knowing that he was in the midst of the seduc- 
 tions and love-affairs of the period of the Con- 
 gress, we must wonder at the irreproachable re- 
 lationship of Czar Alexander with the Princess 
 Gabriele Auersperg, born Princess Lobkowitz, 
 and of the King of Prussia with the most beau- 
 tiful woman of Vienna, the Countess Julia 
 Zichy, born Festetics. Gabriele Auersperg was 
 a widow and had the reputation of a virtuous 
 
OF KINGS AND NOBLE LORDS 143 
 
 woman; her beauty and her common sense, how- 
 ever, were regarded as highly mediocre. Scarcely 
 twenty years old, she already had been a widow 
 for two years. Good, simple, and modest despite 
 her imperial conquest, she held the heart of Alex- 
 ander in chains during the whole period of the 
 Congress and also later. 
 
 Many Viennese women, who apparently did 
 not understand the tactics of resistance, declared 
 that the czar had never seriously attempted to 
 capture this citadel; others declared derisively 
 that the beautiful Gabriele deserved no praise, as 
 she was cold and without passion. I am of the 
 opinion that both groups deluded themselves. 
 The fact that an attempt was made to enter the 
 bedroom of the princess despite its bolts, and 
 that an unostentatious piece of decoration was 
 removed from the adjoining salon without any- 
 thing else of value being stolen, stirred up a 
 great deal of dust and put the whole police force 
 into action. This attempt showed an audacity 
 akin to insolence. As thieves have not the habit 
 of breaking into the palaces of princes, watching 
 before the doors of princesses, and carrying off a 
 small porcelain vase instead of gold and silver, 
 I, like every one else, laughed at this tale of rob- 
 bery. The police did not catch a thief, and the 
 door of the princess was not opened. 
 
144 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 As for the indifference of the princess toward 
 Alexander, there is an incident which proves 
 what severe battles this beautiful woman had to 
 fight with herself. On the day of the departure 
 of the emperor a friend surprised her in her 
 boudoir on her knees, bathed in tears. As the 
 Countess Fifi Palffy-Ligne used to say in speak- 
 ing of her youth, "Helas! ce ne sont pas toujours 
 les remords, mais les regrets!" ["Alas! it is not 
 always remorse, but regret!"] 
 
 The King of Prussia is not the equal of Czar 
 Alexander in understanding and character. 
 Once in a time of misfortune he showed weak- 
 ness and a lack of courage almost to abasement; 
 now, in days of good fortune, he is proud, hard, 
 unforgiving, and grasping. At tlie first confer- 
 ences he demanded for himself 12,000,000 new 
 subjects — namely Saxony. The injustice of 
 such arrogance was pointed out to him in vain; 
 it was vain also to attempt to indemnify him from 
 another quarter. The good king calculated and 
 considered, and as he could not find 12,000,000 
 subjects elsewhere, he demanded poor Saxony. 
 The subordinate role which he plays beside Alex- 
 ander is more like that of an adjutant than that 
 of a king. He belongs to those characters who 
 know how to endure abasement, but who feel 
 oppressed by independence. Large, stiff, and 
 cold, — the Prince de Ligne described him well 
 
OF KINGS AND NOBLE LORDS 145 
 
 as ''figure d'arsenal/' — the king speaks little and 
 by fits and starts. His features have a certain 
 regularity, but show an expression of misfortune, 
 distrust, and hardness. The only interest which 
 moves Frederick William is his sincere sorrow 
 for his dead wife, whom he weeps for daily and 
 to whom he would gladly tell all his thoughts 
 and actions.^ 
 
 Despite this great, sincere sorrow, the king 
 had not become tired during the Congi'ess of 
 paying court to the beautiful Countess Zichy. It 
 is certain that this attention can throw no shadow 
 on the blameless reputation of the countess, and 
 yet it appears to me, without wishing to detract 
 from what is due both, that the battle of this 
 virtuous woman cannot have been a great one in 
 view of the coldness and tediousness of her ad- 
 mirer. 
 
 Prince William of Prussia affords amid this 
 assembly of ambitious and egotistic human be- 
 ings an example of old-time chivalry; I might 
 almost say that he comes likes a being from an- 
 other world, like a comforter from heaven, to 
 turn aside the threatening lightning which is 
 
 * Queen Louise of Prussia has become famed in history for her notable, 
 but vain efforts, to mitigate the severity of Napoleon toward her sub- 
 jects. It is commonly supposed that grief over the plight of her sub- 
 jects brought about her death. King Frederick William instituted the 
 Order of Louise in her honor, a decoration long awarded Prussian 
 women for notable and self-sacrificing work during war. 
 
146 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE j 
 
 i 
 
 about to descend and destroy corrupt humanity. ! 
 He would be the good spirit of the Congress if | 
 he had a voice there. His countenance is angelic ; ! 
 manly pride and womanly mildness are combined i 
 there. He loves solitude, does not dance, speaks 
 but little ; but when he takes part in a conversa- 
 tion the person addressed feels that he has known 
 and loved the prince a long time. He has been | 
 married for ten years to a princess of Hesse, a ' 
 charming woman of heavenly virtues, and to her r 
 and their two children — twins — he gives all his j] 
 love. Although he had devoted himself only to '] 
 domestic happiness before 1814, he took up arms i 
 at the first signs of the uprising of his fatherland : 
 and became its hero. The king proposed to make ^ 
 him Viceroy of Saxony, but he considered this * 
 honor unjust and declined it. Upon his arrival ^ 
 in Vienna all the beautiful women fell in love 
 with him; but when they saw that he favored 
 none, they ceased to worry about him. Their 
 places were taken by all the young people who 
 were enthusiastic over the good cause. His con- 
 duct and his political views were exemplary, 
 which could not exactly be said of the other 
 princely personages. 
 
 I will relate an incident about the Princess 
 Bagration which brings her perfidy into the clear- 
 est light. I learned it from the adjutant of the 
 hereditary prince [of Wiirtemberg] himself, who 
 
OF KINGS AND NOBLE LORDS 147 
 
 witnessed it. On the day of his departure from 
 Vienna, Ilerr von Munchingen — that was the 
 name of the adjutant — sat beside his lord in a 
 carriage which was being driven on the road 
 toward Purkersdorf. Both were asleep in order 
 to make up for the time lost by rising early. Sud- 
 denly a voice cried, *'Halt !" a woman pulled open 
 the door of the carriage, demanded perempto- 
 rily that the astounded Herr von INIunchingen 
 descend, and commanded the coachman to "drive 
 on." All this occurred in a few seconds. The 
 princess had seized the opportunity for a last 
 tete-a-tete. The prince, however, caused her to 
 leave the carriage at the next post, and she had 
 to drive back to Vienna in her fiacre. The great- 
 est perfidy, however, lay in the fact that the prin- 
 cess, upon entering the carriage, loudly directed 
 the coachman to drive to the Princess Leopoldine 
 Liechtenstein, a beautiful and blameless woman 
 whom the prince had honored and on whom the 
 Princess Bagration wished to be avenged. In 
 the reports of the police the blame was undoubt- 
 edly placed on the shoulders of the innocent rival. 
 Among these resplendent and gallant princes 
 the King of Saxony conducted himself modestly 
 and humbly, a sacrifice to his fealty for Napo- 
 leon Bonaparte. Having lost the greater part 
 of his lands, and robbed of his generals and sol- 
 diers, who had openly espoused the cause of the 
 
148 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 enemy, he sought justice, or at least comfort, in 
 prayer. Worshipers at mass and vespers often 
 found him kneehng in a corner of St. Stephan's, 
 wearing an inconspicuous brown cloak, beseech- 
 ing the King of all the w^orlds to give him the 
 necessary patience to endure the intrigues of the 
 kings of the earth without complaint. 
 
 One evening, at the time of the English wel- 
 come, the Countess Ilatzfeldt, a Saxon, visited 
 the cathedral and found all places occupied. Her 
 lacke3% w^ith the prayer-book of his mistress in 
 hand, approached an unobtrusive man and of- 
 fered him a copper coin for his place. The man 
 did not move, whereupon the countess ordered 
 her attendant to give him a piece of silver. The 
 offered compensation, however, met the same re- 
 ception. Angered at the egotism of the wor- 
 shiper, the countess was about to give her name 
 and thereby gain the right that was hers when 
 her speech forsook her. She had recognized her 
 king. 
 
 At the close of September the witty Marshal 
 Prince de Ligne died. On his death-bed he re- 
 marked cheerfully, "The funeral of a field mar- 
 shal is all that is lacking among the festivities 
 of the Congress." With him passed one of the 
 last of the grand seigneurs. He saw his end ap- 
 proach with the composure of a good Christian 
 and a true nobleman, and, if the expression may 
 
OF KINGS AND NOBLE LORDS 149 
 
 be permitted, he gave back his beautiful soul to 
 his maker with the same deportment as he gave 
 back to his emperor the cross of the Order of 
 Maria Theresa. 
 
 Another more serious and more poetic festival 
 was the anniversary of the Battle of Leipsic. 
 After a great manoeuver the officers of the vari- 
 ous corps were served a dinner at innumerable 
 tables in the Prater, while the soldiers gathered 
 about great cooking-vats on the green. The sov- 
 ereigns, princes, commanding generals, and nu- 
 merous important personages dined in the riding- 
 academy of Prince RasumofFsky, in his beautiful 
 palace on the country road. The academy had 
 been attractively decorated with many trophies 
 in the form of flags, and Rasumoff skj^ ceremoni- 
 ously dedicated the place with this affair. Was 
 anything more ideal than the triumphant assem- 
 bly of the allies on this memorable day! Even 
 if petty and egotistic feehngs ruled certain self- 
 ish spirits and separated them, it is certain that 
 the toast of Czar Alexander on the Battle of 
 Leipsic found the unanimous approval of those 
 who echoed it, and this expression of feeling was 
 without doubt sincere and noble. 
 
 With proud contentment Rasumoffsky ac- 
 cepted the many congratulations of those who 
 marveled at his festival and his new palace, little 
 thinking that a fire would lay all these splendors 
 
150 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 in ashes within the same year. He had given ! 
 
 over years to its erection. It is true that there ! 
 
 were more opportunities for him to give a num- j 
 ber of beautiful and dazzling balls, but on the 
 
 eve of New Year's, 1815, during a social affair I 
 
 the overheated pipes started a fire, and at dawn \ 
 
 it had almost reached the bedroom of the prince. ' 
 
 Awakened by the smoke, he was just able to i 
 save himself by fleeing to the garden. A whole 
 wing of his palace, including a great number of 
 the most valuable objects, was destroyed. The 
 
 strength of character of the prince enabled him j 
 to suppress any show of feeling despite his s^^i 
 
 vere loss, but this misfortune was the beginning | 
 
 of the breaking-up of his tremendous fortune, i 
 
 which was never again to attain its former size. I 
 
 A few days later INIetternich gave, in contrast | 
 
 to the festival of victory, a peace festival for the ^ 
 
 court and the city at his palace. All the women, i 
 
 led by the empress, had to appear in accordance | 
 
 with the program in a blue costume with a single | 
 
 garland of flowers of olives or oak-leaves in their I 
 
 hair. The halls and stairs were decorated with j 
 
 the same symbols. Nothing could have been ' 
 more refreshing and more charming than this 
 decoration, which even allegorically was in good 
 
 taste. j 
 
 The house of Metternich gave another ball at j 
 
 which the entire company appeared in the cos- i 
 
OF KINGS AND NOBLE LORDS 151 
 
 tumes of the various crownlands. My sister and 
 I, as well as a number of our friends, had adopted 
 the peasant costume of upper Austria, including 
 the dark hood and the colored cloth across the 
 black bodice. The costume, and especially that 
 of the men, was somew^hat idealized. During 
 the quadrilles we w^ere grouped in pairs, and our 
 fresh young faces made a pleasing appearance 
 under the hoods. We received a great deal of 
 attention, and Emperor Francis declared smil- 
 ingly, when he saw the costume of his favorite 
 province, "Well, there are my stile-jumpers!" 
 whereby he referred to the nickname of the peas- 
 ant women of the upper Austria, namely, of the 
 Salzkammergut, which w^as given them because 
 the numerous lands and paths of that locality are 
 cut off by hedges and fences over which stiles 
 have been built. The costume of Lady Castle- 
 reagh caused much amusement, for she had de- 
 vised an original Austrian national costume. 
 She wore the attire of a vestal virgin, with the 
 Order of the Garter of her husband clasped 
 about her head, and the device, ''Honi soit qui 
 mal y pense." ^ 
 
 The countess tells her own story of the theatrical 
 performance at court, at which the news of Napoleon's 
 arrival in France was first made known to the merry- 
 makers of the Congress. 
 
152 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 As a matter of fact, this terrible news had ar- 
 rived a few hours before ; it was being whispered 
 on the stage, behind the scenes, among the rows 
 of the parquet, and especially among those of 
 the ministers and the gilded seats of the princes. 
 These lords of the earth betrayed no feeling. 
 With cheerful faces, lorgnon in hand, they acted 
 as if they were following the drama most atten- 
 tively. Yet many a darkened mien betrayed 
 internal emotion, and the whispered remarks that 
 •they exchanged surely had more to do with the 
 near future than with Olympus. Czar Alexander 
 was heard to w^hisper into the ear of Emperor 
 Francis, "I dispose of 300,000 men, which are at 
 the service of the coalition at any time." 
 
 Those were w^ords that could calm men if too 
 many sordid passions had not depressed the Con- 
 gress and caused mutual confidence to waver. 
 Many a conscience, affected by its own conduct 
 on this evening, must have had severe doubts of 
 the sincerity of its neighbor, and many a pillow 
 must have heard strange self-accusations. This 
 was surely the case of JNIetternich ; the report of 
 his alliance between Austria, France, and Eng- 
 land appeared even to have reached as far as 
 the public. 
 
 For some time the icy coldness of Czar Alex- 
 ander toward the chancellor had betrayed his 
 anger. How easily the czar could have taken 
 
OF KINGS AND NOBLE LORDS 153 
 
 revenge on the allies, and with Poland in his 
 pocket as booty, simply have withdrawn from 
 the coalition! The reappearance of Napoleon 
 on the world's stage could not frighten Russia; 
 it had proved that it could defend itself alone. 
 
 However that may be, Metternich hid his 
 secret thoughts most skilfully, and opened the 
 conference of the ministers on the following day 
 as usual. Capo d'Istria, the representative of 
 Russia, was late. A number of faces had already 
 become long and drawn when the count finally 
 arrived with a cheerful, composed disposition, 
 carrying his portfolio under his arm. With a 
 quick glance he took in the situation, and by 
 keeping intentionally silent he celebrated a small 
 triumph. (He described this to me with smiles 
 several days later.) Then he spoke, and de- 
 clared with fiery words that the czar placed all 
 his strength at the disposal of the coalition 
 against the common enemy. In a moment the 
 expressions of those present became normal 
 again, and every one followed the noble example 
 of the Russian ruler. On this day Napoleon was 
 declared an outlaw by humanity and turned 
 over to general vengeance. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS FOR 
 THE PRUSSIAN POWER 
 
 FROM THE LETTERS OF WILHELM VON HUMBOLDT 
 
 Prussia is indebted to two men for the political de- 
 velopment that eventually made it the preponderating 
 power in Germany : Frederick the Great, who laid the 
 foundations for the Prussian military system, and 
 Czar Alexander of Russia, who put Prussia in a posi- 
 tion to profit by the dissolution that occurred when 
 Napoleon fell. A history written from the Prussian 
 point of view would give credit to a host of other men, 
 but it must be remembered that it was due principally 
 to Czar Alexander that Russia gave Frederick William 
 such strong support at the Congress of Vienna, and en- 
 abled it to prepare for the day when its boundary- 
 lines would encircle all of Germany and confound the 
 Austrian power. 
 
 Wilhelm von Humboldt, right-hand man to the Prus- 
 sian chancellor, Hardenberg, at the Congress, gives an 
 intimate view of Prussia's manoeuvers there in these 
 letters to his wife. Wilhelm was a brother of the fa- 
 mous naturalist, Alexander von Humboldt, perhaps the 
 
 154 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 155 
 
 most famous man of his time. His father was a major 
 in the Prussian Army. He was primarily a philologist, 
 and his presence at Vienna is for him an excursion into 
 a field which was often distasteful for him. At one time 
 he was minister plenipotentiary at Rome for Prussia. 
 He held the post of minister of public instruction, and 
 later, in 1812, that of ambassador at Vienna. In 
 1813, at Prague, he gained the adherence of Austria in 
 the campaign of Russia and Prussia against France. 
 He drew up the treaty between Saxony and Prussia in 
 1815, by means of which Prussia took over large por- 
 tions of Saxon territory, a subject that caused a great 
 deal of controversy at the Congress. He took part in 
 the discussions on the federalization of Germany at 
 Frankfort in 1816, and attended the Congress at Aix- 
 la-Chapelle in 1818. A year later he resigned from 
 political life because he was not in sympathy with the 
 reactionary tendencies of the Prussian monarchy. His 
 work in the linguistic field was remarkable. He de- 
 voted much time to studies of the languages of remote 
 peoples, and was famous also for writings philosophical 
 in character, his correspondence with Schiller being the 
 best known. 
 
 LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS FOR THE PRUSSIAN 
 POWER 
 
 Zurich, August 1, 1814. 
 I AM very sad, dear, sweet Li, because I must 
 again be separated from you for months ; doubly 
 so because I know that you are ailing and that 
 
156 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 I shall not be able to think of you without ap- 
 prehension. 
 
 To Vienna I go most unwillingly at this time, 
 and yet rather there than elsewhere; for I feel 
 that there will be much to do, and I also know 
 that I shall be more able than any one else to 
 perform what is possible, and naturally such per- 
 formance draws attention to itself. On the other 
 hand, I am just as strongly convinced that little 
 good will be accomplished. Considering the men 
 and the circumstances, it is virtually impossible, 
 and I shall be fortunate if I can prevent any- 
 thing detrimental from taking place. 
 
 Another thought that is distasteful to me is 
 that it will be impossible for me to write you 
 about anything of exceptional value. We have 
 enough proofs of the dishonorable passion for 
 opening letters to be convinced that none of our 
 own will pass unread. Most assuredly I shall 
 let no real opportunity go by for sending you 
 news in a safe manner about what is going on; 
 but if I should send through the mails letters 
 that sound odd to you, remember that I do so 
 particularly because I know they will be read. 
 
 It is really very necessary for me to discuss 
 with you the details of my mission. I do this not 
 because I know that it will please you, no matter 
 how much this might be an impelling motive ; but 
 because you pass judgment so clearly, from such 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 157 
 
 deep understanding and such accurate insight 
 into all the circumstances, that no man on earth 
 would want to do without it. I know, and shall 
 never forget, how enormously your counsel has 
 helped me in the most difficult part of my present 
 career, especially now when so many elements 
 are working to bring about my downfall. 
 
 I have tried to make many preparations here. 
 Above all, I am thinking of a strong union be- 
 tween Switzerland and Germany, which, how- 
 ever, is extremely difficult as Switzerland, sad to 
 say, is no longer strongly German. Herein we 
 reap the sins of the fathers who neglected all ties. 
 I am making a special report to the king on the 
 union of Switzerland with Germany. All this 
 correspondence will help very little. Few have 
 any predilection for these purely patriotic ob- 
 jects, which in the opinion of the majority do not 
 really belong to the domain of higher politics. 
 At the same time one must keep actively at work, 
 even if only to please oneself and those who will 
 run through the pages of old archives years 
 hence. 
 
 There was probably never a time when it was 
 necessary to guard with an iron hand the line 
 between reasonable force and needed freedom, 
 which is as necessary as the air. And speaking 
 of the iron hand, I am reminded of a dictum of 
 Napoleon which is one of the wittiest that a man 
 
158 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ever said and which you may not know. He said : 
 ''Que le people Franfais dernandait a etre con- 
 duit par une main de fer avec un gant de velours'' 
 ["The French people demand to be led by a hand 
 of iron in a velvet glove"]. The worthlessness 
 of a nation cannot be better described than that 
 it needs the iron to be tamed and has not the cour- 
 age to face it unless it is covered with velvet, so 
 that the nation may be deluded by this smooth 
 exterior. 
 
 Oh, I thank you without end, sweet child, for 
 all the kindness and love and consideration that 
 you have had in these days for me and have borne 
 with me. I have been inordinately happy to be 
 with you, I have suffered only because of your 
 ailment. 
 
 With sincerest love forever your 
 
 H. 
 
 Vienna, August 10, 1814. 
 I took breakfast with Gentz. You have no 
 conception of what such a meal means. Before 
 he even offered me anything he partook of every- 
 thing. While I modestly drank two little cups of 
 coffee without eating, he drank four and con- 
 sumed two-thirds of a solila as big as a plate, 
 which, you must know, is a piece of pastry in a 
 sort of patte, which is steaming hot when opened 
 and includes a large number of kipfeln, with but- 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 159 
 
 ter as thick as a finger. Temperance and mod- 
 eration are noble virtues, and it appears to me 
 to be an unfortunate provision in creation that 
 eating and drinking are necessities and not sim- 
 ply pleasures, like whistling and singing. 
 
 In all things else Gentz remains as I formerly 
 knew him. I always greet him with interest and 
 regard even when I feel that others must be 
 affected differently. I think I Imow him most 
 accurately and that I have so characterized him 
 in the writings dealing with my life which you 
 will discover after my death. At present our 
 views are more than ever in agreement and I am 
 therefore doubly interested in him. 
 
 Vienna, August 14, 1814. 
 
 It was agreed, as you will recall, that I was to 
 be here by the fifth, and that I would then find 
 my instructions from Berlin. I came at the 
 appointed time in unbelievable haste. No in- 
 structions are here, however, and the best time 
 is being lost, so that much will have to be made 
 up later. I could have stayed with you so 
 quietly and happily, and instead have to go about 
 with men to whom I am indifferent in part, and 
 of whom scarcely one interests me in the least. 
 Naturally, that may change any day, but up to 
 now it does not promise that. 
 
 The ordinary work of the ambassadors suffers 
 
160 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 under similar handicaps. Metternich is in 
 Baden, and is so remote from his work — hves for 
 society, as you can well imagine — that it is vir- 
 tually impossible to get a conference. Toward 
 me he is favorable and friendly, likes to see me 
 at social affairs, repeats what I say here and 
 there; but as for business, he has the old preju- 
 dice, and calls me, as I very well know, too pe- 
 dantic. What this accusation signifies you will 
 know without any explanation from me. 
 
 Society is more inconsequential and more mo- 
 notonous than ever. The endless bickering be- 
 tween the two Northern women [the Duchess of 
 Sagan and the Princess Bagration], and the con- 
 fusing gossip that this generates, is the lofty and 
 worthy subject about which all thoughts and con- 
 versations turn. I do not mix in this affair in 
 any manner, following only my former line of 
 conduct; favoring the one without neglecting 
 the other, and thereby merely suffering from 
 ennui. Gentz did not have this discretion. He 
 allowed himself to drift far out upon the stormy 
 waters, and has virtually, if not entirely, become 
 estranged from one of the two. Considering 
 these circumstances, you may well imagine how 
 glad I am that I shall be here only a short time. 
 Because of this, Paris begins to look like a bright 
 spot to me. It presents at least a great variety 
 of interesting subjects; society does not demand 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 161 
 
 to be in one's confidence, and burdens one less 
 with its pettifogging. 
 
 I am still looking for a place to live, and am 
 still a guest at "The Roman Emperor." I make 
 a habit of breakfasting with Gentz. I adhere to 
 my simple cup of coffee, while he eats and drinks 
 inordinately. In view of the enormous number 
 of his needs and the paucity of mine, two men 
 cannot be more unlike each other than we are. 
 
 Vienna, October 1, 1814. 
 
 You close one of your letters with a remark 
 regarding the inconveniences among which we 
 live. We have to live here. Yes, sweet soul, 
 these inconveniences have now reached their cli- 
 max. I am sparing of my time whenever it is 
 possible; for instance, I did not attend the dis- 
 play of fireworks in the Prater recently, for 
 court duties, social courtesies, and formal calls 
 are growing so enormously in number that I 
 know of no other remedy than to apply myself 
 every hour strictly to the business in hand. To 
 do this I am determined, and I therefore keep my 
 presence of mind, cheerfulness, and calm. There 
 are tempests from time to time, but these have 
 never caused me worry. 
 
 The Prussians here are most remarkably un- 
 comfortable. You should have seen me drive to 
 court last evening. I had a following of twenty- 
 
162 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 five, which drew attention from all Vienna. It 
 was the first circle in gala, but the crowd in the 
 hall itself was so tremendous that the ceremony 
 that every one had to perform simply consisted in 
 standing motionless and letting the perspiration 
 trickle from the forehead. Of my entire follow- 
 ing I was able to present only Rve to the em- 
 peror, and I was one of the few ambassadors 
 with whom the emperor actually conversed. 
 
 Count INIiinster experienced a most disagree- 
 able accident yesterday. lie, the perfidious one, 
 was driving in the morning with Ilardenberg 
 in a hired cab to call on the Empress of Russia. 
 Suddenly one of the rear wheels gave way, and 
 the carriage toppled over. ^Nliinster felt internal 
 pain, and it developed that he had broken a rib. 
 I visited him last night. lie complained about 
 acute pain and was lying on his back; will have 
 to remain in this position for several days. I 
 could not look at him without a feeling of envy. 
 There is a certain novelty in a situation of this 
 kind — being suddenly taken from all this unrest 
 and placed on a beautiful downy bed, unable to 
 take any share in the blame for what may hap- 
 pen, and all because of the brittleness of human 
 ribs! Condemned to inaction! It appears that 
 I am destined to remain on my feet for some 
 time longer, and I am reconciled. But if ever I 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 163 
 
 am placed in such a situation, you can well be- 
 lieve that I won't feel bad about it. 
 
 Vienna, November 2, 1814. 
 
 My position here, dear child, is, as you would 
 have it, most honorable, but not at all pleasant. 
 I am present at all conferences and alone at 
 many of them, and there is no question on which 
 the chancellor does not explicitly ask me for ad- 
 vice; and as the chancellor works a great deal 
 himself and possesses a most determined mind of 
 his own, the false idea has become general that 
 I am primarily responsible for everything that 
 affects Prussia, and that I am to blame for all 
 the opposition. 
 
 I am now also on good terms with Metternich. 
 He could not really ignore me, especially as he 
 feels the need of being sure of my views, and so 
 he frequently cooperates with me in the best of 
 spirit. 
 
 I do not get to see the king on business mat- 
 ters, which in the end is an advantage. It is hard 
 to quarrel with him, especially when he is not 
 of my opinion, and in view of the present cir- 
 cumstances, this must often be the case. Yet 
 I see him virtually every evening in society, and 
 he is always very friendly to me. In view of all 
 this I have no complaint to make. 
 
 But our task goes slowly and badly, and at 
 
164- A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 this moment it is not even possible to see the 
 outcome. The danger-point of it all is Russia, 
 or, rather, the czar's idea [not the Russians'] 
 about the Poles; and although he has no opposi- 
 tion, he wishes to keep the biggest part of the 
 Grand Duchy of Warsaw for himself, without 
 even giving Prussia and Austria a suitable fron- 
 tier, and intends to crown himself King of Po- 
 land. Both plans are dangerous, and should not 
 be tolerated; and the oddest thing of all is that 
 his motives are really less ambitious than philan- 
 thropic, and that he simply possesses ideas that 
 have been badly applied. 
 
 The case of Saxony is settled, as England and 
 Austria are on our side, and only the public con- 
 ference on the subject remains to be held. Every- 
 thing, however, is still related to the first main 
 point, and the fact that this is delayed has ad- 
 vanced everything else. 
 
 In addition to these important negotiations, 
 a Congress has been called together here through 
 an indiscretion in the Treaty of Paris. A whole 
 lot of useless formalities have been hung about 
 our necks, all of which is not at all a matter of 
 indifference; for France and Spain, which other- 
 wise have nothing to do, are eternally busying 
 and tormenting themselves with it. With the 
 Congress as an excuse, France pursues another 
 object — that of getting its hands on affairs which 
 
 o\ 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 165 
 
 evidently must be set aside for the decision of 
 the other powers. This discloses many of the 
 evils brought about, because many things have 
 been postponed from one epoch to another; now 
 things can no longer be postponed, and no one 
 knows how to get out of the predicament. 
 
 During the whole war unhappily only the 
 downfall of Napoleon was kept in view; his own 
 powers were underestimated, and everything was 
 seized with avidity which could in any manner 
 n^ake the object surer, and anything that might 
 have kept his fate in doubt was removed. There- 
 fore an agreement on Poland was not reached 
 with Russia at the only opportune moment, and 
 the right attitude was never taken toward Ba- 
 varia and Wiirtemberg. All this now avenges 
 itself ignominiously, and obstacles come up where 
 otherwise there might have been a smooth road. 
 
 Caroline to Humboldt: 
 
 Berlin, November 7, 1814. 
 The intentions of the Czar of Russia toward 
 Poland are said to be known in France, and I 
 heard about them at Mme. de Stael's, who could 
 not hide her joy at them. Every one with French 
 sympathies idolizes the Czar of Russia, because 
 once he was exceedingly flattering to French van- 
 ity ; also the French know his philanthropic ideas 
 toward the Poles, and probably have a secret 
 
166 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 hope that a new war will develop in the North, 
 during which it might prove possible for them 
 to start new mischief. 
 
 In Germany I found only one veidict on Sax- 
 ony wherever I heard the matter spoken of. 
 There was no mourning for the king; only a 
 fear that Prussia might change the constitution. 
 Saxony's nationality can exist, I think; as, for 
 instance, Hungary's nationality has existed for 
 so many years with relation to the Austrian. 
 
 Everything will depend on how Prussia con- 
 ducts itself in Saxony, and its politics must be 
 directed with a view to lightening the burdens 
 of the country wherever possible, honoring its 
 constitution, and instituting the changes which 
 cannot be avoided in the mildest and most rea- 
 sonable manner. The choice as executive in the 
 administration of Saxony of JNIinister von Reck, 
 who is supposed to be almost in his second child- 
 hood, is recognized as a guaranty that nothing 
 will be changed or put into force precipitately. 
 
 The desire for representative forms of gov- 
 ernment seems to be general in Germany, and if 
 after the close of this Congress Prussia should 
 lead with this example in Germany — it is indispu- 
 tably the driving power of human desires — it will 
 have reached the foremost place in peace as in 
 war. 
 
 Apropos, the daughter of Hubers has obtained 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 167 
 
 a divorce from the yoyng man whom she married 
 six or eight months ago because the two could 
 not agree on the question of the German and 
 French temperaments. 
 
 Vienna, November 7, 1814. 
 
 Dalberg did not dine with me. He had an 
 engagement. However, we had a talk together. 
 He asked about you, and we actually talked on 
 political subjects entirely on the strength of our 
 old Erfurt understanding, which enabled us to 
 tell each other the bitter truth. Thus he recently 
 discussed Saxony with me, and our conversation 
 led me to say that I considered our plan en- 
 tirely just. With an irony of his own he wanted 
 to consider this an official comment. Thereupon 
 I said to him that I was known for and had 
 proofs that I acted in all transactions strictly in 
 accordance with my views. I added that I hoped 
 this might always be the case with those who 
 spoke with me. 
 
 At another time he wished to blame Prussia 
 for the downfall of the old German Empire. At 
 first I remained silent, for otherwise I would 
 have had to say unkind things about his fam- 
 ily; but as he Avould not refrain, I told him that 
 it was solely his uncle who had delivered the em- 
 pire to the French. He takes anything, and we 
 always remain on the same footing. 
 
168 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Vienna, November 9, 1814. 
 
 There was a large masked ball last night at 
 Metternich's, which is said to have been very 
 pleasing. I did not go, but remained at home 
 to work. I hate these social affairs unto death, 
 and there are now more important tasks to per- 
 form. 
 
 The principal difficulties are made by the 
 really unjust demands of Russia, which are dan- 
 gerous to the peace of Europe. I do not need 
 to remind you of the painful and delicate rela- 
 tions that Prussia, and especially her ministry, 
 bears to this question. I conduct myself with as 
 much caution and shrewdness as possible, but I 
 will remain faithful to my principles and will act 
 with greater firmness. I do not fear this time 
 that I shall have to resort to extreme meanness, 
 as was the case in Prague. Yet if this became 
 necessary, I would not fear it. I will defend my 
 personal independence always and in all circum- 
 stances. 
 
 German affairs are not developing any more 
 favorably. The conference between Austria, 
 Prussia, Bavaria, Hanover, and Wiirtemberg 
 was first begun. This could not well be different, 
 but according to my proposal, this business 
 should have been finished before the arrival of 
 the sovereigns. The delay has made everything 
 worse. Bavaria and Wiirtemberg are hard prob- 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 169 
 
 lems in themselves, and the remaining princes 
 are holding popular assemblies of their own, in 
 which opposition is developing that will always 
 make more or less difficulty if we get as far as 
 a discussion. Thus every one goes his own way, 
 or at least attempts to, and the force or under- 
 standing which should hold the whole fabric 
 together is often sought in vain. 
 
 I must close, and go to the King of Wiirtem- 
 berg for a private audience. He most naively 
 caused me to be informed that he would like to 
 know me, just as if he had not known much about 
 me before, and suddenly heard gossip about me 
 at the Congress. Even Talleyrand informed me 
 some time ago ''Que j'etais un homme terrible." 
 So you see that 1 am not insignificant to these 
 men, 
 
 Caroline to Humboldt : 
 
 Berlin, November 17, 1814. 
 You probably do not know, as you are in the 
 heart of things, how the work of the Congress is 
 being watched and looked forward to from all 
 sides; but having just traveled through a large 
 part of Germany, I have heard it discussed 
 everywhere. If the foolish sovereignty of the 
 princes of the former confederation of the Rhine 
 is not abolished and the rights of the people are 
 not protected from these petty tyrants, you may 
 
170 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 be sure that conditions will not remain quiet in 
 Wiirtemberg, Baden, and Darmstadt. The peo- 
 ple are deeply embittered and severely op- 
 pressed, and the latest war has enabled the people 
 to visualize their wants. 
 
 Please tell me in a word when you have the 
 opportunity whether the Holsteiners have made 
 any attempt at the Congi-ess to avoid the ob- 
 ligations of the Danish royal statute which was 
 so unjustly forced upon them, and whether they 
 do not wish to return to a closer union with Ger- 
 many. In this city there are reports that Eng- 
 land means to exchange Hanover for Denmark. 
 However, this may be town talk, like so much 
 else. Since yesterday there have been reports 
 that as no agreement can be reached on Poland, 
 we shall get back the greater part of our former 
 possessions in Poland, as well as a strip of Saxon 
 territory running from Wiirtemberg and Tor- 
 gau, the remainder to be returned to the King 
 of Saxony. 
 
 Vienna, November 13, 1814!. 
 
 France is wholly opposed to Russia and her 
 ideas regarding Poland and also wholly against 
 Saxony. If we really have to decide to stand 
 either with Russia or Austria and England, I 
 should be so strongly inclined toward the latter 
 point of view that I should support it with all 
 my power. Here is a deep secret: I have made 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 171 
 
 a German memorandum on the subject for the 
 king which probably will not please him. 
 Caroline to Humboldt : 
 
 Berlin, November 26, 1814. 
 
 If our Saxon plans should fail, as is reported 
 here in Berlin, I must admit that this would be 
 serious; for all the good feeling that has devel- 
 oped between us because of our favorable atti- 
 tude would then be turned into the most repellent 
 hatred and bitterness. Nothing is worse than not 
 to succeed in j^our aim. And viewing it from a 
 wider point of view, where is Germany to get 
 its security in the future if this country [Saxony] 
 is not united with Prussia? Is it possible that 
 Bavaria, which dares to have and to honor a 
 Montgelas, will be Germany's protector? 
 
 Surely Prince Eugene de Beauharnais will 
 receive nothing from Germany? 
 
 Caroline to Humboldt : 
 
 Berlin, November 28, 1814. 
 Your statement of to-day about Saxony co- 
 incides only too truly with what is being dis- 
 cussed here by the public. I confess freely that 
 I should be greatly chagrined if we did not re- 
 ceive it. As things appear to me, the king can- 
 not well retreat ; I mean our king. It would not 
 be regarded as magnanimity toward the King 
 
m A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 of Saxony, but as a weakness of our own, a de- 
 sire without the ability to carry it out, which of 
 all lines of conduct is the most disastrous and 
 least of all befits that land and that king which 
 among all the countries and all the princes of 
 Germany acted most gloriously, and to whicl. 
 Germany in effect solely owes its liberation from 
 the French yoke. I know that all the other states 
 took part, and I do not wish to dim their glory, 
 yet Prussia has been the heart of this great un- 
 dertaking — the heart that throbbed with all the 
 pulsation of life. 
 
 If Saxony does not become ours now, it must 
 be remembered that we shall have a most resent- 
 ful and embittered neighbor, whereas wise and 
 liberal treatment would unite us with this coun- 
 try in a few years. All those who think rightly 
 throughout the whole fatherland will have been 
 robbed of that moral guaranty for the future 
 which alone they can find in Prussia's enlarged 
 and consolidated power. 
 
 Leniency toward the King of Saxony in this 
 case I should consider weakness; but this seems 
 to be a case in which his whole treasonable con- 
 duct must be disclosed before the world. A 
 prince who has acted as he did cannot be trusted 
 with the central point of Germany; and also it 
 seems to me that we cannot consider the descend- 
 ants of princely ruling families as we consider 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 173 
 
 the descendants of ordinary private persons. 
 Were there an empire and an emperor of Ger- 
 many, I believe that the King of Saxony would 
 be liable to be deposed. The fact that there is 
 no emperor does not free him from princely ob- 
 ligations toward his country, and that he has 
 acted against its interests can, I believe, be 
 proved. 
 
 The Kingdom of Hanover, I must confess to 
 you, displeases me much. Not only because of 
 the far-Teaching plans which perhaps are asso- 
 ciated with its future, but because of the imi- 
 tation there of the silly French nobility. This 
 looks like a bestowal of high rank among great 
 lords. It seems to me that one of the first steps 
 should have been to ask the princes who had been 
 raised to high rank under Napoleon, like those 
 of Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, etc., voluntarily to 
 give up their titles as something polluted and to 
 reassume their former names. Names are not 
 such an inconsequential matter. Surely it would 
 be of great importance to us to remove as many 
 traces of Napoleon's rule in Germany as possi- 
 ble. Oh, the scars of misfortune which that de- 
 tested rule brought us will not be healed over 
 very quickly! 
 
 To cling to any souvenirs of those times, to 
 wear the orders and the like, appears to me as if 
 
174< A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 one continued to wear the clothing of the peni- 
 tentiary after release. 
 
 I assure you that despite my joy at being here, 
 where, it seems to me, the clearest political at- 
 mosphere exists, I am still often regretful that 
 I am not in Vienna in order to cheer you up now 
 and again for a quarter of an hour at your work. 
 For, without doubt, seeing so many persons must 
 give one a distinctly disagreeable feeling. 
 
 Gentz seems to be in bad odor here. A for- 
 eign woman who is about a great deal and listens 
 everywhere said to me yesterday, "I hear that 
 one of our most active opponents in Vienna is 
 Gentz and that he goes to great pains to keep 
 Prussia down." I do not know whether I told 
 you in Bern that once last spring he said to 
 Jeanne [Duchess of Acerenza] when the allied 
 armies had already entered Paris: "Well, when 
 we get to the negotiations, my greatest effort will 
 be to put Prussia into obscurity." And when in 
 February, 1814!, Bliicher had his unfortunate 
 affairs, he blamed the "vain Prussians" and their 
 foolhardy acts with real satanic cheerfulness. 
 
 The best uplifting influences of our time have 
 not reached him. To me he has become most 
 objectionable because I felt this about him, and 
 in his oratorical efforts I hear only bombast and 
 nothing that moves me deeply. Look well at 
 him. Does he not appear to you like a ghost? 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 175 
 
 I do not mean to infer that he has aged, but how 
 much hke a hollow shell he looks ! Do not trust 
 him! 
 
 Vienna, December 4, 1814. 
 
 The problem of Saxony is principally whether 
 the old king is to be allowed to keep a small part ; 
 and even that I think should not be the case. 
 Naturally, we are being opposed most severely, 
 and our task is not yet at an end. What you say 
 about this and about Prussia is right. It is 
 really more humiliating for the others than for 
 us that are here at the Congress, and especially 
 among the German princes, Prussia is suspected, 
 slandered, and almost made out an enemy; so 
 that it is considered dangerous for Germany, and 
 favor turns to Austria. 
 
 I see very little of Gentz; I might say hardly 
 anything. Since I came to Vienna there have 
 been only two things that lead me to him: the 
 first, the use I could make of his well-known 
 characteristics, and then a certain inclination that 
 he showed toward me, despite the fact that, if I 
 do not love and respect a man for other reasons, 
 I am often ungrateful and mistrustful, as has so 
 often been justly charged against me. The Prus- 
 sians are all against him. and thereby confirm 
 your opinion. Stein recently said to me, after 
 an interview with Gentz in which the latter 
 thought he had again made friends with Stein: 
 
176 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 "What would you? He admits my contention 
 in everything because he fears me. He is a man 
 with a dried-up brain and a decayed character." 
 The chancellor does not trust him and is not 
 friendly to him. 
 
 Vienna, December 8, 1814. 
 
 I do not doubt Paris. Yet sometimes it seems 
 to me that things may turn out entirely different, 
 and when I meet Talleyrand a strange feeling 
 comes over me. Outwardly we are actually 
 friendly toward each other, but at bottom there is 
 a serious tension. I have actually had only two 
 interviews with him as long as I have been here. 
 A long one before dinner at Stackelberg's about 
 Saxony. It began coldly and ended so. In a 
 second talk he described how gladly France 
 would like to have good relations with Prussia, 
 praised me and my reputation, as well as Alex- 
 ander's, and then directed my attention again to 
 Saxony, saying it was an unjust situation, and 
 that my whole reputation would be blasted be- 
 cause of it. Thereupon I had to answer in r 
 manner that did not bring us any nearer in 
 friendship. 
 
 Caroline to Humboldt : 
 
 Berlin, December 12, 1814. 
 It is disconcerting to find that the German 
 princes lean more toward Austria than toward 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 177 
 
 Prussia, but I realize that there are two reasons 
 for this. Metternich undoubtedly is busy with 
 his intrigues and machinations in every possible 
 manner, and the fact that the meeting of all the 
 princes and ministers is being held in Austria's 
 capital gives him an unmeasured advantage over 
 Prussia. On the other hand, the princes and min- 
 isters are prompted by their own vacillating and 
 often not purely German spirit to draw closer to 
 Austria than to Prussia, for an inner voice tells 
 them that Prussia will be much more earnest and 
 severe with them than Austria. 
 
 Meanwhile I hope, and know in part, that the 
 people do not agree with their princes, and it is 
 my hope also that the spirit [of German liberty 
 and unity] which brought about this last war, is 
 still powerful and guides the course of the world. 
 
 Berlin, December 14, 1814. 
 Good Lord! do not consent to let Frankfort 
 become Bavarian! It is such a famous city, 
 where the German emperors used to be crowned. 
 When the armies, or, rather, the monarchs went 
 there, they promised the city its freedom. The 
 proposed action would have a bad effect every- 
 where. Bavaria is hated intensely evry where ex- 
 cept in its old provinces. It makes me feel badly 
 enough, because it seems that we are not getting 
 Ansbach and Bayreuth back. 
 
178 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Vienna, January 5, 1815. 
 
 The chancellor is not at all well ; he dined alone 
 to-day, not with us. You cannot believe what 
 anxiety I have for fear that he might get so ill 
 that he could not carry the negotiations to a con- 
 clusion or even die. There would be no one left 
 but me, and I could think of nothing worse. It 
 would be a misfortune for the Saxons and a 
 shocking situation for me. Therefore I cannot 
 deny that I am worried. The poor old man does 
 without everything that he loves. lie is irritated 
 beyond measure at what takes place, sees all his 
 hopes unfulfilled, and this affects himself and his 
 body. He cannot sleep; he walked about in his 
 room until two o'clock last night, then worked 
 until six, and was sleeping in his chair when I 
 left him two hours ago. 
 
 Then the chancellor also strains himself need- 
 lessly, lives all day in an atmosphere of work and 
 passion, or in general good fellowship, which is 
 resting; but does not lift you out of yourself. 
 Personally, I would lose everything in him; for 
 he is so good and friendly to me, and I love him 
 as I do hardly another man with whom I come 
 into business contact. Do not speak about his 
 illness; he does not like even to admit it here. 
 
 If the Congress comes to a peaceful end, the 
 ambassadors will naturally receive snuff-boxes. 
 They are most hateful to me. I abhor nothing 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 179 
 
 so much deep in my soul as private advantage 
 for things which are done for the good of the 
 whole. Yet, if there is no rupture, this will be 
 the practice. Our large conferences include 
 eight powers; counting only these, I shall osten- 
 sibly receive seven boxes. What shall I do with 
 them? The stones would presumably be enough 
 for one to make something beautiful out of, and 
 at the same time provide you with jewels; as for 
 money, eight boxes would bring from 20,000 to 
 24,000 thaler. Adornment does not mean much 
 to you, yet I would also like to have you own 
 diamonds. Tell me what you think of it. 
 Caroline to Humboldt : 
 
 Berlin, January 12, 1815. 
 I do not exactly know what to say about the 
 possibility of having gems and the likelihood of 
 getting them as gifts. There are probably a 
 number of occasions in your career at which it 
 would be pleasing if I had gems, but they do not 
 compare with the real use that the money would 
 give in our situation. We still have many debts, 
 and as we are absent more and more, it is impor- 
 tant for us to get entirely free of them. Then I 
 also find that in conditions such as have obtained 
 in our fatherland, and which may come again, 
 even if in a different manner, it is far nobler not 
 to have adornment. I believe also that in the 
 
180 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 future men will give more pleasure to girls by 
 presenting them with property that is free of debt 
 than a collar of gems. 
 
 There is quite a little talk here about you and 
 the chancellor. He is said to have been indis- 
 posed four or six weeks ago, and the story is told 
 that the king said, ''Things don't seem to go well 
 any more with the chancellor; I shall have to 
 keep Humboldt with him." 
 
 Vienna, Januarij 17, 1815. 
 
 I was surprised at the king's remark that you 
 wrote me. A thing of that kind is not easily in- 
 vented. I should like to know what he thinks of 
 me now. When I rode to meet him on his ar- 
 rival I was with Knesebeck. He started a po- 
 litical conversation, and Knesebeck carried it on 
 so awkwardly that the king began to argue in an 
 unpleasant manner, and the situation became se- 
 rious. I kept out of it as best I could, and was 
 not always able to agree with him; nor, on ac- 
 count of the other man, could I turn the conver- 
 sation. This was my last talk with him. He 
 has never called for me here, he never asks any 
 one when he is dining in his room, and he dines 
 alone now, and has his own cook prepare his 
 meals. The imperial [Austrian] cuisine and 
 wine are said to be horrible. 
 
 I might have made attempts on my own ac- 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 181 
 
 count to visit him, to go with him, but I have 
 avoided that. Things are not in good shape for 
 the most part; according to my conviction they 
 went differently than they should. You will un- 
 derstand that I cannot talk about that with the 
 king. 
 
 Vienna, January 30, 1815. 
 
 Since the departure of the last courier I have 
 written you twice, dear Li, without numbering 
 my letters. 
 
 I am certain that our letters are not opened; 
 your seals are always of dazzling beauty. Yet I 
 would not necessarily depend on the seals, as one 
 may be mistaken. But it is so decidedly against 
 the character of the chancellor, and could not take 
 place without his knowledge, that I would never 
 permit myself the least mistrust on the subject. 
 At any rate, it is immaterial to me. 
 
