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■^ 
 
 Horace G-reeli^. 
 
 IN 1872. 
 
 HIS Political POSITION and motives 
 
 IN THE 
 
 LATE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST. 
 
 BY JAMES S. PIKE. 
 
 11 
 
 RE- PUBLISHED FROlVr THK NEW YORK TRIBUNE. 
 
 NEW YORK : .' 
 
 Rowers, ^VIacgowan 8f ^lipper, j^rinters, 
 
 Corner Nassau and Frankfort Streets. 
 
 1873 
 
yia 
 
 v^'*. 
 
.7 
 
 HORACE GREELEY 
 
 11^ 1872. 
 
 I]sr the numerous notices and "recollections" of 
 Mr. Greeley by partisan hands, since the death of that 
 distinguished man, the intimation is often made that j 
 not only lost caste as a Kepublican, but lost character by 
 becoming the candidate of the opposition at the late 
 election ; and this chapter of his lif^ is patronizingly 
 passed over as one which might better be treated with 
 silence and left to oblivion. 
 
 In the first place, no such thing is possible in a life as 
 eminent and as conspicuous as that of Mr. Grreeley. In 
 the next, it is an impertinent imputation which every 
 friend of his desires promptly to rej^^il. No such for- 
 bearance is asked or desired. His friends challenge 
 the closest scrutiny on this as on every other chapter of 
 his eventful life. Mr, Greeley threw himself into the 
 canvass as the determined opponent of a sordid corrup- 
 tion that he believed was disgracing the Republican 
 party and destroying the public morals. The late num- 
 erous and painful public disclosures of Credit Mobilier, 
 Senatorial, and other corruptions, that have simultane- 
 ously burst upon and astounded the country, demon- 
 strate to the world how well founded his convictions 
 were. 
 
 These developments throw a flood of light upon the 
 late canvass by making plain to all what was previously 
 
/ 
 
 known to but comparatively few ; namely, tliat our 
 national politics had long been becoming thoroughly 
 corrupt. They have also widened the basis of the 
 knowledge possessed by those few, and more than con- 
 firmed all their worst suspicions. There is no longer 
 any doubt that widespread rottenness prevails in our 
 public aifairs and among our puljlic men. The question 
 now is getting to be, how much have we left that is 
 sound ? How many States and how many Congress dis- 
 tricts exist that are not under the control of corrupt 
 agencies and influences ? 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF PUBLIC COREUPTION. 
 
 The fruitage season of corruption, now running to 
 seed in Washington and all over the country, was pre- 
 ceded by its budding and blossoming time at the Capi- 
 -»tol. It l)egan in the period of war contracts in the 
 time of Mr. Lincoln ; it continued under the hybrid ad- 
 ministration of Andrew Johnson ; and flowered vigor- 
 ously at the close of the war, when Gen. Grant's military 
 and personal friends took possession of our civil affairs. 
 Its growth was at that period viewed with the deepest 
 concern by every observer cognizant of public affairs. 
 The inauguration of Gen. Grant became an epoch in its 
 progress. The instant raid then made upon the offices 
 by a rough-shod and eager crew, who knew what the} 
 became Republicans for, was one of the most significant 
 events in our political history. The old Republicans 
 were everywhere immediately displaced by the ne^v 
 crowd. 
 
 It was not long before there came reports of numer- 
 ous accomplished and attempted thefts, robberies, defal- 
 cations, and swindling transactions in the various De- 
 partments, in addition to the usual supply in Congres;^. 
 

 The most conspicuous of these, and the one which first 
 excited wide attention, arose in the Post Office Depart- 
 ment, and subsequently became notorious as the " Chor- 
 penning Claim." Mr. Postmaster-General Creswell had 
 deliberately sanctioned an attempt to take from the 
 Treasury the sum of $440,000, on a claim urged by his 
 former law-partner, which the House of Representatives, 
 by a nearly unanimous vote, declared fraudulent and 
 void. This was deemed a proper occasion by some of 
 the best Kepul)licans in Congress to break ground, and 
 make a resolute stand against an evidently still rising 
 tide of corruption, which, if not checked by some con- 
 certed and authoritative measures, it was seen would 
 soon debauch the new Executive Government, further 
 demoralize Congress and the country, and result finally 
 in endangering the ascendency of the Republican party. 
 In the event of Gen. Grant's failing to invite Mr. Cres- 
 well to resign, it was suggested that Congress should 
 give a significant hint to that gentleman to retire. But 
 while Congress was prompt to stamp Mr. Creswell's 
 action as infamous, it exhibited an incredible reluct- 
 ance to do anything which looked like personally antag- 
 onizing members against him. The reasons for this re- 
 luctance were not then understood, and until lately have 
 only been but partially disclosed. They become sur- 
 prisingly clear in the light of recent developments. 
 
 ME. GREELEY ENTERS THE LISTS AGAINST CORRUPTION. 
 
 It was at this period that Mr. Greeley was approached 
 and solicited to make open proclamation against the 
 Creswell transaction and throw the whole weight of 
 The Tribune into a resolute demand for his removal. 
 Mr. Greeley was at that time a warm friend and sup- 
 porter of Gen. Grant and the administration. It was 
 
V 
 
 urged upon him that the good name and honorable 
 character of the Republican party demanded that Cres- 
 well should go overboard ; that in no other way could 
 so much be done to check the bold march of venality 
 and corruption ; that it was the duty of the press to call 
 upon the President to set his face like a flint against this 
 first open and flagrant attempt at public robbery ; that 
 it might be early understood that the new Administra- 
 tion would not for one moment tolerate transactions like 
 this. It was the first actual and threatenins: crevasse 
 that had opened, and it must be promptly stopped if an 
 inundation was to be averted. Those views were en- 
 forced by suggesting the inquiry as to what would pro- 
 bably be Mr. Creswell's fate if, instead of Gen. Grant, 
 Mr. Chase, or Mr, Fessenden, or Mr. Charles Francis 
 Adams, were at the head of the administration. There- 
 was no one to contest the conclusion that in either case 
 Mr. Creswell's place would not be worth an hour's pur- 
 chase. Mr. Greeley recognized the force of the consid- 
 erations alleged, and offered to print anything in aid of 
 the object in view, and did publish some strictures on 
 the transaction ; but, as it was thought that Gen. Grant's 
 pertinacity and pride of opinion, in the selection of his 
 Cabinet oflicers, was not likely to be overcome by any 
 mere newspaper solicitations, Mr. Greeley did not see 
 his way clear to make such a pronounced effort as was 
 desired. It proved subsequently that this view of the 
 case was correct, so far as any action of Gen. Grant in 
 the premises was concerned. For the President was 
 afterward approached on the same subject by eminent Ke- 
 publicans in Congress, who were his supporters then, and 
 who are his supporters now, and a reconstruction of his 
 Cabinet, urged on the ground of this and other scandals 
 of which it was argued the Republican party ought not 
 
\ 
 
 to bear the weight ; but the attempt to secure such re- 
 construction signally failed, though backed by Senatorial 
 names. The President thought that Creswell and 
 Robeson were as good as any of the rest of his Cabinet. 
 
 HOW ME. GREELEY AIMED TO COERECT ABUSES. 
 
 But it is not Presidential obtuseness that I wish to 
 illustrate, but the character and position of Mr. Greeley. 
 Always a warm partisan and an ardent su23porter of the 
 Republican party, seeking the forefront of the battle, 
 he was not anxious to find flaws in its administration, 
 but sought to excuse rather than condemn. He was un- 
 willing to make sharp issues with Gen. Grant's Admin- 
 istration, even while condemning its tone and many of 
 its acts. He thought there was a better way, and that 
 friendly solicitation would serve better than indignant 
 comment. It is known to all readers of The Tribune, 
 that he pursued that course through all the Cabinet 
 scandals, and all the carpet-bag rascalities and robberies, 
 the irregularities and swindling operations of the vast 
 crowd of revenue officers in New York and elsewhere, 
 the defalcations and speculations of what was known 
 as the " Military Ring," and the general gorging of the 
 new tribe who had gained possession of the Govern- 
 ment places, till at length he could stand it no longer. 
 Mr. Greeley steadily aimed at the friendly correction of 
 these abuses, by, as might almost be said, supporting 
 Gen. Grant against Gen. Grant's Administration. Fully 
 recognizing the necessity of reform, he aimed to secure 
 it by continuing his support of the regular organization 
 of the Repuljlican party. Party divisions in the State 
 of New York greatly embarrassed this line of action, 
 and Ml*. Greeley was made to feel, by the action of party 
 managers, how unavailing were his efforts. 
 