 Caroline to Humboldt : 
 
 Berlin, February 4, 1815. 
 Do be careful in your relations with the Jews. 
 I do not consider it fitting to remove all restric- 
 tions and suddenly to place them in a position to 
 enjoy all civil rights. Everything which comes 
 naturally comes step by step. Why shall the 
 Jews become salti mortali? 
 
182 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Vienna, February 5, 1815. 
 
 I maintain that the affairs that interest us the 
 most will be, settled soon and still think that the 
 sovereigns will leave this month. The matter 
 will not be entirely satisfactory, as Saxony is 
 still being divided; most probably we shall not 
 get Leipsic, althougli Wiirtemberg and Torgau, 
 and because nothing is right and nothing is whole. 
 Nevertheless, we shall have 10,000,000 subjects; 
 about 2,500,000 around the Rhine, counting our 
 old Westphalian provinces, and 7,500,000 around 
 the Elbe, Oder, and Vistula. For in actuality 
 we now have two Prussias ; but it will not remain 
 so in the long run. What is out of plumb seeks 
 to right itself. 
 
 The undertaking witli Austria is deeply buried, 
 according to my view. INIetternich's conduct has 
 implacably embittered the king and the chan- 
 cellor. Both have just and true natures, entirely 
 the opposite of his; but they do not have my tol- 
 erance, and I often say to myself that an alliance 
 with Austria against France might never have 
 been effected if I had always accurately described 
 Metternich's conduct at that time, and had not 
 looked at the best side of everything and taken 
 the whole success of it upon myself. Now we 
 have been too directly in communication, with the 
 result that the eyes are often opened more than 
 one wishes and sometimes more than is benefi- 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 183 
 
 cial. With all his faults and partly because of 
 them, Metternich is more useful and leans more 
 toward us than the others — Stadion, Zichy, 
 Schwarzenberg, Langenau, — and much can al- 
 ways be done with him. But now that is past. 
 Krusemark will not be able to bring it about, and 
 even I was not able to do it. That is the saddest 
 result of the Congress. 
 
 We are in better relations with Germany than 
 formerly. The little ones are beginning to have 
 confidence in me. I do not neglect anything in 
 this direction. Prussia must have the most im- 
 portant influence on Germany, though — and this 
 I always preach — not as a power that uses coer- 
 cion, but that wins Germany of its own free will. 
 That with which we distinguish ourselves the 
 most is our protection of the mediatized houses; 
 yet this does not give us the friendship of certain 
 princes. 
 
 Vienna, February 8, 1815. 
 
 I am writing you, dear Li, in JVIetternich's 
 conference-room, surrounded by all the plenipo- 
 tentiaries, now including Lord Wellington, at 
 the moment when the last conference on the ne- 
 gro slave-trade is to be held. To-day happens 
 to be one of those days on which it is impossible 
 to steal half an hour, and so I must beg you not 
 to be angry with me if I send you only a few hur- 
 ried words. 
 
184 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Our affairs have been completely agreed upon 
 since last I wrote you. At least that is the out- 
 come of conversations between Hardenberg, 
 ]\Ietternich, and Castlereagh, for we shall not 
 have a conference on this subject until to-night. 
 Leipsic is not ours, but Gorlitz, Seitz, Naum- 
 burg, and Weissenfels have been added to the 
 cities — about 900,000 souls, — and according to 
 area we receive more than half. Thuringia and 
 the two banks of the Saal we get entirely, and 
 Schwarzburg is also under our influence now. 
 
 You know what I think about the whole of 
 this agreement. The old ]Metternich [father of 
 the Austrian chancellor] among his famous dictis 
 once included this one: ''Cette affaire, comme 
 toute affaire, finira d'une maniere quelconque" 
 ["This affair, like every affair, will be disposed 
 of in some sort of manner"]. And just as this is 
 spoken in the deep equanimity of the father, to 
 whom everything in the final analysis is imma- 
 terial, so the son acts; and thus has come about 
 what has now been done. 
 
 Yet Prussia is not actually suffering. It is 
 about to be restored, and that part of Saxony 
 cannot escape it in the future; and in Germany 
 we surely shall be victorious. 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 185 
 
 Vienna, February 12, 1815. 
 
 At last, dear Li, I am writing you again at 
 my desk, although I am still greatly occupied and 
 bothered. Castlereagh is departing in the morn- 
 ing, and we are trying to make this circumstance 
 the excuse for trying to complete as much as pos- 
 sible so well as we can. We signed everything 
 last night that affects Saxony and Poland, and 
 to-night will continue with the other affairs. The 
 King of Saxony has been called to Presburg. 
 He is to sign there. Whether he will do so re- 
 mains to be seen. I would not do it. The parti- 
 tioning of Saxony is too disastrous a thing for 
 that country to permit a seventy-four-year-old 
 man to bring such a curse upon himself. 
 
 This recalls an anecdote that Wrede recently 
 told me. When Wrede came from Russia in 
 the year '12 he told the king how things stood 
 and advised him, most earnestly, so he declares, 
 to take his measures accordingly. The king, how- 
 ever, replied: *'Let him [Napoleon] alone. 
 With his genius he will soon help us out of the 
 difficulty.'^ And this man is to rule again! Un- 
 happily, it is true. It seems that things are never 
 to be done justly, and this object is easily and 
 wholly reached. The outcome of the affair will 
 make a much greater sensation because it will 
 come most unexpectedly. At least Korner wrote 
 me on the first, and seemed to be wholly uncon- 
 
186 A peacp: congress of intrigue 
 
 cerned about a partition. I will send a few words 
 to him to-day. 
 
 It was a pretty pass for the chancellor to say 
 to me, immediately after it was decided that Sax- 
 ony should continue to exist, that now we would 
 have to take Korner into our service. 
 
 For us the present arrangement, although not 
 necessarily the best, is still so much better that it 
 would have been most unjust for us to prefer war 
 or a long continuation of this uncertain situation. 
 
 Just consider that the monthly cost of the army 
 when merely on a war footing is over 2,000,000 
 thaler. 
 
 The advantages which we have gained, in addi- 
 tion to the fact that we get our population of 1805 
 back with an increase, are: 
 
 1. — That we retain all military points in Sax- 
 ony and Thuringia without exception. 
 
 2. — That the states on the Rhine receive an 
 extent and a form which gives this part of the 
 monarchy about the same population as the 
 whole Prussian monarchy had at the beginning 
 of Frederick II's reign; that is, when we take 
 into account what we possess on both sides of 
 the stream, and add only the little, mostly media- 
 tized princes, who will still belong to our system 
 and to our army. If we received all of Saxony, 
 the above state would clearly be much smaller, 
 partly decreased by alternative reparation that 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 187 
 
 was to be given the King of Saxony in West- 
 phalia. 
 
 3. — That we have not suffered, and that media- 
 tized princes, as in Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, 
 have been ascribed to us as subjects. In the 
 first place this gives us the friendship of all the 
 mediatized princes that are politically united 
 with us, and, secondly, these mediatized groups 
 count politically and militarily with us, and there- 
 fore are a real addition not in income, but in 
 power. You also cannot imagine how much 
 popularity we have won not among the princes 
 of the Rhine confederation, but among the op- 
 pressed ones and the others. Austria, Metter- 
 nich, and Wessenberg help us along in this. 
 
 It is clearly seen now that Austria is not at all 
 interested in Germanyj but simply likes to have it 
 appear so. INIetternich talks to no one on earth 
 and is actually inaccessible. Wessenberg is also 
 very busy and has too little influence to counter- 
 act this exclusiveness. I see ^11 persons as often 
 and long as they wish, invite them to come again 
 when I have to refuse them, and answer even the 
 most insignificant billet; and even if the chan- 
 cellor is not able to do all this, he invites every 
 one to dine not merely to stiff dinners, but to his 
 dinners at home. As many can come as wish; 
 others he invites and then talks. We are never 
 
188 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 less than from twenty to twenty-four persons at 
 table. 
 
 Weimar had placed itself wholly on our side. 
 It assumes the grand ducal title. This was signed 
 yesterday. There were no difficulties in the w^ay. 
 It was signed at once; I urged it and accom- 
 plished it. The duke will also get an increase 
 [in territory]. I am glad of everything that helps 
 him. He was always most friendly and forbear- 
 ing even when we lived at the "Elephant" and 
 really needed some consideration. God! what a 
 wonderful time, and how much has gone since 
 then, been broken up, destroyed ! 
 
 Orange will assume the kingship. 
 
 I will not take your time to tell what Prussia 
 is actually to receive, for by the time this letter 
 reaches you this will be in the newspapers. 
 
 It hurts the king a great deal because we did 
 not get Leipsic; this was a point of honor with 
 him. In this he is right. Yet this was a condition 
 made by all the powers, who would not have 
 signed otherwise. One idea, however, the king 
 will put through. Together with Austria he will 
 ask for a spot on the Eattle-field of Leipsic in 
 order to raise a monument on it, and to dedicate 
 a home for invalids for warriors of all the nations 
 who were wounded in that battle. It is really a 
 fine idea. 
 
 You cannot comprehend how JNIetternich is 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 189 
 
 losing ground in all these transactions among 
 many delegates, a large number of whom are not 
 simple-minded, and to whom parlor tricks no 
 longer count for intelligence and talent. At a 
 large session of twenty deputies recently, the first 
 attended by Wellington, things went so far that a 
 man had to be ashamed of being a German. Met- 
 ternich had kept the report of the Swiss commit- 
 tee in his hands for five weeks, and despite the fact 
 that his representatives had sat in the committee, 
 he brought it up with important and unexpected 
 changes that had been made not by himself, but 
 by Wessenberg; and when he was asked about 
 them, he could not even give an intelligent reply 
 for the reason that he had read neither the report 
 of the committee nor Wessenberg's changes. No- 
 body knows what an effect is produced by such 
 conduct. 
 
 In the latest conferences even Talleyrand has 
 been with us and against him, because he at least 
 has system in business affairs and knowledge of 
 them. Metternich either does not notice this or 
 does not wish to. In reality the illusion does not 
 leave him, and I am firmly convinced that he re- 
 gards himself as the most clever and versatile of 
 all, yes, as a man with whom none other can be 
 compared. 
 
 In addition to that, Wessenberg does not dare 
 to say anything, and the difference between the 
 
190 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 way Wessenberg has to conduct himself with 
 Metternich and I can work with Hardenberg 
 must be clear to every one. ]\Ietternich always 
 looks me up in society and jokes and tells stories 
 as much as ever. This, however, merely proves 
 his absolute lack of feeling, as he is not even 
 capable of hatred. For I know that it has be- 
 come a habit for him to blame me whenever things 
 go wrong for him and to revile me, and to com- 
 fort himself with the thought that he will one day 
 play a good trick on me, which, however, will be 
 rather difficult. 
 
 Vienna, February 23, 1815. 
 
 We now know that Berlin is most dissatisfied 
 with the arrangements that we have made. In 
 most of the letters the blame is placed on the en- 
 tourage of the king and principally on me. Tell 
 me, do you hear the same thing? There is noth- 
 ing to be done about it. In life we have to bal- 
 ance unearned blame with unearned praise. I 
 know how everything came about, but what does 
 that help? 
 
 Prussia is now the greatest German power, 
 about 8,000,000 Germans ; therefore a war power 
 in Germany of 240,000 men, and the first war 
 that comes must increase Prussia's possessions 
 at the point where they still are incomplete. 
 When the chancellor during the war told me for 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 191 
 
 the first time of his idea that we needed provinces 
 on the Rhine, I rephed that I agreed with him; 
 it w^as Hke stretching out a hand and putting it 
 down firmly. 
 
 Dissatisfaction generates also because at first 
 every one had exaggerated ideas about what we 
 were entitled to, and the military judged Prus- 
 sia's share according to what the army had act- 
 ually achieved, and not according to political pos- 
 sibilities. The feeling of not wishing to do with- 
 out old provinces is most honorable, but of course 
 it should not be overdone. How old are actually 
 the countries that have been lost to us? Ost 
 Friesland [Eastern Frisia] has been ours for 
 about seventy years, and the Prussian state with- 
 out Ansbach and Bayreuth has long been known 
 to me. 
 
 Yet at the bottom of the discontent is a true 
 and valid reason with which I wholly agree. It 
 is not so much that Prussia does not get enough 
 territory which hurts the feelings of the people 
 but it is, lying perhaps deep within the soul and 
 not expressing itself, that those who have acted 
 most dastardly either receive back their land and 
 their people or even are enlarged. On the other 
 hand are the reasons why we do not possess this 
 and that which is dear to us. We must retain the 
 point of view that this condition is only transi- 
 tory. The battle against wickedness has not been 
 
192 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 fought out and will be renewed, even if not just 
 now. Each and every Prussian must consider 
 himself as a warrior reserved for that time, but 
 must also make himself worthy during the inter- 
 val of peace to fight for this cause. I look for- 
 ward to this sort of a future with conviction. 
 
 It actually seems as if the Congress is to come 
 to an end. Czar Alexander adheres to JNIarch 
 15 as his day of departure. 
 
 To the amusements of the great world here be- 
 longs also a wager which Czar Alexander made 
 recently with Flore Wrbna to determine which 
 one could dress most completely in the shortest 
 time. They both went to Zichy's in the evening 
 in negligee and changed to formal court attire. 
 Flore won the wager. She dressed in one and 
 one half minutes and the czar in two and one half. 
 When he returned to the salon he found all the 
 other women also attired in full formal dress, in 
 a sort of masquerade of old court costumes. How 
 ingenious and amusing all this is! 
 
 You ask me whether the king [of Prussia] will 
 adopt the title of kaiser. He would not wish to 
 do this, and it would also not be possible to ac- 
 complish it. We have just as much influence 
 without the name. 
 
 But would you believe — this wholly between 
 us — that Stein has the foolhardiness to work at 
 this task and try, through Russia, to get Austria 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 193 
 
 recognized as kaiser — Austria, to which it ought 
 to be perfectly indifferent politically whether or 
 not France again obtains a part of the Rhine 
 provinces, as Gentz himself admitted to me ! The 
 amusing thing about it is that Stein includes an 
 overly long and bitter tirade on the un-German 
 character of Austria in his proposal, and asks that 
 the imperial dignity be given Austria for this 
 reason, so that it will become closer allied to 
 Germany. I prepared a document in rebuttal 
 yesterday. 
 
 It is an eternal mistake that Bavaria has been 
 allowed to remain so large as it is, and perhaps 
 will be made even larger, but wholly through 
 Austria's fault. Metternich had such a great fear 
 of Napoleon that he looked on Wrede as a savior. 
 Afterward Metternich used clumsy political 
 methods on the one hand, and on the other al- 
 lowed himself to be fooled ; in short, he acted un- 
 wisely, and it is impossible in coalitions to pre- 
 vent the mistakes of one power. Yet Bavaria 
 will never get to be dangerous, and serious war 
 against us will result in its most certain ruin. 
 
 Vienna, March 7, 1815. 
 
 To-day, dear heart, I bring you strange news, 
 
 which probably will not astonish you, as you have 
 
 often predicted it. Napoleon has disappeared 
 
 with his whole army — actually only from 1000 
 
194) A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 to 1500 men — from the island of Elba, and it is 
 not yet known whence he has gone. The news 
 arrived here to-day by courier from the English 
 ambassador in Florence, and therefore is trust- 
 worthy. It was great carelessness on the part of 
 the English not to have ships around the island 
 at least so long as there is a state of unrest in 
 Italy; but they had none. 
 
 A sort of English overseer, Campbell, was 
 there, but in a very small tship. He actually ob- 
 served Napoleon's plans ; but being unable to of- 
 fer resistance, he left out of fear that he might 
 himself be taken along. As soon as he considered 
 it safe he returned, and learned that Napoleon 
 had left on the evening of the twenty-sixth under 
 sail. He embarked on a number of little ships, 
 — I tliink three, — of which he had leased two, and 
 took with him provisions for six days. On the 
 twenty-seventh he w^as still within sight of the 
 island. He took a northernly direction. His 
 mother, the Borghese [Pauline Bonaparte], and 
 the wife of General Bertrand remained behind. 
 The Borghese demanded passage to Rome. 
 
 Wherever he may have gone leads to exhaus- 
 tion of advice and conjectures. It is certain — 
 and this is the fortunate part — that if this ad- 
 venture does not succeed, he will no longer be able 
 to save himself from destruction. It will no 
 longer be necessary to practise any sort of for- 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 195 
 
 bearance toward him, and he can be shot dead like 
 a robber. The right to do that existed even ear- 
 lier ; so I would not like to be responsible for him 
 now, even if he is made a prisoner. 
 
 He is discussed here with a great deal of in- 
 difference, which, however, is wholly assumed. 
 At bottom they are really most apprehensive. 
 They look for war in Italy and are not the most 
 confident. Schwarzenberg will be sent there at 
 once, and troops already have been ordered there, 
 enough to make 140,000 men for Italy. They 
 departed, however, only a few days ago. 
 
 This event will undoubtedly bring nearer the 
 end of the Congress. Talleyrand drew this moral 
 of acceleration from it to-day, as every one will 
 have more to do at home. 
 
 You cannot imagine how the foremost [of the 
 Prussian staff] are alarmed and wish to make 
 preparations. Only the chancellor is an excep- 
 tion. He is calm, and if danger ensued, would 
 act most firmly. As a matter of fact, only Prus- 
 sia is to be depended upon. It is also peculiar 
 that virtually all the Prussians are cheerful at 
 the news. They seem to regard this occurrence 
 as an opportunity for testing what is false in men 
 and nations and what has to be exterminated, 
 which is the correct view. 
 
196 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Vienna, March 13, 1815. 
 
 The King of Saxony refuses most emphatic- 
 ally to say "Yes" and wishes to negotiate. He 
 was rather harsh to Wellington and INIetternich. 
 These are now greatly opposed to him. He pre- 
 sented a note of justification, which caused Well- 
 ington to say to me: "He must be answered 
 sharply. He must be treated so meanly that he 
 will feel himself blacker than my boots." 
 
 No one knows anything about Napoleon. To- 
 night, however, we shall prepare a declaration, 
 according to which any one may shoot him, and 
 which will be printed everywhere and distributed 
 widely. 
 
 Vienna, March 14, 1815. 
 
 We are lying here in a wonderful state of ex- 
 pectation. The public announcement [making 
 Napoleon an outlaw] which I am sending you 
 herewith, so that you will have a copy for your- 
 self, is up to now the only creative work of the 
 Congress in this case. The foundation was made 
 by Gentz, and it was corrected later by every- 
 body, for the last time last night at a four-hour 
 conference of twenty persons, with whom it is 
 difficult to arrive anywhere. In the first draft 
 was a statement that any one who met him could 
 destroy him \_eccterminer~\. 
 
 This seemed too drastic to Emperor Francis, 
 and so he suggested that it be changed to read 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 197 
 
 that every one who supports his government, 
 ruler, etc., shall have the right to destroy him. 
 The English found making a private amusement 
 out of the murder of a tyrant a bit too strenuous, 
 and so the only part that actually pleased me has 
 been left out entirely. 
 
 Metternich to-day related at a little confer- 
 ence that he gave a copy of the declaration to 
 Marie Louise, and that she asked him what 
 would be done with her husband if he were 
 caught. He replied that if caught in Austria, he 
 would be imprisoned ; and if in France, he might 
 easily be hanged. She rephed that it was sad if 
 her son should have a hanged man for his father. 
 Even if the accuracy of this story may be partly 
 questioned, it is still horrible that Metternich, 
 who so dastardly sacrificed this woman, who 
 would be most unhappy if she had any feelings, 
 still dares to talk with her or to make up such a 
 story and tell it. It takes more than a will of iron 
 to do that. 
 
 Vienna, March 17, 1815. 
 
 The situation is very serious. Napoleon really 
 entered Grenoble on the eighth, and never before 
 was seen such illumination and joy. Before he 
 reached Grenoble a regiment coming from Cham- 
 bery passed to his side. When he met the first 
 French troops w4th his thousand men he walked 
 forward with his hands behind his back and said 
 
198 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 to them, ''Void voire general ["Here is your 
 general"]. The colonel thereupon embraced him, 
 and the regiment went over to him. The colonel 
 [Huchet de Labedoyere] is a cousin of Flahault 
 and was an adjutant to Eugene. In Grenoble 
 the troops mutinied, but the General Marchand 
 and Desirailles remained loyal, and had to save 
 themselves secretly with ICO men and a few can- 
 non. Everything else fell to Xapoleon. He then 
 marched toward Lyons with 6000 men. 
 
 You should see Talleyrand. I am writing you 
 from the conference which we have just had. 
 Wellington said we ought to know what we are 
 going to do if Napoleon is in Paris and in control 
 of all France. There was silence for a moment. 
 I said, "We will do what we did in 1813, and 
 what has just been expressed — make no peace 
 and no truce with him." Then the others joined 
 in, and Wellington spoke reasonably. He will 
 be in command. 
 
 Adieu, dear, sweet child. I know you. It will 
 pain you, but you know real hate and true love, 
 and it has to be settled sometime. As things are 
 now, can we use life to better advantage? 
 
 Vienna, 3Iarch 19, 1815. 
 Dear Li, I have received your letter of the 
 fourteenth, and seen with deep pleasure how you 
 take the affair with Napoleon. I thought imme- 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 199 
 
 diately that it would not dishearten you in any 
 manner. Our news from Paris is only up to the 
 eleventh ; from this it was expected with certainty 
 that Napoleon had reached Lyons. According 
 to this, he should be considered the master of 
 France. 
 
 I like to have you know what I am thinking of 
 and planning to do ; my system, therefore, is that 
 we fight Napoleon honestly and faithfully, with 
 special regard always for our own defense; that 
 we make sure of all the means at our command 
 to this end, and therefore do not give up Sax- 
 ony; that we exercise an orderly influence on Ger- 
 many during the campaign; and, finally, that 
 neither we nor our allies tie our hands against 
 the Bourbons and that we enter into no unneces- 
 sary entanglements. 
 
 God knows how much or how little I shall be 
 able to accomplish of this. I am in a most diffi- 
 cult position, and among us [that is, Prussians] 
 there are innumerable significant things that 
 worry me, and of which I can write you only 
 through Hedemann. 
 
 Gneisenau has other ideas, as I see in a com- 
 munication of his, that he has not imparted to me. 
 He does not favor united action, and would even 
 leave Napoleon in power, and, according to him, 
 we would fight wholly for ourselves, although 
 also for the right. I cannot share these views; 
 
200 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 they are not a part of my politics, and might be 
 carried out only if we had a king like Frederick 
 II in his early years, and even then would be an 
 experiment. The government of a chancellor 
 and ministers under a king who certainly thinks 
 differently must follow a system of greater co- 
 operation. 
 
 Vienna, 3Iarch 27, 1815. 
 
 A most disturbing report is being circulated 
 about France; namely, that of Xey's desertion 
 and Suchet's indecision. If both these things are 
 true, Bonaparte will without any doubt reach 
 Paris without a shot. A Government can hardly 
 experience a greater disgrace than that. 
 
 A treaty of alliance — this is between us — is 
 now being prepared between Austria, Prussia, 
 Russia, and England, which we will sign to-night. 
 It is drawn up in most ordinary phraseology. 
 With a great deal of difficulty I finally succeeded 
 in eliminating everything that would have made 
 it merely a treaty of assistance to the Bourbons. 
 One article, however, was put in over my head: 
 this includes the expression "when the Bourbons 
 call on us for help." But it has been made in- 
 nocuous, and will be even more so, as the Bour- 
 bons, if things go badly, will not even be able to 
 hold their position in France. 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 201 
 
 Vienna, March 28, 1815. 
 The situation in France has reached its climax 
 for the moment. We received a telegraphic re- 
 port to-day from Strasburg through Baden that 
 Bonaparte apparently entered Paris on the twen- 
 ty-second. An hour later the white flag was re- 
 moved from the tower. What has happened to 
 the king is not yet known. Ney's desertion is 
 said to be confirmed. We are assured that he 
 kissed the king's hand in tears, and promised that 
 if it was not otherwise he would serve him as a 
 volunteer. Talleyrand said to me to-day, 
 ''Avouez quit ny a pas de nation aussi indigne 
 que la mienne'' ["You must admit that there is 
 no nation so unworthy as mine"]. The way in 
 which he finds this out is often laughable to me. 
 
 Vienna, April 9, 1815. 
 More letters have come from Napoleon and 
 Hortense, which are now always opened in the 
 conferences and read there. Napoleon writes 
 with a fist that hardly any one can read, usually 
 on a duodecimo sheet of paper. Above is the 
 word "Tuilleries," and the fact that he can write 
 this must have pleased him extraordinarily, and 
 this word is of course the greatest indignity for 
 the Bourbons. His letters always begin with 
 "Ma bonne Louise," and everything is always 
 'Hu'' ["thou"]. 
 
202 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 The whole takes only a little page, and the 
 principal phrases are: ''Je suis mattre de toute la 
 France, Le soi-disant roi s'est embarque pour 
 VAngleterre, Je passe tous les jours en revue 
 25,000 hommes. La France ne craint nen de 
 per Sonne" ["I am master of all France. The so- 
 called king has embarked for England. I daily 
 hold a review of 25,000 men. France fears no 
 one J. 
 
 These sentences are written so illegibly that 
 the chancellor still maintains that this is not what 
 it says. ''La France*' is clear ; ''rien de personne" 
 I deciphered; ''craint/' which is in one word, with 
 "ne" was found by Wessenberg. He then tells 
 her to come, and at the end writes: "Fais que tu 
 sois lelo ou 20 Avril avec mon fils a Strasbourg" 
 ["On the 15th or 20th of April be with my son at 
 Strasburg"]. The conclusion is, "Adieu, tour a 
 toi" ["Adieu, wholly yours"]. 
 
 Hortense writes very few words to her brother 
 [Eugene de Beauharnais] . He is to come as soon 
 as possible to Paris, but if he does not wish to do 
 so, he is to be of service to the emperor [Na- 
 poleon] in Vienna and write what he has already 
 done toward this end. One of the two things is 
 absolutely necessary, else others will gain favor 
 before him. She says that Napoleon will con- 
 firm the Paris treaty and adds, "Si les puissances 
 vetdent pourtant la guerre , elle sera horrible; le 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 203 
 
 peuple et Varmee nont jamais He aussi unis" 
 ["If the powers wish war despite everything, it 
 will be a terrible one; the people and the army 
 have never been so united"]. Of herself she says, 
 ''On me traite assez hien, mats tout deioend pour- 
 tant de ton arrivee/' ["I am treated very well, 
 but despite that everything depends on your ar- 
 rival."] This makes me think only of the old 
 Antonio's clever remark, ''Massa di canaglia" 
 
 Despite all this, despite my most emphatic and 
 audacious talking, Eugene is leaving here for 
 Bayreuth, it^.s said, exactly the place where, if the 
 war should go against us, he can be most dan- 
 gerous with regard to Bavaria and Saxony. 
 
 Hostilities have begun in Italy. INIurat has 
 pushed forward to Bologna. A number of shots 
 have been fired. Metternich said in his conference 
 that the Austrian troops were not powerful 
 enough there to oiFer strong resistance. 
 
 Vienna, April 30, 1815. 
 Clancarty made a fitting motion regarding the 
 presents of the Congress, namely the snuff-boxes. 
 He stated that so many delegates and others have 
 come here that these presents would reach an 
 enormous sum, which would arouse discussion 
 even in parliament. We have therefore agreed 
 that only the four original powers were to make 
 presents to one another. If this is carried out, I 
 
204 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 shall receive three, a matter of perhaps 10,000 
 thaler. 
 
 Whether the others have profited in another 
 manner by the Congress I do not know and do 
 not care to believe. You know me on this point. 
 I have most antique principles in that regard, 
 and love those people whose daughters are given 
 dowries at public expense because they have none 
 of their own. 
 
 Vienna, May 5, 1815. 
 
 In this interval I have been compelled to un- 
 dertake something that will cause you the great- 
 est astonishment, and which I will entrust you 
 with only under the seal of greatest secrecy. 
 
 Just think that I, in my forty-eighth year, a 
 minister, during the Congress have had to fight, 
 and with whom? With the minister of war, 
 Boyen, whom you know. As we both returned 
 uninjured, the matter has had nothing tragic 
 about it. I will tell it to you from the beginning 
 w^ith all the frankness possible. 
 
 At two o'clock the day before yesterday there 
 was a conference at INIetternich's on the general 
 provisioning of the armies, and in addition to 
 the regular delegates the only non-delegate was 
 Boyen; then Stewart and Miinster were also 
 present. 
 
 When the matter that interested Boyen had 
 been disposed of and a few other affairs had been 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 205 
 
 settled, Nesselrode came to me and said that 
 Metternich wished to make a secret communica- 
 tion to us regarding a letter from Napoleon to 
 the emperor, and asked whether I would have 
 Boyen leave. There was nothing in this proposal 
 to insult Boyen, but I should not have mixed in 
 the^ affair at all. I should have left this to the 
 chancellor, and furthermore should have told 
 Boyen the exact truth. How unfortunately 
 things do go sometimes! Without reflection I 
 rose, spoke to Boyen, took him to the door un- 
 der a pretext, and led him through IMetternich's 
 long hall. It occurred to me that I also might 
 leave. However, as I always was apprehensive 
 of letters of this kind, I did not think this a wise 
 thing to do. 
 
 When I left Boyen he told me that I had 
 bowed him out rather clumsily, which might have 
 been true as far as he was concerned, but which 
 did not apply otherwise, for even the chancellor 
 believed that he had left of his own accord. 
 
 I considered the matter closed with his sar- 
 casm ; but as it occurred to me that he might be 
 angry, and as this pained me a great deal, for 
 I think much of him, I accosted him when he 
 came to dine with the chancellor and asked him 
 if he was angry. He did not let me talk out, but 
 said at once that we would have an understand- 
 ing. Thus we went to dinner. After dinner I 
 
206 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 went to him, but found him so vehement that I 
 immediately said that I was sorry and that I 
 would not defend my action on the ground of 
 thoughtlessness. Bygones were bygones, and 
 that I was ready to fight him if he so desired. 
 
 He said that was all he wished, and so our con- 
 versation quieted down. I made the condition that 
 we should say nothing to any one, and should 
 have no seconds, who might part us and make 
 the matter fail. Also, as I did not see why, with 
 all my work, I should go to the trouble of pro- 
 curing pistols, I asked him to provide them, and 
 said that on my part I would find a quiet spot. 
 He found it most poetical that I wanted to fight 
 with his pistols without bothering about them my- 
 self, but agreed to do so, and his heat abated con- 
 siderably. 
 
 He directed my attention to the fact that the 
 people in the room — we stood on the balcony of 
 the second story — were observing us. I told him 
 that this was his fault, as I had offered to drive 
 with him in my carriage, which stood at the door ; 
 he said that such civilities went a little too far if 
 men were going to fight each other. I recalled to 
 him that Ariosto speaks of two knights riding the 
 same horse in such circumstances, and thus we 
 separated. 
 
 We had agreed to meet to-day at eleven 
 o'clock, and it was my idea to go to the Prater. 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 207 
 
 Early yesterday morning it happened that he 
 had to come to me for a conference that had been 
 agreed upon before. After the conference he told 
 me that he had not yet purchased the pistols and 
 that he could not meet me at eleven to-day. I 
 also told him that I thought the Prater rather out 
 of place as a spot for a combat between two min- 
 isters of state, and that we would do better to 
 take an afternoon drive later on. So we left the 
 time indefinite. 
 
 Yesterday noon I dined with him at the chan- 
 cellor's and told Hardenberg, whose lynx eyes 
 had observed our conversation, that we had come 
 to an agreement, and Boyen told him the same 
 thing. 
 
 The chancellor went to Laxenburg to-day, and 
 as I had been challenged, I could not let the af- 
 fair rest, no matter how serious it might be to me 
 because of the possible sensation that might re- 
 sult. Therefore I wrote Boyen early this morn- 
 ing that so good an opportunity would not come 
 again and that I would be at his house at three 
 o'clock. I had an idea that we would ride to the 
 Kalten Berg [^ahlenberg]. I attended con- 
 ferences from eleven to two, and at two I wrote 
 you the lines which you will have received by this 
 time, then dined, — which the Homeric heroes also 
 did before their battles, — and went to Boyen. I 
 found him alone, and he said he did not think it 
 
208 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 expedient for us to be without any one, and that 
 he would take Wolzogen, the major, with us. I 
 naturally had no objection, so we called him. 
 You can imagine the astonishment and terror of 
 poor Wolzogen. He wanted to argue with us, 
 but we soon calmed him. Boyen was more 
 friendly than on the previous days, yet very seri- 
 ous and gloomy; and as for me, as you know, I 
 have never been angry with any one in my life. 
 
 I had learned from Cathcart at the morning 
 conference that his entire family had gone to the 
 Kalten Berg, so I changed our plans, and had us 
 driven to the Spitz. Between the first and the 
 last bridge I suggested that we get out and go 
 into the shrubbery toward the Danube. We did 
 so, but had to wander about a great deal before 
 we f Qund a quiet place, a pretty meadow close to 
 a wood. 
 
 Boyen wanted me to shoot first; but as he was 
 the insulted, I did not need to do so, and I had a 
 good reason of my own for not doing so. 
 
 He fired first. I had been frankly in doubt 
 until he fired whether he actually meant to shoot 
 at me or not. On the one side, it was clear that 
 things would be most disagreeable for the man 
 who was w^ounded in this duel. As we are both 
 needed now, the latter would be the most criti- 
 cized. On the other hand, he had been in such a 
 temper and had remained so, and seemed to have 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 209 
 
 such serious ideas on the subject, that I could not 
 well act differently. 
 
 He aimed long and directly at me, but I saw 
 that in the moment of firing he deflected his 
 pistol. My gun refused to work. As it was ap- 
 parent that I had aimed to one side, Boyen would 
 not permit the shot to be counted. I assured him 
 that it would not be different if I aimed directly 
 at him, as this would make me miss the easier. 
 But when he urged me further, I told him that 
 after having given him cause for this, it could 
 not occur to me to wound him still more, and to 
 act as if I were shooting, as he had done, I also 
 would not do, because I could not control m} 
 shot. In addition it was for him to say whether 
 he considered himself satisfied or not. He said 
 "Yes," and we went to the bridge of the Danube, 
 where we talked a great deal with each other in 
 a friendly way, drove home, and parted on the 
 best of terms. 
 
 Poor Wolzogen appeared unusually glad, for 
 it could be plainly seen that he was fearful dur- 
 ing the whole ride and did not know what to 
 make of it. 
 
 I have passed through this battle in the most 
 unsoldierly fashion, for except for the few sec- 
 onds when I held the pistol, I did everything 
 with my baguette [little cane]. 
 
 I gave thought to the fact that the matter 
 
210 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 might become most serious, and above all I 
 thought of you and the children, even if this does 
 not appear from the little slip that I sent you. 
 But it seemed to me that it would have been un- 
 worthy with respect to you, even if ordinarily 
 such a thing was not in my nature, to attempt to 
 find a way out in view of the fact that Boyen 
 took the matter so seriously. You have no idea 
 how deeply he felt insulted. The whole affair 
 was most peculiar to me, and I have made dis- 
 coveries with which I would not like to part. I 
 am also convinced that the mater is cleared up 
 with Boyen forever, which would not have been 
 the case if I had avoided the duel even in the 
 best and most proper manner. 
 
 I have forgotten to tell you about Napoleon's 
 letter. It came through because he entrusted it 
 to a Belgian who was also an Austrian chamber- 
 lain. It was written very cunningly, for it turned 
 on the idea that Emperor Francis would not keep 
 Marie Louise, the wife, from her husband nor 
 the little child from his father. It was well also 
 that I did not go away with Boyen, for ]\Ietter- 
 nich really wished to reply to Caulaincourt on 
 the most intimate family affairs. But I objected 
 to this immediately, and so did the others, espe- 
 cially RazumofFski [Rasumovskij] and Stewart. 
 Farewell, dearly beloved heart! 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 211 
 
 Vienna, May 12, 1815. 
 
 A most unpleasant incident has occurred, dear 
 Li; namely, a revolution has fairly broken out 
 against us among the Saxon troops in Liege. 
 Bliicher, Gneisenau, and general headquarters 
 had to save themselves by fleeing through back 
 doors, and in this way out of the city and the 
 state. The mistake was made of talking about 
 this division [of Saxony] before it had actually 
 been effected, and I was present recently and had 
 a lively altercation with Boy en and Grolman. 
 It seemed to me as if the partition might well 
 have been postponed until after the war. The 
 armies might have been left to serve together, 
 as, for instance, under Wellington, and the re- 
 cruiting done only in the Saxon territories, using 
 those who volunteer as the nucleus for new regi- 
 ments that might be completed from our lands. 
 The military, however, seems to treat this as a 
 point of honor, and I understood that when Grol- 
 man departed he carried an implicit order for the 
 partitioning with him. This was made public 
 after his arrival, and what I have related then 
 occurred. , 
 
 I recently angered little Metternich again. 
 Talleyrand has in his company an old man. La 
 Besnardieres, a councilor of state who was with 
 Caulaincourt in Chatillon; as a matter of fact, a 
 supporter of Bonaparte and an intriguer, but 
 
212 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 shrewd. He wants to go back to France, and 
 Metternich suggested that he had a parrot and a 
 sister, and would die if he was not with them. 
 The others did not say much. I remarked dryly 
 that in addition to a parrot and a sister he also 
 still had a king, and thereby spoiled the whole 
 project for this time at least. As a matter of 
 fact, hardly any man could be more dangerous 
 in Paris; for he knows all our gossip, our dis- 
 agreements, all intrigues. 
 
 Vienna, 3Ia2j 21, 1815. 
 
 It is half -past one o'clock, and I have just 
 come from a conference at INIetternich's, dear Li ; 
 but I will tell you a few words before I go to 
 bed. To-day we had a so-called German confer- 
 ence with Austria and Hanover, which might 
 much better be called an un-German conference. 
 If you could have been there, you would have 
 become indignant. I liardly speak now of any- 
 thing that is concerned with the most worthy mo- 
 tives, but wholly with the mechanical, but the 
 ineptitude and indiscretion are terrible. 
 
 Yesterday we had already completed the whole 
 enormous and unimportant draft. To-day Met- 
 ternich came with several insertions that said 
 nothing, and so for an hour long the matter was 
 chewed over, tested, and altered, without the 
 least progress being made. I was silent, because 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 213 
 
 it makes a person indignant to be present at such 
 an affair. When finally nothing was accomplished 
 and all the attempts and starts of Metternich 
 brought nothing to paper, I was forced to speak 
 and to write, and when this pretty work was com- 
 pleted, Metternich rose, filled with pride, and 
 said, "We need not despair; we are always mak- 
 ing progress." Children could not do worse. 
 
 You have no idea what a lot of trouble is made 
 by men who wish special advantages. The hered- 
 itary Prince of Strelitz is continuously, at least 
 interchangeably, angry with me ; the Coburgs are 
 like burs; the Taxis woman growls occasionally, 
 and now and again finds out that I still treat her 
 better than the others do; the Collereda, who 
 wants forest country on the left bank of the 
 Rhine, writes billets a yard long. Others are 
 very well satisfied with me; for instance, Rodol- 
 stadt. At least, I hope so. 
 
 Gentz is working hard and busily, despite any 
 other failings he may have. They wanted to 
 give him the order of the Red Eagle, but I put a 
 stop to that. The orders should be kept invio- 
 late so much as possible, and during the winter 
 and especially in the Saxon affair he did not act 
 favorably toward us in any matter, not taking 
 into consideration any friendliness for Harden- 
 berg and myself. Upon Napoleon's arrival in 
 Paris he was suddenly interested in the great- 
 
214 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ness of this event, and told me, with the greatest 
 secrecy, that there was great wisdom in this Gov- 
 ernment. INIetternich himself thought he might 
 be regarded as dead. Once when Pauline [Prin- 
 cess of ITohenzollern] addressed him with the 
 name of Jacobin when he visited her and when 
 a great many guests were present, he reflected; 
 and, as if scales had fallen from his eyes, found 
 that he was in this repute, and became contrite 
 and angry at the same time, and since then has 
 kept more to himself. 
 
 You know that Vera [a Roman agent] is here 
 in order to get Elba and Piombino back for the 
 Prince of Piombino. I was greatly interested in 
 the case, and Vera to-day promised most seri- 
 ously to give me the great Juno [the Juno of 
 Ludovisi] if I put the matter through. It has 
 moved me extraordinarily that such an antique 
 goddess is to let herself be bartered and sold in 
 the North. 
 
 Vienna, June 1, 1815. 
 In these last days many things are being de- 
 cided, and so far I have had a great deal of luck. 
 This between us. The pope may thank me for 
 the most part that he did not have to give up 
 50,000 souls to Eugene [de Beauharnais], and, 
 namely, Ferrara. 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 215 
 
 Vienna, June 4, 1815. 
 
 I have received the Anne Order in diamonds 
 from Russia for the signing of the treaty of alli- 
 ance, presumably a sort of revenge on the part 
 of Czar Alexander for the fact that I do not at 
 all bother about his favor and his personal ap- 
 probation, and am not any more Russian than I 
 have to be. I am glad to have it for that reason. 
 Otherwise it seems as if it has been carefully 
 thought out to irritate me. For as an order it is 
 hardly appropriate for me, and as a gift the or- 
 ders with gems are usually not worth much ; they 
 include very many small stones. I will sell it at 
 once and will never wear it. That is all of this. 
 As for his favor, I shall do neither more nor less 
 than in the past. If we ever again have business 
 with each other, he will need me more than I 
 will need him. 
 
 I refused a very great present yesterday. 
 Since the beginning of the Congress the Jews 
 have tried to get certain civil rights in Germany. 
 I have always favored their wishes. I know, dear 
 heart, that you think otherwise, but I have 
 thought a great deal about it at different times 
 and remained faithful to my former view. More- 
 over, it is an idea of my youth. Alexander and 
 I, when we were children, were regarded as pro- 
 tectors of the Jews. 
 
 I also became interested in the subject here 
 
216 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 for the reason that, as the Jews have pretty 
 nearly all the rights in Prussia, it would be bet- 
 ter for us if these privileges became general, as 
 else all the Jews would stream over to us. For 
 several weeks I observed that the Jewish patrons 
 grew in number, and as Gentz stood at their 
 head, the reason was soon clear. The Hanove- 
 rian Hardenberg also informed me with certainty 
 that the former had actually made a written con- 
 tract. 
 
 In the meantime 1 had no offers; but an old 
 man from Prague, whose personality pleased me, 
 as he did not belong to the more modern Jews, 
 came to see me several times and recommended 
 the cause to me. I prepared an article according 
 to my convictions in the present conferences. 
 This proved to be the principal subject for de- 
 bate not because there were not more important 
 things, but because it was impossible to debate 
 the latter, for the reason that they would disrupt 
 the Congress rather than bring it closer together. 
 
 INIetternich, Wessenberg, Hardenberg, and I .| 
 acted according to our lights. Rechberg [Count 
 von Rechberg, the Bavarian minister], Darm- ' 
 stadt. Saxony, the Hansa cities, were principally \ 
 against it. It was brought up in two sessions. 
 Metternich, according to his custom, virtually ►: 
 gave the matter up, but I continued with it, gave 
 it a new turn, and made it virtually innocuous, , 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 217 
 
 so that I directed it to the forthcoming federal 
 assembl}^ but preserved the rights already won 
 by the Jews. A great deal was said about the 
 matter, but every one knows that I merely 
 drafted the article and put it through. 
 
 Yesterday the old man returned, thanked me 
 without end, and offered me as a present three 
 rings, an emerald set in large diamonds, with the 
 option that if I did not wish them, I could draw 
 on him for over 4000 ducats. I refused them as 
 well as the money, and you can hardlj^ imagine 
 the astonishment of this man when I told him 
 without affectation or bravado that I had done 
 what I did only out of favor to the Jews, that 
 I would take nothing for it, and that if ever there 
 came a time when he could do me a favor, I v/ould 
 be glad to avail myself of it. 
 
 I have told the incident to no one but the chan- 
 cellor and Hardenberg [the Hanoverian]. But 
 I know through Gentz that it has become known 
 and had a great effect. The old Jew will not be 
 satisfied, and has now the idea of having a silver 
 service made for me with the view of sending it 
 to me within a year. I told Gentz that I would 
 accept nothing in ten years, and I won't. Gentz 
 cannot imagine that it is possible not to accept a 
 thing of this sort, and to-day explained to me 
 in a long discussion that it is a puzzle to him and 
 an inexplicable action on my part, as the matter 
 
218 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 is neither indelicate nor unreasonable, and that 1 
 do not do it out of ostentation in order to brag 
 that I do not accept gifts from Jews. He said 
 this most seriously, and I merely told him that 
 when a person advocates a cause as warmly as T 
 do the first condition is a clear conscience. 
 I know nothing so dishonorable as not to be as 
 clean and pure as gold in business matters. 
 
 Pardon me for lingering so long with this, but 
 it will show you how many things, if not all, are 
 carried on here. 
 
 Farewell, my precious, dearly beloved. 
 
 Vienna, June 9, 1815. 
 I have been extremely busy in these last few 
 days ; everything happened at once, and the con- 
 ferences do not end until late at night. It is 
 after midnight, and I have just returned from 
 another. We signed all the articles of the great 
 agreement of the Congress — there are 120 in all 
 — to-night, and there is virtually only one other 
 matter to be settled, which is to be completed by 
 to-morrow noon. We have had the duchy be- 
 longing to Darmstadt added to Westphalia, but 
 do not have possession of it yet, because Darm- 
 stadt has never consented to a reasonable indem- 
 nity. You cannot imagine the egotism of this 
 sad court, and Austria is so weak that it does 
 not know how to deal with this prince. 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 219 
 
 The German act of confederation will be 
 signed to-morrow. It has finally turned out to be 
 a more wretched piece of work than it was in the 
 beginning. In the case of this king everything 
 depends on chance, which should have nothing 
 to do with it. Three days ago we were on the 
 verge of settling the affair without Bavaria. No 
 detailed instructions had been received, as they 
 asserted, by Bavaria, Saxony, — which agreed 
 with Bavaria on the whole, even if not in detail, 
 and which Metternich could not keep in line, — 
 and Darmstadt, and every one was at a loss to 
 know what to do, I suggested that we close the 
 agreement between ourselves and let them join 
 later. This had the advantage that we did not 
 need to make concessions in matters in which 
 thirty-two votes were united against three, and 
 left an opportunity for them to sign, the only dif- 
 ference being in the order of signature. Every- 
 thing was agreed upon ; I had made the necessary 
 changes, and we were to sign on the following 
 day. 
 
 On the following day Metternich wrote that 
 Rechberg had received his instructions, which dif- 
 fered from our view only in a few particulars. 
 But among these particulars was an important 
 one; namely, that Bavaria would not abide by 
 the decision of the federal court. The other 
 things were of no consequence, but as we had 
 
220 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 already weakened the whole federation for the 
 benefit of Bavaria, this was the last drop that 
 overflowed my cup. 
 
 This led me to believe that by eliminating Ba- 
 varia we could make the federation stronger, 
 better, and more popular among the others. I 
 therefore made two proposals: we would either 
 proceed along the lines that we had agreed upon, 
 and Bavaria should join with a reservation on the 
 point to which it did not agree, or to divide it 
 into two parts, a state federation and a national 
 federation, uniting all in the first group, and 
 placing in the second group all those who were 
 favorable to the whole. 
 
 Metternich, however, would have nothing of 
 this, but insisted on conceding everything Ba- 
 varia wished. The Lord only knows how it hap- 
 pens that nothing can be done with the chan- 
 cellor these days; he declared that he placed a 
 tremendous importance on unity, and considered 
 that the last few changes did not matter. 
 