r 
 
 6 
 
 I mark the epoch of the Creswell transaction because 
 it was about that time that Mr. Greeley's mind began 
 to be more impressed with the magnitude and wide- 
 spread character of the corruptions that had seized hold 
 of the country, and which neither the precept nor the 
 example of the national administration was calculated 
 to check. Revolving the subject in his mind, he finally 
 came to the conclusion that things ought not to go on in 
 the old ruts any longer, and that a change was neces- 
 sary. He accordingly avowed his opposition to Gen. 
 Grant's renomination. He used to speak privately of 
 affairs in Washington as being " rotten through and 
 through " in Congress and the Departments, but especi- 
 ally in the Post-OfSce Department ; and that he could 
 see no remedy except in a complete change from top to 
 bottom. A particular point of discouragement was 
 that Gen. Cox's efforts to begin a civil service reform at 
 Washington, while a member of the Cabinet, were 
 hooted at, and cost that able and honest man his place. 
 A man high in the long exercise of his Senatorial office 
 at Washington used at the time to regale the willing ear 
 of the President with his vews of the absurdity of at- 
 tempting any such reform, and by volunteering his 
 judgment that Mr. Cox was only fit to be Secretary of 
 the Interior in the " Kingdom of Heaven." But this 
 question afterward took on such a threatening aspect 
 that the President felt compelled, at a late day, to de- 
 clare himself a convert to the doctrine to which Cox had 
 been sacrificed. 
 
 PAETISAN CONSID.EEATIONS EEJECTED. 
 
 But at length Mr. Greeley saw, what became evident 
 to everybody, that Gen. Grant's renomination was a 
 foreordained event; that his re-election would only per- 
 
petuate and intensify a state of things which he was 
 firmly persuaded had gone on already quite too long for 
 the public good, Mr. Greeley felt that he knew. The 
 question with him at this juncture was, whether he 
 would bow to this coming decision of the Republican 
 party, and support its nominee, or whether he would 
 resist and contest the issue. Mr. Greeley's position at 
 this time was viewed by Republicans with great interest 
 and concern, and many doubts were expressed as to 
 whether he would " stick." It was generally believed 
 that his active Republican sentiments and his old strong 
 partisan feelings would finally prevail to shape his 
 action, and that he vvould, in obedience to them, do as 
 he did in the canvass of 1848, when he determinedly 
 opposed Gen. Taylor's nomination. At that time, after 
 finding his opposition fruitless, he reluctantly wheeled 
 into line and supported the ticket. It was thought he 
 would do so now. 
 
 But the event proved this expectation groundless. 
 Mr. Greeley gave abundant notice from time to time, in 
 his journal, that the period had arrived when he would no 
 longer be swayed by partisan considerations, but that 
 he would renounce the position of party organ, and fol- 
 lowing the dictates of his own judgment and conscience, 
 throw himself and his paper exclusively upon the gen- 
 eral public intelligence for support. He claimed that 
 he could not conscientiously support the continuation 
 of the existing state of things, and would not counten- 
 ance, by his voice or his vote, the men who were corruptly, 
 as he believed, controlling public affairs. He demanded 
 that these be given over to purer custodians. He was 
 not tired of Republicans or Republicanism. His faith 
 was unchanged. But he hated corruption, and he 
 longed for honesty and purity and moral perception in 
 
administration. He was ready to make every sacrifice 
 and fight tlie battle on a forlorn hope rather than yield 
 his convictions of what the public good demanded. 
 
 This was the position of Mr. Greeley at a period an- 
 terior to the call of a body of independent Keformers 
 who were in motion for a convention in the interests of 
 Civil Service and Revenue Reform. 
 
 ME. GEEELEY STILL A EEPUBLICAlSr. 
 
 It is easy to say from a partisan point of view that, 
 in taking this position, Mr. Greeley left the Republican 
 party. He did no such thing. He dissented from the 
 action of a majority of its representatives, in their nom- 
 ination of a candidate for President. He did this from 
 high motives of public policy, as well as in the interest 
 of Republicanism itself He did not wish to overthrow 
 it or defeat it, but to purify and vitalize it. He did not 
 wish to undo one of its great achievements. He did 
 not wish to modify one of its great results. He was 
 still for emancipation, for enfranchisement, for the equal 
 rights of all men, in behalf of which a great w^ar had 
 been successfully waged. He aimed at the education 
 and elevation of the benighted children of the African 
 race on this continent, and to see that not one right of 
 theirs was abridged by any measure of public policy. 
 More than this, he aimed to advance the Republican 
 standard still further forward in the direction it had 
 been steadily moving since the Rebellion began, and to 
 gain in the future even greater triumphs, than it had 
 achieved in the past. He wished to consolidate those 
 triumphs by harmonizing the antagonisms between the 
 two races at the South, and by softening and removing 
 the asperities between the North and South which those 
 
triumplis Lad created. He patriotically aimed at these 
 lofty purposes in the future, thus to secure more com- 
 pletely the Republican achievements of the past. These 
 were his plain, transparent, well defined, often explained 
 motives and purposes in the position he assumed, after 
 dissenting from the nomination of Gen. Grant. 
 
 Was this to cease to be a Republican, or was it to be 
 more of a Rej^ublican than ever ? How al)^urd and 
 preposterous then to charge or to intimate that Mr. 
 Greeley deserted his Republicanism, or changed his 
 ground, or lowered his tone upon one single point em- 
 braced in the original creed, or any of its accretions, of 
 the Repu])lican party, from the beginning to the end of 
 his luminous career. 
 
 He declined to suj)port the Republican nomination 
 of Gen. Grant. He did it, as we have seen, from high 
 moral and patriotic considerations. He aimed to defeat 
 his election, still holding to every political principle and 
 dogma he had espoused since the founding of the Re- 
 publican party. And this is all. To condemn Mr. 
 Greeley for this, or in a review of his character to hold 
 this conduct up for animadversion as reflecting upon his 
 honesty or his truth, or his consistency even^ is to meas- 
 ure him by a standard and weigh him in a scale which 
 has no recognition among the eternities. It is only by 
 applying a high moral standard that we can determine 
 whether a man has acted unworthily. To refuse to go 
 with the majority of one's party may be the height of 
 virtue. It depends on the motive, and it depends on 
 the object. If these be pure, the act is commendable ; 
 and it may happen that such an act is the most resplen- 
 dent of a political life. Without caring to claim so 
 much as this for Mr. Greeley, I do hold that it is only a 
 short-sighted partisanship that can see in Mr. Greeley's 
 
10 
 
 course, up to this point, anything to censure or condemn. 
 And where such censure or such condemnation is ex- 
 pressed, it must be deemed rather the measure of the 
 critic himself than of the object criticised. For those 
 who say they cannot reconcile Mr. Greeley's position 
 with his previous career, his friends have only to say 
 that such a remark is tantamount to admitting an ina- 
 bility to understand how a high motive can prevail 
 aorainst a low one. 
 
 THE CANDIDATE OF THE DEMOCEACY. 
 
 But it is the complaint of Mr. Greeley's critics, not 
 only that he declined to support the nomination of the 
 Republican party, but that he became the candidate of 
 their great adversary, the Democratic party, of whom 
 Mr. Greeley himself had been the lifelong and persist- 
 ent opponent. The implication from this fact is that he 
 deserted his own and went over to the Democratic 
 party. 
 