 JNIiinster, who has become much weaker since 
 his marriage with that tremendously ugly wom- 
 an [Princess Wilhelmine of Schaumburg- 
 Lippe], was wholly silent, and so concessions 
 were actually made in an ignominious manner. 
 I expressed my divergent views most clearly and 
 emphatically, but of no avail; Rechberg was 
 called in and told that the change would be made. 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 221 
 
 In the evening session with the princes the bet- 
 ter spirit still gave a few last gasps. Gagern, 
 whom you know, spoke for a federal court and 
 for a strong and wholesome Saxony; but I was 
 too greatly angered to interfere, and only when 
 I saw that at least one thing could be improved 
 did I speak in a tone and with an attitude that 
 made those present guard against irritating me 
 further. I succeeded in this point, but the rest 
 remained as it was, and so this constitution took 
 on a wonderful form! For I left Metternich 
 and the others in the lurch, no matter how often 
 he asked my help, and they therefore chewed on 
 a few phrases for a quarter of an hour, and noth- 
 ing worse has ever been written than this docu- 
 ment. 
 
 To-day even Wiirtemberg, which declared 
 simply and solely in the French note that it 
 would not appear at the conferences, came 
 around, and is ready to join the agreement, but 
 with new changes. This nation has finally been 
 told that no more changes will be made, and that 
 it can join this agreement only in a special decla- 
 ration of its own and not by signature. 
 
 And thus has ended this affair with which I 
 was most occupied; rather badly, but only be- 
 cause of Metternich. Prussia and I can always 
 be satisfied with our work. My plans, my long 
 notes to Metternich, have been printed and are 
 
A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 known; during the conference I had a prepon- 
 derating influence, and even had the satisfaction 
 of being able to raise and to put on a firm foun- 
 dation what I personally protected, as, for in- 
 stance, Schwarzburg. Every one knows that I 
 am not only to blame for the unsatisfactory con- 
 clusion, but that it has hurt me a great deal. The 
 minor princes show^ed a better and more honest 
 will, but only these. 
 
 The Bernstorffs acted about worst of all; al- 
 ways making difficulties, always antagonistic, 
 everywhere forcing their personality to the front 
 and insisting upon it, and saying not a word in 
 yesterday's session, where the last bit of good 
 was destroyed. The silence yesterday was actu- 
 ally strange. It disclosed how greatly all wished 
 the federation to be general and to include Ba- 
 varia. 
 
 Swedish Pomerania will now become Prus- 
 sian; Denmark will get Lauenburg, which we 
 gave from Hanover, and a money indemnity. 
 This was one of the most tiresome negotiations 
 for me, and it convinced me that Bernstorff has 
 no talents for business, no matter how good he 
 is in other capacities. He is neglectful, dis- 
 tracted, and at the same time vehement and un- 
 just. In this matter he made scenes in my pres- 
 ence that are unbelievable, and I recalled that it 
 was exactly one month after my ruction with 
 
LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS 223 
 
 Boyen, which made me think that such a day of 
 quarrehng must come periodically. 
 
 In this case communications had to pass be- 
 tween Denmark and Sweden, and which, as thej^ 
 live like cat and dog together, had to go through 
 my hands. On one occasion I forwarded one to 
 him [Bernstorff]. He sent it back to me as if 
 he were satisfied with it, and I continued the dis- 
 cussion. Later he recalled that there was some- 
 thing in this letter which he could not counte- 
 nance, and I discovered that he had not even read 
 it. He made bitter accusations against me, and 
 if it were not for my imperturbable calm, we 
 might have shot at each other because I did not 
 direct his attention to what he considered an im- 
 propriety. I informed him dryly that I, who 
 was so occupied that I hardly had a minute of 
 my own, did not feel myself called upon to work 
 for Denmark, and that he and his brother, both 
 ambassadors and wholly unoccupied, might at 
 least take pains to read what was of importance 
 to their king. In the meantime I brought the 
 whole matter to a conclusion. He goes to head- 
 quarters; she has departed for Holstein. Thus 
 things are breaking up here. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 A PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF 
 HAPSBURG 
 
 FROM THE DIARY OF ARCHDUKE JOHN OF AUSTRIA 
 
 In the game of battledore and shuttlecock that was 
 played for the German imperial crown by Austria and 
 Prussia in the first half of the nineteenth century 
 Archduke John of Austria had a notable part. We 
 find him the true Hapsburg, jealous of the preroga- 
 tives of his house, solicitous for its welfare, convinced 
 of its ability to lead the heterogeneous group of minor 
 German states to power and prosperity. His figure is 
 not always in the foreground, but often he stands close 
 at hand, suggesting, advising, as he is pictured in this 
 diary, in which he jotted down his comment on what 
 took place at the Congress of Vienna. The diary has 
 many points of interest. He himself appears as a man 
 of great nobility of thought and feeling. He attributes 
 sincerity to many of the men with whom he comes in 
 contact. Here we gain another view of Metternich's 
 entanglement with Czar Alexander of Russia, and the 
 only S3mipathetic view given in this book. It is the 
 incident that is discussed by Humboldt from the 
 Prussian position, and by Baron von Stein from the 
 
 224 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 225 
 
 Russian angle. Archduke John's diary discloses his 
 devotion to his emperor — his eldest brother — and to 
 the house of Hapsburg. His view of Prussia is that of 
 an ally that must be curbed and put into proper har- 
 ness ; his comment on the logic of an alliance between 
 Prussia and Austria has proved almost prophetic. 
 John's agitation over the affair of his brother with the 
 Grand Duchess Catharine, and his careful advice to 
 his brothers to marry for the sake of the house of 
 Hapsburg, throw an interesting light on the business- 
 like attitude of this royal family toward marriage. 
 
 The career of Archduke John, extending over a 
 great number of years, — he lived to be 77, — is of both 
 military and political significance. He was one of the 
 eight sons of Emperor Leopold II and a grandson of 
 Empress Maria Theresa. At the age of eighteen he 
 was nominally in command of the Austrian army that 
 Moreau decimated in the ill-starred battle at Hohen- 
 linden on December 3, 1800. Many years later,, in 184-8, 
 when a great wave of revolution — the revolution of 
 liberal ideas that the Congress of Vienna had tried to 
 stem — swept over the intellectual class of Europe, 
 Archduke John was called by the famous German na- 
 tional convention at Frankfort to become the imperial 
 vicar (Reichsverweser), or head of the provisional 
 executive cabinet. Henry von Gagern placed his name 
 in nomination for this office. In this diary the arch- 
 duke speaks of his high regard for Gagern, and also 
 expresses views which indicate that he believed in a Ger- 
 man confederation under the leadership of the house of 
 Hapsburg, governed according to his ideas of liberal- 
 
226 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 izcd paternalism. It is significant that the diet at 
 Frankfort later offered the imperial German crown to 
 the Austrian Emperor, who refused it on the advice of 
 Metternich. Tliat the archduke could accept the lead- 
 ership of a liberal parliament like that at Frankfort 
 presupposes his sympathy, to some extent at least, with 
 the liberal ideas of the turbulent forties, and this is 
 indicated also in the diary of the Congress, wliere we 
 find expressed as tolerant views of the desire of the 
 people to guide their own fortunes as were ever ex- 
 pressed by the member of a house that, ruling from 
 medieval times down to our very own, is hardly taken 
 into account save as a historical incident at the Con- 
 ference of Versailles. 
 
 September 4. — The Queen of Sicily suffered 
 a stroke of apoplexy during the night and died. 
 
 September 11-12. — Reception of the French 
 ambassador, Latour du Pin; the Sardinian, S. 
 Marsan, Avith whom it is a pleasure to converse; 
 the Prussian, Plumboldt, whom I have known a 
 long time; finally, F. JNI. L. Pino, who most 
 candidly explained to me our unjust presence 
 and conduct in Italy. 
 
 September 19. — Gagern, my old friend, vis- 
 ited me ; I saw him again with j oy . He is called 
 exalted. That may be, yet an honest German 
 heart and a firm, loyal spirit is his ; a man, strong 
 in heart and mind, w4th whom I speak as I would 
 before God. As he tells me so much, I have dis- 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 227 
 
 closed to him my efforts and my goal. [Baron 
 von Gagern represented the Prince of Orange 
 and the Duke and Prince of Nassau at the Con- 
 gress.] 
 
 September 20. — The Danish ambassador, 
 Bernstorff, visited me with his brother, a just 
 and sensible man. I reminded him of what I 
 had said about Norway, and found that Denmark 
 cannot overcome its sorrow at this loss. It is 
 sad to see that a country like this can become the 
 prey of an ambitious stranger, who really should 
 be included with IMurat on the list of those who 
 ought to be blotted out. [The reference is to 
 Napoleon's general, Bernadotte, who won the 
 throne of Sweden, and whose house rules to-day,] 
 
 Either Norway under its old kings or free and 
 independent ; and not w^ithout foundation does he 
 fear that this country may become the cause for 
 new controversies. 
 
 Oh, if I could but transmit to every one what 
 I feel! Then Europe would have peace for a 
 long time, forget, abandon the lust for posses- 
 sion and ambition. Mankind has suffered 
 cruelly; it is time to help it. Mine is a weak 
 voice, but, before God, I will speak wherever I 
 can in a conciliatory spirit. It cannot be that all 
 ears are deaf to right, magnanimity, and con- 
 science. 
 
 September 22. — The King of Wiirtemberg 
 
228 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 came, and the King of Denmark; later the 
 Grand Duchess ]Marie. The former I knew 
 from other days; his exceptional understanding, 
 his pride, and his rudeness are known. Order 
 in his states, but severe oppression for his sub- 
 jects, lie would like to go with his great state 
 in the footsteps of Napoleon, but with more 
 shrewdness. 
 
 I saw the second only at the reception, a hag- 
 gard man, medium in stature, entirely candid, 
 unpretentious; he pleased me. The voice of his 
 people speaks in his behalf; he is greatly beloved 
 in Denmark. 
 
 September 23. — Wrede of Bavaria. With 
 him I spoke freely and openly about Germany's 
 interests, about my own affairs, and about the 
 agreement between Austria and Bavaria. 
 
 Two obstacles are in the way: Russia's de- 
 signs on Poland, Prussia's struggle for Saxony. 
 England is too lukewarm on the subject and 
 seems too willing to have this happen, because, 
 I fear, Hanover is to be enlarged. 
 
 Neither of the two plans can be tolerated. In 
 addition, there is Bernadotte's arrival here, and 
 his struggle for Denmark. This, I fear, means 
 new controversies. How necessary are mutual 
 renunciations and sacrifices in order to preserve 
 peace! 
 
 Hereditary prince of JMecklenburg-strelitz, a 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 229 
 
 well-intentioned man, who thinks German and 
 wishes to be German. 
 
 Stein [Prussian statesman, now in the suite of 
 Czar Alexander] interested me most extraordi- 
 narily. My conversation with him brought out 
 several points: Austria and Prussia as the prin- 
 cipal powers; no enlargement of the others; in- 
 dependence of Germany from all foreigners and 
 its protection against France and Russia. As 
 far as I can see he has understanding and a firm 
 will. I will cultivate this man and get to know 
 him better. He recommended Gneisenau and 
 Grollmann to me as able men. 
 
 Miinster, representing Hanover, therefore 
 England, a sensible, just, shrewd, and most re- 
 served man; I will also cultivate him; I made 
 only general remarks. 
 
 Bernadotte is decidedly on the black-list. 
 
 Castlereagh, a firm, quiet man, well inten- 
 tioned, speaking slowly after reflection. It 
 seems to me, however, that he is not the proper 
 person to carry anything to its conclusion; it is 
 always most interesting to converse with him. 
 
 Cardinal Consalvi, a refined Italian, who at- 
 tempts to make his way with a few fundamental 
 principles. 
 
 September 25. — At ten o'clock we rode with 
 the emperor to the Tabor and there met the 
 Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg, with whom I re- 
 
230 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 newed my friendship. Then Prince William of 
 Prussia, a good, frank soul ; a charming face ! 
 
 Then the emperor [of Austria] rode to meet 
 the Russian Czar. Riding between him and the 
 King of Prussia, he led the way to Vienna; I 
 rode between the Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg 
 and Prince William. All were behind the em- 
 peror. In the Prater the troops paraded, through 
 the Jagerzeile into the Burg [Hofburg]. In the 
 afternoon I escorted the Grand Duchess Catha- 
 rine home. 
 
 September 26. — Talleyrand is here; it appears 
 that he is struggling against Russia's taking pos- 
 session of Poland. England is too yielding; 
 Czar Alexander is firm in his resolve. 
 
 At three o'clock the Russian Empress arrived. 
 She was once a beautiful woman; her features 
 are smooth, composed, with traces of suffering; 
 very agreeable, full of graciousness. 
 
 Greeted the King of Bavaria, a man good, 
 smooth; that is all. The queen seemed very re- 
 served; the crown prince is a man who thinks 
 nobly, but is too precipitous with his words. 
 Prince Karl is still voung, but has served with 
 distinction. 
 
 September 29. — Xothing but visits and return 
 visits, dining, fireworks, illumination. In fact 
 I have done nothing for eight to ten days. What 
 a life! 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 231 
 
 October 1. — I perceive something that does 
 not please me ; the Grand Duchess Catharine ap- 
 pears to grow cold toward Karl; why, I do not 
 know. There are so many little incidents that 
 demonstrate this to me. I advised Karl, with- 
 out disclosing this, to speak categorically. If he 
 does this, he will know what he is doing; he does 
 not deserve to be led about. 
 
 October 2. — Beauharnais; this man pleased me 
 very well. We talked about the campaign in 
 which we were opposed to each other; of the va- 
 rious events, etc. He acted most honestly of all 
 the French. How must things appear to him 
 now! He, a few moons ago the leader in Italy, 
 one of the foremost men in Europe; now hardly 
 a French marshal, begging for any piece of land. 
 Thus goes the world. This is known to every 
 one who had not gone high enough to become 
 dizzy. 
 
 Stein is coming one of these days. I can dis- 
 cern so many influences. If only England would 
 stand firm and support Austria! Wellington's 
 arrival alone could turn the scale, as the others 
 are too weak and yielding. Wrede speaks well. 
 Miinster likewise; unhappily he is confined to 
 his bed these days. 
 
 October 8. — In the afternoon I met Karl. He 
 told me definitely that his relations with the 
 grand duchess [Catharine] had been broken. 
 
2S2 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Czar Alexander had told her in a few words that 
 she should not leave him; she was indispensable 
 to him [Karl continued]. I know her good 
 heart; she was not able to protest. It sounds 
 like a farewell ; she is most unhappy, etc. 
 
 The grand duchess must have been dissatis- 
 fied with my brother. INIy brother did not de- 
 clare himself, and so tension resulted, and this 
 opportunity was used to put an end to the situ- 
 ation. 
 
 I know the woman, value her highly, and think 
 I understand how one should associate with her; 
 but very few persons understand this. I am very 
 sorry that she is not to join our house. With 
 Karl the matter is closed, Joseph is hindered by 
 the law, and none of the rest of us can take this 
 step after what has occurred; but I am certain 
 I could have won her for myself if I had wished 
 her. 
 
 JNIany petty princes visited me. These all 
 stand by our emperor, as they hope to have him 
 protect them from the arrogance of the larger 
 German princes. We should not fail to give at- 
 tention to this. 
 
 In the evening came a masked ball and soirees. 
 The two crown princes of Wiirtemberg and Ba- 
 varia got into an altercation and wanted to fight 
 a duel. Wrede mediated in the matter. The 
 Bavarian is still angry because of his sister; is 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 233 
 
 very irritable, although nature has denied him 
 hearing and fluency of speech. The one from 
 Wiirtemberg is witty, gets the advantage, and 
 this results in all sorts of quarrels. For what 
 purpose ! 
 
 October 10.— With the Grand Duchess Cath- 
 arine. I found Joseph there; then came Con- 
 stantine. What a rude, unrestrained man! Also 
 a windbag in the highest degree. God save us 
 from such a prince! 
 
 The Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg visited me, 
 and I spoke several hours with him. The situa- 
 tion is not yet clear enough to me to enable me 
 to put it down on paper. 
 
 October 13. — The Crown Prince of Bavaria, 
 a well-intentioned man, wants to do good; there 
 is nothing false and crooked about him, although 
 he is somewhat slow of comprehension and has 
 many draw^backs — deafness and a stuttering 
 tongue. His heart, however, deserves a friend 
 to advise him and to protect him from all men 
 who would misuse it. I think highly of him. 
 Yes, what an advantage this good neighborli- 
 ness would be if I were in Innsbruck and could 
 also serve my emperor in this manner! 
 
 October 14. — Visited the Grand Duchess 
 Catharine in the evening and found F. M L. 
 Koller there. He is there daily, enjoys her blind 
 confidence, and is valued by her, God onlv knows 
 
234 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 why. Koller is a soldier, cunning, and serves my 
 emjDeror; he is being used by the grand duchess 
 in order to find out everything and to suggest 
 to her what she should do. All letters pass 
 through his hands; these are opened, read, and 
 delivered by him. Possessing more cunning than 
 she, he leads her as he wishes without her ob- 
 serving it. I would have warned her, but I can- 
 not do so explicitly; and what is more, how does 
 it concern me? Koller is playing a wild role, 
 but he serves my master. Thus he is always with 
 Wrede; thus he patronizes my niece Louise; her 
 letters also will pass through his hands. 
 
 Irreconcilable conduct of the grand duchess, 
 often childish friendliness, then again much that 
 denotes reserve, almost falseness; frankness, up- 
 rightness paired with silence and reserve. 
 
 She dismissed Karl in the most friendly man- 
 ner, but why does she demand from him the same 
 attention as before? How can she demand that 
 he play the lover without purpose? Or does she 
 wish to use Karl before the world as protection 
 against the advances of the Crown Prince of 
 Wiirtemberg? This I do not understand. 
 
 October 16. — In the evening the marvelous 
 oratorio "Samson" by Handel. What a noble 
 idea, what power, and yet what melody in this 
 music! How far behind this stand our motley 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 235 
 
 composers! Only Gluck and Mozart follow in 
 his footsteps. 
 
 October 18. — Festival in the Prater. Only 
 Austria can prepare such a festival, only Austria 
 has such warriors. 1809! I was elated, and we 
 little ones — the Crown Prince of Bavaria, Wil- 
 liam and August of Prussia — shared with one 
 another [the hope] that God might always keep 
 us of one mind, so that Germany might blossom. 
 
 In the evening soiree at Metternich's until two 
 o'clock in the morning. The emperor was al- 
 ready tired. I was standing behind when the 
 Russian Czar had a brush with Metternich. He 
 told him that the diplomats made decisions, and 
 then we soldiers had to let ourselves be shot to 
 cripples for them. This pained the other. Then 
 the Russian Czar observed that I had heard him 
 and repeated his remark. I was silent, because 
 others were standing by; but finally I said that 
 unfortunately this was true, and that the lords 
 often regarded us only as mere tools for their 
 fantastic ideas and rarely took blood into ac- 
 count. It was unfortunate that I could not 
 speak to this man alone ; I would have given him 
 other deductions. 
 
 October 21. — I met the Crown Prince of Wiir- 
 temberg and took a walk with him. I then 
 discovered, what I had long suspected, that 
 Prussia meant to swallow Saxony, and the [story 
 
236 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 of the] expansion of Bavaria on the Rhine. To 
 the question of whether it is good that this state, 
 which is now concentrated and forms a German 
 entity, should be given a point of contact with 
 France, thereby dividing its interests at the 
 shghtest threatening situation, the history of the 
 compounded experiences of other times declares, 
 No! 
 
 The struggle of our court to acquire the hered- 
 itary crown of the emperors! [The crown of the 
 German empire of the Middle Ages.] Will con- 
 ditions be better when Prussia or Bavaria re- 
 ceives it? Who will then protect the petty 
 princes against the preponderance and arrogance 
 of the grasping great ones? Whither will the 
 German nation go ? Who then will hold in check 
 the stirring unrest of the people? JNIany things 
 were neglected in Paris. Prussia aims in the di- 
 rection of north Germany; England wishes to 
 expand as king in Hanover, and therefore adopts 
 a yielding attitude toward Prussia and Russia, 
 when a firm stand on its part could save the situ- 
 ation. And we in one difficulty after another, 
 always occupied, trying to settle the present one 
 with palliatives. How, then, can great things 
 come about? v, 
 
 The Russian Czar, unjustly, cannot tolerate 
 jNIetternich. For INIetternich to open his mouth 
 on any subject is sufficient to have it condemned. 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 237 
 
 Have the petty princes lost the right of fighting 
 for their cause? The peoples in Germany are 
 in upheaval; the Wiirtembergers and the Ba- 
 varians, following the example of Nassau, give 
 themselves a constitution. What is to come out 
 of all this? 
 
 France wants tranquillity, because the present 
 dynasty knows the danger of every war; for 
 every one demands this state as an ally, and 
 forces the organization of an army. If its enemy 
 should release Napoleon, the army would join 
 him, and disorders would begin anew. 
 
 October 22.— I talked with Talleyrand. What 
 an interesting man ! A worm-eaten heart, but an 
 excellent head. He speaks frankly about the 
 past; he described Napoleon's undertakings in 
 Spain to me. In order to keep from going to 
 Spain, as the voice of the nation demanded, since 
 it wished to have conditions settled there, he be- 
 gan the war with Austria. This ended, he be- 
 lieved that he could retire with a brilliant stroke ; 
 therefore the marriage with my niece. Then he 
 felt that he must remain at home in order to make 
 sure of the succession, and when this was assured, 
 he began the war with Russia. Talleyrand told 
 me that Napoleon never had a plan; the latest 
 events had always pointed the way for those to 
 follow. Thus, at the close of the Russian war, he 
 
238 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 would have moved on to Constantinople ; he knew 
 no end. 
 
 October 25. — Early to IVIetternich. I reported 
 to him everything that had come to my attention 
 and informed him of my views. On the twenty- 
 fourth he had a tremendous quarrel with the 
 Russian Czar. Alexander is set on Poland; he 
 will accept no advice and continues unmoved on 
 his way. INIetternich told him that as an arbiter 
 of peace he now passed over to the basic princi- 
 ples of Napoleon; nevertheless the czar argued 
 for his interests, and finally emphasized his de- 
 termination. There is nothing more to say. He 
 accused INIetternich of being the only one against 
 him; whereupon this one declared that he was 
 pr( ud of it, as the nation criticized him for yield- 
 ing and for weakness. 
 
 I infer from everything that ^letternich is the 
 only opponent. All who think justly must come 
 to his aid now, else things will go badly with us 
 all. If INIetternich is to blame, it is because he 
 slighted the czar and allowed him to feel it. The 
 czar will not forgive this, and what Metternich 
 says is sufficient to void it. I would never again 
 treat directly with him [the czar]. In the mean- 
 time I behold pusillanimity among the good peo- 
 ple and courage among the bad. The Congress 
 in Vienna was a mistake. We have learned to 
 know ourselves and our innermost thoughts, and 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 239 
 
 thereby confidence sinks low; whereas our weak- 
 nesses are only too glaring. 
 
 Only firm cohesion can save us here, can stop 
 Russia, and then unite us with Prussia ; finally to 
 get on good terms with Bavaria without forget- 
 ting what it has always been to Austria and Ger- 
 many, and without forgetting the corruption that 
 has existed in the official class from Montgelas 
 to the latest [incumbent]. This is Gallicism. 
 
 Neither Prussia nor Bavaria wilj receive the 
 fortifications for Germany's boundaries. May- 
 ence, city of the empire, commercial city, uni- 
 versity, and fort, will have a mixed garrison, so 
 that the Austrians will be stronger than the 
 others. Yet not a single one of them shall have 
 the only key to Germany on this side. 
 
 I am not at all pleased with the division of 
 territory. Austria has received a great deal in 
 Italy, to its misfortune. I would never have 
 placed the boundaries beyond the Po and Chiesa. 
 I would have given Lombardy to the King of 
 Sardinia as King of the Lombards, because it 
 would be useful to have a powerful prince there, 
 as in the north of Holland. Austria under my 
 plan would have received Italy as far as the Po 
 and Chiesa ; Tyrol, Vorarlberg, the Inn, Passau, 
 the old districts of eastern Galicia, the Salines 
 and Cracow, then the Dnieper up to the sea and 
 the Danube, with Belgrade. In this manner 
 
240 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Russia would have been separated from Turkey. 
 We would have the shipping on the Danube and 
 its mouth; then Illyria, Dalmatia, Albania, and 
 the seven isles. More than that is superfluous 
 and injurious. Prussia goes to the Elbe, receiv- 
 ing Saxony; the Pfalz for Bavaria. The other 
 states to remain as they are. All of the princes 
 and some of the knights [Ritterschaft] to receive 
 cities of the empire. 
 
 Germany! Germany! When will it become 
 what it should be! Austria must not be deprived 
 of the kaiserdom; otherwise this will go to Prus- 
 sia or to Bavaria, which is continually striving 
 toward this end. 
 
 The archduke years later wrote after the word Prus- 
 sia, "I was right." 
 
 I observe what Russia's ruler is like. He is 
 full of philanthropic ideas, yet shrewd; a pleas- 
 ing exterior, smooth words, but I see passion. 
 I see no warm heart for the general good; I do 
 not trust him. I shall observe all of these men; 
 it is great schooling for me. 
 
 October 27. — In two talks with the Grand 
 Duchess Catharine I have learned the whole 
 story. The matter is closed; my honorable plan 
 for Karl is shattered. As things are, I can see 
 that they have been badly bungled. It is possi- 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 241 
 
 ble that these two characters were not fitted for 
 each other. She demands uprightness, deep 
 feehngs, a warm heart, complete sympathy and 
 sharing of feehngs; this she did not find. It is 
 too bad. 
 
 November 2. — Disturbances in Paris and 
 France since the debates on the emigrants [the 
 nobles who fled from Paris during the Revolu- 
 tion] ; this may be of advantage to us if its value 
 is properly recognized, as it reunites all. It is 
 time that it ended, for the people are tired of it. 
 
 November 22. — The King of Denmark visited 
 Neustadt [Wiener Neustadt]. He observed 
 everything carefully and investigated it; one of 
 his aides took notes. This king is the only one 
 who travels with profit. 
 
 I learned that because of an affection of the 
 foot the Czar of Russia has become more tracta- 
 ble. He called Metternich to him, and there is 
 even hope regarding Saxony. 
 
 I expressed the opinion, how little respect 
 there is for the czar, and how little confidence one 
 placed in the King of Prussia (for we saw him 
 in the same way and in the retinue of the for- 
 mer). Our master knows them well. 
 
 November 29. — Gagern visited me to-day. 
 How are things progressing at the Congress? 
 The Lord have mercy! Russia as well as Prussia 
 — king and Humboldt — insist on the system of 
 
242 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 eating up [the conquered lands] ; these men are 
 not to be depended upon. We Austrians waver 
 and talk; both yes and no at the same time in- 
 stead of a firm, honorable language. England 
 speaks, but is not supported. I hear that Met- 
 ternich sinks daily in estimation, and the effect 
 of his procedure is a total contempt for him. I 
 do not damn him, and merely say that he must 
 be supported until things are settled; then re- 
 sults Avill show where the truth lies. 
 
 It is a miserable commerce, this trading with 
 lands and human beings. We cursed Napoleon 
 and his system, and justly; he degraded man- 
 kind, and the very princes w^ho fought against 
 it are walking in his footsteps. Apparently we 
 fought only against his person and not against 
 his system. Russia pushes toward the west. 
 Shall' that be? 
 
 Prussia does not oppose it; it allows itself to 
 be satisfied with Saxony and to return to the old, 
 selfish politics, not yet taught by the severe les- 
 sons it has survived; capable of keeping its 
 booty, if need be, by making common cause with 
 Russia against the others and against Austria, 
 which always has honorably proposed a division, 
 and which had only to say "Yes" to enable it to 
 join Napoleon and Russia for the purpose of 
 wiping out Prussia. It is against Austria, which 
 took up arms only to bring about the common 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 243 
 
 salvation, and which restored the doubtful con- 
 ditions of the past ; which sought nothing, estab- 
 lished nothing, and trusted that the others would 
 deal, think, and act like Emperor Francis. It 
 should have remembered that one should never 
 trust any one, but should attempt to hinder 
 others from doing what is not just when it can 
 be done. The moment for this was in Jitchin; 
 later it was no longer possible. 
 
 Prussia, blinded, does not look into the future, 
 and will regret this bitterly. Russia will give it 
 no thanks. Prussia wants to possess Germany 
 to the Rhine and the Main ; it is the state which 
 separates the nation. The idea of possessing 
 Germany has not been rooted out. It strives to 
 that end. May Austria, England, and France 
 hold fast! All the German princes and Holland 
 join them and show their teeth, and no one will 
 dare start an unpopular war in view of the ex- 
 hausted condition of these countries. In Russia 
 it might cost the czar his. life ; in Prussia the no- 
 bility could rise and ask, "Why?" and curtail the 
 king's absolute power. Now or never! The 
 peace of our posterity for the next half -century 
 is at stake; therefore firmness if we wish to re- 
 main victors! 
 
 December 5. — Visited my niece Marie Louise 
 [consort of Napoleon, Empress of the French] 
 
244 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 in Schonbrunn. She also does not know what is 
 going to happen to her. 
 
 Prussia strives to possess all of northern Ger- 
 many; that cannot be tolerated. This is the sit- 
 uation after three months, and only firmness 
 can make an end of it. 
 
 In the evening Joseph wrote me a note in 
 which he asked for statistical data. This is his 
 letter : 
 
 Amice: 
 
 Honor and the safety of our skin is at stake, axid as 
 I have encounters and skirmishes virtually every day, 
 I need, in order to maintain my cause with honor, sta- 
 tistical data, which you will be able to procure without 
 much effort through your acquaintances. You should 
 know that I am at the head of a distinctive party ; 
 therefore not allied either with Metternich or with one 
 of the two emperors, and that I operate on my own be- 
 half with both of them. For this purpose I should like to 
 know: 1. The size of the population, territorial area, 
 and income of the Kingdom of Saxony. 2. If you can 
 find it out, how much of this would be cut off if the 
 boundary-line of Prussia were carried from that of 
 Magdeburg beyond Wittenberg, including this city, 
 and to the point of Lower Lusatia.? S. How much 
 population, territory, and income is contained in Miin- 
 ster, Paderborn and the lands between the Rhine, Mo- 
 selle, and Meuse.^^ Send me these facts as soon as pos- 
 sible if you can. I have a little more hope for Saxony 
 to-night. Joseph 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 245 
 
 December 7. — I caused the material [for 
 Joseph's questions] to be collected for me early 
 to-day in the war archives, the engineer's archives, 
 and in the imperial private library. I collected 
 as much as I could; Karl's library gave me some- 
 thing. This placed me in a position to deliver 
 quickly what he asked. At 7:30 in the evening 
 I was ready. The reason is this: Prussia is not 
 to have Saxony, but an equivalent for it. 
 
 I gave him area, population, and income. Sax- 
 ony is to remain as it is; only a number of dis- 
 tricts to the north between the Elbe and Lusatia 
 will go to Prussia. Prussia receives Miinster, 
 Paderborn, and the land between the Rhine, 
 Meuse, and Moselle. 
 
 December 8. — I talked with a deputy from 
 the Catholic Germans. He mourns the breaking 
 up of the religious affairs of 12,000,000 German 
 co-believers; they are working energetically to 
 get a primate from our house. 
 
 December 9. — Wiirtemberg has signed an 
 agreement with Prussia regarding Saxony. It 
 is shameful how every one goes his own way ; no 
 self-denial, only egotism, selfishness, ambition, 
 hate. For shame! And the Crown Prince of 
 Wiirtemberg, with all his talents and gifts, plays 
 a foul role; ambition is destroying him. He 
 worked at this, for he passes everything on to 
 his father. I gave him my opinion on it ; he was 
 
246 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 perplexed. I hate falsity, duplicity. He is said 
 to have agreed to the plan, it is said, because 
 offers were made that he become the commander 
 of the consolidated German Army, which opens 
 up many advantages. I will have to see this 
 verified first. If it is true, then I am done with 
 him and all his talents. 
 
 The Grand Duke of Baden, too lazy to gov- 
 ern, wanted to sell his country. A horrible word. 
 Such princes are a scourge and an abomination; 
 they are procurers. Is it, then, a wonder that 
 the peoples begin to think of getting rid of them ? 
 
 A rage that I cannot describe seizes me. If 
 I had a hundred thousand men, I would step up 
 to my emperor and say : "blaster, you are the only 
 one who has a heart. That is why Austria calls 
 you father, that is why we all give you filial de- 
 votion, and gladly go forth to die for you. I 
 have a hundred thousand men, and will discipline 
 these gentlemen; and if God wills it, in three 
 months they will agree. These princes are not 
 worth being spoken to kindly; only Bavaria and 
 the little ones are good. 
 
 December 11. — Pages from the history of the 
 Congress. It is said that the old King of Wiir- 
 temberg went to our emperor, protesting vehe- 
 mently against the report that he had signed an 
 agreement with Prussia. Now who has muddled 
 affairs once more ? I fear greatly that the crown 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG ^47 
 
 prince was inclined to do something, for it seems 
 that he is also playhig the game. 
 
 Wrede, chagrined at many things, is said to be 
 ready to have the Congress adjourn without fin- 
 ishing its work. That would be the worst thing 
 that could be done, irresponsible, and surely 
 would lead to reaction from the people. 
 
 At last it seems as if a great storm is about to 
 break over Metternich; his frivolity, his lies, his 
 partiality — these are the principal accusations. 
 
 December 20. — The Congress will not end so 
 soon; everything is undecided, nothing definite 
 has yet been achieved. The principal difficulty 
 is Saxony. The progress of the princes continues 
 odd. Prussia has been offered Westphalia and 
 the land across the Rhine as indemnity. The 
 house of Orange makes demands on the latter; 
 for by treaty, it has been promised an enlarge- 
 ment of its territory in exactly that quarter. 
 
 The Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg is playing 
 a strange part. Blinded by the promises of Prus- 
 sia, he takes sides with that country even in op- 
 position to his father. 
 
 He tried to get Gagern to give Prussia the im- 
 perial dignity, and when the latter had listened 
 long enough and thoroughly disagreed with him, 
 he turned about and said that this was only a 
 manoeuver to force Austria to take the honor. 
 
 While still in London he spoke malevolently. 
 
248 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Austria, he said, was not a German state. It 
 should not be allowed to mix in these affairs, and 
 should be ejected in case it did. 
 
 The two emperors talked together for certain 
 about Poland, and I hope that this question will 
 eventually be disposed of. 
 
 In the meantime Austria presented a precise 
 note for the preservation of Saxony. The 
 princes are speaking in behalf of this state, and 
 also wish to send a note; this, it was said, was to 
 be given by the otherwise excellent Duke of 
 Vienna. The princes were threatened if they 
 did not keep quiet. This resulted in the Duke of 
 Coburg having a violent interview with the Czar 
 of Russia in order to defend the justice of his 
 cause. ■ 
 
 This much is certain, that all are of one voice 
 for Saxony. The Crown Prince of Wiirtem- 
 berg is alone against it, and seems to have com- 
 promised himself by going too far. It is likely 
 that the report affecting Wiirtemberg originated 
 from this. He is determined to play a part, and 
 plays it badly ; and thus it happens that one after 
 another the princes desert him and that finally 
 he will stand entirely alone, avoided by all and 
 entrusted with nothing. 
 
 In the evening at court. A tiresome enter- 
 tainment of tableaux. The conversations be- 
 tween the Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg and 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 249 
 
 me grow colder daily; our views are very dis- 
 similar. Since the day when I told him frankly 
 and openly what I thought with regard to Sax- 
 ony we no longer talk politics. In place of that 
 he asks peculiar questions, such as whether I en- 
 tered the military from duty or voluntarily. I 
 assured him voluntarily ; whereupon he remarked 
 that making war eventually becomes a passion. 
 I did not reply to that ; it is horrible. 
 
 I observed after dinner how greatly he was 
 at outs with Wrede. Wrede taunts him and 
 frowns angrily. 
 
 Genoa is to be united with Piedmont, although 
 I was told that the deputies asked independence 
 and an archduke. This was related to my niece 
 Marie Louise by the Countess Bagnoli. This 
 would please me, because the emperor would 
 then see that I am somebody and that I can 
 achieve something. 
 
 December 21. — I went to Prince Metternich 
 to tell him everything I knew. I found him most 
 obliging; unfortunately, there were women in 
 the anteroom who were practising the romanza. 
 He spoke very frankly with me on all matters; 
 one word suggested another. He let me read the 
 exchange of notes between Austria and Prussia. 
 Of this conversation I transcribe the following: 
 
 Metternich brought up two questions, the one 
 affecting Poland the other Saxony. He consid 
 
250 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ered the first as more important, and believed 
 that our efforts should be directed toward having 
 our point of view adopted. In order to achieve 
 this, it appears, we joined Prussia and even built 
 hopes on Saxony. I do not believe that there 
 was a definite promise. Prussia would not bite, 
 or at least would take no active part, but merely 
 pushed its own interests. The situation became 
 long drawn out. England showed weakness; 
 Austria did not wish to stand alone. After a 
 long discussion pro and con, and when a feeling 
 on behalf of Saxony had developed, it seemed 
 to me that the case of Poland was dropped, and 
 it was decided that Saxony was more important 
 and that our contention in that quarter had to 
 be sustained. As Prussia continued firmly to 
 demand possession of Saxony, it was thought 
 necessary to win Russia by yielding in Poland. 
 The second question was that of the preserva- 
 tion of Saxony, which had to be put through if 
 that of Poland could not be settled in our favor. 
 Czar Alexander, who gave Saxony to Prussia, 
 should have been the one to force Prussia to re- 
 linquish it ; but this he refused to do. As a mat- 
 ter of fact, it was hard to ask it. He sees the 
 injustice toward Saxony, but it is my belief that 
 he will not desert Prussia. The present state of 
 the Polish situation limiting Austria to eastern 
 Galicia, inclusive of Cracow, as in 1808, and 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 251 
 
 leaving western Galicia to Russia, was agreed 
 upon with Alexander. It was determined that 
 Prussia should have Poland up to the Warthe 
 as well as Nidda and Thorn. In the note in which 
 Austria communicated this to Prussia the state- 
 ment was made that we would be pleased to see 
 additional territory given Prussia by Russia. 
 
 I am not yet certain, however, that Austria 
 will get Cracow ; and if it does not, Russia should 
 agree not to make a fort of it. This has been 
 proposed. 
 
 In the note from Hardenberg, which was an 
 answer to that in which we asked Prussia to help 
 us induce Russia to give up its designs on Po- 
 land, we can read clearly the actual condition 
 of Prussia, without means, without subsidies for 
 making war, in a state of unrest, and yet pro- 
 posing for the future to seize the first moment 
 that is unfavorable for Russia and to utilize it 
 [truly in the old Prussian manner!]. The per- 
 sonal affection of the king [of Prussia] for the 
 czar will never permit anything to happen which 
 might be obnoxious to the latter. In everything 
 we see the desire to injure, to risk nothing, a 
 boundless self-interest, and lust for Saxony. 
 
 When the status of 1805 was adopted, Prussia 
 renounced all active participation in the Polish 
 question, and England was still lukewarm; 
 therefore the Polish affair was dropped, and all 
 
252 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 attention was centered on Saxony. In the most 
 friendly spirit Austria offered Prussia complete 
 reparation and even the addition of from 300,- 
 
 000 to 400,000 souls, including a part of lower 
 Lusatia, Hildesheim, JMlinster, Paderborn, etc., 
 and finally the territory between the JNIeuse, the 
 JMoselle, and the Rhine. Prussia did not want 
 it. Because of this and also because of the fact 
 that Austria had settled its Polish negotiations 
 with Russia, Prussia placed two Austrian notes 
 and a private letter of Prince JMetternich before 
 the Russian Czar. These disclosed that ISIetter- 
 nich had tried to influence Russia on the Polish 
 question through Prussia and had given the lat- 
 ter nation hope of getting Saxony; and also that 
 through Russia he had hoped to move Prussia 
 in the Saxon affair, and therefore had yielded in 
 Poland. Angered, Alexander went to our em- 
 peror, who, entirely put out, called Metternich 
 to account, and ordered him to disclose all his 
 transactions to the Russian Czar. 
 
 These transactions he showed me, and in these 
 
 1 saw our great mistake; but fortunately also 
 recognized the tricky, false action of Prussia. 
 This alone puts weapons into our hands with 
 which to pay the account. 
 
 After I had told Metternich everything that 
 was being said about him, I told him that the 
 mask must be torn from Prussia. As a result 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 253 
 
 Russia might desert Prussia in anger, and we 
 could then settle the Saxon question with the lat- 
 ter alone. Metternich replied that he could not 
 tell everything he knew because it would disclose 
 to Russia much of its own weakness in the direc- 
 tion of Poland, and it was wise not to take this 
 step. 
 
 I disagreed with that. I believed that it would 
 be better to tell everything in order to bring the 
 matter clearly into the light. 
 
 I abhor the lack of frankness; it is miserable 
 politics which swerves from this ideal. How mis- 
 taken is he who thinks that the superiority of 
 politics lies in its great finesse, and in deceit, etc. ! 
 I do not share this view; I believe its superiority 
 is rather in knowing the true situation, how to 
 gage results well, and then to make the best 
 decisions and adopt the best measures for carry- 
 ing them into effect. He who is best fitted in 
 these respects has the superiority, and honesty 
 is compatible with such conduct. 
 
 In view of the fact that the situation developed 
 as it did, I pleaded for firmness in the Saxon af- 
 fair, because honor, advantage, in fact every- 
 thing, was involved. It was absolutely necessary 
 not to yield ; this, I insisted, was feasible, because 
 Prussia can do nothing without money, and the 
 money, according to the views now expressed by 
 England, is all at the disposal of Austria. Rus- 
 
254 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 sia would become greatly occupied with Poland; 
 internally it was as disturbed as any other state, 
 and England would be able to make the war ex- 
 ceedingly unj^opular by blockading the harbors 
 and threatening the capital. France, Holland, 
 England, Germany, and the voices of the people 
 supported Austria. Under such conditions 
 everything could be risked. Prussia's demand 
 for Mayence, Luxemburg, the forts of the em- 
 pire, and a sort of supremacy in northern Ger- 
 many could never be countenanced. The true 
 politics demanded by the interests of Germany 
 lay in Prussia being strong enough to serve Ger- 
 many, but not to oppress it. Prussia must see 
 that it cannot isolate itself from German affairs, 
 and for this reason we should hinder every con- 
 centration of its powers, and by extending it to 
 the Rhine, force it to make common cause with 
 Germany in every war, which it does not wish 
 to do. I found ^letternich agreeing with me, but 
 I fear yielding measures may be taken. It would 
 be a dastardly act if Austria should desert Sax- 
 ony and merely protest. 
 
 For what purpose were 600,000 men mobilized 
 if we had accomplished nothing by the time the 
 Congress adjourned? That would mean the loss 
 of the prestige our country possesses. Germany 
 would be lost irrevocablv, and what destructive 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 255 
 
 movements and popular upheavals might then 
 come about! 
 
 A federation is being discussed in Italy. No 
 matter how much I favor this plan, if such an 
 organization can be controlled, I still disapprove 
 the idea of breaking up Alexandria. It is ad 
 vantageous for Austria to get the district of 
 Domo d'Ossola, and thereby the road across the 
 Simplon. I directed Metternich's attention to 
 the need of our possessing Ferrara, Piacenza, 
 and the Po, as well as Comacchio and Mirola. 
 He agreed to this heartily, and said that even if 
 we did not get them we should have garrisons in 
 these places. 
 
 Here again I came across a choice story about 
 the Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg. He had 
 accosted Metternich and accused him of being 
 the only opponent to the plan of taking Saxony, 
 the more so because the archdukes were agreed. 
 A fine lie in view of what I had sharply told him 
 a few days before. 
 
 I wish that Metternich could pull himself out 
 of this with honor ; a great deal of pressure is be- 
 ing brought upon him. He must remain firm, 
 that is the best and only thing to do. 
 
 December 22. — I discovered several new facts 
 in this matter which confirmed my views. JNIet- 
 ternich yielded to Hardenberg in the Saxon mat- 
 ter so long as he hoped to gain his point regard- 
 
^56 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ing Poland; but when the Polish situation gave 
 no hope, he recalled his remarks. Hardenberg 
 had received the statistical tables that I prepared 
 for Joseph, and in an angry mood took them to 
 Alexander. Metternich was exceedingly embar- 
 rassed. Happily, Hardenberg's haste had proved 
 his undoing, and we possessed facts enough to 
 destroy him. This, however,' we did not wish 
 to do, in order not to enlighten the Russian Czar 
 about his own affairs. I do not think this was 
 the right course. We have presented a note re- 
 garding Saxony. 
 
 December 30, 31. — Nothing extraordinary; 
 the year 1814 ends well for me. God grant that 
 I may pass 1815 in activities for my czar, my 
 fatherland, my dear mountains, and my little 
 circle of friends! It is my aim to be useful to 
 my fellow human beings, but far from the noisy 
 distractions of the world, which has robbed us 
 of so much time that might have been put to bet- 
 ter and more pleasing use. I close 1814 with 
 growing faith, with implicit confidence in God's 
 wise guidance; strengthened by this I proceed 
 courageously in my life work. This confidence 
 will not let me fail; it will bring me the fulfil- 
 ment of my wishes if I am worthy of this. 
 
 January 1, 1815. — The new year is greeted with 
 the announcement of the peace between America 
 and England, and thus the strength of the latter 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 257 
 
 will no longer be divided, and this nation can de- 
 vote its whole care to giving the decisive turn to 
 the negotiations that are to establish tranquillity 
 on the Continent. 
 
 God save us from everything which may be 
 interpreted as consenting to the plans of the 
 covetous! Rather draw the sword again. It 
 would be horrible, a curse on those who brought 
 it about ; the terrible Nemesis would follow them, 
 and they would regret it bitterly. The people, 
 who did everything for the good cause, will not 
 let themselves be played with. 
 
 January 22. — Regarding the constitution in 
 Wiirtemberg. 
 
 The declaration of the king is made public in 
 a newspaper; just what the constitution grants 
 is not stated. I know the king well enough to 
 believe that assuredly he will give his country a 
 constitution, that this will be extremely compre- 
 hensive and bear the mark of the greatest liber- 
 alism; but I think that he will make exceptions 
 for the duration of his life and allow no restric- 
 tions in certain directions. Yes, I shall even 
 be glad if he ties the hands of his successor. 
 Whether the first is wise, and whether it is pos- 
 sible to do things half-way, remains to be seen. 
 I think he has misjudged the situation, and once 
 having made a decision, will go farther — yes, will 
 have to go farther — without being able to ob- 
 
258 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ject. Baden is said to have followed this ex- 
 ample, and Bavaria is said to be engaged at this 
 task. 
 
 This has aroused interest here. Our empress 
 regards these acts onlj^ as machinations of the 
 Tngendhund; she thinks that Rome is now the 
 seat of this organization and that Cardinal Con- 
 salvi, a delegate ; Werner, the preacher, a propa- 
 gandist; the Jesuits, etc., all have an understand- 
 ing. She wishes to save Austria from the influ- 
 ence of these persons, and is put out by the forth- 
 coming constitutions, which she regards as the 
 work of the Tugcndhiind. She does not under- 
 stand that the situation is entirely natural and 
 that no Tngendhund is needed for this purpose. 
 