 While the facts alleged are notorious, the implication 
 is wholly without foundation. A simple narrative of 
 events as they occurred dispels the charge. His being 
 a candidate was purely a secondary and accidental cir- 
 cumstance. His position, as I have endeavored to eluci- 
 date it, was taken wholly independent of this circum- 
 stance. It was assumed when he was scarcely thought 
 of as a Presidential candidate, and when any betting 
 man would have offered a thousand to one against his 
 chances for such a nomination. Mr. Greeley himself 
 was not thinking of it, but only of leading the way at 
 the head of his great and influential journal, in protest- 
 ing, in behalf of thousands and tens of thousands of 
 thinking and earnest Republicans, against the corrup- 
 
11 
 
 tions of the men who were influential leaders of the Re- 
 publican party. He was polishing his weapons for a 
 contest in which he knew he should delight, and into 
 which he proposed to enter with his whole heart and 
 soul. He felt his power, and he knew it was greatest 
 in an aggressive war against corruption and incompe- 
 tency, against criminality and falsehood, in the guise of 
 political virtue. He looked for a great defection in the 
 Republican ranks under this protesting banner. In this 
 he difi"ered from many of his personal friends, who be- 
 lieved that the public confidence in Gen. Grant remained 
 in the main unshaken, and that when his name came 
 again before the people all secondary considerations 
 would be overlooked and overborne, and that he would 
 be triumphantly elected. But Mr. Greeley would fight 
 his battles all the same, regardless of consequences, and 
 regardless of all temporary sacrifices, pecuniary and 
 otherwise, that he knew his course would inevitably en- 
 tail. He undoubtedly believed he was laying the foun- 
 dation for a Vjroad and successful Reform movement in 
 the future, and that the losses now would be more than 
 compensated by the gain hereafter. It was Mr. Greeley's 
 intellectual habit to be always preparing the way for a 
 better" future. He was a man ever impatient for pro- 
 gress. He was never content to rest on accomplished 
 results. He was always on the alert for new positions 
 and new issues. It was a favorite theory of his that 
 frequent political changes were useful to the public. 
 He held that every party became corrupt by being long 
 in power, and that this corruption was never fully probed 
 and never destroyed except by such changes. He cared 
 nothing for the preservation of party except as an 
 agency to promote high principles and useful measures. 
 He did care everything for principles ; but if they were 
 
12 
 
 ignored or disregarded, lie cared not wliat became of the 
 party that only emptily professed them. 
 
 HIS POSITION CONCERNING THE TARIFF. 
 
 There is really no reason whatever to believe Mr. 
 Greeley anticipated any other result than that we have 
 indicated in the opposition he had now avowed. With 
 the people who originally proposed to meet at Cincin- 
 nati for Civil Service and Revejiue Reform, Mr. Greeley 
 had no sympathy. Their cardinal object was to make 
 head against that protective policy which he had long 
 warmly supported. But as a body favorable to reform 
 in general, Mr. Greeley aimed to utilize it in the direc- 
 tion of such reforms as he himself favored. He thought 
 the two classes of reformers might act harmoniously in 
 pursuit of a common object, by agreeing each to remit 
 the chief subject of disagreement between them, namely, 
 the Tariff question, to the popular constituencies of the 
 Congress Districts. It is hard to see anything blamable 
 in this, but only a wise precaution ; since practically it 
 did not alter the position of the question in the present 
 or in the future by a hair's l)readth. But it has been 
 made a matter of reproach to Mr. Greeley, in the allega- 
 tion that he thereby abandoned his own previous posi- 
 tion on the subject. The reproach is unmerited ; since 
 the allegation is wholly untrue. He did not aljandon 
 any position he ever occupied on the subject, and did 
 not propose to forego its discussion or even the advocacy 
 he had so long practiced. But Mr. Greeley was en- 
 deavoring to harmonize the elements of the opposition 
 for the common advantage, and without reference to 
 himself He wanted that Convention to agree on a 
 Presidential candidate he could support, and he did not 
 conceal his preferences that that candidate should be 
 
13 
 
 Lyman Trumbull. But he did not go to the Convention, 
 and did not seek in the least, either by solicitation or 
 combination, to influence its action. 
 