 Napoleon introduced the highest form of des- 
 potism ; under him the other states became tools, 
 the lands commodities. Nothing was honored, 
 nothing preserved; everywhere there was intol- 
 erable oppression. Greed introduced the sys- 
 tem of draining the land of everything method- 
 ically. The poverty which resulted made the 
 people take heart. The princes had to turn to 
 the masses for sanctuary as the last and only 
 means left. The nation was armed, and the 
 spirit of revolutions spoke, but for a just cause; 
 all that was good, wise, and powerful came to 
 the surface. There was general cooperation ; the 
 cause directed itself. The great body of princes 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 259 
 
 was too weak to lead it; they let the current go 
 where it willed, too short-sighted to see the fu- 
 ture and to prepare in the present ways for com- 
 bating the evils that were bound to come with 
 the good already achieved. 
 
 The great evil was banished, but the extreme 
 factors took their usual course, and the despotic 
 followed the liberal spirit. These peoples had 
 now learned to know their power. They felt 
 themselves saved, they realized how they had 
 come to these calamities ; they put their own esti- 
 mate on the nothingness of many rulers, on the 
 power of their new masters. The nations no 
 longer wished to place their lives and their pos- 
 sessions at the caprice of a few ministers who had 
 greatly misused them. This is the present situa- 
 tion, and only the Congress, which keeps every- 
 thing waiting, is holding back; but there is un- 
 rest everywhere, and the princes are no longer 
 able to dam the stream that they allowed to 
 overflow in order to save themselves. 
 
 Every effort they make will only turn out un- 
 favorably for them. Nassau started this in Ger- 
 many; in Holland and in France there are sucli 
 constitutions; England thanks its constitution 
 for its greatness and its glory; Hesse, Hanover, 
 Wiirtemberg, and Baden had to follow suit, be- 
 cause the severity of one and the sluggishness 
 of another caused unrest. Bavaria follows. 
 
260 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 whether the king wills it or no; Prussia surely 
 will have to do the same, and perhaps most com- 
 prehensively; the other princes are carried with 
 the tide. This is the situation. 
 
 What does Austria intend to do now; what 
 can it do? I find that the emperor is in the most 
 fortunate situation. He needs change nothing 
 in all the old practices; he should merely hasten 
 to put the old, restored provinces back on their 
 former footing; Tyrol as in 1805, Carnia and 
 the littoral as in 1809, Milan as it was under 
 Maria Theresa, and Venice like it. Then there 
 will be no uprising; the emperor remains unre- 
 stricted, the people satisfied. 
 
 When I visited the empress my emperor was 
 present, and we spoke of this. I found his judg- 
 ment accurate, and told him exactly what I 
 thought. Yet I will have to speak with him pri- 
 vately; it is my duty. Truth, when quietly 
 brought to his attention, always brings results 
 with him. 
 
 January 23, 25. — Joseph and Karl have both 
 informed me of a decision that pleases me very 
 much. When I saw the negotiations with Grand 
 Duchess Catharine fail, I advised both of them 
 to marry; it was the best thing they could do, as 
 they were the only ones in the house (of Haps- 
 burg) who had estates sufficient to allow them 
 to do so, and it was necessary to provide for the 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 261 
 
 preservation of the house. The emperor has two 
 sons, the crown prince ( G ood Lord ! ) and Fran- 
 cis, who will be a good man, but who is delicate 
 and not likely to live long. Ferdinand has only 
 his Leopold. We cannot run the risk of having 
 the house in danger of dying out, and also can- 
 not have the power pass to the Milan line, which 
 is not purely German. All my arguments 
 brought results. Joseph, as shrewd as ever, and 
 quick to put a plan into execution once he has 
 made a decision, has taken up this idea and is 
 working on it. His aim is the Weilburg house, 
 which has the daughter of the duke, and 
 the niece from the house of Anhalt-Bernburg- 
 Schaumburg, owners of the holding of Holzap- 
 fel. I hope he will succeed there. Karl also is 
 decided, and happily Griinne agrees with me. 
 I tried to direct his attention to Prussia or An- 
 halt-Dessau; the first would be a good political 
 marriage. As both are brothers of mine, I have 
 to prevent them from interfering with each 
 other's plans, and I had a frank talk with Joseph 
 about it. I hope to see both of them satisfied 
 before the end of 1815, for then I shall again 
 have promoted a good action. 
 
 Februarj^ 16. — Bavaria speaks through its 
 "Allgemeine Zeitung." The articles on Stein 
 and the condemnation of Saxony by Prussia are 
 excellent. Bavaria plays a good part. I find it 
 
262 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 only natural that it wishes to remain powerful; 
 it should be our task to set the true limits to 
 which it may go. It seems to me that JNIetternicli 
 has made another mistake here; it was worth 
 while for us to make friends with this state also. 
 He agreed to Fulda's plan without the knowl- 
 edge of Bavaria; now they do not wish to give 
 up Salzburg and the Inn district unless they get 
 a full equivalent for it. I am afraid that we 
 shall finally yield here, where we should never 
 yield. These lands are much too important for 
 us. 
 
 England, it seems, was for a long time in the 
 dark on the subject of Saxony. The nation 
 wanted peace, and this at any price ; this brought 
 about Lord Castlereagh's doubtful, weak be- 
 havior when a firm attitude might have been use- 
 ful. Arguments were then circulated, princi- 
 pally through Bavaria. These brought about the 
 right views; soon the nation [England] spoke 
 for the preservation of Saxony, resulting in de- 
 bates to the close of Parliament and new orders 
 to Vienna. Lord Castlereagh thought only of 
 saving the situation, but did not know how, and 
 thus it comes about that Saxony, torn in pieces, 
 reduced by one half, remains a bone of conten- 
 tion, and will always invite the greed of Prussia. 
 
 Lord Wellington then arrived, for Castle- 
 reagh was indispensable to his party and needed 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 263 
 
 in Parliament, where it was threatened with 
 trouble. I don't know whether he will be able 
 to defend his political conduct; he will always 
 have an excuse, such as Metternich's variable 
 and so-called frivolous conduct. Wiirtemberg 
 offered Russia a separate alliance; Russia re- 
 fused. 
 
 Talleyrand, with whom I spoke, thinks the 
 revolution began in Germany with the Reforma- 
 tion, and after a great deal of talk he said that 
 Poland must form an independent country. 
 (This was always the policy of France, for Po- 
 land was its ally.) He said that Prussia must 
 be placed behind the Elbe and that Austria's 
 role was to be the protector of all the states in 
 Germany and their head. (The old fox! To 
 tell that to me, an Austrian prince!) Cracow 
 was a question for Austria to decide. I replied 
 that it would not wear roses for Russia. It 
 should have been Leipsic. And now, he con- 
 tinued, since things were emasculated, it was 
 time to bring them to an end. 
 
 Talleyrand has confused every one, and that 
 only through doubts, contradictions, etc., which 
 he spread around. Stein, with whom I spoke, 
 yields to his exaggerated views and determina 
 tion. What an impractical idea! Germany's 
 constitution is to be federative, the princes are 
 restricted so far as they are concerned from 
 
264 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 making peace, war, or an alliance with one an- 
 other and with Germany; but are to have this 
 power if Germany is not involved. That is to 
 say, Bavaria can make war with France against 
 Spain, but not with France against Prussia, or 
 with Wiirtemberg against Hesse. Oh! oh! This 
 leads to the old independence and separation. 
 
 The case of the Prussian cabinet is a real trag- 
 edy, especially the way things are conducted here. 
 
 Only one cause is good and salutary — an inti- 
 mate, loyal alliance between Prussia and Aus- 
 tria. This holds Germany and forces it to join, 
 with the result that France will not cross the 
 Rhine, but go only to the Vosges, and in order 
 to defeat the barbarians of the North, which are 
 now pushing southward, to free Poland and to 
 force Russia back to the boundary which nature 
 gave it — to the Niemen, the Dnieper, and the 
 Dniester. 
 
 Who will bring about a real union with Prus- 
 sia? Not France, let us hope. We have no other 
 union (open to us) except with Prussia. The 
 latter would gain thereby and win strength and 
 security against internal unrest. The state of 
 things there may be indicated by the fact that 
 General Grollmann wrote Lord Wellington that 
 the Prussian Army would never permit Leipsic 
 to be returned to Saxony without the knowledge 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 265 
 
 of the king. And he goes about as if he had said 
 nothing! 
 
 On the seventh the cases of Poland and Saxony 
 were decided; now they are occupied with Ger- 
 man, Welsh, and Swiss affairs, but how? I hear 
 so much that I do not know what to believe: 
 fragments only, no general plan, no glance into 
 the future; everywhere neglect, mistakes, every- 
 thing done in a petty fashion. Truly, I am liv- 
 ing in continual unrest. I do what I can, but 
 to what purpose? Who listens? 
 
 February 17. March 4. — The Congress pro- 
 gi'esses; Prussia gets its boundaries, but such 
 boundaries! If it had adhered honestly to Aus- 
 tria, it would have fared better. 
 
 My niece Louise received Parma through the 
 action of the Russian Emperor. The Swiss and 
 Italian affairs are now being discussed; an ar- 
 rangement is being made with Bavaria, regard- 
 ing which I handed Schwarzenberg a note on the 
 subject of Salzburg. The Crown Prince of Ba- 
 varia learned of this and accused me of it ; I did 
 not deny it and asked, "Why not?" He said I 
 did right in serving my master ; it was his duty to 
 fight for his cause. Exactly! We are and re- 
 main, therefore, the best of friends. 
 
 While these things are being discussed here, 
 Murat is moving: he is said to have declared war 
 on France. We are collecting 15,000 men in 
 
^66 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 and about Italy to maintain our neutrality. 
 France goes by sea. I think that before we ex- 
 pect it we will have to go at Murat ourselves. 
 I wish that we had spared ourselves this. 
 
 The Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg seems to 
 draw away from Russia; he is not putting into 
 effect his plan of having a possession of his own 
 on the Rhine, the command of the army of the 
 empire, and the inspection of the forts. He is 
 determined to play a part; so he turns to the 
 Austria, about which he spoke so loudly. Yes, 
 he seeks service; Milan, the command against 
 Murat, is his aim. 
 
 This would give him an excuse for breaking his 
 relation with the Grand Duchess Catharine, of 
 which he seems to be tired, and which he cannot 
 do in any other way, as he has already gone too 
 far. Of what good are courage, knowledge, tal- 
 ents, if the character is not honest, firm, and 
 fixed? 
 
 Karl and Joseph are going forth to recon- 
 noiter for wives. Joseph goes with the Russian 
 Czar to Berlin, and thence will visit the German 
 courts and hunt for a wife. Karl goes to the 
 baths at Wiesbaden, where he also will search 
 for a wife; he has talked a great deal, however, 
 and the Prince of Reuss has spoken with the 
 Weilburger, so that the latter assuredly knows 
 that his daughter is the objective. I am urging 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 267 
 
 both brothers on, so that they will marry before 
 fall. I should like to have Karl get a good wife, 
 so that the grand duchess [Catharine] will not 
 be able to interest him again if the Wiirtemberg 
 case should fall through. I am not at all con- 
 cerned about Joseph. 
 
 Napoleon left Elba with 1200 men and six 
 cannon on February 26, 27. Colonel Campbell 
 of England was to watch him; he had gone to 
 the Continent to make preparations! No ships 
 to be had. I said long ago we should have a care ; 
 he was preparing something. Every one looked 
 on me as a pessimist. I marvel only at the gen- 
 erosity of the victors who left 1000 men of the 
 guards, a battalion, and several ships in his hands. 
 He went north, and was seen to sail past Capraja 
 and Corsica. Murat has 70,000 men, and France 
 wanted to oppose him ; so Soult arranged to have 
 60,000 men at Lyons. He had drawn his army 
 corps to Paris and had sent away all other troops, 
 all at the time when Napoleon began to move. 
 This is very dangerous. Talleyrand, whom I met 
 at court, thought the situation unimportant; yet 
 his anxiety was apparent, for he sought a decla- 
 ration by the allies. He said he thought Na- 
 poleon was going to Genoa. 
 
 Wellington, who sees things simply and accu- 
 rately, thought Napoleon would go to southern 
 
268 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 France; he would not have many supporters 
 there, but the army favored him. 
 
 Metternich treated it as a joke. This angered 
 me, for I did not find it a joke, but exceedingly 
 serious. Bellegarde was ordered to gather to- 
 gether all the troops he could if Xapoleon landed 
 in Italy and to attack him at once. It is my view 
 that there is no time to be lost. England and 
 Holland under Wellington in the Netherlands; 
 Prussians and Russians at INIayence; we and the 
 South Germans at Strasburg — we must try to 
 hold these forts. In Italy 100,000 Austrians will 
 be sufficient. 
 
 March 14, 18. — Napoleon's undertaking, the 
 trip to Grenoble. He found the peasantry 
 against him everywhere ; but in Grenoble the sit- 
 uation changed. In the meantime we issued a 
 manifesto too precipitately; for if Napoleon's af- 
 fair was insignificant, it was superfluous, and if 
 the army, and thereby France, fell to Napoleon, 
 how could we carry out what we promised ? The 
 phraseology of the manifesto may be criticized 
 even more. 
 
 Talleyrand was in haste ; therefore it was issued 
 so quickly. ^ 
 
 On the sixteenth nothing was known at Paris ; 
 
 iThe archduke added at a later time: "Out of fear; for if Napoleon 
 won, Talleyrand's neck was at stake." 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 269 
 
 this to me seemed a bad sign. To-day I had a 
 talk with the Emperor of Austria. 
 
 March 17.— News from France. All these re- 
 ports, which came so suddenly, as well as the ac- 
 tivity and speed of Napoleon, frightened the 
 lords. The Russian Czar unbent, showed fear; 
 long conferences about operations, etc. This is 
 no time for much conferring ; act ! To-day is the 
 eighteenth. Napoleon may be in Paris to-day; 
 if he succeeds in this, we shall soon see him with 
 200,000 good fighting men among us. His proc- 
 lamations are in the name of the King of Rome 
 and his rights ; he calls himself his general ; prom- 
 ises the nation Belgium and the left bank of the 
 Rhine; is determined against the allies. Now 
 comes the fourth act, a war more dangerous, more 
 severe than ever ; there is no way out of it. We 
 cannot be on the Rhine for a month ; the Russians 
 come much later, and time is precious. 
 
 Letitia, Pauline, and the other sisters [of 
 Bonaparte] and Jerome have been arrested; 
 Joseph is in Switzerland, and officers have been 
 sent to get him. 
 
 To-day came the news that the Swiss had 
 agreed in Zurich to unite intimately, to forget 
 everything, and to concentrate only on the dan- 
 ger that threatened the fatherland. Geneva had 
 asked for help. The Swiss offered the draft of 
 from 30,000 to 40,000 men. 
 
270 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Fortunate the man who will command such 
 brave fellows! If I could get this commission, 
 and thereby fight with from 5,000 to 6,000 Ty- 
 rolese marksmen for my emperor, we surely 
 would not disgrace ourselves. 
 
 March 19, 20. — Karl went to the emperor to 
 ask for a commission if war should break out ; he 
 offered himself for anything, really with a great 
 deal of self-denial. The emperor was embar- 
 rassed. 
 
 To-morrow Ludwig goes; on Friday I shall 
 drag myself up ; it is a question whether we can 
 accomplish anything. However, it is our duty to 
 speak, and the moment is opportune, as all the 
 field equipages are being prepared. I go as they 
 will have me and under any one and will make no 
 conditions; honor impels me, nothing more. I 
 have no object; I demand neither distinction, ad- 
 vancement, nor anything else. 
 
 March 21. — I am satisfied. Karl spoke with 
 Schwarzenberg; so I learned that we shall all get 
 a position. Karl will be governor of Mayence; 
 Italy was probably his field. In the meantime it 
 is good of Karl to take this place. 
 
 I am to receive the direction of engineers with 
 the main army. I am satisfied ; I shall be at head- 
 quarters, shall learn and see everything, and as 
 I wish to gain Schwarzenberg's good opinion, 
 he can use me for whatever he wishes. Perhaps 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 271 
 
 Heaven will give me an opportunity to accom- 
 plish something. Ludwig gets a division of gren- 
 adiers. 
 
 We must accept everything that is given us, 
 and then every one must do all he can to show 
 what we are capable of. Now is the time to show 
 the world that the Austrian princes are men in 
 courage, knowledge, fulfilment of duty, self-de- 
 nial in everything. We must show our emperor 
 how shamefully we have been maligned. 
 
 We serve only for honor and the fatherland. 
 We want no orders, no higher rank, no pay ; noth- 
 ing but his recognition that we are loyal to him, 
 that we are capable of doing something, and that 
 in us lives the spirit that has so often saved Haps- 
 burg by the compact union of its descendants 
 for the common cause of the house. 
 
 An exposition of what must be done to prevent 
 another uprising by Napoleon. Thus only can 
 this dragon be crushed, and crushed he must be, 
 so that his slaver does not poison other states. 
 
 Metternich has made peace with the Czar of 
 Russia. This gracious lord can now comprehend 
 what injury his philanthropy has done. What 
 mild treatment was that in Paris! Everything 
 conceded! The 100,000 prisoners could not be 
 sent to France too soon. These are the very ones 
 who now are firm adherents of Napoleon. It 
 was this man who discovered doubt, anxiety, diffi- 
 
272 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 culties, and the possibility that France wished 
 neither Napoleon nor the Bourbons; who con- 
 sidered what should be done — and actions like 
 this! I say that the French have to take the 
 Bourbons because we have said so, and because 
 we have the power to make them do so. I would 
 not have issued the declaration [making Na- 
 poleon an outlaw], but now it is fortunate that 
 it took place, for now wx have to act. The sum- 
 mer of 181.) must see the matter concluded. Only 
 then shall we have peace and be able to build up 
 something substantial. 
 
 March 22, 24. — I put my case before Schwar- 
 zenberg and pleaded that I be not left behind. 
 I would do anything, even the smallest task; it 
 would be cruel, unjust if we men of Austria 
 were the only ones left behind when all others 
 departed. He said he understood this and be- 
 lieved that the emperor would take it into con- 
 sideration, but he did not know when or how. 
 To-morrow I will go to the emperor and will 
 plead and make representations. 
 
 INIarch 24. — Wilham [Prince of Prussia] is 
 leaving to-day; we said farewell; our friendship 
 is forever. Where souls find each other, even 
 death does not part them. God grant that we 
 meet again ! We both were greatly moved ; he, as 
 if he believed that we would not meet again. He 
 is the father of a family, an honorable German 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 273 
 
 man. May God be with him and protect him and 
 give him long life to do great and good things 
 for our common fatherland, for our people, and 
 for his nation! 
 
 March 25. — To-day Ludwig received his as- 
 signment, a division of thirteen battalions of 
 grenadiers in the reserve; my cousin Ferdinand 
 received the command of the reserve itself; I am 
 working out my views on the Italian positions 
 for Schwarzenberg. 
 
 March 26. — Yesterday I visited the emperor, 
 who made me director of engineers of the army 
 and who was most friendly. I told him that when 
 I learned that Ludwig was to have a command I 
 determined to say nothing to him, as I was con- 
 vinced that he w^ould not forget me. This pleased 
 him. He spoke a great deal about Italy, and I 
 saw that he was inclined to take me with him 
 when the unrest has ended, or to let me proceed 
 thither and to investigate the country and the 
 fortifications. He agreed to everything that I 
 need for my equipment. Dear, good man, to 
 whom I am so devoted, if I could but do him a 
 real service, then I would be happy. In the eve- 
 ning I received a command from Prince Schwar- 
 zenberg as follows: 
 
 *'His Majesty in a most exalted decision of 
 the twenty-fourth of this month has deigned to 
 attach your imperial Highness to the army in 
 
274 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Germany; and also instructed your Highness to 
 take charge of the direction of the engineers in 
 the field," etc. 
 
 April 4. — Note of Prince Metternich delivered 
 early yesterday evening to the emperor. The 
 archduke wished first to receive the homage of 
 Italy in the name of the emperor, then inspect 
 the fortresses, and then to proceed to him either 
 to Vienna or through Switzerland and make a 
 report. Conferences with Metternich, Schwar- 
 zenberg, Lazensky. 
 
 Metternich advised him that Goes and a com- 
 manding officer had been decided on for Venice, 
 Saurau and Frimont were to go to Milan, and 
 Bellegarde was to act in the interim as viceroy. 
 The emperor would assume the title of King of 
 Lombardy and Venice; the attack on Murat 
 would now open. He had only 35,000 men. 
 
 Karl has received orders to go to Mayence — 
 very brief. That is to say, he will be commandant 
 of this fort. 
 
 I naturally feel the bitterness which he must 
 feel at having to play such a passive part ; criti- 
 cism, adverse comment on what has taken place, 
 general disapproval. This is the poison that is 
 circulated ; I shall warn him and beg him as a true 
 friend. I would surely want to see him in an 
 exalted place as he deserves. God knows. 
 
PRINCE OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG 275 
 
 April 5. — At the emperor's. Before God, my 
 life is nothing to me if I cannot give him a proof 
 of how much I think of him, and that I am his 
 true servitor. Hail my master and Austria ! 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 TEH MASTER CRAFTSMAN OF DI- 
 PLOMACY EXPOSES HIS HAND 
 
 FROM THE LETTERS OF CHARLES MAURICE DE 
 TALLEYRAND TO HIS SOVEREIGN, KING LOUIS 
 XVIII OF FRANCE 
 
 This is Talleyrand's own ^sjtoryofhow he defeated 
 the attempt of the allies to revise the mixp of Europe 
 without consulting France. Tlirougli ;i long number 
 of 3^ears of French diplomacy from the time of the 
 Revolution to that of Louis Philippe, Talleyrand is 
 either in the foreground or in the background, never 
 very far away. Estimates of his usefulness vary, and 
 his character, violently attacked during his lifetime, 
 has had both its apologists and its detractors. Talley- 
 rand appeared at the Congress of Vienna as the most 
 accomplished of all the diplomats of the old school. He 
 had often been a match for them ; he had beaten them 
 at their own game, and for the most part they hated 
 him: yet he triumphed again, just as he did in Paris 
 in 1814 when the allied armies had taken Napoleon's 
 citadel. 
 
 To understand Talleyrand it is necessary to know 
 the times in which he lived. He began his career as 
 
 276 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 277 
 
 Bishop of Autun. In 1789 he proposed that the 
 property of the church be confiscated by the state. He 
 became minister of foreign affairs, and when Napoleon 
 seized power, he was retained in office. Throughout the 
 early years of Napoleon's reign Talleyrand appears at 
 his right hand, conducting most of the diplomatic ne- 
 gotiations. After the Peace of Tilsit he broke with the 
 emperor. He founded that Confederacy of the Rhine 
 which was still talked about at the Congress of Vienna. 
 He helped bring about the abdication of Napoleon, and 
 when Czar Alexander arrived in Paris in 1814 and 
 made his headquarters in Talleyrand's house, the latter 
 formulated his famous principle of legitimacy, setting 
 forth that unless a legitimate sovereign ruled France, 
 all thrones of Europe would be endangered. He obtained 
 the restoration of Louis XVHI, and represented him 
 at Vienna. Here he obtained for France her old fron- 
 tiers: succeeded Ja forming a secret alliance between 
 England, Austria, and France to checkmate Russia and 
 Prussia ; compelled Alexander to be satisfied with a part 
 of Poland instead of the whole; and prevented the 
 complete absorption of Saxony by Prussia. The means 
 he used were those of the old diplomacy, and in these 
 letters to his sovereign, Louis XVHI, he has exposed 
 his hand. It is of interest now to recall that Talley- 
 rand many years later took an important part in the 
 negotiations that led to the foundation of the present 
 Kingdom of Belgium. 
 
^78 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Vienna, October 4, 1814. 
 Sire: 
 
 On September 30, between nine and ten o'clock 
 in the morning, I received a letter of five lines 
 from Prince JMetternich, dated the day before, 
 in which he made the proposal, on his own respon- 
 sibility, that I attend a preliminary conference 
 at two o'clock, together with the representatives 
 of Russia, England, and Prussia. Pie added 
 that a similar invitation would be sent to M. de 
 Labrador, the representative of Spain. 
 
 The words "together with" and "attend" were 
 apparently used after careful consideration. I 
 replied that with pleasure I would visit him to- 
 gether with the representatives of Russia, Eng- 
 land, Spain, and Prussia. 
 
 The invitation sent to M. de Labrador was 
 couched in the same j^hrases as mine with this 
 exception, that it was placed in the form of a 
 letter in the third person, drawn up in the name 
 of Prince von JMetternich and his colleagues. 
 
 M. de Labrador communicated this writing to 
 me and asked my advice regarding an answer. I 
 showed him my reply, and he compiled one ex- 
 actly the same, in which France was named to- 
 gether with, and preceding, the names of the 
 other powers. In this manner M. de Labrador 
 and I checkmated this scheme for separating and 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 279 
 
 isolating us, and drove a wedge between the inti- 
 mate alliance of the others. 
 
 I arrived at M. von Metternich's before two 
 o'clock, but found the representatives of the four 
 allied courts already assembled in conference 
 about a long table. Lord Castlereagh, at one 
 end, evidently had the chair; at the other end 
 sat a man who was introduced to me by M. von 
 Metternich as the secretary of their conference: 
 it was Gentz. 
 
 Talleyrand here meets a remarkable figure of the 
 Congress of Vienna, Friedrich von Gentz, first a Prus- 
 sian, then an Austrian, statesman, also known as the 
 Chevalier Gentz, to whom we are indebted for our 
 knowledge of the minutes of the Congress. Gentz drew 
 up the resolutions and treaties of the Congress. He 
 was one of those indispensable men who never lack 
 work, for he served as secretary for the Austrian pleni- 
 potentiaries at Vienna, Aix-la-Chapelle (1818), Carls- 
 bad (1819), Troppau (1820), Laibach (1821), and 
 Verona (1822). 
 
 A chair was vacant between Castlereagh and 
 Metternich, and I seated myself there. I asked 
 the question why I alone of the embassy of your 
 Majesty had been invited. This led to the fol- 
 lowing conversation: 
 
 *'The chiefs of the various cabinets alone were 
 intentionally invited to the preliminary confer- 
 ences." 
 
5280 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 "M. de Labrador is not chief, and yet was in- 
 vited." 
 
 "The Spanish secretary of state has not yet 
 arrived in Vienna." 
 
 "But, in addition to Prince Hardenberg [of 
 Prussia], I see here M. von Humboldt, who also 
 is not secretary of state." 
 
 "This is an exception that is made necessary 
 by the physical defect of Prince Hardenberg, 
 which is well known to you." 
 
 "If this is a case of physical defects, then 
 every one can make use of his own and has the 
 right to capitalize it." 
 
 This little verbal tilt refers first of all to the fact 
 that Prince Hardenberg was hard of hearing; Talley- 
 rand, who was lame, speaks ironically of his own de- 
 formity. 
 
 It seemed to be the feeling that every secre- 
 tary of state should bring with him a plenipoten- 
 tiary who had been assigned to him. For the 
 moment I held it useless to parley longer on this 
 issue. 
 
 There follows here the report on the protest of the 
 Portugese ambassador, Count Palmella, who had not 
 been invited to the preliminary coiiference. 
 
 "The subject of to-day's conference," ex- 
 plained Lord Castlereagh to me, "is to present to 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 281 
 
 you the communication regarding the steps that 
 have been taken by the four courts which are here 
 represented." He then turned to Metternich 
 and said, "You have the minutes." 
 
 Metternich thereupon handed me a written 
 document, signed by himself. Count Nesselrode, 
 Lord Castlereagh, and Prince Hardenberg, in 
 several paragraphs of w^hicli occurred the term 
 "allies." I objected to this term; I said that 
 this word prompted me to ask whether we were 
 still in Chaumont or in Leon, whether peace had 
 not been achieved, and whether enmities still 
 existed, and against whom? All replied that 
 they placed no weight whatsoever on the word 
 "allies," nor used it in a sense not in keeping with 
 our present relations; the word had been chosen 
 solely for its brevity. At this I protested that 
 even if the word was of value for its brevity, this 
 did not permit us to ignore its exact meaning. 
 
 The contents of the protocol was a tangle of 
 metaphysical conclusions; the object was to give 
 validity to demands based on treaties wholly un- 
 known to us. To discuss these conclusions and 
 demands would have had the same effect as 
 jumping into an ocean of disputation; therefore 
 I saw the necessity of turning everything down 
 with a conclusive argument. I read a number 
 of paragraphs and said : 
 
 "I cannot make anything of it." I then read 
 
282 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 them carefully for the second time, with the atti- 
 tude of a man who desires to go to the bottom 
 of a matter, and then said, "I still am not able to 
 make anything of it," and added: "For me there 
 are two dates between which nothing has hap- 
 pened. The first date is INIay 30, on which the 
 organization of the Congress was proclaimed ; the 
 second, October 1, on which the Congress was 
 to meet. Everything that has happened in this 
 interval is unknown to me, and does not exist so 
 far as I am concerned." 
 
 The reply of the plenipotentiaries was to the 
 effect that they placed little weight on the docu- 
 ment and thought it would be better to withdraw 
 it. Thereupon M. de Labrador remarked that, 
 nevertheless, they had signed it. The document 
 was then withdrawn ; INIetternich put it aside, and 
 no more was said about it. 
 
 The document which caused all this verbal sparring 
 between Talleyrand and the representatives of the four 
 powers is known as the resolution of September 22, 
 1814, which opens with the presumptuous phrase, "The 
 representatives of Austria, Russia, England, and Prus- 
 sia have gathered to decide on a suitable order of 
 business for the Congress of Vienna by means of which 
 it will be brought to a speedy and successful conclu- 
 sion." The resolution in effect was meant to deprive 
 France of any voice in the most important transactions 
 of the Congress, such as the division of conquered 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 283 
 
 territory. In a secondary resolution of the same date, 
 which is meant to interpret more clearly the intent of 
 the first document, the allies state specifically that: 
 "The four powers are to come to an agreement solely 
 among themselves regarding the division of the prov- 
 inces that have become accessible through the last war 
 and the Treaty of Paris; the other two [France and 
 Spain] are later to be called upon to give their views 
 and, if they consider it necessary, their objections, 
 which will then be discussed with them; and also, in 
 order not to be led away from this guiding line, the 
 plenipotentiaries of the four powers will enter into 
 negotiations with the other two only after they have 
 completed wholly and in agreement the division of the 
 territories in the Duchy of Warsaw, in Germany, and 
 in Italy." Farther on in the resolution the allies also 
 state that "as France has again received a legitimate 
 government, the four allied powers have no intention 
 of barring this nation or Spain from any discussions 
 on the division of territories in so far as these powers 
 have a special interest in them, or in so far as the in- 
 terest of all of Europe comes into question, as they 
 would have barred France had peace been made with 
 Napoleon." 
 
 The supplementary resolution precipitated a similar 
 discussion when it was read at this conference. Talley- 
 rand again made good his objections, especially against 
 the fact that the six great powers, England, Austria, 
 Prussia, Russia, Italy, and Spain, should do all the 
 preliminary work for the Congress. He succeeded in 
 winning Castlereagh over to his point of view, and 
 
284 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 created for the first time a feeling of indecision among 
 the allies. 
 
 Then I went to the special audience that Czar 
 Alexander, through Xesselrode, had commanded 
 me to attend. The czar came forward to meet 
 me and shook my hand, but his air was not 
 friendly, as formerly; he spoke sharply, and his 
 attitude was earnest, almost ceremonious. I 
 saw clearly that he was engaged in trying to play 
 a role. 
 
 "Above all," said he, "how is the situation in 
 France?" 
 
 "As good as your Majesty might wish, and 
 better than we could hope for." 
 
 "How is public opinion?" 
 
 "It improves every day." 
 
 "The liberal ideas?" 
 
 "They develop nowhere better than in France." 
 
 "What about the freedom of the press?" 
 
 "It has been restored; but a few restrictions 
 are still necessary in the circumstances, and will 
 be removed in two years. These, however, are 
 not to interfere with the publication of all that 
 is good and useful." 
 
 "And the army?" 
 
 "It is entirely on the side of the king; one 
 hundred thirty thousand men are under the 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 285 
 
 colors, and with the first call three hundred thou- 
 sand could be added." 
 
 "What are the marshals doing?" 
 
 "Which do you mean, Sire?" 
 
 "What is Oudinot doing?" 
 
 "He is faithful to the king." 
 
 "What is Soult doing?" 
 
 "At first he was disaffected; he had received 
 the oflice of governor of the Vendee and con- 
 ducted himself excellently there, and had won 
 love and respect." 
 
 "What is Ney doing?" 
 
 "He is still thinking with regret of his endow- 
 ments; but this regi^et the favor of your Majesty 
 can diminish." 
 
 "What are the two chambers doing? It seems 
 to me as if opposition is rising there." 
 
 "It is the common belief, where there are de- 
 liberating assemblies, that there may be differ- 
 ences of opinion; but in feelings they are one. 
 Despite the change of opinion of a few, a great 
 majority is still with the Government." 
 
 "But there is no unity." 
 
 "Who could have reported such a thing to 
 your Majesty? After a revolution lasting 
 twenty-five years the position of the king has be- 
 come so secure in a few months that it seems as 
 if he had never left France. Can anything prove 
 better that all are marching toward one goal?" 
 
286 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 "But your personal position?" 
 
 "The proofs of the king's confidence in me ex- 
 ceed my hopes." 
 
 "Let us now talk of our transactions; we will 
 have to conclude them here." 
 
 "That depends upon your Majesty. They 
 will be brought to an end quickly and happily if 
 your Majesty shows the same nobility and the 
 same greatness of soul here as in France." 
 
 "But every one is entitled to his accounting." 
 
 "And every one to what is his right." 
 
 "I will retain the occupied territory [Poland]." 
 
 "Your Majesty will wish to retain only that 
 which is yours by right." 
 
 "I am in agreement with the great powers." 
 
 "I do not know whether your IMajesty includes 
 France among them." 
 
 "Surely; but if you do not want every one to 
 have what is due him, w^hat is your intention?" 
 
 "I place this accounting after the right." 
 
 "The accounting of Europe is the right [jus- 
 tice]." 
 
 "This language, Sire, is not your own; it is 
 foreign to you, and your heart is not in it." 
 
 "No; I repeat it, the accounting of Europe is 
 the right." 
 
 Thereupon I turned to the wall beside which 
 I stood, leaned my head against it, pounded the 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 287 
 
 panels, and cried, "Europe! unhappy Europe!" 
 Then I turned again to the czar and asked: 
 
 "Shall it be said in the future that you forced 
 Europe into the abyss?" 
 
 He replied: 
 
 "Rather war than to give up what I have oc- 
 cupied." 
 
 "I let my arms fall, and remained silent in the 
 attitude of a deeply grieved, but determined, 
 man, with an expression as if to say, "It will 
 not be our fault." 
 
 It was several moments before the czar broke 
 the silence, and then he repeated : 
 
 "Yes; rather war." 
 
 I continued in my attitude. Thereupon he 
 raised his hands and shook them as I had never 
 before seen him do, in a manner that called to 
 mind the closing lines of "The Eulogy of Marcus 
 Aurelius," and cried out: 
 
 "It is time for the theater; I must go. I have 
 promised the emperor; he awaits me." There- 
 upon he departed; in the open door he turned 
 about once more, took hold of me with both 
 hands, and said to me while wholly beside him- 
 self: "Adieu, adieu. We will meet again." 
 
 During this whole conversation, of which I can 
 report to your Majesty only the most important 
 part, Poland and Saxony were not mentioned a 
 single time, but were referred to only by circum- 
 
288 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 locution. For instance, the czar meant Saxony 
 when he said, "The traitor to the cause of Eu- 
 rope/' Thereupon I rephed: 
 
 "Sire, it is a question of facts"; and after a 
 short pause I added, "And the result of difficul- 
 ties in which one may be placed by circum- 
 stances." 
 
 At one time the czar spoke of "allies." I re- 
 jected the term, as I had done before in the 
 conference, and made its use cumbersome to him. 
 
 This, Sire, is the present situation. 
 
 Your Majesty sees how difficult is our posi- 
 tion. With every day it may become worse. 
 Czar Alexander is developing his ambition; he is 
 being urged on by La Harpe and Prince Czar- 
 toryski. Prussia is looking forward to unusual 
 enlargement of territory; Austria is faint- 
 hearted, and has only an ignoble ambition, but 
 is glad to find support. And these alone are not 
 the only difficulties. Others are growing out of 
 the treaties which the courts that were once allied 
 made with one another at a time when they did 
 not expect the fall of the man whom they saw 
 fall, and when they had resolved to make a peace 
 with him which would permit them to become 
 his imitators. 
 
 To-day, when, with your Majestj^ Justice has 
 reascended the throne, these powers for whose 
 advantage these agreements were made do not 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 289 
 
 wish to give them up; whereas those who are 
 perhaps sorry that they are pledged do not know 
 how they are to free themselves. In the latter 
 situation, according to my view, is England, 
 whose plenipotentiary is weak. It is possible 
 that the representatives of your Majesty may 
 meet such opposition that they will have to give 
 up all hope except of saving their honor ; but we 
 have not yet come to that. 
 
 Vienna, October 9, 1814. 
 Sire: 
 
 The representatives of the four courts were 
 embarrassed by my note of October 1, and as 
 they could find no argument to refute it, they 
 acted as if insulted. "This note," M. von Hum- 
 boldt said, "is a torch thrown in our midst." 
 "They plan to separate us," said Nesselrode. 
 "This shall not succeed." They confess publicly, 
 therefore, what was easy to suspect, that they 
 have made an agreement with one another in 
 order to become masters of the whole situation 
 and to represent themselves as the supreme ar- 
 biters of all Europe. More moderately, and 
 in a milder tone, Lord Castlereagh said to me, 
 that it was their view that the conference to which 
 they invited INI. de Labrador and me should be 
 an extremely confidential one, and that I had 
 robbed it of this character by my note, and in 
 
290 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 addition to that, by an official note. I replied 
 that the mistake was on their side, not on mine. 
 They had wished to know my view, and I had 
 thought that I should communicate it to them in 
 writing and with my signature, because I had 
 seen that they communicated among themselves 
 in their conferences in writing and with signature. 
 
 The ambassadors wanted Talleyrand to withdraw 
 his note, but Labrador remarked that it was too late, 
 since the note already was in circulation. Metternich 
 became embarrassed and pointed out that the four 
 powers alone would make all preparations. Thereupon 
 Talleyrand declared that he would take part in no 
 further conferences until the Congress was opened. In 
 this manner he managed to create a feeling of insecur- 
 ity and to win Castelreagh over to his side. Then 
 Metternich, fearing the designs of Russia and Prussia, 
 showed a leaning toward Talleyrand. He sent Talley- 
 rand a note asking him to call, "because it concerns 
 important matters." The narrative which follows deals 
 with this incident. 
 
 I arrived at his home at seven o'clock and was 
 admitted at once. He spoke first of the draft of 
 an explanation which he had caused to be pre- 
 pared, and which, he said to me, differed a little 
 from my own, but yet was so similar that I might 
 be satisfied with it. I asked him for this docu- 
 ment, but he did not have it at hand. 
 
]\IASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 291 
 
 "I suppose it circulates among the allies?" I 
 asked. 
 
 *'Speak no longer of the allies; they no longer 
 exist." 
 
 "There are persons here," I said, "who should 
 be allies in the sense that, without having an 
 understanding, they have the same object. How 
 do you get the courage to let Russia coil itself 
 around Hungary and Bohemia, your foremost 
 and most important possessions? Can you per- 
 mit the heritage of a good old neighbor into whose 
 family a duchess has married to be turned over 
 to your natural enemy? It is strange that we 
 should wish to oppose your enemy, and that you 
 do not." 
 
 He said to me that I had no confidence in 
 him; I replied that he had given me little cause 
 for it, and reminded him of several instances in 
 which he had not kept his promise to me. 
 
 "In addition to that," I added, "how can I 
 trust a man who acts secretly against those who 
 show by their leanings that they intend to make 
 his own cause their own? On my part, I am not 
 doing this secretly, and do not need to do so. 
 That is the advantage of men who act on the 
 basis of principles. Here," I continued, "are 
 pens and paper. Will you not write that France 
 asks nothing and will take nothing ? I am ready 
 to sign this." 
 
A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 "But," said he, "the NeapoHtan matter re- 
 mains open, and this is virtually yours." 
 
 I replied : 
 
 "No more mine than that of all the others. It 
 is for me only a question of principle ; I ask only 
 that he who has the right to remain in Naples 
 shall remain in Xaples, and nothing more. And 
 this all the others must wish as much as I. You 
 need only to observe these principles, and you 
 will find me ready to agree in everything. I will 
 tell you frankly and freely what I can give and 
 what I will never give. I can understand that 
 the King of Saxony in his present situation may 
 be forced to make sacrifices ; I take it for granted 
 that he is ready to do so, because he is reason- 
 able : but I will never agree if he is to be robbed 
 of all his states and if the kingdom of Saxony 
 is to be given to Prussia. I also will never agree 
 that Luxemburg and jNIayence shall be given to 
 Prussia. I also will not allow Russia to expand 
 beyond the Vistula, to have forty-four million 
 subjects in Europe, and to place its boundaries 
 on the Oder. If, however, Luxemburg is given 
 to Holland, and Mayence to Bavaria, if the 
 Kingdom of Saxony remains intact and the king 
 in office, and if Russia does not expand beyond 
 the Vistula, then I will have no more objections 
 to make regarding this part of Europe." 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 293 
 
 M. von Metternich thereupon seized my hand 
 and said: 
 
 "We are not so far apart as you think. I 
 promise you that Prussia shall have neither 
 Luxemburg nor Mayence, nor do we wish Russia 
 to be overwhelmingly enlarged; and as for Sax- 
 ony, we will do everything we can to keep at 
 least a part of it intact." 
 
 Metternich then begged Talleyrand not to bring up 
 the question of admittance to the Congress, so as to 
 give Murat no ground for an outbreak. Talleyrand 
 agreed to this. 
 
 At the conference that followed, Talleyrand declared 
 that he would support Metternich on the condition that 
 the following sentence be added to the document an- 
 nouncing that the formal opening of the Congress would 
 be postponed to November 1 : "The opening will take 
 place in accordance with the principles of public right." 
 
 At these words there arose a tumult difficult 
 to imagine. M. von Hardenberg rose at the 
 table, leaned upon its surface, and, chopping off 
 his words, yelled in a loud and threatening voice 
 such as is usually found among men who have 
 defects such as his: 
 
 "No, sir. The public right? That is unneces- 
 sary. Why declare that we will act according 
 to the public right? That is understood without 
 a word." 
 
294 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 I replied to him : 
 
 "If it is understood without a word, it would 
 be much better understood if the word were 
 spoken." 
 
 M. von Humboldt cried : 
 
 "What have we to do with the public right?" 
 
 I replied: 
 
 "The fact that you sit here shows what influ- 
 ence it has had." 
 
 Lord Castlereagh took me aside and asked 
 whether I would show myself more conciliatory 
 if my wishes on this point were followed. I 
 asked him, on my part, what I might hope for 
 from him in the Neapolitan question if I showed 
 myself more ready to cooperate; he promised to 
 support me with all his influence. 
 
 "I will talk with Metternich about it," he said; 
 "I have the right to a decided view on this ques- 
 tion." 
 
 "You give me your word of honor?" I asked, 
 and he replied: 
 
 "I give it to you." 
 
 "And I," I added on my part, "give you my 
 word of honor that I will be unyielding only in 
 those principles which I dare not jeopardize." 
 
 In the meantime M. von Gentz had neared 
 Prince Metternich and made representations that 
 he could not refuse to mention the public right 
 in a document such as the one under discussion. 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 295 
 
 The amendment that I asked for was finally 
 agreed to, and then there resulted a no less lively 
 discussion about the place where this was to be 
 inserted. It was finally agreed to put it in a 
 sentence preceding the one that I had suggested. 
 
 M. von Gentz could not refrain from saying in 
 the conference: 
 
 "The story of this evening, gentlemen, belongs 
 to the history of the Congress. It is not for me 
 to tell it, for my duty forbids, but the story surely 
 will be repeated." 
 
 He said to me later on that he had never ex- 
 perienced anything like it. I therefore consider 
 it fortunate that without giving way on any of 
 our principles I have been able to do something 
 which may be regarded as leading to the opening 
 of the Congress. 
 
 On October 12, Talleyrand wrote to the ministry 
 of foreign affairs : "It is said that we have won a victory 
 by obtaining the addition of the words ^public right.' 
 This view gives you a measure by which to judge the 
 spirit which moves the Congress." 
 
 The minister of war, Dupont, wrote to Talleyrand 
 on October 8, 1814, as follows: 
 
 "The resident on the island of Elba frequently re- 
 ceives couriers from Naples and other places. He often 
 rises during the night, writes despatches, and seems 
 very much occupied, although in a studied manner he 
 
296 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 speaks of his rest and his aloofness from business. It 
 is really highly important that he should be removed 
 from Italy by united action of the powers. It is cer- 
 tain that there will not be war ; but should another 
 again break out, Napoleon without doubt will bring 
 together a number of Italian and even French deserters 
 and disturb the peace of the continent at various 
 places." 
 
 Vienna, October 13, 1814. 
 
 The determination to remove Bonaparte from 
 Elba seems fairly well defined. Up to this time, 
 however, no one has a clear idea of whither he 
 can be taken. I have proposed one of the 
 Azores, which are five hundred leagues from the 
 continent. Lord Castlereagh seems to believe 
 that the Portuguese would favor this new ar- 
 rangement; in this, however, the question of 
 money will again play a part. The son of Bona- 
 parte is no longer treated as he was at first upon 
 his arrival in Vienna. There are fewer formali- 
 ties, and everything is done more simply. 
 
 Czar Alexander said a few days ago, "Talley- 
 rand is here acting as minister of Louis XIV," 
 and Humboldt told the Saxon delegate Schulen- 
 burg, in order to win him over or to intimidate 
 him: "The French plenipotentiary appears here 
 with noble words ; but they either hide something 
 or there is nothing behind them. Woe to the 
 man who depends on them!" 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 297 
 
 In order to stop such remarks and to make an 
 end of all irresolution, your Majesty should issue 
 a declaration to your people announcing the basic 
 principles which you have ordered us to adhere 
 to, as well as your firm determination never to 
 depart from them ;, at the same time you should 
 make it understood that the just cause will not 
 remain without support. 
 
 Vienna, October 17, 1814. 
 Sire: 
 
 The ferment of revolution is scattered all over 
 Germany. Jacobinism prevails there, not as it 
 did with us in France twenty-five years ago, — 
 in the middle and lower classes, — but among the 
 highest and richest of the nobility, a difference 
 which makes it impossible to judge the progress 
 of a revolution breaking out in Germany by the 
 progress of our own. Those who have stepped 
 down from dynastic rank to the position of sub- 
 jects by the dissolution of both the empire and 
 the confederation of the Rhine suffer with im- 
 patience the rule of mer who, in reality or in their 
 eyes, were once their equals. They would like 
 to destroy an order which hurts their pride and 
 substitute a single power for all the governments 
 of this land. In agreement with them are the 
 men of the universities, the youths who are filled 
 with theories, and those who blame the fact that 
 
298 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Germany was made up of many small states for 
 the suffering which came upon the land through 
 the many wars of which it was the theater. 
 Unity of the German fatherland is their cry, their 
 faith, and their religion, reaching to a point of 
 fanaticism, and this fanaticism has even affected 
 some of the princes who are now ruling. This 
 unity, however, from which France need fear 
 nothing if it possess Belgium and the left bank 
 of the Rhine, would have most regretful conse- 
 quences for us now. In addition to this, who 
 can foresee the results of the upheaval of a mass 
 like Germany if the elements now divided 
 should begin to move and coalesce? Who can 
 tell where the impulse, once begun, will stop ? 
 
 I cannot believe that Russia and Prussia are 
 willing to allow war to come between Austria, 
 France, Sardinia, Bavaria, and a great part of 
 Germany ; yet if they wished to take a chance of 
 this kind, they would not be held back by Austria 
 in the event, which is not the case, that Austria 
 would take up the fight alone. 
 
 For Austria, therefore, if it should see itself 
 robbed of our help, there remains no other rem- 
 edy except an indefinite prolongation or dissolu- 
 tion of the Congress. That would mean opening 
 the gates to revolution or giving consent to things 
 which your Majesty has determined never to 
 indorse. 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 299 
 
 The committee composed of delegates from 
 Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and 
 Hanover is working on a constitution for Ger- 
 many; they have already held one conference. 
 In view of the clash of interests and the personal 
 characters involved, it is doubtful if they will 
 reach an understanding. 
 
 Vienna, October 19, 1814. 
 
 Sire: 
 
 The four courts have not ceased to be allies in 
 the sense that the feelings with which they con- 
 ducted the war have lasted beyond it, and the 
 spirit with which they fought governs them also 
 in the regulation of European affairs. 
 
 It was their intention to regulate these affairs 
 alone. Then they recognized that the legality of 
 a new order of things could be obtained only by 
 the obvious sanction of all. For that reason 
 the Congress was called together. The powers 
 would gladly have eliminated France from it, 
 but they were not able to do so after the fortunate 
 change which took place there, even though this 
 change was distasteful to them. Thereupon they 
 flattered themselves that France would be too 
 long and too exclusively occupied by its internal 
 embarassments to do more than take part in the 
 Congress as a matter of form, and when they saw 
 us appear with principles which they could not 
 
300 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 oppose and did not wish to indorse, they decided 
 virtually to keep us at arm's length without 
 formally excluding us. At the same time they 
 planned to concentrate everything in their hands 
 in order to proceed without hindrance in the exe- 
 cution of their plans. 
 
 This plan at bottom is only England's plan. 
 England is the soul of all ; its lack of enthusiasm 
 for the principles should not surprise any one: 
 its interests are its principles. Its goal is simple ; 
 it wishes to maintain its preponderance at sea 
 and to hold the commerce of the world by this 
 preponderance. For this reason French sea- 
 power must never be allowed to become danger- 
 ous to it, whether alone or united with others. 
 England has already taken pains to separate 
 France from the other sea-powers by means of 
 obligations which it caused them to agree to, and 
 as it arranged for the renewal of the family pact 
 as a result of the restoration of the Bourbon 
 house, it also hastened to close the treaty of the 
 fifth of July with Spain, which says that this 
 pact can never be renewed. It remains only for 
 England to place France in such a position as a. 
 continental power that only a small part of its 
 resources can be used for its sea-power. To ac- 
 complish this England wishes to bind Austria 
 and Prussia close together, to make this as strong 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 301 
 
 a bond as possible, and to set them as rivals oppo- 
 site France. Because of this plan, Stewart has 
 been made English ambassador in Vienna. He 
 is entirely favorable to Prussia, and was chosen 
 exactly for that reason. In the same manner a 
 man who leans toward Austria will be picked out 
 for the post in Berlin. Nothing, however, would 
 be more advantageous to the plans for strength- 
 ening Prussia than the gift of Saxony. There- 
 fore England wants this country sacrificed and 
 delivered to Prussia. The delivery of this coun- 
 try to Prussia would be regarded even by the 
 members of the cabinet in Austria as a misfor- 
 tune for the Austrian monarchy, and in Germany 
 it would be looked upon as a calamity. 
 
 The King of Bavaria yesterday ordered his 
 delegate to take new steps on behalf of Saxony. 
 He said, "This plan is pure injustice; it robs me 
 lof all my composure." 
 
 KING LOUIS XVIII OF FRANCE TO TALLEYRAND 
 
 ( Paris, October 21, 1814. 
 
 j I will have Jaucourt write the letter that you 
 ask for immediately; but between us I will go 
 beyond the obligations of April 11 if the excel- 
 lent idea of the Azores is realized. I would be 
 greatly pleased if Piacenza, Guastalla were re- 
 turned to the young prince of Parma. This is 
 
302 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 his heritage; Tuscany was a possession unjustly 
 acquired. 
 
 The king refers to Talleyrand's idea of moving 
 Napoleon from Elba to the Azores. Apropos the ac- 
 tivities on Elba, Jaucourt wrote to Talleyrand or 
 September 27: 
 
 "The minister of war remains emphatically of the 
 opinion that the island [of Elba] has a garrison ol 
 from S600 to 4000 men. We have here detailed state 
 ments according to which there are only from 600 t( 
 800 men of the guard, and at the most the same num 
 ber of men who have come together from Corsica anc 
 elsewhere. At least the reports of Count Dupont ar^ 
 based on the statement of an officer who was personalh 
 in that country." 
 
 Talleyrand wrote to Jaucourt on October 12: 
 
 "M. Mariotti, consul in Livorno, has done well i. 
 refusing to give passports to the island of Elba t 
 tradesmen. In general he should be very careful wit, 
 this sort of passport." 
 
 Vienna, October 25, 1815 
 Four days ago Prince Adam Czartoryski, wh 
 thinks Poland is the whole world, called on nu 
 He excused himself for not having looked me u 
 earlier. He confessed that he had been deterre 
 mainly because he had been told that I was ur 
 favorably disposed toward the Polish questioi 
 "I am more favorable to it than all the othei 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 303 
 
 are," I remarked. "We want a complete and 
 independent Poland." 
 
 "That would be very pretty," ha replied; "but 
 it is a chimera, for the powers will never agree 
 to it." 
 
 "In that case Poland is no longer our most im- 
 portant affair in the north," I replied. "The in- 
 tegrity of Saxony comes clocer to us; this ques- 
 tion is of primary importance to us, that of 
 Poland only secondary. If Austria and Prussia 
 are agreed on the subject of their boundaries, 
 we have no objection to the Czar of Russia giv- 
 ing any form of government he wishes to the 
 country which has been relinquished to him; for 
 this favor on our part I demand the preservation 
 of the Kingdom of Saxony." This suggestion 
 so pleased the Prince Czartoryski that he left me 
 immediately for the czar, with whom he had an 
 interview lasting three hours. 
 
 On the following day Count Nesselrode came to 
 Talleyrand to announce that the Czar of Russia wished 
 to receive him. The czar showed a certain embarrass- 
 ment upon his arrival. Talleyrand's letter to his king 
 describes the interview as follows : 
 
 ''In Paris you favored a Kingdom of Poland," 
 said the czar to me. "Why have you changed 
 your view?" 
 
304 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 "My view, Sire, is still the same: in Paris it 
 was a question of the restoration of all of Poland. 
 Then, as now, I favored the independence of 
 Poland. Xow, however, it is something entirely 
 different; the question is superseded by that of 
 the determination of the boundaries by which 
 Austria and Prussia shall find security." 
 
 "These states do not need to beconie restive. 
 Besides, I have two hundred thousand men in the 
 Duchy of Warsaw; let any one trv to chase me 
 out! I have given Sa.xony to the Prussians; 
 Austria agrees to it." 
 
 "I do not know whether or not Austria agrees 
 to It," I replied. '"It is hard for me to beheve 
 as It is so contrary to Austria's interests. How- 
 ever, can the consent of Austria make Prussia 
 the owner of the possessions of the King of 
 Saxony?" 
 
 "If the King of Saxony does not abdicate, he 
 will be taken to Russia and will die there. One 
 other king has already died there." ' 
 
 "Your ^Majesty will permit me to doubt that; 
 the Congress has not assembled to witness such 
 a crime." 
 
 "A crime in what manner? Did not Stanis- 
 laus go to Russia? And why shall the King of 
 Saxony not go there also? It is the same case 
 
 Pola^'n'r wh" ''%"'"'" S'""'^'"- A"«-t Poniatowski, king of 
 
 ^T^Zt''' '° '''''-'' '" ''''' -"^ ^■"> '^■'^'^ ■■" '^«« 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 305 
 
 with iboth. So far as I am concerned there is 
 no difference." 
 
 My answers came so fast that they almost 
 choked me. I confess, your Majesty, that I 
 could hardly control my indignation. The czar 
 spoke rapidly. One of his remarks was: 
 
 "I believed that France w^as indebted to me 
 somewhat. You speak always of your princi- 
 ples. Your public right does not exist for me. 
 I do not know what it is. What value shall I 
 place upon your parchments and treaties?" (I 
 had reminded him of the treaty in which the allies 
 had agreed upon the division of the grand Duchy 
 of Warsaw among the three courts.) "There is 
 one thing which for me stands above everything 
 else, my word as czar. I have given it, and I 
 shall keep it. The King of Prussia demanded 
 Saxony at the moment when we again allied our- 
 selves." [In February, 1818, at the conference 
 which led to the alliance of Breslau-Kalisch.] 
 
 "Your ^Majesty has promised the King of 
 Prussia from nine million to ten milHon souls;- 
 you can deliver them to him without destroying 
 Saxony." I had with me a memorandum which 
 showed the lands that could be given to Prussia 
 and which, without the obliteration of Saxony, 
 would give Prussia the number of subjects 
 I)romised to that state by treaty. The czar took 
 this and kept it. 
 
306 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 *'The King of Saxony is a traitor." 
 "Sire, the designation 'traitor' can never be 
 applied to a king; it is important that it should 
 never be applied to a king." It is probable that 
 I placed a little more stress upon the latter part 
 of my remark. After a moment of silence the 
 
 czar said: 
 
 ''The King of Prussia will become King of 
 Prussia and Saxony, just as I shall become Czar 
 of Russia and King of Poland. The favors that 
 France accords me in this case will be a measure 
 for the favors that I sliall show France in every- 
 thing in which it has an interest." 
 
 In the course of this interview the czar did not 
 permit himself to be overcome by passion as at 
 our first; he was calm and determined, but be- 
 trayed suppressed resentment. 
 
 I saw Prince ^letternich to-night. He has 
 again taken courage; I have talked as energet- 
 ically to him as I could. The Austrian generals, 
 a gi-eat number of whom I have spoken with, all 
 declare themselves for the preservation of Sax- 
 ony. They bring up military considerations, 
 which are beginning to make an impression. 
 
 Vienna, October 31, 1814. 
 On the morning of the day that Czar Alex- 
 ander departed for Hungary he had an interview 
 with Metternich, during which, as is told with 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 307 
 
 great certainty, he treated this minister in such 
 a high-handed manner and used such strong ex- 
 pressions toward him as he would never have 
 thought of using toward one of his servants. 
 When Metternich remarked regarding Poland 
 that if a Poland was to be created, Austria could 
 do so, the czar characterized this remark not only 
 as out of place, but even allowed himself to ex- 
 claim that Metternich was the only person in 
 Austria who could adopt such a rebellious tone. 
 The matter at length is supposed to have gone 
 so far that Metternich declared to the czar that 
 he would ask his master to name another ambas- 
 sador to the Congress in his place. 
 
 When ]\f etternich returned from this interview 
 he was in a temper such as his intimates had never 
 before witnessed. He who had said only a few 
 days before to Count Schulenburg that he "in- 
 trenched himself behind time" and "made pa- 
 tience his weapon" might have lost the latter very 
 easily had it been put to a similar test more fre- 
 quently. 
 
 It is said that Czar Alexander complained 
 about JVIetternich on the trip [presumably the 
 trip of the sovereigns to Budapest], and that 
 Emperor Francis thereupon replied that he con- 
 sidered it better to let these transactions be taken 
 care of by the ministers, for the reason that they 
 would be carried out with greater freedom and 
 
308 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 more in relation to one another; that he did not 
 act on his affairs in person, but that his ministers 
 acted entirely according to his directions. In 
 the course of the conversation he is said to have 
 remarked, among other things, that when his 
 subjects, who had never deserted him, who had 
 done everything for him and sacrificed every- 
 thing in his })ehalf, were as restless as at present, 
 he considered it his duty to do everything that 
 might help to calm them. Uj)on Czar Alexan- 
 der's question whether his character and his in- 
 tegrity did not serve to prevent and remove all 
 anxieties, Emperor Francis is said to have an- 
 swered that good boundaries were the best guar- 
 anties of peace. This interview was described 
 to me in almost the same words by Count Sick- 
 ingen and iNIetternich. It seems as if the em- 
 peror, who is not used to acting with decision, 
 was greatly pleased with himself upon his return. 
 All the precautions that were taken to keep 
 me in ignorance regarding the negotiations of 
 the committee on the political organization of 
 Germany have been unsuccessful. In the first 
 session Prussia introduced the proposal that all 
 princes whose various states belonged to the con- 
 federation should relinquish the right of carrying 
 on war and signing peace on their own initiative, 
 as well as the right of sending embassies. When 
 Marshal Wrede [of Bavaria] turned down this 
 
.PIASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 309 
 
 proposal, Humboldt cried out that here one saw 
 that Eavaria was still allied with France at heart; 
 that this, however, was for them only another 
 reason for insisting upon the acceptance of the 
 resolution. When, however, the marshal, hav- 
 ing in the meantime received the command of his 
 king, rejected the proposal decisively in the sec- 
 ond session, it was finally withdrawn and re- 
 placed by another, according to which the whole 
 war power of the confederation was to be divided, 
 and one half placed under the leadership of Aus- 
 tria, and the other half under that of Prussia. 
 The King of Bavaria recognized that Prussia by 
 this union intended to insure its possession of 
 Saxony against the opposition of those powers 
 who want the kingdom to continue in existence; 
 he knows also that he must fear for himself as 
 soon as Saxony is sacrificed, and for this reason 
 he is ready to defend it. In the event that he 
 should be thrown upon his own resources, he has 
 ordered 20,000 recruits to be called to the colors 
 in his own country, by means of which his army 
 will reach a strength of 70,000 men. 
 
 The Prussians do not know of this plan of the 
 king, but nevertheless they are informed of the 
 mobilization. 
 
 As we, the duke of Dalberg and I, owed Lord 
 Castlereagh a visit, we jointly presented him last 
 evening with the resolution for the first assem- 
 
310 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 bling of the plenipotentiaries. lie found nothing 
 to criticize, but remarked tliat tlie anxiety with 
 which the Prussians regarded us would lead one 
 to think that they had a liidden motive. The 
 real or apparent anxieties of the Prussians natu- 
 rally led the conversation to the eternal Polish 
 and Saxon questions. lie had several maj)s 
 lying upon his table, and on these I pointed out 
 to him that if Saxony and Silesia were in the 
 hands of one power, Bohemia could be taken in 
 a few weeks, and that with Bohemia once taken, 
 the heart of the Austriai. monarchy lay open and 
 without defense. lie seemed astonished ; he had 
 talked with us as if he based all his hopes on 
 Prussia, because it was not possible to expect 
 anything more from ^Austria. lie appeared 
 greatly surprised when we told him that Austria 
 lacked only money to bring its troops together. 
 It would then have most unusual fighting 
 strength, and at this time £1,000,000 sterling 
 would be sufficient. This quickened his courage, 
 and he seemed inclined to see the Polish question 
 through. 
 
 He had received news that the Serbs had again 
 taken up arms, and informed us that a Russian 
 army under the command of one of the foremost 
 generals of Russia w^as approaching the Turkish 
 border. Nothing, therefore, seemed to him more 
 necessary and urgent than to limit the ambition 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 311 
 
 of Russia. However, he wished that this might 
 be done without war, or, if war was unavoid- 
 able, that it might be carried on without the help 
 of France. Fjom his manner of estimating our 
 power I could see that he fears France the most. 
 "You have," said he, "25,000,000 inhabitants; we 
 value them as if they were 40,000,000.'' 
 Once the exclamation escaped him: 
 "Oh, if only you had no more designs on the 
 left bank of the Rhine!" It was not difficult for 
 me to prove to him by the situation of P>ance 
 and by the general readiness for war in Europe 
 that ambitious designs could not be attributed 
 to France without at the same time considering 
 it insane. 
 
 "That may i)e," he replied, "but a French army 
 which marched through Germany, no matter on 
 what errand, would make too great an impression 
 and awaken too many memories." 
 
 After tlie conference Mctternich invited me to 
 come to his workroom, and informed me that he 
 and Lord Castlereagh were determined not to 
 permit Russia to cross the line of the Vistula; he 
 added that they were engaged in trying to con- 
 vince Prussia to proceed jointly with them in 
 this matter; thought they might hope for suc- 
 cess, and pleaded that I might give them the 
 necessary time and not hurry them. I now 
 asked on what conditions they flattered them- 
 
312 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 selves they would obtain Prussia's cooperation. 
 He replied that they wished to promise Prussia 
 a part of Saxony; namely, 400,000 to 500,000 
 souls and especially the fortress and the environs 
 of Wittenberg, which were necessary for the pro- 
 tection of Berlin. In this manner the Kingdom 
 of Saxony would retain about 1,000,000 souls as 
 well as Torgau, Konigstein, and the course of the 
 Elbe from the Wittenberg district to Bohemia. 
 
 1 have discovered that a state council has been 
 held under the chairmanship of the emperor [of 
 Austria], and that Prince Schwartzenberg and 
 Metternich, as well as Count Zichy and General 
 Duka, took part. They have come to an agree- 
 ment on the basic principle tliat the Saxon (jues- 
 tion is of greater importance to ^Vustria tlian 
 the Polish question. The welfare of the mon- 
 archy depends upon the ])asses of Thuringia and 
 the Saal not falling into tlie hands of Prussia. 
 
 Vienna, November 6, 1814. 
 Lord Castlereagh remarked that the word con- 
 gress terrified the Prussians, and that Prince 
 Hardenberg especially had great fear of it. 
 ]Metternich brought up once more the larger part 
 of the considerations which he had presented to 
 us in the latest conference; he considered it best 
 not to call the Congress together until we were in 
 agreement upon at least all the great questions. 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 313 
 
 "Among them," he remarked, "is one that divided 
 us into hostile groups." He meant the Polish 
 question, but he did not mention it by name, and 
 passed quickly to the matters that affected Ger- 
 many proper. "Among the persons who are 
 occupied with them there is the greatest unanim- 
 ity," he said. "We w^ll also take up the matters 
 relating to Switzerland," he added, "and these 
 are not to be regulated without the participation 
 of France." I replied that I had no other inten- 
 tion, and that therefore J had already arranged 
 with JNI. von Dalberg for participation in the dis- 
 cussions. 
 
 We then passed to the Italian affairs, and 
 ^Metternich applied tlie word "entanglements" to 
 the affairs of Genoa and Turin as well as to those 
 of Xaples and Sicily, this being a word that IMet- 
 ternich uses incessantly in order to deal in gen- 
 eralities, which is demanded by his wxak political 
 methods. He wanted to prove that the tran- 
 quillity of Italy as well as that of Europe de- 
 pended upon the Neapolitan question not being 
 regulated at the Congress, but rather put off* for 
 a later time. 
 
 "The force of circumstances," he said, "will 
 necessarily lead the house of Bourbon back to the 
 throne of Xaples." 
 
 "The force of circumstances," I thereupon re- 
 plied, "is evident here with all its power. The 
 
314 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 question must be settled at the Congress. Tak- 
 ing up the question geographically, this comes 
 as the last of the Italian questions, and I am in 
 accord with the proposal that the geographical 
 order be adhered to. ^Nlore than that I cannot 
 concede." 
 
 Metternich then spoke of the supporters of 
 
 Murat in Italy. 
 
 "Organize Italy, and he will no longer have 
 any. INIake an end to the hated provisional ad- 
 ministration; determine the ownership of upper 
 and middle Italy ; do not let a foot of land remain 
 under military occupation from the Alps to the 
 Neapolitan boundary; place just rulers and a 
 well-ordered administration everywhere; deter- 
 mine the succession in Sardinia; and name an 
 archduke to become governor in the Milan re- 
 gion; recognize the rights of the queen of Itruria; 
 return to the pope what belongs to him and what 
 you are holding: then ^Nlurat will no longer have 
 power over the spirit of the people; for Italy he 
 will then be merely a bandit." 
 
 This geographical treatment of the Italian 
 situation seemed to meet with approval. 
 
 King Victor Emanuel I (1802-21) and his brother 
 Carl Felix (1821-31) had no children; the right of 
 succession therefore was expected to pass to the house 
 of Savoy-Carignan. As a matter of fact this house 
 ascended the throne of Sardinia in 1831 under Carl 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 315 
 
 Albert, and is to-day the reigning house of Italy. Tal- 
 leyrand, true to his program, attempted to pave the 
 way for the succesion of the house of Savoy-Carignan 
 in order to support his principle of dynastic rights, 
 which he called the principle of legitimacy, as well 
 as to checkmate the plans of the house of Hapsburg and 
 make it impossible for it to succeed to the legacy of 
 the house of Savoy. 
 
 The court of Vienna continues to show such 
 a generous measure of hospitality toward its 
 titled guests that it must be a burden in view of 
 the state of its finances; one sees everywhere 
 nothing but emperors and kings, em2)resses and 
 queens, hereditary princes, ruling princes, and 
 the like. The court pays for everything; the 
 daily expenses are estimated at 220,000 paper 
 gulden ($106,700). At these assemblies royalty 
 undoubtedly loses something of the greatness 
 that belongs to it; the presence of three or four 
 kings and a large number of princes at the balls 
 and tea-parties of simple private folk of Vienna 
 appears to me most incongruous. One must go 
 to France in order to see royalty in its glory and 
 its majesty, by means of which it wins at the 
 same time the esteem and the love of the people. 
 
316 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Vienna, November 12, 1814. 
 Sire: 
 
 JNIetternich and Lord Castlereagh had argued 
 the Prussian ministry into making common cause 
 with them on the Pohsh question, but their hope 
 of Prussia's participation did not last hmg. 
 The Czar of Russia a few days ago invited the 
 King of Prussia to dinner at his house, and there 
 had an interview with him, details of which have 
 become known to me through Prince Adam 
 Czartoryski. The czar reminded the king of the 
 friendship that united them and of the value that 
 he placed on this friendship and of everything 
 that he had done to make this friendship eternal. 
 They were nearly of the same age, and it pleased 
 him to think that he would long be a witness of 
 the good fortune for which their people could 
 thank their intimate union. lie risked his repu- 
 tation on the restoration of a Polish kingdom, and 
 now, when he was so near to the fulfilment of his 
 wishes, was he to feel the pain of seeing his best 
 friend included among his opponents, the only 
 prince on whose faithful attitude he had counted? 
 The king fervently assured him of his loyalty and 
 swore that he w^ould support him in the Polish 
 question. The czar replied : 
 
 "It is not enough that you adhere to this de- 
 termination. Your ministers also must act ac- 
 cording to this view." He then requested the 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 317 
 
 king to call in Prince Hardenberg. In the lat- 
 ter's presence the czar again repeated his own 
 words and the promise of the king. Hardenberg 
 wished to make objections, but as Czar Alexan- 
 der pressed the question whether he did not in- 
 tend to obey the commands of the king, and as 
 these commands admitted of no contradiction, 
 there remained nothing for him to do but to 
 promise that he would scrupulously follow the 
 commands of the king. This much I have been 
 able to learn about this scene. A great deal more 
 of which I know nothing must have taken place 
 if it is true, as Gentz assures me, that Prince 
 Hardenberg said that he had never before expe- 
 rienced anything like it. 
 
 This reversal of Prussian politics had disturbed 
 the composure of INIetternich and Lord Castle- 
 reagh not a little. They would gladly have seen 
 Hardenberg hand in his resignation, and it is cer- 
 tain that he would have placed the czar and the 
 king in no small embarrassment by doing so, but 
 he does not seem to have thought of that. 
 
 On my part, I have always had the suspicion 
 that INIetternich bought the participation of Prus- 
 sia by greater concessions than he cared to admit ; 
 therefore I was inclined more to the view that the 
 desertion by Prussia was good fortune. 
 
 In addition it is related that Czar Alexander 
 complained bitterly of iletternich in a conversa- 
 
318 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 tion on the opposition of Austria to his views, and 
 that he said, "Austria beheves itself to be sure of 
 Italy, but there is a Xapoleon there who can be 
 made use of." 
 
 After the conference I remained alone with 
 Metternich. I wished to learn how things stood 
 with Poland and Saxony and what he planned 
 to do in the one and in the other affair. There- 
 fore I did not put questions to him which he might 
 have evaded, but began to talk with him about 
 himself. In the tone of an old friend I remarked 
 that with all this energy for business one must 
 think also of oneself, and that it seemed to me 
 that he did not do so sufficiently. By this sort 
 of consideration for him I gained a little more 
 frankness from him. He read me his note to 
 Prussia on the Saxon question, and by hearty 
 and spirited thanks on my part I induced him to 
 intrust me with it. I promised him to hold it 
 inviolate. I inclose herewith a copy for your 
 Majesty, and beg that you will please preserve 
 it, and allow me to ask for it again upon my re- 
 turn. 
 
 Your INIajesty will see by this document that 
 Metternich did not promise Prussia a part of 
 Saxony, as he assured me, but the whole of Sax- 
 ony; fortunately, he had made this promise de- 
 pendent upon a condition (that Prussia could 
 not be indemnified elsewhere), by the unfulfil- 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 319 
 
 merit of which it would become void. In addi- 
 tion your Majest}^ will see by this note that JNIet- 
 ternich wishes to leave Luxemburg to Prussia, 
 although he assured me at different times that 
 Prussia should not have it. The same note dis- 
 closed a plan that had existed for a long time, of 
 placing Germany under the influence of Austria 
 and Prussia ; in reality, however, bringing it un- 
 der their unrestricted and exclusive domination. 
 
 JNIetternich now asserts that he will not leave 
 Saxony in the lurch. In the Polish question he 
 has led me to understand that he will concede 
 much; that is to say, he will concede everything 
 if Czar Alexander does not relinquish anything. 
 
 I was still with him when the list of the Aus- 
 trian Army was brought to him; he allowed me 
 to look at it. The present strength of this army 
 reaches 3741,000 men, of these 52,000 cavalry and 
 800 cannon. With such fighting powers he be- 
 lieves that the Austrian monarchy can do noth- 
 ing better than to be patient and submissive in 
 everything. Your Majesty should note that this 
 number of troops is the actual strength of the 
 army. 
 
 Extract from another interview of Talleyrand with 
 the Czar of Russia. 
 
 The Czar: "But Austria will give up Sax- 
 ony." 
 
320 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Talleyrand: "IMetternich, with whom I spoke 
 last evening, expressed opinions which absolutely 
 contradict what your majesty deigns to tell me." 
 
 The czar: ''And as for yourself, it is reported 
 that you agreed to surrender a part of Saxony." 
 
 Talleyrand: "Only most unwillingly. If it is 
 actually necessary to give up from 300,000 to 
 400,000 Saxons so that Prussia may again re- 
 ceive the population it had before 1806, and 
 which reached 9,200,000 souls, we will make this 
 sacrifice for the sake of peace." 
 
 The czar: "That is exactly what the Saxons 
 fear the most; they are content enough to be- 
 long to the King of Prussia; their sole wish is not 
 to be separated." 
 
 Talleyrand: "We are informed concerning 
 what is going on in Saxony and we know that the 
 thought of becoming Prussians leads the Saxons 
 to despair." 
 
 The czar: "No, the only thing that they fear 
 is separation, and as a matter of fact that is of 
 course the greatest misfortune that can befall a 
 people." 
 
 Talleyrand: "Sire, what if one wished to ap- 
 ply this basis for action also to Poland?" 
 
 The czar: "The division of Poland is not my 
 work; it will not be my fault, as I have already 
 told you, if a disaster is not averted. Perhaps 
 some dav it will come to that." 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 321 
 
 Talleyrand: "The cession of a part of Upper 
 and Lower Lusatia would not really be a parti- 
 tion of Saxony. These lands were not actually 
 a part of it but until recently belonged to the 
 Bohemian crown; they had nothing in common 
 with Saxony except the ruler." 
 
 Vienna, November 17, 1814. 
 Metternich discussed an alliance with Prince 
 Wrede and asked him whether Bavaria would not 
 immediately allow 25,000 men to be added to the 
 Austrian Army. Prince Wrede replied that 
 Bavaria would be read}^ to provide up to 75,000 
 men under the following conditions: 
 
 1. That an alliance be made with France. 
 
 2. That Bavaria should send 25,000 men to 
 every 100,000 which Austria placed in the field, 
 and no more. 
 
 3. That Austria should turn over to Bavaria 
 a part of the subsidies which it was likely to re- 
 ceive from England in proportion to the relative 
 strength of the fighting forces. 
 
 Vienna, November 25, 1814. 
 The Duke of Wellington, who is zealously en- 
 gaged in correspondence with Lord Castlereagh, 
 writes him of nothing but conspiracies, secret dis- 
 content, stifled complaints, as the vanguard of a 
 coming storm. 
 
322 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Czar Alexander says that his letters from 
 Paris predict unrest. jNI. von Vincent on his part 
 reports to his court that a change in ministry is 
 in prospect, and asks for verification of the report. 
 There is a feeling that a change in ministry were 
 the certain sign of an upheaval in internal and 
 foreign politics, and there is an inclination to con- 
 clude that France cannot be depended upon and 
 that it should not be included in any agreement. 
 
 I had received a letter from Italy in which I 
 was informed that jNIurat had an army of from 
 60,000 to 70,000 men, of which the greater part 
 was armed, thanks to the Austrians, who had sold 
 him 25,000 rifles. I wanted to have a discussion 
 with jMetternich on this subject, or at least prove 
 to him that I knew this fact. I therefore led the 
 conversation to the Neapolitan question. As we 
 were in his salon amid a large assembly I sug- 
 gested that I follow him to his office in order to 
 show him my letter. He replied that the mat- 
 ter was not urgent. I then asked him if, then, 
 he had come to a decision. He replied yes, 
 but that he did not wish to set everything afire 
 at once; and as he usually was apprehensive that 
 Murat would cause an uprising in Italy, I asked 
 him: 
 
 "If you fear him, why do you deliver weapons 
 to him? Why have you sold him 25,000 rifles?" 
 
 He denied the fact, as I expected him to do, 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 323 
 
 but I did not give him the satisfaction of letting 
 him think that his denials had convinced me. 
 After I left him he attended the masked ball, 
 for he passes three fourths of the day at balls 
 and festivities. 
 
 The French delegate, De la Tour du Pin, wrote his 
 ministry as follows on December 7 : 
 
 "The public generally is dissatisfied with the situa- 
 tion ; the Czar of Russia is principally blamed for this, 
 and he loses standing in public opinion daily. It is 
 not that he does not show himself unusually gracious 
 and accessible in society ; he seems to want to mingle 
 with it without being singled out. He will sit down to 
 dine at a table laid for twenty guests, at a little ball 
 of forty persons he dances with virtually all the women ; 
 but these manners do not obliterate in the eyes of in- 
 telligent Austrians the injustice that is bound up with 
 his ambition; and this injustice is increased because 
 he is pondering on means to injure his host even when 
 he is in his place. Another minister than Metternich 
 would profit immeasurably by this feeling, but what 
 can one expect of a man who, while placed in the most 
 serious situation in which a man can find himself, puts 
 in the greater part of his time with trivial affairs and 
 who does not shrink from inaugurating a rehearsal of 
 "The Pasha of Surene" at his quarters, a man who can 
 be said to have wasted a good number of days at the 
 opening of the Congress in the same useless manner? 
 Therefore you will no* be astonished further at the 
 meager progress that is being made here." 
 
SM A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Vienna, November 30, 1814. 
 The 25,000 guns that were sold to ]Murat have 
 been detained at Venice. ]Murat does not appear 
 to feel secure despite the protection of IMetter- 
 nich, as a short time ago he wrote a long letter to 
 the Archduchess ISIarie Louise [Napoleon's con- 
 sort and former empress of the French] in wliich, 
 among other things, he declares that if Austria 
 will help him, he will restore her to the rank from 
 which she should never liave descended. This 
 sort of dare-deviltry in a man of his nationality 
 and character can he described only as the result 
 of fear, which betrays itself. 
 
 Vienna, December 7, 1814. 
 I have the honor of forwarding to your ^lajes- 
 ty a letter from your consul in Livorno [Leg- 
 horn]. 
 
 The consul Mariotti wrote to Talleyrand, under 
 date of November 15, 1814, as follows: 
 
 Most gracious sir: 
 
 I believe it necessary for me to inform your 
 princely Highness that the number of travelers coming 
 from and going to Elba is most significant, and that 
 they have all made the same remarks to persons of my 
 acquaintance. They are all Italians, Piedmontese, or 
 Swiss. They all say that Bonaparte will not remain 
 exiled in Elba, that he will leave it, and that as soon 
 as he appears at the head of his guard in Italy more 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 325 
 
 than 50,000 men who are now ready will rise and 
 gather about his standard, and that thousands of 
 French soldiers will join them. Two of them, among 
 others, have been especially pointed out ; they are a 
 certain Eltovi and Louis Cevani of Milan. At a din- 
 ner held last evening in one of the suburbs of the city 
 they named more than 150 higher officers who are 
 scattered about the various cantons of the former king- 
 dom [Italy], and who are in communication with one 
 another. These two persons arrived the day before 
 yesterday from Porto Ferrajo. The former departed 
 this morning, as he announced, for Lucca; the latter 
 is said to be leaving soon for Parma. I directed the 
 attention of the governor of Livorno to them, but as 
 they are Italians and Austrian subjects, no one dared 
 to adopt decisive measures toward these disseminators 
 of secret correspondence and intrigue. The Austrian 
 consul in this port is an honorable man, but happens 
 to be seventy or more years old. He probably has no 
 instructions to keep watch over the subjects of his im- 
 perial master wlio come and go here, or else he has 
 not the necessary capacity or the necessary means. If 
 stringent measures are not adopted to stop this cor- 
 respondence and to seize it, the tranquillity of Italy will 
 not be of long duration. Recruiting has ceased in 
 Italy and Tuscany since the recruiting officers were 
 arrested and imprisoned. King Joachim [Murat] re- 
 ceived the officers of Bonaparte exceedingly well. He 
 inquired about the health and occupation of the Prince 
 of Elba and especially regarding the condition and 
 number of his troops. When Capt. Jaillade replied 
 
526 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 that there were only 1500 men on the ishmd, Joachim 
 answered, ''Well, that is the nucleus of 500,000." Even 
 if no soldiers are being recruited, officers are being 
 accepted and used in the guard, these men being satis- 
 fied with a very modest sum. Tlie Tunisians were re- 
 ceived very well in Porto Ferrajo, and one of these 
 Barbary ships is cruising untler the j)rotcction of this 
 asylum in local waters and is making the whole coast 
 tremble. The Government of Tuscany has ordered the 
 enrollment of a local national guard for protection 
 against these pirates." 
 
 Vienna, January 4, 1815. 
 
 The report of the signing of peace between 
 England and the United States of America was 
 given me in a note from Lord Castlereagh on 
 New Year's day. I hastened therefore to express 
 my felicitations, and I congratulated myself, as I 
 well knew what influence this event would have, 
 on the one liand, on tiie views of this minister, 
 and, on the other, upon the decisions of those 
 whose demands we have had to fight till now. 
 Lord Castlereagh showed me the treaty. It com- 
 promises the honor of neither the one nor the 
 other group, and therefore will satisfy both. 
 
 This happy news was only the precursor of a 
 much happier event. 
 
 To-day, Sire, the coalition was dissolved, and 
 it is dissolved forever. Not only is France no 
 longer isolated in Europe, but your Majesty al- 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 327 
 
 ready has a confederacy such as could hardly 
 have been expected as the outcome of half a cen- 
 tury of negotiations. You are in agreement 
 with two great powers, with three states of sec- 
 ondary rank, and soon will be with all those 
 states that do not adhere to revolutionary basic 
 principles and maxims. You will be, in fact, the 
 head and soul of this confederacy, which will de- 
 fend the basic principles which you were the first 
 to promulgate. 
 
 Next to God the causes which have brought 
 about this change were: 
 
 JNIy letters to jNIetternich and Castlereagh and 
 the impression that they created. 
 
 The hints regarding an alliance with France 
 which I gave I^ord Castlereagh in the interview 
 that I described to your Majesty in my last com- 
 munication. 
 
 My anxiety to appease his lack of confidence, 
 to accomplish which I showed the greatest dis- 
 interestedness on behalf of France. 
 
 The peace with America, which robbed him of 
 all anxiety from that quarter and gave him more 
 freedom to negotiate and more courage. 
 
 Finally the demands of Russia and Prussia, 
 which are contained in the Russian draft, a copy 
 of which I beg to inclose herewith, and especially 
 the tone in which these demands were presented 
 and supported in a conference between your 
 
328 A PEACE CONGRESS OF IxNTRIGUE 
 
 plenipotentiaries and those of Austria. The ar- 
 rogant tone in which tliis unseemly and muddled 
 document was couched wounded Lord Castle- 
 reagh so greatly that his usual composure de- 
 serted him, and he declared that the Russians 
 wished to dictate laws, but that England would 
 not put up with this from any one. 
 
 All these incidents had put him in a favorable 
 mood, which I made use of. He became so heated 
 that he himself suggested that he put his ideas 
 on the subject on paper. We signed the conven- 
 tion to-night. I hasten to send it to your Majes- 
 
 ty. 
 
 As General Dupont wrote me on November 
 9 that your INIajesty would have 180,000 men at 
 your disposal on January 1, and 180,000 addi- 
 tional on ^larch 1 without calling up a new draft, 
 I believed that an auxiliary force of 1.50,000 
 men could with certainty be promised, as Eng- 
 land bound itself to provide the same number of 
 troops. 
 
 The object of our agreement is to complete the 
 conditions of the Paris treaty in a manner that 
 is most compatible with its true spirit and with 
 the general interest of Europe. If however, war 
 actually broke out, it would be possible to give 
 it an aim which would virtually make its failure 
 impossible and give Europe immeasurable ad- 
 vantages. 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 329 
 
 In so honorable a war France would wholly 
 regain the respect and confidence of all peoples, 
 an acquisition worth more than that of one or 
 more provinces, the possession of which, happily 
 enough, it needs neither for its actual power nor 
 for its prosperity. 
 
 Vienna, January 6, 1815. 
 
 The Czar of Russia wishes to have your jNIajes- 
 ty believe that in consideration for yourself and 
 in order to do you a favor he has made the sug- 
 gestion that the King of Saxony be given several 
 hundred thousand souls on the left bank of the 
 Rhine as a substitute for his kingdom. General 
 Pozzo is said to have been charged with obtaining 
 the assent of your ^Majesty to this proposal. 
 
 But your Majesty knows that the Saxon ques- 
 tion is to be viewed not solely from the point of 
 view of legitimacy, but also from that of the 
 balance of power. The basis of legitimacy would 
 be affected by the forced transposition of tlie 
 King of Saxony to the left bank of the Rhine, 
 so that the King of Saxony would never give his 
 acquiescence thereto; and finally, apart from the 
 claim of legitimacy. Saxony cannot be given to 
 Prussia without greatly weakening the relative 
 power of Austria, and without totally destroying 
 the balance of power in th Germanic organiza- 
 tion. 
 
330 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Vienna, January 19, 1815. 
 
 The addition of Bavaria to the triple alliance 
 is in progress. Following Bavaria, Hanover and 
 Holland will join. The Grand Duke of Darm- 
 stadt is allying himself for the same purpose with 
 Bavaria, and promises 6000 men. 
 
 Austria, England, Bavaria, Holland, Han- 
 over, and virtually the whole of Germany agree 
 with us regarding the preservation of the King 
 and the Kingdom of Saxony. Saxony, therefore, 
 will continue to exist despite the fact that Prince 
 Hardenherg dared to demand the whole of Sax- 
 ony in a scheme for the rehuilding of the Prus- 
 sian monarchy that he recently placed hefore us. 
 
 In addition we find in an examination of the 
 Prussian plan that everything that Prussia pos- 
 sessed in 1805, and which is everything that it 
 has a right to demand, can he given to it, and that 
 still 1,500,000 inhabitants will remain in Saxony. 
 Prussia, however, contends, on the ground of the 
 enlargements which have come to Russia and 
 Austria, that it ought to have 600,000 more in- 
 habitants now than in the year 1805. 
 
 Vienna, January 25, 1815. 
 
 I attended a conference yesterday with Met- 
 
 ternich and Schwarzenberg for the purpose of 
 
 determining, according to the judgment of the 
 
 Austrian military, what points in Saxony could 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 331 
 
 be ceded to Prussia and what others could not 
 be given up without thereby endangering the se- 
 curity of Austria. 
 
 Vienna, February 8, 1815. 
 
 The Duke of Welhngton arrived here on the 
 evening of February 1. At ten o'clock on the 
 following morning the Czar of Russia visited him 
 and began with the question: 
 
 "Things are going badly in France, is it not 
 so?" 
 
 "Not at all," rephed the duke. "The king is 
 much beloved, greatly respected, and conducts 
 himself with accomplished wisdom." 
 
 The czar rejoined: 
 
 "You can tell me nothing more agi^eeable. 
 And the army?" 
 
 "For a foreign war, no matter against what 
 power, the army is as excellent as ever," answered 
 Wellington; "but in questions of internal politics 
 it may not be available." 
 
 As Prince Adam tells me, these answers per- 
 plexed the czar more than he allowed himself to 
 show. 
 
 Lord Castlereagh adheres unequivocally to the 
 view that Prussia must be strong, and above all 
 has the object of avoiding the war. Lord Well- 
 ington is himself of the view that England could 
 not wage war at the present time, and that 
 
332 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 France is the only nation in a position to do so. 
 Castlereagh insisted that we would have to con- 
 cede a bit more to the Prussians in order to satisfy 
 them. 
 
 In order to enlarge their share, therefore, the 
 share of Holland has been decreased by 100,000 
 souls, and that of Hanover by 50,000. The dis- 
 trict of Fulda is added to this. The Czar of Rus- 
 sia — he is entitled to this credit — desired to aug- 
 ment this adjustment and gave the city of Thorn 
 back to the Prussians, so that this matter may 
 now be regarded in general as disposed of even 
 if it has not been finally settled. Saxony will be 
 diminished in size by less than 1,, 500,000 souls. 
 
 Vienna, Fchruarij 1.5, 181.5. 
 
 At last the abolition of the negro slave-trade, 
 a cause for whicli the Knglish nation showed a 
 passion verging on madness, has been conceded 
 by the two only ])owers which had not yet re- 
 nounced it. 
 
 Lord Castlereagh is therefore well armed 
 against the attacks of the opposition ; he returns 
 home with achievements which he needs in order 
 to flatter public opinion. 
 
 The czar spoke most contemptuously regard- 
 ing INIurat. "He is canaillej' he said, "and has 
 betraved us. But," he added, "when I interfere 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 333 
 
 in any matter I like to be sure of the means for 
 carrying it to a successful conclusion. If ]Murat 
 offers opposition, we shall have to force him out. 
 I have talked about this with Wellington," he 
 went on. "He thinks that we shall need consid- 
 erable fighting forces and that we shall face great 
 difficulties if it becomes necessary to send these 
 forces by ship." I replied that I demanded no 
 forces, — for I well know that they would have 
 been refused me, — but only one line, a single line 
 in future treaties; France and Spain would take 
 over the rest. Thereupon the czar replied, "You 
 shall have my support." 
 
 In the entire course of this interview the czar 
 appeared cold, but in general I was more satisfied 
 than provoked with him. 
 
 Vienna, February 24, 1815. 
 The Swiss affairs will, according to all appear- 
 ances, be disposed of in a few days with the ex- 
 ception of one single point, that of tlie Veltlin. 
 It appears that it is intended to leave the Veltlin 
 question in doubt in consideration of the acquies- 
 cence of the Swiss cantons to the proposals that 
 will be made to them ; for it has been decided, first, 
 merely to propose the solution that has been 
 agreed on before taking steps to force it upon 
 them as law, if need be. 
 
334 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Vienna, Februanj 26, 1815. 
 I wish that the Austrian declaration might 
 have expressed itself more specifically against 
 Murat. But we were anxious not to give him an 
 excuse for making a desperate decision while the 
 Austrians in Italy w^re not yet mobilized. Or- 
 ders to send forces thither have been issued; 
 150,000 men are to stand in Italy and 50,000 
 as a reserve in Carinthia. This will be sufficient 
 to hold INIurat in check or to crush his under- 
 taking. 
 
 NOTE BY METTERNICH TO TALLEYRAND 
 
 ViKXNA, February 25, 1815. 
 
 The undersigned, prime minister and minister of for- 
 eign affairs for liis imperial and royal apostolic Maj- 
 esty, is called upon to convey the following official 
 communication to his Highness Prince Talleyrand: 
 
 In the course of the negotiations in Vienna between 
 the representatives of the powers who signed the Paris 
 Treaty the undersigned has not desisted from giving in 
 the name of the emperor, his gracious lord, proofs of 
 the desire of his imperial Majesty to assure Italy a 
 condition of stability and tranquillity by which Europe 
 and his empire naturally are affected. 
 
 The continued tension between the courts of France 
 and Naples has drawn the whole attention of the emper- 
 or the more because strong concentrations of troops are 
 taking place on the boundary of the Kingdom of Naples, 
 and assemblies are also taking place in southern France. 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 335 
 
 Although it is far from the desire of his imperial 
 Majesty to ascribe hostile intentions to the one or to 
 the other of these courts, which might endanger the 
 peace of Italy and therefore also an interested part of 
 the Austrian monarchy, the emperor and king, never- 
 theless, has felt the need of renewing the declaration 
 which the undersigned was in a position to present at 
 one of the first conferences: that his Majesty is firmly 
 determined never to permit the peace of his own prov- 
 inces or those ruled by princes of his house to be dis- 
 turbed by the entry of foreign troops into Italy; the 
 emperor will consider as directed against his interests, 
 and therefore against himself, any plan or order which 
 is contrary to this resolution. 
 
 In informing Prince Talleyrand that he is directing 
 an identical declaration on the same subject to the 
 court of Naples, the undersigned begs his Highness to 
 accept the expression of his high regard. 
 
 Note of Talleyrand to Metternich 
 
 Vienna, February 25, 1815. 
 
 The undersigned, ambassador of his Majesty, King 
 of France and Navarre, at the Congress and his minis- 
 ter and secretary of state in the department of foreign 
 affairs, has received the declaration with which his 
 Highness Prince Metternich has honored him this day. 
 
 Should conditions make necessary the march of 
 French troops for the defense of the principles affect- 
 ing Naples, which the embassy of his most Christian 
 Majesty has so steadily championed at the Vienna Con- 
 gress, these troops will not march through the Austrian 
 
336 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 provinces in Italy or through lands ruled by the 
 princes of the house of Austria. It can never be the 
 intention of his most Christian Majesty to attempt 
 anything that would disturb or endanger the peace of 
 these provinces — a peace which, on the contrary, his 
 Majesty is most unselfishly interested in strengthening 
 and preserving. 
 
 Vienna, March 3, 1815. 
 
 Austria and Bavaria are agreed except for one 
 point, namely Salzburg, all of whicb Austria 
 would like to have, and of which Bavaria wishes 
 to keep a part. I have advised each of the two 
 negotiators separately to come to an agreement 
 in order to give Russia and Prussia no excuse for 
 interfering in the discussion. 
 
 I have just received the description of the 
 troops now on the march to Italy. There are 120 
 battalions and S4< squadrons, all full strength, a 
 total of 129,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry. The 
 commanding generals of this army are Bianchi, 
 Radetzky, Frimont, and Hieronymus Colloredo. 
 Outside of these there is a reserve of more than 
 50,000 men in Carinthia, Styria, etc. 
 
 General Pozzo is merely waiting for the last 
 despatches of the emperor before leaving. 
 