 But in due time, to the utter surprise of everyl^ody, 
 and especially of Mr. Greeley himself, it did nominate 
 him as its candidate for the Presidency. As much of 
 the reproach heaped upon Mr. Greeley is because he be- 
 came the candidate of the opposition, we should like to 
 ask just here, what was Mr. Greeley to do in these cir- 
 cumstances ? He certainly was not to blame for his 
 nomination. He had not contrived it ; he had not an- 
 ticipated it. The result was a spontaneous judgment of 
 the majority at Cincinnati that he was the most fit man 
 to be nominated. Was he to repel this judgment ? Was 
 he to withdraw, and say he would not run ? It is none 
 too much to say that he could with propriety do neither. 
 Of all men in the movement, it was not for him to balk 
 at the first step of the Convention, and thus interpose 
 an obstacle to its success by discrediting its judgment. 
 Mr. Greeley, then, was in no sense responsible for his 
 own nomination, and thus deserves no reproach for it. 
 He had it thrust upon him, and he could not escape its 
 consequences. No conditions were attached to it, and 
 no promises exacted. He was taken on a position he 
 had long before marked out for himself, when he origin- 
 ally resolved on fighting the l)attle in the ranks, in be- 
 half of whoever might lead. 
 
 HIS POSITION CONSISTENT THROUGHOUT. 
 
 Neither, because the Democrats subsequently thought 
 it for their interest to confirm the nomination and to ac- 
 cept Mr. Greeley for their candidate, is it to be imputed 
 to him for a crime. He was but the passive recipient 
 of unexpected honors from his old adversaries. Their 
 
14 
 
 action did not change his own self-cliosen position, 
 or swerve him from his principles. He did not be- 
 come a Democrat or a representative of Democracy by 
 accepting the nomination. He was the same Horace 
 Greeley and the same Republican as before, and would 
 have so remained had the fates been propitious and 
 placed him in the Pi'esidential chair. It was his own lofty 
 and independent position, his daring declarations of de- 
 termined freedom from party shackles when they would 
 bind him to support what he abhorred and execrated, 
 that extorted the admiration of his old foes, and won 
 the support of such of them as could be moved by senti- 
 ments of magnanimity toward so noble and fearless a 
 leader. Unhappily these did not comprise the whole of 
 the Democratic party. There were numerous Democrats 
 in every State, who, in the zeal of their partisanship, 
 opposed him to the end, and threw State after State into 
 the hands of Gen. Grant's friend So They at least be- 
 lieved Gen. Grant to be a better Democrat than Mr. 
 Greeley. They knew that Mr. Greeley had never be- 
 longed to the Democratic party, had never joined it, had 
 never qualified his hostility to its views in every issue 
 it had ever raised with the Republican party in the 
 past, and for these reasons they refused their support to 
 his nomination. It was these Democrats who would 
 not go over to Mr. Greeley's position, and yield him 
 their support, who compassed his defeat. They declined 
 being parties to the sacrifice that the Baltimore Conven- 
 tion of the representatives of the party were willing to 
 make, and did make, as the declaration of principles they 
 adopted amply attests. Mr. Greeley himself stood firm in 
 his own place — that of a consistent, pronounced, distinc- 
 tive, but liberal and non-partisan Republican. This is 
 not left to conjecture or assertion. His writings and 
 
15 
 
 his speeches, during the canvass, from first to last, at 
 once luminous and copious, all show it, and are an ever- 
 lasting testimony to his truth, his consistency, and his 
 unswerving fidelity to his principles and his convictions. 
 No friend of his is perplexed as to his motives, or in 
 doubt as to his inspirations, or questions the perfect in- 
 tegrity of his acts. His path ^\ ay needs no hedge to con- 
 ceal devious and labyrinthine ways. His road was clear 
 and open and plain to all who do not choose to be 
 blinded by the fogs of a shallow partisanship. It is at 
 once an insult to his memory and an insult to the per- 
 sonal and political friends who supported him through the 
 Presidential contest, either to charge or to intimate that 
 his reputation and his honor are best conserved by throw- 
 a vail over the most prominent facts and circumstances 
 of his whole political life. His friends say. No ! Un- 
 cover everything. Let all be told. Conceal nothing. 
 We challenge the sharpest scrutiny. But why say even 
 this ? There is nothiuo- to scrutinize that the broad 
 light of open day does not already shine upon and re- 
 veal, and the impartial biographer and historian of the 
 future, when he shall review Mr. Greeley's life and 
 character, will find no flaw therein, and will be com- 
 pelled to pronounce the inevitable verdict : " Well done, 
 good and faithful servant." 
 

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