 KING LOUIS XVIII TO TALLEYRAND 
 
 March 7, 1815. 
 I had decided to take up with you to-day a discussion 
 of the convention of April 11 of the previous year. 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 337 
 
 Bonaparte relieves me of this task. Before you receive 
 this despatch you will without doubt have received news 
 of his ill-starred undertaking. I immediately took the 
 steps which to me seemed best fitted to make him re- 
 gret this, and I count confidently upon their success. 
 This morning I received the ambassadors. I turned to 
 all of them and besought them to inform their courts 
 that they had not found me in any manner disturbed by 
 the news that had been received ; moreover, that I was 
 convinced that the peace of Europe would be disturbed 
 as little hereby as that of my soul. My gout has re- 
 cently progressed remarkably toward convalescence. 
 
 gjj^j,. Vienna, March 7, 1815. 
 
 I may assume that your Majesty already 
 knows, or will have learned before you receive 
 this letter, that Bonaparte has left the Island of 
 Elba. In any case I hasten to send this report 
 to your Majesty. I learned it first through a 
 note from JMetternich, to which I replied that I 
 saw from the dates how this escape of Bonaparte 
 was connected with the demand made by INIurat 
 on Austria, asking passage for his troops through 
 the Austrian provinces. The Duke of Welling- 
 ton also acquainted me with a despatch from 
 Lord Burghest, a translation of which I have the 
 honor of inclosing, together with an extract from 
 the letter of the vice-consul at Ancona [Du- 
 morey]. This extract was also given me by the 
 Duke of Wellington. 
 
338 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 On February 26, at nine o'clock in the evening, 
 Bonaparte embarked at Porto Ferrajo. lie had 
 taken with him about 1,200 men, 10 cannon, 
 among these 6 fiehl-gims, a number of liorses, 
 and provisions for five or six days. The P'nglish, 
 who took upon themselves the task of watcliing 
 his movements, have done this with a negligence 
 which it will be hard for them to justify. 
 
 In a session of the J'^nglish House of Commons, on 
 April 7, the English minister said: 
 
 "It is asked why NajK^leon was not better watched 
 on the Ishuid of Elba. The reason was that Napoleon 
 was not there as a })risoner. Tlie phice had Ix'en as- 
 signed to him as an inde})endent j)ossession. If he had 
 been placed under any kind of restriction on this island, 
 the agreement conchided with him would have been vio- 
 lated. As for the possibility of watching over the 
 island, I believe that the whole marine of England 
 would not be sufficient to hinder the escape of a man 
 from the Island of Elba. Besides, it is clear from the 
 treaty that it was not at all the intention of the allies to 
 regard Napoleon as a prisoner on the Island of Elba." 
 
 The fact that he has taken a northernly direc- 
 tion seems to indicate that he is going either to 
 Genoa or to southern France. 
 
 The King of Sardinia is momentarily in Genoa, 
 and must have his guard there. In the harbor 
 also lie three English frigates. If, therefore, 
 Bonaparte should attempt anything against 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 339 
 
 Genoa with his 1,200 men he would fail. It is to 
 be feared that he will go through the mountains 
 to Parma and Lombardy, and that his presence 
 there will be the signal for a rising that has been 
 long prepared for and which has been greatly 
 favored by the bad conduct of the Austrians and 
 the false politics of their cabinet. 
 
 The results of this event cannot well be pre- 
 dicted, but they may be happy ones, if we know 
 how to reap advantages from them. I will make 
 every effort, so that they will not go to sleep here, 
 and so that the Congress will adopt a resolution 
 placing Bonaparte wholly outside the rank which 
 was left to him through inexplicable weakness, 
 and so, finally, making it impossible for him to 
 call down new misfortune on Europe. 
 
 IMcttcrnich tells the following story of tlie receipt 
 of the news of Napoleon's flight from Elba : 
 
 "When the members reached mj quarters, tlie occur- 
 rence was still unknown to tliem. Talleyrand was the 
 first wlio entered; I gave him the report from Genoa 
 to read. He remained cold, and the following laconic 
 conversation took place between us: 
 
 "Talleyrand: 'Do you know where Napoleon is 
 going?' 
 
 "Myself: 'The reports contain nothing about that.' 
 "Talleyrand : 'He will land on the Italian coast and 
 throw himself into Switzerland.' 
 
 "Myself: 'He will proceed directly toward Paris.' " 
 
{340 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTKKiUE 
 
 Vienna, March 12, 1815. 
 
 In Pressburg we received the news that Bona- 
 parte had been (h'iven off witli cannon-shot be- 
 fore Antibcs, which he had called uj)()n to sur- 
 render, and that he then landed in the bay of San 
 Juan. These are the last reports we have con- 
 cerning him. 
 
 So long as we were still in uncertainty about 
 where Bonaparte was going and what lie would 
 attempt, no declaration could be issued against 
 him. As soon as we learned this we busied our- 
 selves to have one adopted. The wording was 
 drawn uj) by the Frencii embassy and reported 
 to the Duke of Wellington and Prince Mcttcr- 
 nich. It will be read to-niorrow at the meeting 
 of the eight powers that signed the Treaty of 
 Paris, and it is likely that it will undergo a num- 
 ber of changes. 
 
 I cannot doubt but that your Majesty has 
 given orders for troops to be sent to southern 
 France. If I may be permitted an ()j)iin'on con- 
 cerning the commander whom it would be best to 
 place over these troops, T would suggest Marslial 
 iVIacDonald. lie is a man of honor, who can be 
 depended upon; he possesses the confidence of 
 the army, and as he signed the agreement of 
 April 11, 1814, in the name of Bonaparte, his 
 example will make a gi'eater impression if he 
 marches against him. 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND [341 
 
 I have seen a list of the higher officers who have 
 been placed in command of the 30,000 men whom 
 your Majesty has ordered to be assembled be- 
 tween Lyons and Chambery. JNIany of the names 
 are unknown to me, but among them are a num- 
 ber in whom I can place no confidence; among 
 others, General ^loritz JMathieu, who was, I be- 
 lieve, the willing creature of Joseph Bonaparte. 
 
 The appearance of Bonaparte in France, an 
 incident that is otherwise so disagreeable, will at 
 least have the advantage of bringing things to a 
 speedy close here. Every one here feels his 
 energy and his capacity doubled. 
 
 Vienna, March 14-, 1815. 
 I inclose herewith one of the declarations that 
 was printed in Vienna and circulated throughout 
 Germany: 
 
 To THE Nations! 
 
 Bonaparte wishes to rule solely for the good of the 
 Jacobins. He is satisfied with the present boundaries 
 of France and wishes to Hve in peace with the rest of 
 Europe. As guarantees for this he offers: 1. — Shooting 
 down the Paris sections with grape-shot ; 2. — the poi- 
 soning of the hospitals in Egypt ; 3. — the murder of 
 Pichegru ; 4. — the shooting of the Duke d'Enghien ; 
 5. — the oaths of fealty sworn to the French republic; 
 6. — the repeated assaults on all the governments of 
 Europe ; 7. — the plundering of the churches in Russia 
 
342 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 and Spain ; 8. — his esca])c from Elba ; 9. — the organ- 
 ization of 3000 battalions of the national giiard as a 
 substitute for conscription; 10. — the violation of all 
 treaties signed by him, including that of Fontaincbleau ; 
 11. — the abolition of the indirect taxes in favor of 
 public drunkenness. In addition lie promises to issue 
 a decree against perjurv immediately after the Mav 
 assembly, if it turns out favorably for him, which will 
 be drawn up by Regnault (k- Saint Jean d'Angely and 
 countersigned by Ney. 
 
 The declaration is an answer to Napoleon's procla- 
 mation of Grenoble, in which he j^romised lilxral in- 
 ternal reforms for France and announced that he would 
 wage no wars of conquest. 
 
 Vienna, March 19, 181.5 (evening). 
 Sire: 
 
 I have the honor of sending your Majesty a 
 communication which I received this instant from 
 the Russian minister. It appears to leave noth- 
 ing to be desired on the point with which it is con- 
 cerned. The views expressed therein are very 
 good and in harmony with the policy which the 
 czar follows at this time. Everything that re- 
 lates to this shows the best sjMrit. 
 
 It is intended to raise three active and two 
 reserve armies. 
 
 The one, which is to operate from the sea to 
 the jNIain, will be composed of English, Dutch, 
 Hanoverian, and Prussian troops, and northern 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 343 
 
 contingents. Its commander-in-chief will be the 
 Duke of Wellington. 
 
 The line of operations of the second army, 
 which will be commanded by Prince Schwarzen- 
 berg, is to stretch from the JNIain to the INIediter- 
 ranean Sea. This army will be composed of 
 Austrians, Piedmontese, Swiss, and contingents 
 from South Germany. 
 
 Xo commander-in-chief has yet been deter- 
 mined on for the Italian Army. 
 
 Of the two reserve armies, one will be called 
 the Northern Reserve Army and commanded by 
 Field-Marshal Bliicher; Gen. Barclay de Tolly 
 will command the other, which is to be called the 
 Southern Reserve Army. 
 
 All these are but proposals, which, however, 
 it seems, find favor with England and Austria. 
 We are soon to receive information regarding 
 the strength of each of these armies. 
 
 Vienna, March 23, 1815. 
 The fighting forces which are being raised by 
 Austria, Russia, England, Prussia, Bavaria, 
 Holland, the German states, and Sardinia will 
 include, counting the garrisons, 700,000 men, 
 ready to move at the first command. The Prus- 
 sians already have 80,000 men on the Rhine ; the 
 English, Dutch, and Hanoverians virtually the 
 same number ; 250,000 Russians will arrive at the 
 
SU A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 end of April with .500 pieces of artillery. I be- 
 lieve that in place of tliree active armies there 
 will be four, one of them under the chief com- 
 mand of Field-Marshal Bliicher. 
 
 Vienna, March 26, 1815. 
 Sire: 
 
 Following a command of Czar Alexander that 
 I call on him, I went to the Burti^ [II()fi)urg] 
 this morning at eleven o'clock. During all the 
 time that I have been in \'icnna he has not been 
 so gracious toward me. It ^^as necessary, he 
 said to me, to avoid blaming any one for what has 
 occurred, and to face tlie i)resent situation 
 frankly and to profit by it, not in order to discover 
 the cause, but to find a solution for it. lie spoke 
 a great deal, as if he wished to uni)urden iiimself 
 of his attachment to your Majesty. If need be, 
 he will give his last man and his last dollar for 
 you. He spoke like a brave soldier who does not 
 fear to risk his health or his life in the game. 
 
 Vienna, March 29, 1815. 
 
 The treaty of cooperation was signed on the 
 evening of the 25th and officially reported to me 
 on the 27th. 
 
 After this important transaction had been dis- 
 posed of, the Duke of Wellington no longer 
 wished to delay his departure for his army, and 
 left Vienna this morning at six o'clock. 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 345 
 
 Vienna, Ajiril 5, 1815. 
 The event;? that have taken place in France 
 have not m any manner upset the embassy of 
 your Majesty at the Congresi; the circumstances 
 affecting the future of Europe will come up for 
 attention in the same manner as heretofore. 
 
 KING LOUIS XVIII TO TALLEYRAND 
 
 OsTEND, March 26, 1815. 
 As it is contended that France needs my head, I 
 have had to take measures for its security, which might 
 have been endangered if I had remained many hours 
 longer in Lille. Bonaparte, therefore, has the fighting 
 forces to himself. All the hearts belong to me; of that 
 I received incontrovertible proofs all along the route 
 that I traveled. 
 
 TALLF.YRAND TO KING LOUIS XVIII 
 
 Vienna, Ajxril 13, 1815. 
 
 All the news that I receive from France 
 proves to me that Bonaparte finds himself in the 
 greatest difficulty. I infer this also from the 
 messengers he has sent hither. 
 
 One of the latter, M. de INIontrond, has come 
 to Viemia with the help of the Abbe Altieri, at- 
 tache of the Austrian embassy in Paris. 
 
 Napoleon has made the following comment on this 
 mission in his memoirs: "The Montrond mission had 
 a number of objects: The winning of Talleyrand; the 
 
346 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 conveying of letters to the empress [Marie Louise] and 
 to bring back answers ; at the same time Talleyrand was 
 also to be furnished with an opportunity of writing 
 to France in order that we might grasp the threads 
 of the intrigue that he had spun there. All these ob- 
 jects were attained." 
 
 Draft of an announcement made by the French 
 delegates to the conference of the eight powers at 
 Vienna, April 1, 1815: 
 
 The powers flattered themselves that they had se- 
 cured for the world a lasting peace by the treaties of 
 April 11 and May 30, 1814. 
 
 France was the first to enjoy this; all of its interests 
 were placed in order; whereas those of the other powers 
 remained dependent upon the future decisions of a 
 Congress. It was not that its boundaries had lx?en de- 
 creased ; it had actually been enlarged. Liberal in- 
 stitutions had taken place of the horrible despotism. 
 Its colonies had been returned, and the seas had been 
 reopened. No obstacles stood any longer in the way 
 of the development of all the capacity for prosperity 
 which it possessed. It was no longer reproached for 
 the evil of which it has been the tool, and it was recon- 
 ciled fully with Europe; and while internally it enjoyed 
 the benefits of a paternal government under its legiti- 
 mate king, externally it drew new strength from the 
 confidence that it created. Invited to attend the Con- 
 gress, it there exercised the influence of one of the most 
 prominent members of the great European family. 
 
 The man who to-day loudly admits that he planned 
 
MASTER CRAFTSMAN EXPOSES HAND 347 
 
 the enslavement of Europe for fifteen years and who sac- 
 rificed the lives of 2,000,000 Frenchmen to accomplish 
 this ruthless object, wlio devastated everywhere with 
 fire and sword, and untiringly strove toward his goal 
 with force and deception ; the man who spurned the 
 united will of the people that had placed its happiness 
 in his hands, and wliose life had to be defended against 
 the justified anger of the people; this man, whose char- 
 acter and transactions are branded by the testimony 
 of the authorities that he himself appointed, through 
 the declarations of those whom he knew how to mislead ; 
 this man, who not only was removed from his power, 
 but who gave it up himself and then renounced it for 
 himself and his own, in solemn treaty with the powers, 
 — a treaty from which, therefore, onl}" the powers could 
 release him, — has again seized power in the hope of 
 once more satisfying (by his designs) on France and 
 Europe a lust for ruling which has never had its equal. 
 
 Europe cannot and shall not submit to this ; it does 
 not arm itself against France, but for France as much 
 as for its own safety. It knows no other enemies than 
 Napoleon Bonaparte and those who fight in his cause. 
 
 When the powers declared on April 1, 1814, that 
 they would not treat with him regarding peace, all the 
 people, and above all the French, applauded loudly. 
 
 At the first report of his appearance in Southern 
 France, in the month of March, they declared that they 
 would give him neither peace nor a truce. To-day, when 
 he has conquered the city of Paris and has again 
 seized power, they renew this declaration in a most 
 formal manner. 
 
348 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 The independence of the French nation will remain 
 untouched. 
 
 The treat}' of May 30 and the territorial and polit- 
 ical arrangements decided upon at the Congress will 
 remain the guiding line for the relations between France 
 and the other European countries. 
 
 If Europe is forced into this new and unexpecteo 
 war, it is its wish that neither Napoleon Bona})arte nor 
 his own people shall again gain advantage from his 
 guilty undertaking, that this obstacle to the peace 
 of the world shall be renewed, and tliat France in its 
 organization shall possess and give KurojX' a ])liHlge 
 of safety. When this goal has been reached, then, and 
 then only, will the powers lay down their arms. 
 
 Vienna, April 23, 1815. 
 Czar Alexander, who does not comprehend tlie 
 principle of legitimacy very well, had caused an 
 article wliich lies before me to ])e printed in tlie 
 "Frankfurter Zeitung" without waiting to find 
 out what the English cabinet thinks on the sub- 
 ject. In this it is set forth that the powers wish 
 only to cause the downfall of Napoleon. They 
 do not, in any way, make any pretense of mixing 
 in the constitutional matters of France, nor to 
 force a government on France; France has full 
 liberty to adopt a government which befits it. 
 
MASTER CRAFTSxMAN EXPOSES HAND 349 
 
 Vienna, May 5, 1815. 
 The English representatives to whom I turned 
 to overcome the need for money of your ]Majes- 
 ty's embassy, and who have shown themselves 
 most approachable in this matter, have received 
 a communication from their Government which 
 empowers them to advance to us within six 
 months only a sum of 100,000 francs. 
 
 Vienna, Maij 27, 1815. 
 Sire: 
 
 I am able to communicate to your JNIajesty 
 to-day all the anxieties that have possessed me for 
 eight days. The question had come up w^hether 
 we should postpone the signing of the acts of 
 the Congress to a later time in view of the fact 
 that circumstances demanded that a few points 
 remain undecided; a fairly strong intrigue was 
 active to this end. The object was to bring mat- 
 ters that had been decided again into question, 
 and to delay a decision on a number of points 
 which were still awaiting regulation. Nothing 
 was more important for your Majesty than to 
 place your name under an act which should an- 
 nounce the unanimity of all the powers. There- 
 fore I had to use all my strength in order to reach 
 this goal. I was excellently supported by the 
 English embassy and by Austria; the signing will 
 take place to-morrow or the da}^ after to-morrow. 
 
CHAPTER VIII . 
 
 POLAND AND SAXONY ONE HUN- 
 DRED YEARS AGO 
 
 FROM THE DIARY OF BARON VON STEIN 
 
 Baron von Steix probably has reported the negotia- 
 tions leading up to the partitioning of Poland and 
 Saxony better than any other statesman who took 
 part in the Congress of Vienna. Stein attended the 
 Congress in a peculiar capacity. He was one of the 
 foremost Germans of his time and had been Minister- 
 President of Prussia, yet he appeared at the Congress 
 as an adviser to Czar Alexander of Russia, a cham- 
 pion of the idea of a unified Germany, and a deter- 
 mined opponent of Napoleon and his system. It was 
 the irony of fate that as the servant of a despotic 
 ruler he should advocate a liberal government for the 
 heterogeneous mass of German states under the leader- 
 ship of the country that his own nation of Prussia 
 most despised and sought to displace — the Austria of 
 the Hapsburgs. 
 
 What Talleyrand has told with such brevity and 
 piquancy in his letters to his king Stein relates in 
 his diary in a detailed manner that records every step 
 of the long-drawn-out controversy over the two na- 
 
 350 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 351 
 
 tions that were regarded as lawful booty by right of 
 conquest. It is this detailed manner of writing which 
 discloses most clearly the methods of the old diplomacy ; 
 the stubborn determination to hold out; the marshal- 
 ing of forces to overawe an opponent ; discrediting the 
 representatives of the opposition; proposing alterna- 
 tives that do not solve the problems ; above all, bluffing 
 in the most accepted modern manner. The old diplo- 
 mats passed away, but their methods survived well 
 beyond the eighteenth century. 
 
 Baron von Stein appears to throw little blame for 
 the controversies on Talleyrand. This is another evi- 
 dence of Talleyrand's subtlety. All the odium falls on 
 Metternich, whose double-dealing is apparently proved 
 by the Russians to Mettemich's own sovereign. Em- 
 peror Francis of Austria. This is the Russian side 
 of the story of the deception practised by Metter- 
 nich, a defense of which was written by Archduke John 
 in his diary. 
 
 Stein is the tragic figure of the Congress of Vienna. 
 He lived one hundred years before his time. Had his 
 view prevailed, it is likely that Europe to-day would 
 not be mourning the results of a war imposed upon 
 the free nations by the Prussian monarch; for Stein 
 worked for a democratization of Prussia that has not 
 yet been achieved. He was the forerunner of Bis- 
 marck, but had a confidence in popular rule such as 
 Bismarck never acquired. He reached high office 
 largely against the inclinations of his king, who made 
 him minister-president of Prussia on October 4, 1807. 
 Five days later Stein published his famous ordinance 
 
352 A PEACE CONGRESS OF LNTRIGUE 
 
 of emancipation, by which serfdom, the caste system, 
 the restrictions on occupations and calHngs, and feudal 
 rights over person and property were wiped out in 
 Prussia. In 1808, by means of the municipal ordi- 
 nance, he gave free local government. Napoleon, who 
 is credited with.liaving directed the attention of the 
 King of Prussia to Stein with the remark that he 
 was a man worth using, discovered that Stein had 
 hopes for a (ierman uprising against him and forced 
 him into exile. Stein went first to Austria, and later 
 to Russia at the invitation of Czar Alexander, where 
 from 1812 to 1815 he advised the czar on German 
 affairs and helped conduct his anti-Napoleonic work. 
 The czar made Stein administrator of affairs tempo- 
 rarily in East Prussia when that land was occupied by 
 German troo])s, and here Stein is credited with devel- 
 oping the Landsturm and the Landwehr. 
 
 This diary discloses liow completely tlie Russian 
 diplomatic service was dominated by foreigners. This 
 was due to the fact that the Russian court was not 
 close to the Russian peo})le, and also to the change 
 from court to court frequently made by statesmen 
 in these turbulent times, a procedure which is not 
 possible now because of the intensification of the na- 
 tionalistic spirit in our own era. The diary also shows 
 how Stein often differed with the czar, and discloses 
 most completely tlie circumstances surrounding Alex- 
 ander's reconciliation with Metternich. The name of 
 one man in the czar's entourage is worth remembering 
 — Pozzo di Borgo. He played a minor part at Vienna, 
 but in 1839 he signed on behalf of Russia the treaty 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 353 
 
 guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium, which has 
 become historic as "the scrap of paper." 
 
 POLAND AND SAXONY ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO 
 
 Organization of the order of business at the 
 Congress. Proposition by Xesselrode on elimi- 
 nating the French from participation in the Ger- 
 man questions. Adoption of this view by the 
 allied ministers. Declaration by Gentz, drawn 
 up along the lines of the conference protocol of 
 the ministers and the incomprehensible amend- 
 ment of Humboldt. Appearance of Talleyrand 
 and Dalberg. Oral remarks by the French on 
 non-recognition of JNIurat, on participation in 
 the transactions of the Congress on a par with 
 the other allies, — which is being supported espe- 
 cially by Lord Castlereagh, — and regarding 
 Saxony. Contempt of the public toward Dal- 
 berg. According to the reports of Pozzo [Pozzo 
 di Borgo] the leanings of the King of France 
 are toward peace. His private letter. German 
 affairs. The mediatized princes. 
 
 The Austrians take more interest in German 
 affairs because Emperor Francis extolled the 
 proofs of the devotion of the Germans that he 
 received during his trip through southern Ger- 
 many, because they are apprehensive over dis- 
 
354 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 orders in Germany and their resulting influence 
 on Austria, and because the coinphiints about 
 sultanism are getting more intense and are being 
 spread in view of the more lenient censorship of 
 the press. The princes themselves are more 
 pliable. The Grand Duke of Baden excused 
 himself to me for his bad administration (July 
 13). Nassau is preparing a constitution. Rela- 
 tions with Wiirtemberg. I have communicated 
 to the Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg the draft 
 for the German constitution of Frankfort and 
 that of the territorial constitution. lie convinced 
 himself of its usefulness, called the minister, 
 Linden, informed him of his certain determina- 
 tion to adopt these fundamental laws, and com- 
 missioned him to announce this to his father, and 
 to add how determined he was to carry them out. 
 
 The king was influenced by this serious declara- 
 tion to discuss with Prince jMetternich the in- 
 tentions of the allied powers and to ask him 
 whether the forthcoming territorial constitution 
 had the backing of the confederation, and whether 
 the nobility should have the right of appeal to 
 the Bundestag. He affirmed this. His inter- 
 view with the chancellor, Hardenberg, was in the 
 same spirit, and thereupon he determined to ask 
 his ministry to prepare a constitution and to for- 
 ward it to him. 
 
 The continued movements in Saxony prompted 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 355 
 
 me to propose to Czar Alexander the urgent need 
 of turning the administration of Saxony over 
 to Prussia (September 29). He approved this, 
 and this declaration in the name of the czar was 
 made at a conference between Count Nesselrode, 
 the chancellor [Hardenberg], Herr von Hum- 
 boldt, and myself. We agreed, however, not to 
 begin the administration until this had first been 
 communicated to Austria. 
 
 September 28, 29. — The allied powers united 
 in a declaration according to which the discussion 
 of the more general European affairs should be 
 brought before a gathering of the powers that 
 took part in the Treaty of Paris [Russia, Aus- 
 tria, England, France, Spain, Prussia, Portugal, 
 and Sweden]. German affairs, however, are to 
 be placed before a special group of German 
 powers; namely, Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Han- 
 over, and Wiirtemberg. This decision was to 
 be made known in a declaration to all present at 
 the Congress. The project of this declaration 
 was communicated on October 2 to Talleyrand, 
 who repudiated it, and proposed that the partici- 
 pants in the Congress should meet and adopt the 
 resolution which outlined the organization of the 
 various working committees. 
 
 In an interview with Czar Alexander I ex- 
 pressed my view on the decision regarding Sax- 
 ony. The czar refused to enter into a discussion 
 
356 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 on this subject and declared that after the peace 
 of Paris the alHed powers had reserved for them- 
 selves the disposition of conquered countries. 
 Talleyrand replied that he tliought "qu'il n'lj 
 avail plus de puissances alliccs [''that there no 
 longer were any allied powers"]. 
 
 "Oui, toutes les fois (]u'il s'agira de soutenir le 
 traite de Paris," replied the czar ["Ves, always 
 when it is needed to sustain the Treaty of 
 Paris"]. The chancellor, Metternich, Xcssel- 
 rode, and Castlereagh saw the necessity for unit- 
 ing closely and firmly against Talleyrand's in- 
 terference. 
 
 Ilardenberg urged again that Austria consent 
 to relinquish Saxony (October 2). Metternich 
 promised this, but still brought forward the re- 
 fusal of Emperor Francis, which the latter re- 
 peated before a number of persons. According 
 to the reports of Ilerr von Alopeus in Berlin, 
 the King of Saxony is supposed to have paid an 
 imposing sum of money to Talleyrand. His 
 mendacity is known. 
 
 The czar declared that if the King of Saxony 
 did not voluntarily relinquish his rights, nothing 
 remained to be done but to treat him according 
 to the rule of the vanquished and to send him 
 to Riga. 
 
 In the conference between the ministers of 
 the allied powers it w^as decided to return Tallej^- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 357 
 
 rand's note to him at a meeting which he will at- 
 tend to-day, and to insist upon the acceptance of 
 the one placed before him by the allied powers. 
 
 Empress Elizabeth informed me in an inter- 
 view of her gratification at the adverse opinion 
 that I expressed in Bruchsal (in July) on the 
 Grand Duke of Baden, and her desire to advise 
 him on his future conduct. I repeated my 
 anxiety over his wilfulness and procrastination, 
 advised the appointment of a prime minister and 
 the formation of a state constitution, and pic- 
 tured for her the state of dissolution of Baden, 
 which was in strong contrast to the lawful and 
 orderly situation that she must recall from her 
 youth. The appearance of the King and Queen 
 of Bavaria interrupted this audience. 
 
 The agreement of the ministers in the confer- 
 ence between Talleyrand and the allied ministers 
 induced him to withdraw his proposal of Octo- 
 ber 5, but not the note which he presented, as the 
 ministers had requested. It was decided to re- 
 fute his claims in a note. Prince INIetternich spoke 
 with decided firmness, and Czar Alexander an- 
 nounced his approval to him in the presence of 
 Emperor Francis at a ball given that evening, 
 and assured the latter that he was faithful to the 
 
358 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 alliance and daily ready to combat any oppositioi 
 at the head of his army. 
 
 The un-Cxerman ^lontgelas suggested to the 
 Prussian minister in ^Munich that the princes in 
 Germany be left to stand alone, disunited, as in 
 Italy, and that if a constitution was adopted, it 
 should be entirely with a view of a confederation 
 against foreigners, not affecting the internal af- 
 fairs of the countries. At the same tinv he sup- 
 ported the efforts of the Saxons to get their king 
 back. 
 
 It seems that Talleyrand's conduct is more a 
 manifestation of his hankering for intrigue and 
 for confusing others, of his arrogance and of his 
 contempt for mankind, tlian the will of Louis 
 XVIII, wiio, according to the repeated reports 
 of Pozzo, wishes to preserve peace and unity. 
 Talleyrand's remarks are very presumptuous and 
 biting; until now, however, he has done nothing 
 but create the greatest suspicion and strengthen 
 the determination of the allies to hold together. 
 
 Czar Alexander attempted to put an end to 
 the Polish affair. He spoke on this subject to 
 General Knesebeck in a peculiar manner: ''Rus- 
 sia's power is full of apprehension for Europe; 
 yet the honor of the nation demands increased 
 territory as a reward for its sacrifices, its efforts, 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 359 
 
 and its victories. But this will harm no one, for 
 when Russian Poland is united and receives a con- 
 stitution and its own military, Russian troops 
 will be withdrawn, and Poland thereby will have 
 moderate independence from Russia." He spoke 
 this with feeling that did honor to his heart and 
 to his honorable views. 
 
 Talleyrand's conduct hastened an agreement 
 of the powers regarding Poland and Germany 
 and appears to be contrary to the wishes of his 
 king; it seems that he is led to it by his passion 
 for dominating, his inclination to confound oth- 
 ers. 
 
 October 7. — He [Talleyrand] presented a 
 project for a circular note in which he accepted 
 the one drafted by Castlereagh, with the amend- 
 ment that all those nations were to be recognized 
 by the Congress who had been in possession of 
 sovereignty and had not yet abdicated. 
 
 The question of the admission of Saxony will 
 be debated in the conference on the eighth, and 
 turned down. 
 
 October 9. — According to the remarks of the 
 Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg, it is the firm de- 
 termination of the King of Wiirtemberg to act 
 jointly with Bavaria against every attempt to 
 unite Germany, and to agree to an alliance for 
 war purposes only. Wrede is of the same opin- 
 
f3(jO A TKAC'E CONGRESS OF INTltlGUE 
 
 ion. The King of Wiirtcniberg has been dis- 
 couraged from turning to France by tlie dechira- 
 tion of Czar Alexander that he will not permit 
 France to mix in (German affairs contrary to the 
 Treaty of Paris, and through the protection 
 \\hich the Duke of Dalberg apj)ears to give the 
 mediatized })rinces. The crown prince believes 
 that unity and firmness on the part of the allied 
 powers will remove these obstacles, and I advised 
 him to speak witii the Czar of Russia on the need 
 of binding (iermany closely together, so that 
 southern Germany will not be able to })reak away 
 from the rest and throw itself wholly into the 
 arms of France. 
 
 October 12. — The ministers of the allied pow- 
 ers advise Count Miinster to declare Hanover a 
 kingdom, to ])rcvent new demands being made 
 on the ground of participation in the preliminary 
 German committee. He decided to do so, and is 
 sending a circular to the allied powers. A great 
 title for a small and poor country. The first 
 meeting of the (German committee will take place 
 on October 1 k 
 
 Pozzo arrived from Paris on the thirteenth, 
 and confirmed everything that he had previously 
 reported. Increasing stability in the Govern- 
 ment; the peaceful attitude of the king; the gen- 
 eral desire of the nation to enjoy peace; turbu- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 361 
 
 lence in the army ; efforts of the factions to keep 
 up the ferment. They hope for the disruption 
 of the Congress and new wars. The king com- 
 manded Vandamme [one of Napoleon's famous 
 generals] to leave the Tuileries, and as he took a 
 seat in the anteroom a huissner indicated that he 
 would have him taken out by two non-commis- 
 sioned officers; he then left. Davout has been 
 sent to the country ; the marshals demanded that 
 judgment be passed on him in the regular man- 
 ner. The king replied that he intended to act ac- 
 cording to the statutes, but recognized no corps of 
 marshals. The finances are in good condition; 
 the arrears in pay of the army is confirmed; the 
 minister of war paid in the months from June to 
 September inclusive 4-5,000,000 [francs?] to the 
 minister of war; the number of officers is 35,000, 
 the number of discharged officials is 14,000. 
 
 October 13. — Lord Castlereagh yesterday pre- 
 sented a memorandum on the Polish affairs to 
 the czar and had a lively interview; he stuck to 
 his opinion. The articles of the agreement of 
 June 27, 1813, seem to have confused him; he 
 was silent for a time and said: "Je remplirai ex- 
 act ement ce traite. Je donnerai a I'Autriche les 
 salines de Wieliczka" ["I will fulfil this treaty 
 scrupulously. I will give Austria the salt-mines 
 of Wieliczka"]. He adhered to his plan for a 
 
362 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 constitution. The czar did not give this memo- 
 randum to Nesselrode. Lord Castlereagh gave 
 him a second memoranthim in which he proposed 
 a compromise in order to give the Poles certain 
 constitutional advantages. 
 
 Octoher 1(3. — Many helieve that the czar wishes 
 only to give the impression of supporting the 
 Poles in their })r()p()sals hecause he made them 
 promises, and raised tlieir hopes; he expected, 
 however, severe and determined opposition from 
 his allies and meant to use this to excuse himself 
 to the Poles if he did not fulfil his promises, the 
 seriousness of which he recognized. This view 
 was expressed hy tlic Duke of Serra C'apriola up- 
 on his arrival from St. Petershurg; also by 
 Prince Peter Wolkonskij. The czar has given 
 Castlercagh's first memorandum to Prince Czar- 
 toryski for reply, and not to Nesselrode; he also 
 discussed the contents of my letter with him. 
 Czartoryski could not hide his ill will toward me 
 when he met me at a concert, and said to Anstet- 
 ten: "On attacpie rcmpereur de toute part; il 
 faut le fortifier et nous dcfcndre" [''The em- 
 peror is being attacked on all sides; it is neces- 
 sary to protect him and to defend ourselves"]. 
 
 October 17. — Metternich has at last agreed to 
 our taking possession of Saxony. Ilardenberg 
 refused my proposal to send Prince William to 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 363 
 
 Dresden at once and accepted the plan of sending 
 Minister Reck instead. The czar has not yet ac- 
 cepted the protocol of September. 
 
 October 18. — This acceptance came to-day, 
 shortly before the military festival. It was most 
 dazzling, the troops pleasing, the arrangements 
 for the whole excellent; the impression which the 
 whole scene made when viewed from the balcony 
 of the pavilion was imposing and beautiful. 
 The Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg, who observed 
 the czar, believed that the latter was annoyed by 
 all this; in the bearing of the troops, in the lively 
 participation of the spectators, in the abundance 
 shown everywhere, he found something contrary 
 to his idea of the weakness of xVustria, which dis- 
 turbed his high ideas of invincibility. 
 
 I found the czar on October 19 reflective and 
 uncommunicative. Since the fall of Paris, as a 
 matter of fact, his attitude has expressed less 
 friendliness, frankness, and sociability. 
 
 I asked him what he had commanded Prince 
 Repnin to do now, as the latter would soon 
 leave Saxony, and whether he would come here. 
 He said, "Yes," and spoke with satisfaction of 
 Repnin's administration of affairs. At my re- 
 mark that Repnin deserved to be given active 
 work, and that perhaps there was an opportunity 
 in Esthonia, as Prince August of Oldenburg in- 
 
;UJ4 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 tended to leave, he re])lic{l that it was his inten- 
 tion to use Prince lUpnin in tlie interior of lius- 
 sia, as he had fainiharized himself with business 
 methods and aiiangements whieli could to some 
 extent he aj)|)lic(l there. I besought him to sug- 
 gest to the king [Frederick William of Prussia] 
 that he send Prince William to Saxony at once as 
 governor, which he promised to do. After a 
 short pause he said: 
 
 "Vou liave written me about Poland; why have 
 you, who show such liberal ideas on every oc- 
 casion, proposed others so different in this case?" 
 
 "It seemed to nic. Sire, that it was necessary to 
 modify the principles to be api)lied in accordance 
 with the nature of the object to which they are 
 to be applied; and 1 fear that this Poland will 
 be for you nothing but a source of annoyance and 
 opposition. It lacks a third estate, which in all 
 civilized lands is the basis of culture, of manners, 
 and of the riches of a nation. Poland has only a 
 small, ignorant, and turbulent nobility and Jews: 
 and it is this lack of a third estate that handicaps 
 you in your plans of organization in Russia." 
 
 "That is true; but in the former Duchy of 
 Warsaw affairs prospered very well." 
 
 "Most imperfectly; for Napoleon oppressed 
 them and forced them to go in one direction 
 only." 
 
 "I shall tr}' to place them under discipline, and 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 365 
 
 in addition I have not yet decided upon the meth- 
 od of giving a constitution to these people, who 
 have worked so hard to preserve their national- 
 
 ity." 
 
 He then continued, and said that everything 
 was uniting against him. Even Talleyrand was 
 intriguing, but had failed of his object, having 
 stirred up all the allies, the Prussians about Sax- 
 ony, himself about Poland, and the Austrians 
 about Italy. This, however, had only aroused 
 general suspicion against him. I assured him 
 that certainly none of the allied ministers had 
 intrigued with Talleyrand; to which he agreed, 
 being doubtful only about jNIetternich, whom he 
 discussed with bitterness. Then he repeated his 
 determination to maintain peace and unity, and 
 dismissed me in the most friendly fashion. 
 
 The Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg discussed 
 German affairs with me. He declared that his 
 father had held a conference on this subject in 
 his presence and was not satisfied with the pro- 
 posals of Austria and Prussia; he expressed the 
 opinion that it [the German confederation] was 
 a shapeless mass, without cohesion, and that it 
 would j^lease nobody. He recommended more 
 emphasis^upon and faithfulness to the basic prin- 
 ciples. He was concerned only about JNIetternich, 
 because of his frivolity and his wrong view that 
 
366 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 he could win Bavaria by concessions and through 
 Bavaria could rule southern Germany. He re- 
 lated at the same time that the Poles had pro- 
 posed that he place himself at their head; he an- 
 swered them, ''Qu'il nctait point un avcnturicr 
 ilhistrc, que sa position ctait trcs agrcahlc, quil 
 aimait Vindcpcndancc ct nc voulmt point la per- 
 dre, pour dejjendre d'une femme, de ses voisins et 
 d'une nation turhulente'* ["That he was not in 
 any manner an ilhistrious adventurer, that his 
 position was most agreeable, that he loved inde- 
 pendence, and (lid not wish to lose it in order to 
 be dependent upon a woman, her neighbors, and 
 a turbulent nation"]. 
 
 The czar spoke some time ago about his Polish 
 plans with Count Capo d'lstria and told him that 
 he would give the country a constitution and or- 
 der the Russian xVrmy to retire, and thereby 
 would avoid stirring up the envy of his neighbors. 
 He asked Capo d'Istria for his opinion, since he 
 had opportunity to become acquainted with Po- 
 land while the companion of Admiral Tschit- 
 schagoff. Even at that time the czar had com- 
 manded the admiral [in September, October, and 
 November, 1812] to promise the Poles their 
 freedom and to call upon them to desert the 
 French; but he had hesitated about giving out 
 proclamations because he would cause ill feeling 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 367 
 
 among his countrymen, the Russians. Capo 
 d'Istria rephed that he considered Poland, which 
 lacked a middle class, as incapacitated for free- 
 dom, and that the czar would arouse fears of in- 
 ternal upheavals among all his neighbors if he 
 proclaimed it in Poland. 
 
 October 20. — Bavaria and Wiirtemberg gave 
 their views on the plan [for a German confedera- 
 tion] to the conference. They wished no house 
 of princes, no nobility, no internal guaranties by 
 the confederation, no enlargement of the powers 
 of the commander-in-chief during war. 
 
 October 21. — Count Mlinster presented a doc- 
 ument opposing the statement of Bavaria and 
 Wiirtemberg in the spirit of my writing of Octo- 
 ber 20. I advised Count Keller and Herr von 
 Marshall [representative of the Duke of Nassau 
 and the Prince of Nassau, who had been mem- 
 bers of the confederation of the Rhine] not to 
 allow themselves to be led astray, but to hold fast 
 to Austria, Prussia, and Hanover, from whom 
 alone they could expect protection and help. 
 
 October 23. — Prince Metternich declared him- 
 self in writing against the relinquishment of Sax- 
 ony to Prussia. He agreed under these condi- 
 tions : first, a more detailed determination of the 
 boundaries; secondly, that Mayence belong to 
 the south German defense system ; third, that the 
 
368 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Moselle be the boundary between the Prussian 
 possessions and those of the other (xernian 
 princes. iNlaycnce ])elongs to the defense system 
 of all Germany, not to a part of it; if Bavaria 
 wants a stratc^^ic military center, it should use 
 JMannheim or Phi]ij)psbur<^. It is above all not 
 in a position to defend the left bank of the Rhine 
 alone against France. Austria is seeking May- 
 ence so energetically ])ecause Bavaria makes its 
 acquisition a condition for giving up the Inn dis- 
 trict and Sal/i)urg. 
 
 A military committee for Cierman military af- 
 fairs has been formed, composed of the Crown 
 Prince of \Viirtemberg, Wrede, Radetzky, 
 Knesebeck, and a Hanoverian. The (juestion of 
 iMayence will be considered in this committee. 
 Wrede proposed to postpone it until the relation 
 of Germany to Switzerland and the Netherlands 
 had been decided upon. 
 
 The czar called Anstetten on the twentieth and 
 handed him a reply to the memorandum of Lord 
 Castlereagh, drawn up by Czartoryski, which 
 contained profuse marginalia, some of it in his 
 own hand, and commanded him to make a com- 
 plete document of it. He expressed his dis- 
 pleasure at the disinclination of Xesselrode to 
 treat the Polish plans according to his own view 
 and to support them; he told him [Anstetten] 
 that he did not intend to interfere in German af- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 369 
 
 fairs, and became angered when he declared how 
 he had agreed to the demands of others for terri- 
 tory, but how his own modest demands were op- 
 posed by every one. 
 
 Russia has produced 168,000,000 rubles [$84,- 
 000,000] worth of paper money, dated 1812, 
 1813, 1814, to meet the cost of the war. 
 
 October 24. — Interview of the Crown Prince 
 of Wiirtemberg with the chancellor and myself; 
 he declared he had succeeded in convincing the 
 king (of Wiirtemberg) that it was to his in- 
 terest to join Germany and to withdraw support 
 from Bavaria, which sooner or later would op- 
 press him. The king declared himself favorably 
 inclined toward this view, and on October 25 said 
 to his personal physician: "Dear Hardegg, it 
 seerns that we dare not object to anything. Soon 
 we will have to apologize for being Wlirtem- 
 bergers; but God will help me." Wrede de- 
 clared to Herr von Linden that it was necessary 
 to unite and act jointly. The natural ally for 
 both sides, however, was France; France would 
 soon rise again. 
 
 Czar Alexander had a violent interview with 
 Prince Metternich on Poland ; he accused him of 
 being solely opposed to all his plans and that he 
 was being criticized by the local public. Metter- 
 
370 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 nich replied that he did not know how to answer 
 the czar, for he combined the quahties of both 
 sovereign and minister. 
 
 Czar Alexander declared to many women of 
 local society without reservation his revulsion 
 toward Mcttcrnich and his ])lan to revive Poland. 
 To the old Princess ]\letternich he said, 'Jc mc- 
 prise tout hommc qui ne porte point Vumforme" 
 ["I look down on every man who does not wear 
 a uniform"], and to another woman he said, ''// 
 1X0 faut point que vous soi/cz lice avec u?i scribe'' 
 ["It is not at all necessary that you should be ac- 
 quainted with a writer"]. He influenced the 
 Duchess of Sagan to break her relations with 
 Prince ^letternich completely. 
 
 Gentz showed a memorandum to the crown 
 prince in which he set forth that Austria must 
 unite with southern Germany and France to 
 keep intact the balance of power against Russia, 
 as the latter would always involve Prussia and 
 northern Germany in its interests. From this 
 he deduced that Mayence would have to pass into 
 Bavarian hands. The crown prince contradicted 
 him. I informed him of the perniciousness of a 
 system which would destroy the unity of Ger- 
 many,- toward w^hich we were working. Place 
 the southern part of Germany under the influ- 
 ence of France and the northern part under the 
 influence of Russia, and continue an unholy divi- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 871 
 
 sion between Prussia and Austria. By means of 
 it France would have new opportunity for carry- 
 ing out its intentions against Belgium and the 
 left bank of the Rhine. 
 
 The King of Wiirtemberg is confirmed in his 
 apprehensions of Bavaria. He will not make 
 common cause with Bavaria, and therefore wants 
 Mayence. Bavaria therefore stands isolated if 
 Austria adheres firmly to Germany, and if it 
 will not agree to favorable conditions, it can be 
 left entirely outside the confederation. 
 
 The seizure of Saxony by Prussia is making a 
 great uproar in Vienna; it is loudly criticized, 
 and no one takes into consideration that it fol- 
 lows from the application of the right of con- 
 quest, based on the present European situation. 
 Saxony was conquered in a just war; its fate 
 could be determined, therefore, according to the 
 reasonable verdict of the conquerors. A factor 
 in this decision was the obligation that Prussia 
 agreed to with Russia, in the Treaty of Kalish, 
 to restore it to its condition in 1806. This could 
 not have been fulfilled other than by turning 
 Saxony over to Prussia, for Russia wished to 
 keep the largest part of the Prussian provinces. 
 The German princes had their possessions guar- 
 anteed to them by the individual treaties, — which 
 left the markgraves in the hands of Bavaria, — 
 
37^ A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 and the remainder could not well be drawn on 
 for the benefit of Prussia. Prussia had even been 
 moved by P'.ngland to give up part of its lands 
 for the benefit of Hanover. 
 
 October 29 to November 7. — Polish affairs. 
 During the stay of the monarchs in Ot'en (Buda- 
 j)est, Hungary) the C^zar of Russia tried to win 
 the Emperor of Austria over to liis j)lan. lie 
 told him of tlie dilliculties which ^letternich 
 made tor liim in the Pohsh aff'air and his wish to 
 ally himself with the emj)er()r in order to prevent 
 all possibility of a war. Km])eror Francis as- 
 sured him that the declarations of his ministers 
 wholly represented his own views; in case war 
 came, he preferred to have it now rather than 
 "d'etre reveille dans son premier sommeiV ["to 
 be awakened from his first sleep"]. 
 
 On the return tri[) the czar rode in the same 
 carriage with the king. The former tried to con- 
 vert the latter to his view in the Polish question; 
 the latter listened for a long time, and finally an- 
 swered nothing except that he hoped the czar 
 would change his views. 
 
 Castlereagh had accompanied his memoran- 
 dum with a note in which he pointed out to the 
 czar how his demands were contrary to the agree- 
 ments of June 27 to September 5. These de- 
 mands set forth that, after the restoration of the 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 373 
 
 kingdom [of Poland] the boundary-line be 
 drawn through Thorn, Kalish, Czenstochowa, 
 and Cracow, comprising the Duchy of Warsaw 
 and the old Russian Polish provinces. The czar 
 caused both memoranda to be answered by Czar- 
 toryski and Anstetten, but did not give Castle- 
 reagh his answer until after his return to Vienna. 
 In the meantime JNIetternich and Hardenberg 
 had agreed to turn over the mediation in this 
 matter to Lord Castlereagh and to give him an 
 idea of how he was to conduct himself at the 
 negotiations. It was decided to offer him (the 
 czar) either the restoration of Poland as it was 
 in 1791, or to insist upon a new and satisfactory 
 division in which Russia would take Thorn and 
 Cracow to the Xeva. 
 
 Upon the return of the monarchs from Ofen, 
 Metternich demanded that the Polish question 
 be discussed in a council, for the increasing dis- 
 satisfaction with his management of affairs bj^ 
 the public in the interior caused apprehension. 
 
 The emperor named Metternich, Schwarzen- 
 berg, and Stadion for this council, and accord- 
 ing to its decision Prussia was asked whether it 
 wished to make common cause with Austria, and 
 also was called upon to explain whether it agreed 
 to the constitution of 1772 or of 1791, and sug- 
 gested the Vistula as the boundary. Austria in- 
 
37^ A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 tended to give Prussia the left bank of the Vis- 
 tula as reparation, and thereby save Saxony. 
 
 The czar attempted to restore good relations 
 with JNIetternich through the Duchess of Sagan, 
 and became restive because of the united action 
 of Austria, Prussia, and Kngland. lie at- 
 tempted to deal with them singly; began with 
 Prussia, arranged a meeting with the king and 
 the chancellor, complained of the difficulties that 
 were placed in the way of his reasonable de- 
 mands and of the attempts to divide Russia and 
 Prussia. In secret he had ])r()pose(l to make con- 
 cessions in the case of Poland if the king would 
 permit the restoration of Saxony; he declared 
 that the boundaries which he demanded were not 
 dangerous, etc. 
 
 The king agreed with him for the most ])art, 
 and the chancellor objected in vain; he forbade 
 him to discuss the matter farther in common with 
 Austria and Kngland. The chancellor was 
 greatly wounded by this weak and incomprehen- 
 sible conduct of the king, and informed Lord 
 Castlereagh of what had taken place, and sought 
 to prevail on him to withhold his note, which was 
 in the form of a dry refutation, but which, how- 
 ever, he presented on November 6. The conduct 
 of the king [he set forth] aroused great dis- 
 pleasure. 
 
 It appears that England wishes to desert 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 375 
 
 Prussia only in the Saxon affair. Prussia is ac- 
 cused of deserting the cause of European inde- 
 pendence in order to receive Saxony. Austria, 
 France, and England would have to unite the 
 more closely as a counter weight to the pre- 
 ponderance of Russia, because Prussia at present 
 was wholly on that side. 
 
 The chancellor attempted to bring Metternich 
 and Castlereagh to more moderate views. He 
 asked me whether it was wise to advocate a war 
 now. I replied in the negative, as Russia had an 
 army of 250,000 Russians and 38,000 Poles, 
 ready to fight, standing between the Vistula and 
 the Warthe, whereas the Prussian and Austrian 
 armies were scattered in Germany, Italy, etc. 
 The Russian army in Holstein threatened north- 
 ern Germany. All states [I continued] were 
 exhausted; everywhere there was ill will; in- 
 creased bitterness in Germany and Italy. In 
 France the disaffected people would raise their 
 heads, in Italy they would get help from INIurat. 
 Peace was needed in order to calm everything 
 and to bring security. Russia in the meantime 
 would have its Polish affairs to look after; would 
 need to demobilize its armies, and would have 
 trouble to raise them again after several years, 
 because the means by which it now waged war 
 would no longer be at its disposal; namely, in- 
 creasing its supply of paper money, English 
 
376 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 credits, and requisitions. The country [I said] 
 was greatly affected, as it had raised 1,7(33,000 
 recruits since 1805. 
 
 The czar spoke to me on November 5. I gave 
 him my note of November 4 concerning German 
 affairs, the progress of the conferences, as well 
 as the draft of a confidential note to the Prussian 
 and Austrian ministers. He read it with atten- 
 tion, and suggested that it be presented by Nes- 
 selrode. With justice he found it too general 
 and too bitter, and on November G told Count 
 Nesselrode that he should abridge the note, make 
 it milder in tone, and present it. I therefore 
 changed it on November 7. 
 
 Nesselrode had consulted Metternich and 
 Gentz. The former assured him that the Ger- 
 man affairs were making good progress and that 
 he would therefore withhold the note. I urged 
 emphatically that he present it (November 9), 
 which he then did. 
 
 At the interview of November 5 the czar be- 
 gan to speak on his own initiative on the Polish 
 affair. He knew that I had spoken critically of 
 his conduct (on November 3) to the Duchess of 
 Oldenburg and said, ''Vans vous ctcs mism range 
 du cote de mes cnnemis; a quoi je ne m'attendais 
 jpas" ["You also have placed yourself in the 
 ranks of my enemies; I had not expected that"]. 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 377 
 
 I replied that his neighbors had reason to be ap- 
 prehensive on the subject of his royal title [as 
 King of Poland], his constitution, and the bound- 
 aries. He replied with a recital of what he had 
 done for Europe; how he had carried on a dan- 
 gerous war, risked his life, acquiesced in the en- 
 largement of Austria in Italy, had left Saxony 
 to Prussia, On such unselfish, trusting founda- 
 tions he had built up the strength of the alliance; 
 now, however, he felt himself the object of mis- 
 trust and of envy, and his most reasonable de- 
 mands were opposed. He said he needed Cracow 
 and Thorn in order to protect his Polish posses- 
 sions on the left bank of the Vistula. Every- 
 thing, he said, united against him. England, 
 which had nothing to do with the matter, ap- 
 peared on the scene; I should use my influence 
 [he said] to lead Hardenberg to deal alone with 
 Russia in this case and not to make common cause 
 with Austria against him. Austria had pro- 
 posed, he said, to concede everything in Polish 
 affairs if he kept Saxony from Prussia. It was 
 intended to form a coalition against him ; he had 
 already observed this in Paris and would have 
 to take corresponding measures. 
 
 Through this Polish matter the business of the 
 Congress has become disrupted and weakened, 
 and the seed of envy has been scattered among 
 the nations, visiting its damaging results on all 
 
378 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 affairs, bringing about coldness between Prussia 
 and Russia, which hinders determined action in 
 German affairs, and allows Bavaria and Wiir- 
 temberg to promote their selfish plans. The czar 
 appears in the liglit of having misused the confi- 
 dence which his allies gave him in order to post- 
 pone the settlement of the Polish question to a 
 time when he had prepared everything to his own 
 advantage and had taken a threatening and de- 
 termined position. He causes mistrust in Eu- 
 rope, leads the King of Prussia away from the 
 common interests of Europe, and injures his own 
 people by giving Poland rights in precedence 
 [of Russia], thus disrupting the unity of admin- 
 istration. 
 
 November 19. — The czar clings to his opinion; 
 he will not even listen to his sister, the Grand 
 Duchess Catharine, and tells lier ''que son hon- 
 neur y ctait engage" [''that his honor is at stake 
 here"]. He allowed Grand Duke Constantine 
 to leave for Warsaw (November 9) with the ob- 
 ject of increasing the Polish army to 70,000 men. 
 
 The marriage of the Crown Prince of Wiir- 
 temberg and Grand Duchess Catharine has been 
 decided on; the consent of the empress dowager 
 was received through the agency of the czar. 
 She has sacrificed her alliance with Grand Duke 
 Karl [of Austria] and her establishment in Rus- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 379 
 
 sia for the crown prince, who won her favor dur- 
 ing a stay in London. The czar had much confi- 
 dence in her and love for her; it had diminished, 
 however, because of an incident in Russia in 
 1812. When the French advanced, a passionate 
 bitterness against the czar became manifest; the 
 people attributed the misfortune of the country 
 to him and to the nobility in the governments of 
 Jaroslav, Twer, etc., and demanded of the grand 
 duchess, who was then in Jaroslav, that she place 
 herself at their head and seize the government. 
 
 The departure of the King [of Prussia] from 
 the plan agreed on strengthened the czar in his 
 decision, embittered England and Austria and 
 led to new indecision in the case of Saxony. Har- 
 denberg attempted to convince Castlereagh in a 
 memorandum that it was not advisable to begin 
 war at this time. Castlereagh expressed the 
 opinion that Prussia should attempt to mediate 
 with Russia, as the czar was too embittered to- 
 ward him. Miinster also supported this view se- 
 cretly. Stewart and Pozzo, however, spoke of 
 dividing Europe; on the one hand Russia and 
 Prussia, on the other the remainder of Europe. 
 A similar view was expressed by Metternich to 
 the Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg on November 
 11; he told him that Austria would risk a great 
 deal in the game. The latter replied that a 
 
380 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 statesman should avoid such risks. Schwarzen- 
 berg is against the war and against giving up 
 JNIayence to Bavaria. 
 
 November 14. — Prince Metternich asked 
 Chancellor Hardenberg in an official note to ob- 
 tain a definite declaration from Russia about the 
 boundaries which it insisted upon, and the guar- 
 anty it would give for keeping peace in the 
 Polish Austrian provinces and in the rest of 
 Europe, if Russia gave a constitution in its part 
 [of Poland]. The document at the same time 
 contains the accusation that Prussia does not 
 favor united action. The chancellor means to 
 have an interview with the czar on this subject. 
 
 Prince Wrede tried to influence the chancellor 
 to be satisfied with a part of Saxony, but lie re- 
 fused to enter into a discussion. Count Mlinster 
 also recommended and supported this idea, but 
 as a means of settlement and not to hinder Prus- 
 sia's plans of annexation (November 17). 
 
 An article in tlie "Mercury" on October 31 on 
 the situation at the Congress caused an unfavora- 
 ble impression. Prince Wrede and the Wiirtem- 
 berg delegate criticized it loudly. 
 
 The Crown Prince [of Wiirtemberg] had an 
 interview with the czar on November 16, and the 
 latter discussed the note on Germany's affairs 
 and promised him that he would carry out its 
 requests and also would not give his consent to 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 381 
 
 the cession of Mayence to Bavaria. The crown 
 prince led the conversation to the situation in 
 general, expressed his anxiety at the tension be- 
 tween the allies, at the danger that grew out of 
 this for Germany, and at the complications for 
 Russia if it became embroiled with all the Euro- 
 pean powers. England, he declared, would be 
 especially dangerous for Russia. 
 
 The czar justified his conduct by speaking of 
 the right he had to the gratitude of Europe, of 
 the alacrity with which he supported the welfare 
 of his allies, of the need of providing safety for 
 his empire by preparing a secure boundary, of 
 the impossibility of repudiating the promises 
 which he had given his subjects in St. Petersburg. 
 He said he knew that Metternich was trying to 
 stir every one up against him and to separate 
 him from Prussia; he had means of conciliating 
 England, such as offers of special trade privi- 
 leges, etc. When he left the czar he was con- 
 vinced that the latter would hold fast to his 
 resolution. 
 
 The czar was principally concerned about 
 making sure of Prussia; he continued his efforts 
 to feed the mistrust between Prussia and Aus- 
 tria. He told the King of Prussia that Talley- 
 rand had informed him in an interview on No- 
 vember 15 that Prince Metternich had said Aus- 
 tria would make concessions in the Polish matter 
 
382 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 if Russia would separate from Prussia. lie even 
 authorized the king to puhHsh this fact. ^let- 
 ternich denied it, and this resulted in personal 
 reproaches. Talleyrand's interview was pe- 
 culiar. 
 
 November 18 to 23. — The czar withdrew his 
 confidence from Nesselrode because of his rela- 
 tions with Metternich and (icntz; he i)ut the 
 management of the Polish affair entirely into 
 the hands of Czartoryski, who called on Capo 
 d'Istria for aid, as Anstetten had departed. 
 Capo d'Istria is a man who possesses shrewdness, 
 refinement, moderation, and poise. His mind is 
 cultivated, his character charming, his manner 
 pleasing. 
 
 In the interview which he had with the czar 
 he drew attention to the fact that Poland lacked 
 all the elements necessary for a constitution, that 
 his attitude tow^ard his allies was too changeable, 
 that he kept distant from him those who had 
 served him faithfully, and thereby distressed and 
 even embittered them. The czar referred to the 
 reply to Castlereagh, which was written in a 
 more moderate tone. 
 
 Czartoryski then had several interviews with 
 Chancellor Hardenberg and later also with me. 
 He requested me to approach the czar; he said 
 that the czar was sensitive to my behavior and to 
 the fact that I kept aloof. I replied: the czar 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 
 
 383 
 
 was to some extent occupied and partly wander- 
 ing, and without having definite business with 
 him I could not take his time. Nevertheless, I 
 reported to him on the twentieth, and he asked 
 me to visit him that evening. 
 
 He had been ailing since the sixteenth with 
 an affection of the foot, and had sustained sev- 
 eral attacks of fever, and I found him lying on 
 a sofa, suffering slightly and rather tired. He 
 received me in the most friendly manner, and 
 began to talk about the situation in general. He 
 said that Metternich was trying to confuse 
 everything, but that this also appeared to be 
 the object of the English. Emperor Francis ex- 
 hibited a friendly attitude, and confided in him. 
 I remarked that I did not think the English de- 
 sired war, since the burdens on the people were 
 great and demanded alleviation; the points still 
 in dispute seemed to me due more to selfish in- 
 terests than germane to Russia or to Austria. 
 Cracow, I continued, was important for Russia, 
 but not to the extent that it justified a war in 
 present circumstances. I felt that Russia could 
 do without it, and Prussia probably would come 
 to an understanding regarding Thorn. 
 
 He replied, that to evacuate Cracow would be 
 ignoble for him, since he had occupied it. I an- 
 swered that such an evacuation might be re- 
 garded as a proof of his high-mindedness and not 
 
384 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 as an indication of weakness, inasmuch as it would 
 be a sacrifice to give the peoples the peace that 
 they so greatly needed while he stood at the head 
 of 400,000 men; the present situation of arma- 
 ment and negotiation could not continue long. 
 
 He contra(Hctc(l me and said that it was cus- 
 tomary for the Russian army to be concentrated; 
 because of the wide extent of the empire it could 
 not well be divided and placed apart in regi- 
 mental cantons. Therefore, in order to concil- 
 iate the foreign powers, he had offered to give 
 Poland a constitution and to withdraw the Rus- 
 sian army to Russia. All this, liowever, was 
 Greek to the Austrians; they could not compre- 
 hend it. He wished peace, and hoped to achieve 
 it, and he hoped then to live solely to support 
 and disseminate liberal ideas, which alone made 
 life worth living. 
 
 The czar expressed his satisfaction with the 
 friendly attitude of Kmperor Francis. I recom- 
 mended that he give attention to Germany. He 
 promised to do all he could to bring about an 
 orderly situation. When I directed his attention 
 to the procrastination and ill will of his brother- 
 in-law, the Grand Duke of Baden, he commanded 
 me to suggest how he could be brought to terms. 
 He said that he wished Hardenberg uould com- 
 plete his task and thereby bring matters to an 
 end, and agreed when I told him that it was 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 385 
 
 necessary to settle the questions of the three con- 
 troversial points, Poland, Saxony, and Mayence, 
 at one time and in one meeting, in order to 
 shorten everything and not give opportunity for 
 new complications. He spoke on this occasion 
 about Saxony; regarded the division of that! 
 country as entirely out of place for Saxony, for 
 Prussia, and for Austria, because a minor prince 
 would not protect the boundaries. 
 
 Capo d'Istria and Czartoryski visited me sep- 
 arately on the following day (November 21). 
 The discussion was about Poland, Saxony, and 
 Mayence. 
 
 The czar called me on November 25. He was 
 gentle and calm, expressed his readiness for a 
 conciliation, and his regret that Austria should 
 continue to make new demands and pretensions. 
 I spoke and pleaded with emphasis for peace; 
 I pointed out that it was necessary not only for 
 the restoration of general prosperity, but also 
 for the restoration of general morality, which had 
 suffered most severely in the prolonged oppres- 
 sion and state of war. He replied how ready he 
 was to contribute to the general peace, and above 
 all that he was firmly determined to support and 
 to advance every effective and salutary plan. 
 
 I presented a document concerning the Grand 
 Duchy of Baden and requested him to consider 
 
386 A PEACE COxXGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 its contents. He promised this, and said that 
 he would let the chancellor know his decision on 
 the following day through Czartoryski. 
 
 There was a meeting on November 27, at which 
 Prince Ilardcnberg was given the statement of 
 the czar. He was dissatisfied because Cracow 
 had not been turned over to the xVustrians, com- 
 plained of unfairness, and reserved the right to 
 inform Metternich of everything. This was done 
 on the twenty-eighth in a verbal note which was 
 drawn up in the s])irit of the draft for the proto- 
 col, and in which he insisted on the indivisibility 
 of Saxony, and offered Austria the cession of 
 130,000 souls at Leibschiitz and Ratibor in up- 
 per Silesia. 
 
 In a casual conversation between Czartoryski, 
 Count Minister, and myself at my home the lat- 
 ter was most deterniii ud in his view that a part 
 of Saxony would have to be returned. The in- 
 disposition of Prince ^letternich and the con- 
 sultation with Emperor Francis delayed the 
 reply. 
 
 Meanwhile Stewart declared that the Polish 
 question would now calm down, but that more 
 emphasis would be placed on the Saxon question. 
 An attempt was made to negotiate in England 
 itself. Instructions based on the contents of my 
 memorandum of December 3 were sent to 
 England, regarding which I found it neces- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 387 
 
 sary to write Count Capo d'Istria on December 7. 
 In the meantime many things happened in the 
 German affair, especially in the case of Mayence 
 and the interior of Baden. I had given the czar 
 a note on the twenty-ninth on the Baden situa- 
 tion, pointing to the negligence, indecision, wil- 
 fulness, and mistrust of the grand duke. At the 
 same time I had made suggestions for the form- 
 ing of the chamber of deputies and the appoint- 
 ment of a cabinet minister with most extensive 
 powers. He promised to help. The empress 
 called me on November 31 and in the presence 
 of her brother [the grand duke] spoke to me 
 about the condition of the country [Baden]. I 
 gave my views on his method of governing 
 freely and without reserve and insisted on the 
 need of the chamber. He finally decided to send 
 the document to Prince INIetternich and Harden- 
 berg. The empress gave her suggestions re- 
 garding the organization of a ministry, recom- 
 mended its adoption, and delegated the Duke of 
 Coburg to discuss the matter with him. Al- 
 though this document had finally been released, 
 he could not make up his mind to call the com- 
 mission which would make a draft of a repre- 
 sentative constitution. It had not yet been is- 
 sued on December 24, for the procrastinating, 
 mistrustful, undecided man could not bring him- 
 self to send a courier. With justice Napoleon 
 
388 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 said of him, ''Ce prince est indccrotahlc'' ["This 
 prince is incorrigible"]. 
 
 31 can while the Austrians observed a deep si- 
 lence, but began to negotiate secretly. JNIetter- 
 nich told Czartoryski in an interview that on the 
 w^hole satisfaction prevailed over the declaration 
 of Russia regarding Poland; it was necessary, 
 however, to insist that the King of Saxony 
 should retain a part of his country. This would 
 remove the antagonism of France and satisfy 
 ])ublic opinion, which had become loud against 
 the removal of the King of Saxony, and also was 
 apprehensive regarding the proximity of Prussia 
 at this point. 
 
 Emperor Francis spoke with the Grand Duch- 
 ess Catharine (December 0) regarding his wish 
 to keep peace, saying that his conscience de- 
 manded that he save a part of the country [Sax- 
 ony] for the King of Saxony; the eyes of all 
 Europe were directed on this. lie would like 
 to live in good relations with Prussia, but it was 
 getting dangerous for him. ^Moreover, he was 
 ready to declare Mayence a fortified place be- 
 longing to the confederacy. Prince Hardenberg 
 himself was inclined to give the king something 
 in Saxony. Prince Repnin had informed him 
 that all the Saxons wished their king back. 
 
 Both statements were false. Prince Repnin 
 had remarked that after the Battle of Leipsic 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 389 
 
 every one had turned against the king, who was 
 looked upon as the instigator of the general mis- 
 fortune. Later these views had become modi- 
 fied ; the supporters of the Duke of Weimar had 
 joined those who favored the king when they saw 
 that their expectations were not fulfilled. The 
 dissatisfaction after the Treaty of Paris had 
 helped the unrest, and the royal partizans had 
 become more active. Opinions were divided now; 
 tradesmen and craftsmen favored Prussia, the 
 nobility of the land and the peasantry were on 
 the whole calm, while the Dresden officials fa- 
 vored the king. 
 
 The object of Emperor Francis in wishing to 
 restore the King of Saxony to land of his own 
 was disclosed most clearly during his interview 
 with the Duke of Weimar. The latter declared 
 that he considered the division of Saxony as full 
 of consequences from an administrative point of 
 view and because the mental perturbation would 
 continue. "That is well," he replied; "both parts 
 will therefore reunite so much sooner." He 
 wishes, therefore, to keep up discord and distur- 
 bance in the country of his ally in order to de- 
 prive him of what he acquired with so much 
 shedding of blood. 
 
 The envy of Hanover toward Prussia was also 
 disclosed in this Saxon affair. Count Miinster 
 long hated and envied Prussia, partly for per- 
 
390 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 sonal reasons and partly because of the hostile 
 conduct of Prussia toward Hanover in the year 
 180G. He therefore proposed to the British and 
 Russian cabinets in the winter of 1812, in a de- 
 tailed communication, that Russia be enlarged 
 to the Vistuhi, — that is, by East Prussia, — that 
 Prussia be confined between the Vistula and the 
 Elbe, and that the house of Hanover be given the 
 territory between the Elbe and the Scheldt under 
 the name of the Kingdom of Austrasia; that is 
 to say, the heritage of Prussia, Saxony, Hesse, 
 Orange, Brunswick, and Nassau, and to disown 
 these princely houses by right of conquest. This 
 project was to be carried out by a Swedish-Eng- 
 lish-IIanoverian army under the Crown Prince 
 of Sweden, and one of the English princes was 
 to be placed on the throne. 
 
 This bubble burst of its own weight because 
 of the events of 13ecember, 1812, the convention 
 of York, the entry of Prussia, etc. During the 
 war Count Miinster recognized the indispensa- 
 bility of Prussia, adopted favorable views, and 
 won the confidence of the chancellor. In this 
 Saxon affair, however, he showed the greatest ac- 
 tivity. He fortified the English and the Aus- 
 trians in their desire for a division of Saxony; 
 he remarked to Colonel ]Miltiz, when the latter 
 depicted to him the tragic consequences of a divi- 
 sion of the countrv, that this would be immate- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 391 
 
 rial ; that if Prussia did not recede from its posi- 
 tion a protest would be made against annexation, 
 a favorable opportunity would be awaited, and 
 war would be begun, which would result in the 
 downfall of Prussia. 
 
 On December 8, Miltiz visited Count Schulen- 
 burg at Klosterrode and spoke with him regard- 
 ing the consequences of a partition of Saxony 
 and the dishonor if the king should be given only 
 a small part of his country. He [the count] then 
 remarked that it would be possible to speak of 
 ceding to Prussia only a small part, in any case, 
 lower Lusatia and the district of Zorbig; he 
 would never advise the king to do anything else, 
 as it would be an unworthy and dishonorable 
 transaction. The influences that forced Prussia 
 to give up a small part would also force it to be 
 satisfied with a small part; else war would be 
 begun with Prussia after an interval of time, 
 with the result that Prussia would be destroyed. 
 Hanover, however, would gain influence and rec- 
 ognition by means of its rectitude and its admin- 
 istrative wisdom, whereby it would become the 
 rallying-point for northern Germany. Count 
 Schulenburg therefore wishes to overthrow a 
 state which already exists, which has won a mili- 
 tary and political reputation, and possesses a 
 mass of information and the machinery of gov- 
 ernment, and to substitute for it another which 
 
392 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 is known only for its baseness and promises us a 
 generation of obscure princes as regents. Wbat 
 deception! From this and a similar statement 
 that Count Schulenburg made to me it devel- 
 oped that the king will refuse a small allotment. 
 
 The Austrian declaration finally appeared on 
 December 10 and was presented on the eleventh. 
 It wished to compensate Prussia in western Ger- 
 many and to give it only 400,000 souls in Sax- 
 ony, lower Lusatia, and Thuringia; with regard 
 to Poland it demanded Cracow. Metternich 
 therefore assumed a basis for negotiation en- 
 tirely opposite to that of October 22. He cloaked 
 it in a mass of phrases of gratitude for Prussia's 
 efforts, the necessity of agreement between Prus- 
 sia and Austria, etc., so that the complete con- 
 trast between these assurances of friendship and 
 the abortive proposition gave a feeling of mysti- 
 fication. Prince Ilardenberg showed Prince 
 Czartoryski and me the correspondence since 
 October 4, and turned it over to Czar Alexan- 
 der, ^lost peculiar among this correspondence 
 was a billet of November 7, in which the most 
 definite assurance was given of the consent of 
 the czar to the delivery of Saxony [to Prussia]. 
 
 Czar Alexander wrote the chancellor through 
 Prince Czartoryski that it was for him to decide 
 the interests of Prussia; he would then support 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 
 
 him with all his strength and all his troops. He 
 presented this to me on the evening of December 
 12. He said that he had put the documents be- 
 fore Emperor Francis, who reproached Prince 
 ]\Ietternich most bitterly. From this correspond- 
 ence it could be seen that the object of Metter- 
 nich was to separate Russia and Prussia. If it 
 was necessary to accelerate this matter and to 
 deliver an ultimatum, he would support it with 
 all his power; it was necessary to settle this af- 
 fair among the three nations first' without the 
 interference of France and England, then the 
 German affair, and then the English. 
 
 I replied with comment on the pernicious and 
 objectionable character of the Austrian proposals 
 and on the need of showing the determination 
 and readiness to adopt extreme measures, and 
 recommended that preparations be made by plan- 
 ning for departure and moving troops; also on 
 the necessity of taking the whole matter out of 
 the hands of Nesselrode, who was blindly sub- 
 servient to Metternich, and entrusting it to Czar- 
 toryski or Rasumowskij, adding Capo d'Istria 
 to them, as the situation was a matter of indiffer- 
 ence to him. He asked about Gentz. I told him 
 that he was a man with a dried-up brain and a foul 
 heart ; and then asked about Stahrenberg, whom 
 I knew only superficially. I closed with the pro- 
 
394 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 posal that he hohl a conference \vith Ilardenberg 
 to-day, the thirteenth. 
 
 Prince ^letternich was put at a disadvantage 
 by the course of events. That same evening he 
 sent Wessenberg to the chancellor to discuss with 
 the councilor of state, Hoffmann, the statistical 
 table that had accompanied his communication 
 of December 10. lie pointed out that he had 
 erroneously deducted 1,2()(),()()0 souls from Prus- 
 sia's share. In addition, he himself came early 
 on the thirteenth to the chancellor to prove to 
 him that his connnunication was not oflicial, but 
 confidential, and that (kinands for more Saxon 
 and Polish territory might well have been made. 
 
 Czartoryski, Ca})o dTstria, Humboldt, and I 
 were present at this conference. The former 
 declared the czar would cede the district of Tar- 
 nopol with 400,000 souls to .Austria, but insisted 
 on the previous conditions affecting Cracow and 
 Thorn. It was therefore decided that Prussia 
 and Russia should make a declaration to Aus- 
 tria, and that Prussia should call on England to 
 help it get the possessions agreed on by treaty. 
 It was decided to meet again on December 14. 
 
 Prince Ilardenberg gave the czar all the cor- 
 respondence that had been carried on with Met- 
 ternich as well as the Austrian note of December 
 10. The most peculiar document was the Aus- 
 trian note of October 22, a communication by 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 395 
 
 Metternich to Castlereagh and a billet of the 
 same, dated November 7, in which he denied hav- 
 ing suggested to the czar that he would give waj^ 
 in the Polish contention if the czar would with- 
 draw his support [of Prussia] in the Saxon af- 
 fair. JNIetternich visited the czar on December 
 14 in order to justify himself, and presented him 
 with a memorandum from the chancellor of No- 
 vember — , in which the latter explicitly pointed 
 out the need of avoiding hostile measures against 
 Russia at this time, and presented the reasons 
 why it was wiser to make concessions now and 
 make preparations for the future, so as to be in 
 a position to oppose the action of Russia against 
 Europe. He turned this over with the remark 
 that he possessed other writings of the chancel- 
 lor of whjch he could make no use because they 
 were the secrets of a third party. 
 
 Czar Alexander placed all the papers before 
 Emperor Francis and declared that he would no 
 longer deal with a man so untrustworthy as Met- 
 ternich. Emperor Francis is said to have de- 
 clared that a number of these papers, especially 
 the communication to Lord Castlereagh, were 
 strange to liim. He asked for an interview with 
 the Grand Duchess Catharine, which she granted 
 only upon command of her brother. At this he 
 deprecated the conduct of INIetternich and de- 
 clared that the letter to Castlereagh was wholly 
 
396 A PExVCE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 unknown to him. The grand duchess informed 
 him of tlie decision of the czar to deal with Met- 
 ternich no longer. 
 
 Czar ^Vlexander had a number of other talks 
 with the Palatine. lie wished to conduct the 
 negotiations with Austria direct with Kmperor 
 Francis and decided in a conference held on De- 
 cember 1.5 with Czartoryski, Capo d'Istria, and 
 me that Prussia should present a memorandum 
 to Austria through him, in which it set forth its 
 demands on Saxony. This memorandum he 
 wanted to take himself and to discuss direct with 
 Emperor Francis. At the same time a plan for 
 a preliminary agreement, signed by both mon- 
 archs, was to be j)repared; if formal negotiations 
 resulted, Kasumowskij or Stackclberg would be 
 given this task. 1 recommended the former. 
 This conference was held at 6:30 o'clock in the 
 evening. 
 
 At 3 o'clock Capo d'lstria, Czartoryski, and T 
 met for a preliminary conference with Harden- 
 berg. Here Ilardenberg read the draft of a note 
 that was to be presented to Russia, in which it 
 was proposed to place the King of Saxony either 
 on the left bank of the Rhine or in upper Lusatia. 
 
 At the conference held at seven o'clock between 
 the czar and the chancellor it was agreed that the 
 indivisibility of Saxony was to be insisted upon, 
 and the King of Saxony was to be given a country 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 397 
 
 on the left bank of the Rhine with from 600,000 
 to 700,000 souls. The memorandum to be pre- 
 sented to the czar was amended along these lines 
 at a conference on December 16 between Har- 
 denberg, Czartoryski, Capo d'Istria, and me. 
 
 On December 17, Czartoryski sent Capo d'Is- 
 tria the draft of a preliminary treaty containing 
 the provisions that the Duchy of Warsaw and all 
 Polish-Russian provinces be united with the em- 
 pire of Russia. Capo d'Istria rejected these arti- 
 cles and fought anew against the idea of divid- 
 ing the Russian empire into two parts, one un- 
 der a despotic and the other under a constitu- 
 tional government. 
 
 In the meantime the French and the Bavarians 
 attempted to create ill feeling. Wrede called on 
 the King of Wiirtemberg to join an alliance 
 against Russia and Prussia. The Viennese be- 
 came more and more excited and more decidedly 
 for w ar. 
 
 Emperor Francis suggested to Czar Alexan- 
 der that he name a negotiator for the discussion 
 of the question. The czar did not know whether 
 to name Rasumowskij or Stackelberg. Czar 
 Alexander seemed to waver between his wish to 
 keep peace and his desire to do his duty toward 
 his ally and his honor. His situation was all the 
 more painful because he had undertaken to carry 
 on the negotiations with Austria himself. 
 
398 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 In a conference on December 19 between the 
 chancellor, Czartoryski, and me the former read 
 a reasonable solution of the Saxon matter; he 
 expressed himself as exceedingly pained by the 
 faithlessness of JNIetternich, and explained how 
 it was now necessary for Prussia to throw itself 
 entirely into the hands of Russia and await an 
 opportunity for making war. 
 
 The whole Saxon question (said the chancel- 
 lor) was great 1}^ out of place. It was now linked 
 with the Polish question, and as Austria, now 
 supported by England, did not get Cracow and 
 Zamosc, it tried to keep Prussia from the Saxon 
 boundary-line without taking into account that 
 neither Cracow nor Samosc were points of de- 
 cisive overwhelming importance, and that the 
 diminished and weakened Saxony would not be 
 more dependent on Prussia than it was formerly 
 on the old palatinate. Further, he said, that 
 when Austria broke faith with Prussia a deep 
 feeling of ill will was engendered which would 
 result in a close alliance with Russia and mis- 
 trust of Austria. 
 
 The czar appointed Counts Rasumowskij and 
 Capo dTstria to confer on the preliminary arti- 
 cles that had been drawn up, and which were to 
 be the basis for negotiations. At the request of 
 the English a commission w^as appointed to in- 
 vestigate the statistical table and summaries 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 399 
 
 which accompanied the various documents. The 
 preliminary articles contained the cession of the 
 salt works of Wieliczka and of Tarnopol to Aus- 
 tria, the transformation of Cracow and Thorn 
 into free cities, the delimitation of the Prussian 
 boundaries, the embodiment of the Duchy of 
 Warsaw in Russia as a united constitutional 
 state, and the unification of Saxony with Prussia. 
 Germany was to become a federative state which, 
 strong and intimately bound together, was to 
 protect the rights and constitutions of the various 
 states and classes of citizens ; Mayence was to be 
 made a federal fort. These articles were to form 
 a rallying-point at the negotiations. It seems, 
 besides, that the Austrians were not ready for 
 war; they had received the Prussian note of De- 
 cember 21 from Czar Alexander, who presented 
 it to Emperor Francis. The latter spoke contin- 
 uously and with great earnestness against the 
 union of Saxony with Prussia. 
 
 All of these negotiations proceeded without 
 Nesselrode, who deeply felt his loss of influence. 
 He lost it because of his subservience to JNIetter- 
 nich, which often placed him in the position of 
 acting contrary to the views of Czar Alexander 
 or else supporting them only half-heartedly. 
 This was especially the case when he adopted 
 Metternich's ideas of peace in France, acted en- 
 tirely according to Metternich's views in the 
 
400 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Swiss affairs, disapproved of the Saxon plan, and 
 finally was directly opposed to the Polish plan. 
 The czar had already become distrustful of him 
 in Freiburg. This feeling grew in Cliaumont and 
 Troyes, and took a decided turn when the czar's 
 antipathy to IMetternich became open here. Nes- 
 sclrode's mediocrity, ignorance, and ungenerous 
 spirit in views and feelings, his lack of courage 
 in serious situations, did not permit him to re- 
 main long on the heights. lie liad to tall the 
 moment he tried to be something more than the 
 tool of liis master, as soon as he achieved a sort of 
 self-sufficiency; he had to fall because he did not 
 create this by his own powers, but was led by 
 a foreign minister who was hated by the czar. 
 
 ^letternich's frivolity did not lessen despite 
 the crisis in these important affairs. He occu- 
 pied himself with the arrangements for court 
 fetes, tableaux, etc., up to the smallest detail, 
 watched the dancing of his daughter while Cas- 
 tlereagh and Humboldt were waiting to confer 
 with him, and rouged the women who were to 
 appear in tableaux. Metternich has common 
 sense, versatility, and graciousness; he lacks 
 depth, learning, industry, and sincerity. He 
 loves entanglements because they keep him busy 
 and because he lacks strength, depth, and seri- 
 ousness for carrying on transactions in a great 
 and simple manner. He often creates complica- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 401 
 
 tions by his frivolity, his aversion for business, 
 and his untruth without wishing to do so. He is 
 cold, and therefore averse to giving men credit 
 for noble feelings. This was the reason why the 
 Austrian Army lacked enthusiasm, which alone 
 leads to self-sacrifice and to perseverance in mis- 
 fortune. His faults have kept him from attain- 
 ing and using the great influence and the strong 
 position in the eyes of his master and of his pub- 
 lic, which he needs to nullify the weakness and 
 the prejudice of the former, to destroy the nu- 
 merous secret influences, and to rule the latter 
 with firmness. He has to negotiate with the one 
 and with the other and take a middle course 
 which, for the most part, is disastrous. 
 
 Prince Metternich informed Talleyrand offi- 
 cially of the contents of his note of December 
 10. Talleyrand asked the commands of his king, 
 and received orders to support the Saxon case. 
 He therefore declared in a note of December 19 
 that France had made no demands at the Con- 
 gress, as it wished nothing more than to see the 
 dawn of reconstruction over the whole of Eu- 
 rope, to have each well-founded right recognized, 
 and each injustice condemned, so that the Revo- 
 lution would reach its culmination in this man- 
 ner. This alone could be the subject of the work 
 of the Congress, and if a true and lasting balance 
 
402 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 was to be reached here, no rights could be sacri- 
 ficed which would have to be granted later. The 
 Congress should not throw all the nations into a 
 heap and then distribute them without a plan. 
 The lands to be distributed were only those with- 
 out rulers, and the strength of a state was not 
 only physical, but also moral strength. There- 
 fore the King of France had ordered his ambas- 
 sador to act only according to justice and to have 
 no part in any unjust act. 
 
 Of all questions discussed by the Congress, he 
 continued, that of Poland was the most impor- 
 tant. The French King wished the restoration 
 to power and independence of this old and cour- 
 ageous people, which was so useful to Europe. 
 As the force of circumstances made the fulfil- 
 ment of this wish impossible, as only ideas of 
 dividing the country had prevailed, France had 
 felt it necessary to acquiesce. 
 
 The question of Saxony, he said, had become 
 the more important because here the principle 
 of justice and balance of power seemed to be 
 affected the most. France could not concede that 
 kings could be judged, and judged by the one 
 who wished and could take their land, that confis- 
 cation could be indorsed by the whole of Europe 
 in the nineteenth century, that peoples were to 
 have no rights and were to be divided arbitrarily, 
 that sovereignty is reached by conquest, and that 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 403 
 
 only the law of nature and not the law of states 
 was observed among European nations. The 
 balance of power would be destroyed by uniting 
 Saxony [with Prussia] because a great attack- 
 ing power was formed directly opposite Bohemia 
 which would endanger the security of Austria; 
 and secondly because one of the states of Ger- 
 many would receive a preponderance of power 
 disastrous for the rest. France really loved 
 Prussia and desired its restoration to the bounda- 
 ries of 1805, and was also ready to insist that 
 Saxony turn over to Prussia whatever land was 
 necessary to fulfil this aim. 
 
 While Prince Metternich tried to strengthen 
 his position with France on the one hand, he 
 sought to isolate Prussia on the other and to 
 separate his negotiations with Rasumowskij 
 from those with Hardenberg. In this he did not 
 succeed. The negotiations were intimately bound 
 together both in subject matter and in the simul- 
 taneousness of the conferences, and on Decem- 
 ber 29 the first conference was begun between 
 Rasumowskij, Capo d'Istria, Hardenberg, Hum- 
 boldt, IMetternich, Castlereagh, and Wessenberg. 
 Hardenberg had proposed the addition of Cas- 
 tlereagh in order to prevent his being influenced 
 by Metternich and because of his confidence in 
 Castlereagh's love for peace. He had read Cas- 
 tlereagh's memorandum of December 28, in 
 
404 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 which he expressed his satisfaction with the situ- 
 ation and suggested that Talleyrand be called 
 in. 
 
 In a preliminary meeting on December 29, 
 however, it was decided to refuse this in consid- 
 eration of the secret article of the Treaty of 
 Paris, according to which the allies maintained 
 the prerogative of disposing by themselves of 
 the territory that had been set forth regarding 
 the possessions Austria was to receive in Italy 
 and Sardinia, and the Prince of Orange in Bel- 
 gium and on the Mcuse. The Russian and l^rus- 
 sian interests, however, had not been taken into 
 account; the questions of Pohuid and Saxony 
 had remained untouched and left in such form 
 that it depended m\ Austria and England to give 
 their consent or to withhold it, and finally to 
 force Russia and Prussia to go to war. 
 The gcx)d-natured confidence of the chancellor 
 in Castlereagh and Metternich, the shallow- 
 ness of Xesselrode and his acquiescence in the 
 will of INIetternich, brought things to a state made 
 worse by the political revival of France, and 
 which, no matter how it develops, restores the old 
 antipathy between Austria and Prussia and is 
 most detrimental to the security of Germany. 
 
 It is declared that the czar did not wish to take 
 up the Polish situation in Paris, but that he could 
 always have taken up the Saxon question, and 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 405 
 
 then it would have been easy to prove to him 
 that circumstances were better for him in ]May 
 than they could be later, because the impression 
 made by events was still lively, and all the com- 
 mon purposes had not yet revived, and the Ital- 
 ian and Belgian affairs had not yet been decided 
 on, and therefore could be used as subjects for ne- 
 gotiation. Finally, he was mobilized and had a 
 strong reserve arm^y on the Vistula, while France 
 was still in a condition of powerlessness and con- 
 fusion. 
 
 The conference of December 29 concluded 
 with prehminary negotiations. Count Rasu- 
 mowskij opened it. Prince Metternich began a 
 discourse on the different character of the ques- 
 tions to be discussed; declared the Saxon ques- 
 tion was a European question,^which would have 
 to be decided with the consent of all the great 
 powers and that of the King of Saxony. Prince 
 Hardenberg asked him to state explicitly whether 
 he had orders from his emperor to make the con- 
 sent of the king essential ; in this event he would 
 have to break off any further negotiations for 
 to-day and first get the commands of his master. 
 Prince Metternich fell back upon the consent of 
 the English to this view. Lord Castlereagh, 
 however, declared expKcitly that he would sup- 
 port all the reasonable and judicious proposals 
 of Prussia if they appeared to be this to him, but 
 
406 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 that he would never consent to let the King of 
 Saxony be arbiter of the question. 
 
 The question was then asked Prince jNIetter- 
 nich ^^ hether he believed Prussia to have the right 
 to demand the restoration of the conditions in 
 1806, to which he rei)lied in the affirmative. The 
 other question, whetlier the plan i)roposed by 
 Prussia would achieve this object, he answered 
 in the negative, and the demand that he draft a 
 new one he refused, inviting the Russian minis- 
 ters to do so, who declared that they were bound 
 only to support Prussia's just demands. Met- 
 ternich then asked whether there was a special 
 alliance between Russia and Prussia, which was 
 truthfully denied, and it was explained that there 
 was no treaty but the common one which united 
 all the allies. 
 
 Castlereagh and jNIetternich suggested that the 
 French be invited to take part in the negotia- 
 tions, to which the other two ambassadors ob- 
 jected on the ground of the secret article of the 
 Treaty of Paris. JNIetternich requested the re- 
 moval of the King of Saxony to another local- 
 ity; this was refused. 
 
 The Emperor of Austria instructed Alopeus 
 to deal with the King of Prussia secretly in Ber- 
 lin; to refuse to accept any fragment of Saxony 
 and, if possible, to get his consent to a removal 
 of the king to the left bank of the Rhine. He 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 407 
 
 was informed how the King of Saxony was sur- 
 rounded by two parties, the Saxon, which wished 
 the welfare of its fatherland and objected to any 
 partition, and the court party, which wished to 
 see the king back in Saxony at any price. 
 
 Emperor Francis spoke loudly of war, accord- 
 ing to the deputy from the nobles, Zobel-Degen- 
 feld: 
 
 "The King of Saxony shall have his lands back, 
 else I shall shoot, and I can depend upon the na- 
 tions in Germany." Zobel replied: 
 
 "Yes, if your Majesty places himself at the 
 head." 
 
 "Now," the emperor replied, "I can say noth- 
 ing about Germany." 
 
 M. de Talleyrand invited Czartoryski to an 
 interview on December 29. He complained that 
 the conferences were being held with the pres- 
 ence of Castlereagh, but without Talleyrand ; the 
 former, he said, had been formallj^ invited, and 
 had shown him the invitation and expressed his 
 astonishment that the French embassy had been 
 ignored. Prince Metternich also had expressed 
 this view, he said. If there was any objection to 
 his person he was ready to depart. Czartoryski 
 replied that the secret article of the Treaty of 
 Paris set forth that the allies should agree on the 
 division of the conquered lands, and then place 
 their decision before France. He replied that 
 
408 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 this affected only the conquests actually named 
 in this article, no others, and that the alliance was 
 dissolved by achieving the object of the war. 
 This sentence, however, is false; the alliance 
 against France is dissolved by the peace with 
 France, but the treaties of alliance contain, be- 
 sides the common war designs, other considera- 
 tions and agreements ])ctwccn the allies, espe- 
 cially the restoration of Prussia to its condition 
 of 180(), regarding the fulfilment of which nego- 
 tiations are still in order. This answer may well 
 be given Talleyrand. 
 
 On the same day Emperor Francis told Czar 
 Alexander that he believed the three allies should 
 first agree on the plan for the restoration, and 
 then admit Talleyrand to the discussion. 
 
 On December 31 there was another conference 
 between the chancellor, Humboldt, Czartoryski, 
 Capo d'Istria and me, at which it was agreed to 
 announce in the next main conference on Janu- 
 ary 2 how they were prepared to admit Talley- 
 rand when the four allies had come to an agree- 
 ment on the plan for restoration. 
 
 In the meantime the Austrians gathered an 
 army in Bohemia. It was to be commanded by 
 Wrede, who would join it with his Bavarians. 
 One army is to be located at Tetschen, and a 
 French army is to move from the Rhine to the 
 Elbe. 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 409 
 
 Germany was to suffer anew a civil and French 
 war because of the interests of a supporter of 
 Napoleon and over the question whether it were 
 better to place him on the left bank of the Rhine 
 or to tear Saxony apart and to give him a frag- 
 ment. What blindness! 
 
 January 4. — As Castlereagh and Metternich 
 continued to insist on the admission of France, 
 and refused to present their counter project un- 
 til that time, and as the former expressed himself 
 most favorably toward Prussia in saying that he 
 would not leave to the King of Saxony the ques- 
 tion of what share to give to Prussia, but would 
 support Prussia if the king did not listen to rea- 
 son, it was decided to acquiesce in the admission 
 of France, provided Castlereagh w^ould make his 
 declaration formally and as a matter of record, 
 which he agreed to do in his interview with the 
 chancellor. In the meantime Pozzo and Nessel- 
 rode treated secretly with JNIetternich, and Tal- 
 leyrand tried to convince Capo d'Istria that 
 Prussia was not to be trusted. 
 
 The report of peace with America started the 
 hope among the Bavarians and the Austrians 
 that England would now give stronger support 
 to their object. When Lord Castlereagh ob- 
 served this he said that he would continue to 
 work according to the same basic principle as be- 
 
410 A PEACi: CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 fore and to help bring about the restoration of 
 Prussia according to treaty. Lord Castlereagh 
 visited Czar iVlexander on January 6 and spoke 
 in the same tenor. He represented to him that 
 it was dangerous to transfer the King of Sax- 
 ony to the left bank of the Rhine and thus give 
 France a confederate; he believed that Prussia 
 should receive a large part of Saxony. P^very- 
 thing would be made easier if the czar was in- 
 clined to release more from Poland; but the czar 
 refused this, and said the Polish matter was con- 
 cluded. He had accjuicsced in a great deal, and 
 he had a simple solution for the Saxon question: 
 when the King of Prussia declared himself sat- 
 isfied, he would be ready to sign the treaty at 
 once; but if not, he was ready to support him in 
 every way. 
 
 January 7. — In the conference Count Rasu- 
 mowskij declared that he was ready to agree to 
 the admittance of Talleyrand if Ijord Castle- 
 reagh would place his views, frequently ex- 
 pressed, in the minutes, so that a decision on the 
 question of how Prussia was to be satisfied w^ith 
 a part of Saxony might be dependent upon the 
 will of the powers and not on the arbitrariness 
 of the King of Saxony. 
 
 INIetternich had objections against making 
 such a declaration, although he agreed with 
 its context, but Lord Castlereagh was ready to 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 411 
 
 give it in the next conference on January 8. 
 Count Rasumowskij thanked Lord Castlereagh 
 with great warmth for his excellent readiness to 
 help bring about unity and peace and for the im- 
 partiality of his conduct in this important affair. 
 This put iMetternich at a loss, and he asked 
 Count Rasumowskij whether he did not have 
 something agreeable to say to him. The Polish 
 articles were considered, and details of the con- 
 stitution for the Poles were discussed and pre- 
 pared for. 
 
 The Bavarians now became worried because 
 of their ill-natured behavior. JNIontgelas criti- 
 cized the one-sided impetuosity of Field-Marshal 
 Wrede, and the idea about the Palatinate and 
 Mayence was given up. The Grand Duke of 
 Bavaria had not sent the instructions for the 
 diet to Karlsruhe. His laziness was unbounded. 
 They were not sent until January, after my re- 
 peated urging. 
 
 The czar ordered Pozzo to return to Paris, 
 and said to him that he wished to refuse the mar- 
 riage of the Grand Duchess Anna and the Due 
 de Berry, because the difference in religion hin- 
 dered this. He had small confidence in the 
 Bourbons. 
 
 On January 9 the articles on Poland were dis- 
 cussed in the conference. Metternich showed a 
 great deal of bitterness. Most of the Polish arti- 
 
412 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 cles were agreed upon, and Lord Castlereagh 
 gave his declaration in the manner decided upon, 
 and ^letternich joined this; therefore Talley- 
 rand is to be admitted to the conference on the 
 eleventh. The statistical committee closed its 
 negotiations on the ninth, and will present a re- 
 port signed by all the members. The Swiss com- 
 mittee also ended its business to-day by finish- 
 ing its final report and the project of the declara- 
 tion. Both documents will be drawn up on Jan- 
 uary 12 in their final form and presented. 
 
 On January 12 Prussia presented details of 
 the project for its restoration, and demanded an 
 increase of 600,000 souls over its condition in 
 1805. 
 
 The King of Wiirtemberg presented a project 
 in which he called on the czar to use his influ- 
 ence to bring about a union of the German 
 princes which was to bring external security 
 only. 
 
 On January 9th the czar was invited by 
 Prince IMetternich to a ball through Count Ignaz 
 Hardegg. He replied to him: "You are a sol- 
 dier, and I shall speak frankly with you. JMet- 
 ternich has given me a declaration. If my rela- 
 tions permitted, I would know what I had to 
 do; but now I cannot see him." He and his 
 whole family did not attend. 
 
 The negotiations were long interrupted by the 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 413 
 
 silence of the Austrians. In the meantime the 
 negotiations of the Polish commission contin- 
 ued; this consisted of Barbier and Hudelist, act- 
 ing for Austria; Anstetten for Russia; and 
 Stagemann, Jordan, and Zerboni for Prussia, 
 and had the Polish affair for its subject. 
 
 The silence of the Austrians was due to the 
 fact that they could not agree with the English 
 on the Saxon reparation plan, did not wish to 
 have Torgau and Leipsic fall to Prussia, and 
 made a new proposal — that Russia give them 
 but 200,000 souls from Tarnopol as against 200,- 
 000 to Prussia on the latter's boundary-line. 
 Czar Alexander refused this absolutely; he 
 caused this to be done through the palatine (Jan- 
 uary 20-23), and Emperor Francis also opposed 
 the idea. Lord Castlereagh tried to make him 
 come to reasonable views with regard to Torgau, 
 and at last he agreed that it go to Prussia (Jan- 
 uary 25 ) , and insisted only on Leipsic. A con- 
 ference between Austria, England, Russia, 
 France, and Prussia was then set for January 
 28, at which the Austrian counter-proposal was 
 submitted. England objects to the transfer of 
 the King of Saxony to the left bank of the 
 Rhine, because this would endanger his inde- 
 pendence from France. 
 
 Russia answered negatively on January 25 on 
 the Wiirtemberg proposal, and repeated its de- 
 
414 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 termination to favor unity and law and order in 
 Germany. Ilerr von Humboldt had revised his 
 draft for a federal constitution January 20-27, 
 and given it to the chancellor, who communicated 
 it to Count JMiinster, who is now reading it. 
 
 At last Prince jNIetternich presented his coun- 
 ter-proposal (January 28) and a note in which 
 he described the moderation of Austria and urged 
 a reasonable round ing-out of territory for the 
 King of Saxony. The proposal included 1,200,- 
 000 souls and the land on the right bank of the 
 Saal and part of up])er Ivusatia along the Bo- 
 hemian boundary. The adherents of the King 
 of Saxony were aroused by the partitioning of 
 their country; they now felt how mistaken they 
 were in their idea that Prussia would be forced 
 to be satisfied with a small fragment of Saxony, 
 and realized the disaster that threatened the re- 
 maining part of Saxony. All now united to re- 
 iterate that it was better not to divide Saxony; 
 that Austria should have insisted onh^ upon its 
 military boundary, and accused France and Eng- 
 land of having deserted the Saxon and Austrian 
 cause. On January 29 even General Koller and 
 the palatine expressed this opinion to the em- 
 peror and Grand Duchess jNIarie. 
 
 Lord Wellington arrived February 3, and 
 Castlereagh was called away by the imminent 
 opening of parliament; therefore he hastened to 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 415 
 
 bring the negotiations to an end, and discussed 
 with the chancellor the locating of the boundaries 
 between Belgium and Germany. On this occa- 
 sion the boundaries between Nassau and the 
 Duchy of Berg were also discussed. 
 
 Schwarzenberg, and through him Emperor 
 Francis, were disturbed over the march of the 
 Prussians from Niederrhein [lower Rhine] to 
 the Elbe. Four regiments of infantry, twelve 
 of cavalry, and twelve batteries marched back. 
 They considered this a warlike act, but Czar 
 Alexander and the king calmed them on this 
 score. The czar also wants to see the end of the 
 matter ; so he advised Hardenberg to agree with 
 Castlereagh before he presented his counter- 
 proposal. 
 
 Czar Alexander's leaning toward Prussia was 
 somewhat lessened, partly because he is rather 
 changeable and partly because he believed that 
 Prussia would become dependent on England 
 and France by its Rhenish provinces, and there- 
 fore a less sure ally for him. Capo d'Istria di- 
 rected his attention to this, and this view he ex- 
 pressed to the Crown Prince of Wiirtemberg 
 when he said: "I am through with the negotia- 
 tions with Prussia, as it took part in the coalition 
 against me; but despite that, I will carry them 
 on to the end." 
 
 The czar had considered the conduct of Ba- 
 
416 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 varia as highly unreasonable; the King of Ba- 
 varia caused a memorandum to be prepared in 
 which he described his dangerous situation. 
 
 The negotiations between C^astlereagh and the 
 chancellor now began. I.eipsic was the principal 
 subject of discussion. The English were disin- 
 clined to help Prussia keep it; the czar, to make 
 matters easier, offered to give up Thorn. Prus- 
 sia complained that all cities of consequence had 
 been kept from its share, such as Gorlitz, Baut- 
 zen, Weissenfcls, Xaumburg. After a great deal 
 of pro-and-con talk the final project was evolved. 
 The conferences began anew on February 11, 
 and the points affecting Saxony, Poland, May- 
 ence, the forts of the confederation, etc., were 
 finally decided upon. 
 
 Castlereagh and Wellington proposed an arti- 
 cle to the czar, according to the terms of which 
 the pacifically inclined powers united to attack 
 in common every maker of war. For this pur- 
 pose a declaration was drawn up by Gentz, full 
 of bombast and inflation. The czar favored the 
 idea. 
 
 In an interview on February 13, Talleyrand 
 attempted to move the czar to make a declaration 
 against JNIurat. He was ready, but made the 
 condition that France would not be opposed to 
 him in the Swiss affairs. These were to be dis- 
 cussed anew in the committee. 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 417 
 
 Capo d'Istria had given the czar a memoran- 
 dum on German affairs on February 9 and had 
 broached the subject of giving the imperial 
 power (the kaiserdom) to Austria. The czar 
 asked him what my views on this subject were. 
 Capo d'Istria replied my opinion was favora- 
 ble, but that I believed a union with Prussia was) 
 necessary, and the czar suggested that he try 
 this. Hardenberg expressed his disapproval in 
 his interview of February 11 and based it on the 
 lack of spirits lality of the Austrian dynasty and 
 government. I remarked that this immaturity 
 was temporary; this was a matter of constitu- 
 tional organization, etc. I put off a closer ex- 
 planation of the authority in order first to place 
 it before the czar. In his interview of February 
 12, JNIetternich also seemed inclined to accept 
 the imperial honor, and promised to hear Count 
 Solms and Plessen on this subject. 
 
 On the seventeenth I spoke with the czar on 
 the necessity of reviving the imperial dignity. I 
 placed before him everything included in my 
 memorandum, and he viewed it with interest and 
 declared that he wished first to be sure of the as- 
 sent of the King of Prussia. I remarked that the 
 chancellor did not seem inclined toward my view, 
 but that General Knesebeck entirely approved. 
 
 I asked permission to depart; the czar asked 
 me whether the German affairs allowed me to do 
 
418 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 so. I replied that the principal matters had 
 been disposed of; it seemed to me that the Ba- 
 varian question and that of the imperial dignity 
 .would be decided in a few days. 
 
 February 18. — I read my memorandum on 
 the restoration of the imperial office to Kasu- 
 mowskij and Capo d'! stria to-day. Nesselrode 
 began a discussion with Prince \Vrede regarding 
 the viceroy [Eugene de Beauharnais], and 
 Wrede suggested that he be given the seven 
 islands. The senate had commissioned Capo 
 dT stria to demand the freedom of these islands 
 and Castlereagh favoicd this. 
 
 Wellington began his (lij)]()matic career with 
 an attempt to settle the Swiss affair by offering 
 the Veltlin to Austria. 
 
 On February 19, Count Kasumowskij called 
 on Prince Metternich in a note to end the con- 
 ferences on the territorial affairs that still re- 
 main to be adjusted. 
 
 Prince Mettcrnich had an interview with 
 Count Sokns on the acceptance of the imperial 
 dignity at which he said that for his part he could 
 neither advise for it or against it. In northern 
 Germany [he said] they want the minor princes, 
 but Prussia was disinclined, and Austria would 
 get into entanglements with Prussia on this ac- 
 count. There was, nevertheless, a counterbal- 
 ance in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. In 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 419 
 
 southern Germany Bavaria's strength hindered 
 the development of imperial power, and here it 
 appeared there v/as less a wish for a constitution 
 than in the North. Count Solms replied that this 
 was the case, as in Wiirtemberg everything was 
 disturbed by the plan for a constitution. In 
 order to get peace it was necessary, for the Con- 
 gress to issue a formal request to the king to de- 
 lay the introduction of a constitution until the 
 Congress had decided on the general principles. 
 
 The JNIecklenburg ambassador, Plessen, also 
 had an interview with Wessenberg on the resto- 
 ration of the imperial dignity, in which the lat- 
 ter declared that he considered it advisable for 
 Austria to accept it; in the meantime the em- 
 peror had told Prince von Weilburg he would 
 refuse to accept it. 
 
 On the 24th, Prince Hardenberg gave Hum- 
 boldt's rebuttal to my resolution on the imperial 
 dignity, and declared that as Prussian minister 
 he could not possibly agree to this increase in the 
 Austrian powder ; this had a tendency to unite with 
 Bavaria and France against Russia, Prussia, and 
 England ; by this addition its power would be in- 
 creased. Hanover, also, would not agree; he 
 would turn every one against him in Berlin if he 
 allowed Austria to seize such influence. I de- 
 manded a copy of the statement in order to 
 refute it. He promised to give it as soon as he 
 
420 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 returned from the king, to whom he was about 
 to present this draft, and urged nie to let the 
 matter drop, as it only gave opportunity for new 
 jealousy between Austria and Prussia. 
 
 The idea of appointing Kasumowskij seemed 
 to have been given up by the czar, and it ap- 
 peared to be his plan to take Xessclrode, Anstet- 
 ten, and Capo d'Istria to St. IV'tcrsburg without 
 naming a minister. It seems that he means to 
 depart about March 15 if the Bavarian terri- 
 torial (juestion is ended and a number of general 
 principles governing the German constitution 
 are determined by that time. Nesseh'ode is to 
 remain liere. 
 
 February 24. — My interview with Lord Wel- 
 lington began with his remark that it was neces- 
 sary to regulate (German affairs, and as Ger- 
 many had no unity, the agreement between Prus- 
 sia and Austria and the disposition of public 
 opinion would have to take its place. Germany 
 was united principally by speech and custom; it 
 was divided by religion and political interest. 
 The proposed federative institution would have 
 to be supported by the two powers and by pub- 
 lic opinion. The latter had expressed itself 
 clearly for the legal constitution. 
 
 I replied that I considered the German affair 
 in its present condition as out of place. It had 
 been brought there by the system at first fol- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY " 421 
 
 lowed by the Austrians of letting Germany break 
 up into many parts; then the acts of the Rhine 
 confederation had been sanctioned by peace 
 treaties of questionable utility. At present a 
 plan for a federation had been evolved which 
 could not succeed because five directing and sub- 
 ordinate courts divided power in various propor- 
 tions. It might be possible to remove this evil 
 by the appointment of a head for the federation, 
 as actually the true political interests of Prussia 
 and Austria were not opposed. 
 
 He replied that the appointment of such a head 
 was not now possible; something, however, had 
 to be done to fulfil the agreements made by all 
 the nations on the German affair and to allay 
 the feelings of the people. There was suspense 
 everywhere, and a military-republican spirit was 
 appearing, especially in Prussia. 
 
 I remarked that in a country where a consti- 
 tution had existed and where the people were 
 accustomed to law and order it was necessary to 
 restore a similar one and to end arbitrary action. 
 Anarchy [I continued] was repulsive to the Ger- 
 man spirit and the German being. If the pow- 
 ers wished to fulfil their agreements, the inter- 
 rupted conferences on the German affair would 
 have to be renewed, on behalf of which Harden- 
 berg spoke to Prince Metternich. 
 
 He replied that he would consider this. Met 
 
422 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ternich had told him of a Prussian plan of 120 
 articles, which seemed too extensive. 
 
 I spoke of the possibility of a])ridging it. In 
 this case only the principal clauses need be lifted 
 out, and the more detailed developments turned 
 over to a special federal committee. The ac- 
 celeration of the work of the Congress was 
 greatly to be desired, as the departure of the 
 monarchs was necessary. Most urgent was the 
 removal of the provisional government, and the 
 ending of the Bavarian territorial discussion. 
 The provisional government brought with it the 
 great cost of quartering tro()})s in the occupied 
 countries and great expense for the allied pow- 
 ers. In deciding on the case of Bavaria it was 
 necessary to exercise caution to prevent it from 
 coming in contact with France by possessions on 
 the left bank of the Bhine. The si)irit of French 
 politics would always be disastrous for Germany 
 and its neighbors. It was therefore necessary to 
 limit the Bavarian lands to the right bank of the 
 Rhine and contiguous territory. 
 
 Lord Wellington remarked that it seemed nec- 
 essary to place a larger power, ready for war, on 
 the left bank of the Rhine in preference to many 
 small ones, which might be easily demoralized 
 and overturned by France, and asked w^hether 
 I did not believe that when Austria possessed 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 423 
 
 Salzburg it could hold Bavaria in its sphere of 
 interest by its preponderance. 
 
 I replied that the organization of a greater 
 power on the left bank of the Rhine was useful 
 only in so far as its loyalty could be depended 
 upon, which was not the case of Bavaria. Ger- 
 many was sufficiently defended against a first 
 attack by France by the line of federal forts and 
 by the strengthening of Belgium and Prussia. 
 Austria had shown itself to be very weak toward 
 Bavaria despite its superior power, and in view 
 of its moral weakness it was necessary to avoid 
 all entanglements in which it might be involved 
 through Bavaria and France. 
 
 The czar made himself disagreeable anew with- 
 out reason when he made the cause of the Em- 
 press jNIarie Louise and Eugene de Beauharnais 
 his own with a great deal of spirit, demanding 
 Parma and Piacenza for the former, and a sov- 
 ereignty in Italy for the other, despite the fact 
 that Emperor Francis had declared that he de- 
 clined Parma and Piacenza, and would give his 
 daughter lands in the hereditary states of the 
 crown. The empress had written Czar Alexan- 
 der and asked for his support. She is a shallow 
 Frenchwoman, who acts as if she has forgotten 
 everything German, and who allows General 
 Neipperg to pay her court. 
 
 February 26. — I asked Chancellor Harden- 
 
424 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTUIGUE 
 
 berg for the memorandum of Humboldt. He 
 sent Humboldt himself to me with a refusal, be- 
 cause he considered the matter [of the imi)erial 
 crown for Austria] detrimental for Prussia, and 
 hoped that it would be dropped. Otherwise it 
 might become a bone of contention between 
 Prussia and Austria and increase the bitterness 
 between tliem. I remembered that it was neces- 
 sary, as the chancellor did not give me the com- 
 plete reasons for his opposition, that he place 
 them before the czar himself and that lie ask an 
 audience for this purpose. In this Humboldt 
 was agreed. 
 
 Short I \- afterward Plessen arrived and told 
 me that Wessenberg recognized the advantage 
 of the restoration of the imperial dignity and 
 had promised him a more detailed discussion. 
 I therefore considered it necessary (February 
 27) to urge this matter again to the chancellor 
 in a special letter. 
 
 The chancellor sent me the Humboldt memo- 
 randum on ^larch 4-, a' tangled, sophisticated, 
 poorly written document. 
 
 In the meantime the Bavarian territorial mat- 
 ters were concluded. oNIetternich did not reply 
 to the note of Count Rasumowskij regarding the 
 continuation of the conferences, and the lattej* 
 did not urge an answxr in an earnest and forceful 
 manner. He conferred with Wellington, Wrede, 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 425 
 
 and Nesselrode, who had forced himself back by 
 his perseverance and his familiarity, with the help 
 of Prince Peter Wolkonskij, and who contin- 
 ually tried to end the matter according to the 
 views of Metternich, indifferent to the methods 
 he used, and incapable of correctly valuing this 
 method. 
 
 On March 2 the chancellor gave the czar a 
 sketch of the Bavarian demands, which he handed 
 me for examination. I had given him a memo- 
 randum of the Grand Duke of Baden on the 
 third, in which the latter presented his arguments 
 against surrendering the Pfalz region to Bava- 
 ria. He had wished to give it to the czar, but 
 could get no audience, and therefore gave it to 
 the empress, who sent it to me with the request 
 that I place it before the czar. I convinced him 
 that the interest of Baden was less concerned 
 here than that of Germany, that Bavaria, in re- 
 ceiving Mannheim and Hanau, cut the rest of 
 southern Germany from the northern part, came 
 into touch with France, and was in agreement 
 with both Austria and France, and so could en- 
 ter into diplomatic relations with both united or 
 with each separately. This was so much the 
 worse because an agreement between Austria, 
 France, and Bavaria against Russia and Prussia 
 could be foreseen and would be made more dan- 
 gerous by a line drawn between the Main and 
 
426 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 the Neckar. The czar convinced himself of this 
 and called the grand duke on ]March 4, but the 
 latter was in bed with a catarrhal fever and could 
 not come. Capo d'Istria called the attention of 
 the czar to this alHance and to the dependence on 
 England of Prussia, brought about by its prov- 
 inces on the lower Rhine, and the necessity of 
 building a firm, political system for this country. 
 He declared that at present everything depended 
 upon a solution of the questions at issue and the 
 cultivation of good relations with Prussia. 
 
 The czar seemed to have given up the idea 
 of employing Kasumowskij. Nesselrode had 
 forced himself back into favor; the negotiations 
 in the conferences had reopened without the 
 presence of Rasumowskij and Capo d'Istria; 
 therefore very little favorable action was to be 
 expected in the regulation of territorial affairs; 
 it could be foreseen that Bavaria would be most 
 extraordinarily favored. The German Confed- 
 eration itself would be most incomplete if the 
 idea of not choosing a head for it was persisted 
 in. 
 
 The half-way relations that I had [with the 
 czar] could only make me depressed. I had in- 
 fluence without effective direction, and influence 
 on most incapable men, who were to be used as 
 tools for achieving great aims. Lack of con- 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 427 
 
 centration and depth in one; dullness and the 
 coldness of age in the other; weakness of will, 
 coarseness, and dependence on JNIetternich in 
 the third ; the frivolity of all — these were the rea- 
 sons why no great, noble, philanthropic idea, 
 completely conceived, could spring to life. I 
 needed only a firm determination to shake off 
 these unfortunate entanglements, and it was ad- 
 visable to take this step soon, at least before the 
 miserable conduct of the group had fully as- 
 serted itself. 
 
 March 4. — Nesselrode wanted to talk with 
 Capo d'Istria about the Bavarian affairs, but 
 was greatly surprised to hear that the latter was 
 informed on this subject and that he did not con- 
 sider them reasonable. "They are the ideas of 
 Baron Stein." He replied that the czar did noth- 
 ing in German affairs without consulting me. 
 Nesselrode wanted to place the case before the 
 czar to-day — March 5. It was therefore good 
 that the latter was prepared for this. JVIetter- 
 nich said to Rasumowskij that he would send 
 Wessenberg to the chancellor to present a coun- 
 ter-project to Bavaria's demands. On March 
 5, I gave the czar a memorandum on the Ba- 
 varian demands for annexation which he gave 
 Count Rasumowskij in place of instructions. 
 
 March 7 and 8. — Wessenberg, Grohnan, Hoff- 
 mann, the chancellor, drafted a new plan for 
 
nn A PKACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 a discussion between Austria and Bavaria. 1 
 had a talk with Lord Wellingtoii about this 
 and spoke of the contents of my memorandum. 
 He remarked that Prince Wrede's demands were 
 preposterous and that he had a riglit only to 
 insist on the conditions of the peace of Ried; that 
 the danger for Germany would not be great if it 
 was divided through the Khenish Pfalz, because 
 Bavaria still remained dependent on Austria and 
 Prussia; that it desired a point of support in 
 Ilanau. The ])()litical behavior of Bavaria be- 
 fore ISO.) had been good and friendly toward 
 Austria; Frankfort must remain a free city. 
 
 My answer was that the j)()ssession of the 
 ]{henish Pfalz and Mannheim would be dan- 
 gerous for Germany when Prussia and Austria 
 disagreed. Xo matter how necessary it was to 
 keep this connection between the two powers 
 for their own good and the good of Germany, a 
 misunderstanding was easily possible, and in this 
 case the possession of this line [by Bavaria] 
 would be most detrimental to Germany. Under 
 the Elector Karl Theodore, a prince of the old 
 style, the behavior of Bavaria had been good; 
 the present cabinet was most evilly inclined ; Ba- 
 varia did not need a point of support on the 
 Main; it was not well located for a military cen- 
 ter; only Ingolstadt, Donauworth, or Xurem- 
 berg could serve this purpose. 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 429 
 
 The report of Napoleon's adventure on March 
 7 caused general apprehension and brought the 
 parties closer together. It was received by Lord 
 Wellington. He was worried about the bad 
 spirit of the French Army and the knowledge 
 jVapoleon might have of this. The lust for war, 
 the tendency to license, the desire to avenge, the 
 feeling of insult, ill will at the loss of their dota- 
 tions and respect, influenced the army and the 
 people, and an outbreak of this hostile spirit was 
 to be feared. In Italy there is general discon- 
 tent because of lost nationality and the many 
 mistakes of the Austrian administration. Murat 
 was ready to strike. The Austrian Army was 
 hardly 40,000 men strong. This condition caused 
 general apprehension. The cabinets came closer 
 together, and attempted to dispose of the remain- 
 ing controversies. 
 
 The czar declared loudly that he was ready to 
 maintain the Treaty of Paris at the head of his 
 army. In a talk with Capo d'Istria he said the 
 same thing, and declared he would make his con- 
 ditions in advance, and would not lay himself 
 open to new difficulties and interference by his 
 allies if public affairs were to be settled. He 
 wanted no enlargement of territory, but needed 
 subsidies to carry on the war. 
 
 I told Capo d'Istria that it was necessary to 
 issue a declaration of the eight powers that they 
 
430 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 were determined to maintain the Treaty of Paris. 
 By this the French would he warned, and the 
 dangers of a foreign war brought to their at- 
 tention. 
 
 The Empress [of Russia] departed on ^larch 
 9. She was sad. Her relations with the czar 
 were cold and reserved; she has a touch of timid- 
 ity in her character and a delicate feeling akin 
 to sensitiveness. There is no doubt that if she 
 had more vivacity, dexterity, and openness she 
 would come close to the czar. Yet he is supposed 
 to place a high value on delicacy, moderation, 
 culture, dignity, resignation, and graciousness. 
 The King of Bavaria ma\ have contributed some- 
 thing to the distance between them by his gossip 
 and tale-bearing. 
 
 INIarch 11. — The report of Bonaparte's land- 
 ing in the neighborhood of Grasse, department 
 of Var, disturbed not a few. The czar had al- 
 ready sent an explanation to his business agent 
 in Switzerland on March 9, in which he expressed 
 his determination to uphold the stipulations of 
 the Treaty of Paris. The commands to stop de- 
 mobilization of the Prussian Army had been sent 
 out; a military conference was held to-day by 
 Schwarzenberg, Walkonskij, and Knesebeck. 
 All minds were brought closer together by their 
 worry over the future; the French embassy was 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 431 
 
 greatly satisfied with the declaration of the czar. 
 The King of Bavaria became anxious, and it 
 could be seen that the territorial question would 
 soon be decided. 
 
 It was also necessary to accelerate the discus- 
 sion of the constitution in order to calm the spirits 
 of the inhabitants. I therefore proposed that the 
 essential points be agreed upon hurriedly and 
 published, and that the development of details 
 be left to the federal deputies assembled here. 
 Count Miinster held this view; Chancellor Har- 
 denberg, howxver, who thought only of war, 
 thought the matter would have to be held in 
 abeyance. 
 
 In the meantime came the correspondence 
 with the King of Wiirtemberg, who insisted that 
 he was entitled to introduce a constitution with- 
 out the cooperation of the German committee and 
 without taking into account the claims of the me- 
 diatized princes, A joint communication by 
 Hanover, Prussia, and Austria on this subject 
 was agreed upon. 
 
 The recent developments led the czar to offer 
 the position of chancellor of state to Count Rasu- 
 mowskij on March 9 through Nesselrode; he 
 took the matter under advisement and on the 
 eleventh had not yet decided what to do. He 
 was concerned over the difficulties of the post, 
 
432 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 his age, and his anxiety at the unsystematic man- 
 ner in wliicli tlie czar conchicted affairs. 
 
 "Metternich is good and well meaning, but is 
 lazy, vain, and proud," his friend the Countess 
 F— W— told me. 
 
 The King of Saxony lias refused the proposal 
 of Metternich, Talleyrand, and Wellington 
 (March 9) that he accept the part of Saxony 
 wliich has been left to him, and has ])resented a 
 note which he h{)i)ed to make the basis for nego- 
 tiations, but which was refused by the ministers 
 without comment. It is believed that he will 
 eventually accjuiescc. It is odd that to overcome 
 the refusal of the king these ministers had to ad- 
 vance the same arguments that Russia and Prus- 
 sia used against them to substantiate their claims 
 on Saxony. 
 
 The act declaring Napoleon an outlaw was is- 
 sued on March 14«; I had already urged it on the 
 eighth, a strange change in fortune. He who 
 declared me outside the law on December 15, 
 1808, is now placed in a similar and much more 
 dangerous position by a resolution of the great 
 European powers. 
 
 Baron von Stein refers to the incident which is 
 responsible for his position in the service of the Rus- 
 sian Czar. Napoleon, alarmed at Stein's plans to 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 433 
 
 unify Germany, forced his exile. Stein fled to Austria 
 and later to Russia. 
 
 Metternich has not yet sent his note to the 
 King of Wiirtemberg. In the meantime the dis- 
 content in Suabia grows. The mediatized 
 princes are protesting formally against the con- 
 stitution of Wiirtemberg. Disturbances brought 
 about by the severity of the excise act are break- 
 ing out in Baden. 
 
 The Grand Duke [of Baden] gave me a com- 
 munication for the czar on the fourteenth in 
 which he recognized the right of succession of 
 Count von Hochberg; the czar replied, giving 
 his approval. 
 
 The upheaval in France is a result of the deep- 
 seated decay of the nation, which, led on by greed 
 and a desire for vengeance, preferred the rule 
 of a tyrant to the mild and lawful government of 
 a reasonable, pious king; which welcomed the 
 former everywhere with joy and gaily prepared 
 for a war of conquest and pillage. It forgets 
 the physical and spiritual oppression under which 
 it had existed before, the arbitrary manner in 
 which its life and property was dealt with, the 
 destruction of its trade, the waste of the lives of 
 its children, and wishes only to attack the neigh- 
 boring nations anew and to rob and oppress 
 them. The signal for a new struggle has been 
 
434 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 given. God will bless the arms of the allies and 
 will punish the wicked nation for its crimes. The 
 French embassy, which has spread confusion and 
 injured so much here; the Bavarian, which 
 helped fan the flames of war, now have to seek 
 the help of Prussia and Russia, after having tried 
 to destroy the first and raise the suspicions of 
 Europe against the second. They declare that 
 the revolution is solely a work of conspiracy in 
 the army, which is forcing the hated tyrant on a 
 nation that is kindly disposed. 
 
 Czar Alexander was ready and determined to 
 renew the struggle and gave up his own com- 
 mand over the army, which he should have kept 
 for himself; at least he should have insisted on 
 
 the removal of. . Czar Alexander made 
 
 friends again with Metternich at the request of 
 Emperor Francis. The emperor used the occa- 
 sion to ask the Russian Czar not to refer again 
 to his aversion for Metternich. The czar gave his 
 promise; said that unforgiveness was contrary 
 to the duty of a Christian, and afterward had a 
 number of conferences with him (March 16-19). 
 
 The French people are mutinous, rebellious, 
 as their history teaches us. This comes from their 
 frivolity, vivaciousness, greed, vices that can no 
 longer be held in check by religion and culture. 
 
 The present occurrences take on the character 
 of a conspiracy in the army, not a revolution that 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 435 
 
 comes from the desire of the whole nation, as can 
 be deduced by a comparison of its progress with 
 that of the Revolution of 1789. The Revolution 
 was rapid, general, with a great flaring-up; the 
 present movement appears local, treacherous, and 
 timid. I made this observation to Capo d'Istria, 
 who discussed it in a memorandum that he 
 handed to the czar (March 21 and 22). He was 
 impelled to do this by the draft for a treaty of 
 alliance between England, Russia, Austria, and 
 Prussia, in which the allies joined against the un- 
 dertaking of Napoleon, and which was rather un- 
 certain on the subject of subsidies. According 
 to his view, subsidies should most certainly be 
 asked of England, and the promise should be ob- 
 tained from Austria that the Empress Marie 
 Louise and her son relinquish all claims on the 
 imperial dignity. 
 
 Prince Eugene de Beauharnais won the protec- 
 tion of the Russian Czar, who gained the consent 
 of Emperor Francis to this at the time when 
 he acceded to the latter's wish that he again be- 
 come friends w^ith Metternich. Eugene said the 
 proclamation of the allies against Napoleon 
 would cause the whole French nation to rise 
 against them and unite to support Napoleon; 
 there would be uprisings on the left bank of the 
 Rhine, in Poland, and in Saxony. 
 
 March 22. — The King of Saxony accepted 
 
436 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 the land that had been set aside for him, and 
 made only tlie reservation that he call various no- 
 tables first and advise them of the necessity of his 
 acceptance. An evil spirit favoring Napoleon 
 has been observed in Dresden and among the 
 Saxon Army on the left bank of tlie Khine. 
 
 There is a malignant spirit among the Saxon 
 trooj)s, in Warsaw and to some extent on the 
 lower Khine. Tlie joy of many at Napoleon's 
 arrival was sliown in a most unworthy manner 
 in many instances. 
 
 Jose])h Bonaparte wrote a most peculiar let- 
 ter to the Austrian business agent in Switzerland, 
 Herr von Schraut. He told him that it was the 
 wish of the army and the nation to recall Na- 
 poleon in order to free them of the unworthy gov- 
 ernment of the Bourbons, whicli was a bad dream. 
 In this letter was inclosed a bulletin which an- 
 nounced that Paris and the northern garrisons 
 had been occupied and that a provisional govern- 
 ment had been named, consisting of Cambaceres, 
 Davout, Sieyes, and Caulaincourt; Joseph fur- 
 ther wrote that he wished to give Herr von 
 Schraut information of the greatest importance 
 for the peace of Europe. This discloses that the 
 conspirators counted with confidence on the suc- 
 cess of the adventure of the Generals Lefebvre, 
 Desnouettes, I'Allemand, and Drouet, and that 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 437 
 
 Joseph Bonaparte was an accomplice and had 
 knowledge of it. 
 
 In all probability the downfall of Napoleon 
 may be expected, because their undertakings 
 failed, and because public opinion, especially in 
 the Prussian state, was loudly against the tyrant, 
 which had an effect on the feeling in the army. 
 Furthermore for these reasons: because of the 
 declaration of the powers to concentrate all their 
 strength to fight Napoleon, thus preventing the 
 danger of an invasion of France; because the 
 marshals and foremost generals remained loyal 
 and took effective action; because all authorities 
 and all departments declared themselves against 
 Napoleon ; and the king was calm and firm. The 
 courtiers are said to have conducted themselves 
 dishonorably and cowardly. Blacas threw him- 
 self at the feet of Louis XVIII and begged him 
 to depart; but the king remained unmoved. 
 
 On the twenty-third Ilerr von Plessen, Count 
 Keller, and Senator Smidt presented to Prince 
 Metternich and Hardenberg the note of March 
 22 [in which they asked that the basis for the 
 German constitution be agreed on] . They added 
 orally a request for a declaration on the accept- 
 ance of the imperial dignity. Prince Metternich 
 assured them explicitly that the Congress was 
 not to adjourn until the foundation for the Ger- 
 man constitution had been laid. He said that 
 
438 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 Austria could not now accept the imperial dignity 
 because of the opposition of Prussia and Bavaria. 
 Herr von Plessen observed that at tlie very least 
 a strong, single direction was necessary. Prince 
 Hardenberg gave a similar answer. lie added 
 that he was unable to support the proposal of in- 
 stituting the imperial dignity, because if it was 
 strong, it would be disadvantageous for Prussia, 
 and if weak, it would be useless. A guiding hand, 
 however, was needed. Humboldt, he said, was 
 busy compiling a survey of his plan. 
 
 The events in \Vurtemberg became known here 
 to-day, March 26, and caused the greatest joy 
 among all who were favora])ly disposed. The 
 firm, lawful, and forceful conduct of this assem- 
 bly was in strongest conh-ast to the action of the 
 French. The Count of Artois and MacDonald 
 had the garrison of Lyons drawn up, but they 
 could not force them to cry, ''Vive le roil" They 
 cried, ''Vive la Franccr and ''Vive la Marechair 
 As soon as the troops of Xapoleon appeared, 
 every one cried, "Nous voulons fraterniserr ; 
 rushed upon them and pulled the marshal from 
 his horse, so that he had to take safety in flight, 
 followed for three miles by Bonaparte's hussars. 
 
 A treaty of alliance was signed on ^larch 27 
 by Austria, Russia, England, and Prussia, by 
 which they agi'eed to send at least 450,000 men 
 against Xapoleon and to fight for the integrity 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 439 
 
 of the Treaty of Paris of May 31, 1814. The 
 question of subsidies was held in abeyance. 
 
 The bitterness in Saxony against the Prussians 
 increased and showed itself in the most incompre- 
 hensible manner; at the levying of the central 
 taxes, at the promulgation of the statutes, etc. 
 The former was necessary to take care of de- 
 mands that grew out of march of the Russians 
 through Saxony. 
 
 In view of the thoroughly perverted spirit of 
 the [French] Army, it was necessary to weaken 
 it and to adopt national mobilization as a counter- 
 measure. Count Dupont was active in this di- 
 rection. As, however, the political role was not 
 to be neglected in foreign affairs, as Talleyrand 
 still had a voice in the Saxon situation, and this 
 needed support, Marshal Soult was placed at the 
 head of the army. A conspiracy developed. 
 
 Two months before Barras had an interview 
 with Blacas, in which he directed attention to 
 Bonaparte's int^-igues and his connections with 
 Murat, and insisted that Bonaparte be arrested, 
 so that he could try to get Murat to abdicate. 
 Blacas paid no attention to this proposal, and 
 Talleyrand also was dazzled by his own ar- 
 rogance. Pozzo asked him several times (in 
 October and November, 1814) to bring up at the 
 Congress the question of the arrest of Napoleon. 
 He received the reply, ''N'en parlez pas; cest un 
 
440 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 homme morf ["Do not speak of him ; he is a dead 
 man"]. When he was told of the mutinous spirit 
 of the army he repHed, ''Lc roi pent faire marcher 
 150,000 liommes et les dissoudre' ["The king is 
 able to assemble 1.50,000 men and to scatter 
 them"]. When on March 8 he ur^^^ed the neces- 
 sity of going to Presburg to settle the affair with 
 the King of Saxony, Count Rasumowskij re- 
 marked that it was highly necessary to determine 
 the attitude of the Congress toward Xapoleon 
 and to publish it; he continued in his view and 
 said: "C'est unc affaire majeure, celle de Vaccep- 
 tation du roi de Sa.re. II faut avant tout la ter- 
 miner* ["This affair of the acceptance of the 
 King of Saxony is more important. It is neces- 
 sary to end it before everything else"]. The 
 declaration, therefore, did not leave until ^larch 
 14 and had not reached Paris by the twentieth, 
 when it might have been there on the sixteenth; 
 therefore could not be made public when the king 
 left. It was believed in Paris for a long time that 
 the declaration had been withdrawn and that 
 Austria supported Xapoleon. 
 
 The French ambassador in Turin, ^larquis 
 d'Osmond, had also told the ministers in the 
 w^inter of 1814 about the relations of the Bona- 
 partists with their chief. All reports received by 
 
 General on April 2 and by other members 
 
 of the assembly confirmed the report that the 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 441 
 
 undertaking of Napoleon was carried out against 
 the wishes of the nation, and succeeded only with 
 the support of the greater part of the army ; that 
 he found it necessary to negotiate with the 
 Jacobins and to flatter them. This was the rea- 
 son for the demobilization of the national guard 
 and the freedom of the press. 
 
 The baseness of Ney surpassed all bounds. He 
 kissed the king's hand with feeling, wept, ob- 
 tained 500,000 francs from him with which to pay 
 his debts, as he was going forth to face death for 
 him, and said, ''Je vous amenerai le tigre museW 
 ["I will bring back the tiger to you muzzled"]. 
 When he related this to Napoleon he added, with 
 laughter, ''J' at interieurement bien ri du gros 
 cochon' ["Inwardly I laughed heartily at this 
 big hog"]. 
 
 Prince Wrede would not accept the division of 
 territory agreed upon by Prussia, Austria, Rus- 
 sia, and England (April 4), and reserved his ex- 
 planation. The disturbing sense of his own im- 
 portance of this man worked disadvantageously 
 at the discussions on the German constitution, 
 which he weakened; in the misunderstandings 
 regarding Saxony, which he augmented and em- 
 bittered ; and finally at the settlement of the terri- 
 torial question, which he held up. No agreement 
 could be reached in two conferences because Ba- 
 varia insisted upon retaining the territory which 
 
442 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 it held and administered, and this caused further 
 compHcations. At the same time INIurat began 
 hostihties, and everything united to place em- 
 phasis upon the disastrous progress of the Con- 
 gress and to increase the embarrassment of jNIet- 
 ternich, brought about by his frivolity and a cer- 
 tain receptivity and good nature. A bad spirit 
 was shown at the Munich court. 
 
 April 8. — The departure of King Louis 
 XVIII was so rapid that Jaucourt, the represen- 
 tative of M. de Talleyrand, left behind him [in 
 Paris] papers dealing with the newest develop- 
 ments at the Congress of Vienna, and among 
 others the treaty of alliance of January 4, 1815, 
 between France, Austria, England, and Bavaria 
 aimed against powers which made excessive de- 
 mands. Bassano turned this treaty over to the 
 Russian agent But j akin, who gave it to Czar 
 Alexander. This stirred up the czar, who be- 
 came heated and ill tempered, but declared that, 
 nevertheless, he would oppose Napoleon strenu- 
 ously and cheerfully. Shortly afterward Talley- 
 rand assured Xesselrode that only unimportant 
 papers had been left behind l)y Jaucourt; and 
 when Nesselrode appeared to doubt this, he con- 
 tinued: ''Ah, je sais de quoi vous voulez parler — 
 c'est ce traite; il a ete fait sans mauvaise intention. 
 Qiia7it a moi, j'ai vouJu rompre la quadruple al- 
 liance'' ["Ah, I know of what you would speak — 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 443 
 
 the treaty ; it was made without any evil intention. 
 So far as I am concerned, I wished to disrupt the 
 quadruple aUiance"]. The dastard! 
 
 Napoleon stood between the license of the sol- 
 diery and the superior power of the French: the 
 former oppressed and aroused the inhabitants; 
 the latter forced him to take Fouche and Carnot 
 into the ministry, to announce the freedom of the 
 press, and to start work on a new constitution. 
 He lived in suspense and fear, surrounded by his 
 guard. 
 
 As it was felt necessary to keep the assembly 
 that had been called for in May in good spirits, 
 it was decided to take Talleyrand's advice and 
 issue a declaration which specifically set forth 
 that the object of the war was the removal of Na- 
 poleon, in this manner leaving the question of the 
 restoration of the Bourbons to the judgment of 
 the nation. 
 
 According to reports brought by General 
 Waldersdorf, the Danish ambassador, a party 
 was formed in Paris by men discontented with 
 Bourbon rule, composed of constitutionalists, 
 regicides, and Bonapartists, which sought a 
 change in the government in order to seize power 
 and enrich themselves. At their head was Carnot, 
 later Fouche, who gave the government proofs of 
 his adherence for a long time, but later left it. The 
 
444 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 postal director Ferrand placed a Bonapartist, 
 La Vallette, at the head of the postal service, and 
 he suppressed all reports deahng with the general 
 unrest. The minister of police asked Bassano 
 for a trustworthy man for his department, and 
 received the latter's friend INIounier. Soult was 
 given a place on the recommendation of an "im- 
 migrant," M. de Bruggs, who declared that he 
 would have him watched through a friend who 
 was in the war council. 
 
 This party, however, regards Napoleon only 
 as its tool, which it is ready to destroy and prob- 
 ably soon will have to do so, in order to save itself, 
 as the army now has not more than 120,000 men, 
 and lacks arms; for the factories can supply only 
 15,000 monthly. It appears that St. ISIontereau 
 was sent to Vienna by this group to get informa- 
 tion on affairs here, and on the steps taken by the 
 allies, etc. 
 
 In order that his party and its opponents and 
 the opponents of the Bourbons should not be 
 driven to desperation, it was decided to issue the 
 declaration. There was difficulty in finding a 
 place where the integrity of France might be 
 mentioned; Clancarty also criticized it because it 
 did not clearly state that Louis XVIII was to 
 be returned to the throne. It was feared that 
 Czar Alexander might be inclined to change the 
 order of succession to the throne because of his 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 445 
 
 aversion to the Bourbons and especially to Louis 
 XVIII, and perhaps would favor the Duke of 
 Orleans. All this, however, was based solely on 
 conjecture, on an article in the French newspaper 
 of Frankfort, and similar expressions, and on 
 anxiety over the influence of La Harpe, whose 
 head was full of immature ideas, and whose heart 
 was filled with injured vanity and bitterness. 
 
 April 18, 23.— German affairs at last seem to 
 progress. The Humboldt proposal found little 
 approval because of its vacillating language. 
 Herr von Plessen and Herr von Wessenberg 
 have drafted another ; and when negotiations were 
 begun with the German nobility regarding the al- 
 liance, the Mecklenburg ambassador, Herr von 
 Plessen, renewed his demand for a decision on the 
 basic law. Herr von Humboldt and Count Nes- 
 selrode gave him specific assurances. 
 
 Czar Alexander insisted on April 23 that I re- 
 main here until the wind-up of the German affair. 
 Metternich assured me on April 24 that this 
 would be brought about when I represented to 
 him the necessity for a decision to appease the 
 people and because of the special war measures. 
 The Bavarian affair was closed on the twenty- 
 fourth, wanting only the consent of Wiirtemberg, 
 Hesse, Darmstadt, and Baden. The latter two 
 were against giving Bavaria land on the left bank 
 of the Rhine and letting the Bavarian boundary 
 
446 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 come so close to Mannheim and Darmstadt. The 
 whole Bavarian settlement was effected in an un- 
 fortunate manner. It encircles the whole of 
 southern Germany with Bavarian possessions; 
 it takes the fortress of Salzberg from Austria; it 
 mars the unity and federation of the little states 
 at a moment when they have to raise troops and 
 make all sorts of efforts. It would be better to 
 postpone the whole settlement until after the war. 
 The war itself will bring about readjustments 
 that can be utilized with profit. 
 
 The present size of Bavaria is disadvantageous 
 for Germany. It leans heavily upon its neigh- 
 bors; it strives toward enlargement; the spirit of 
 its government is perverted; and anything may 
 be expected as a result of its ambition and its ill 
 feehng toward Prussia and Austria. Its limita- 
 tion to the land between the Danube and the Lech 
 is necessary for the internal and external tran- 
 quillity of Germany, and it is to be expected that 
 its Government will soon give good cause for such 
 a rectification. It is therefore advisable to leave 
 it out of the German Confederation and not to 
 endanger the political life of this organization by 
 including Bavaria. Its designs do not allow it to 
 submit to the limitations of the federal agree- 
 ment; this can be concluded, therefore, only by 
 omitting Bavaria and by waiting the turn of 
 events. Herr von Plessen said to Munster that 
 
POLAND AND SAXONY 447 
 
 he believed things could be concluded without 
 Bavaria. Mlinster was of the opinion that the 
 powers of medium size should protect the smaller 
 ones, and that Bavaria was necessary for this. 
 
 The agreement on Poland was finally signed 
 between Austria and Prussia on May 5. The 
 Poles, however, remained disaffected, because the 
 czar did not unite his old provinces with the 
 Duchy of Warsaw under the name of a Kingdom 
 of Poland. There was trouble brewing among 
 them continually, which was increased by the ill 
 feeling of Grand Duke Constantine toward a 
 number of Polish generals. The agreement al- 
 lowed free intercourse for Polish products in all 
 the Polish provinces ; in this manner the tariff of 
 1811, which cut Russia off, was set aside, which 
 was beneficial for Russia. 
 
 The conferences on provisioning in Germany 
 are progressing very slowly on account of the in- 
 terference of England and Hanover. As the 
 armies moved into Germany and full and imme- 
 diate payment for the great armies was impossible 
 at the prices set by profiteering, I suggested that 
 the deliveries be made to cover the needs of three 
 months according to reduced prices, which were 
 agreed upon with the princes, — payment to be 
 made partly in cash, partly in notes, — and the 
 division of Germany into three provisioning dis- 
 tricts. Negotiations and discussions on this sub- 
 
448 A PEACE CONGRESS OF INTRIGUE 
 
 ject were begun with the princes, which Count 
 Miinster refused to join on the ground named in 
 the beginning, and in this he was su])ported by the 
 Enghsh. Gen. Vincent was instructed to confer 
 on this subject witli the King of the Netherlands. 
 
 INIay 8. — The discussion of German aifairs 
 have finally begun. Prince jNIetternich had caused 
 Ilerr von Wessenberg to draw up a draft of an 
 act of federation. The conferences began May 
 11. 
 
 Revolt of the Saxon regiment of the grenadier 
 guards. Infamous results of tlie int^'igues of the 
 unreasoning supporters of the king. 
 
 Czar Alexander won the love of the inhabitants 
 by his human kindliness and well-intentioned con- 
 duct, lie was pleased with their good nature, 
 and cordiality, and these impressions will work 
 beneficially in the future. lie told Counts 
 Wrbna, Zichy, and Auersperg that he hoped to 
 come back to Vienna and that he departed with 
 regret: he viewed Europe as a great family, and 
 as he was the youngest of the rulers, he felt that 
 he would have to visit his friends as often as the 
 general tranquillity allowed him to do so. He 
 visited one of the taverns in the Prater unrecog 
 nized by the guests, ordered beer, and tobacco, 
 paid the regular price, and left without being 
 observed. 
 
 M 827 
 

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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