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Uu gerw Co , I L U V A /V A Co •■ Lo O U (\< Go ■ nccomoc -V NoKTrif^m prcr^ Co T> .^ MXA-1 To OoHc>^ o. lo(^RBouR's Yofxc^oTeftGOE Letter "To UoKPict (". CjRl5)0i1 Oi;i'<, llEN(hL of' "Rt-CORD \\€.?UQL\CfiK pQtV\l(NftTlO(S. SpcecH — '-^ ^^ BlWNtS^ |-\cm 1-leiHKV L. VjV^ASS) TftRiFF l\EDOcr(o/v r~c. u\i^i\a(SH ^ How. \^((Y\. ( Va ) RBoLinoN l(NreR(\flL l^cveNUtT [Y\'^'QoNPiuD JrtS. iT. ^ Va ) VRee TenT 3ooks ro SHeR(V\ftis, l^ots. iToHoi iOhio; The T^RiFf V\(SL^, Hon:- J-o^^ S. (^\(Aj ?Hiuft- /^pr,u./887 T'^^t MiTftL t^uesTiots ' ' ToRir-F — ■— NvRGlNI^ l^i fltR BeBT ' _V£TTE .R. TO ^ erH P>TO T^. ^^(^ g L E R \ H.'^. ) YMiuTE ^ftcs's YftRTV 'V^owWiV.L i'^ > 3/. / /J I ^ fM"^ k AEOLITIOK INTERNAL SEYENUE. AGKICULTURAI. PRODUCTS SHOULD BE LAST RESORT FOR REVENUE HV ANY FORM OF TAXATION. TOBACCO -EEUIT DISTILLATIONS. REBATE OF DUTIICS PAID ON IMPORTED INGREDIENTS USED IN THE MANUFACTURE OF TOBACCO EXPORTED. SURPLUS-EEDUCTION OP TAXES DEMANDED. SPEECH OF HON. WILLIAM MAHONE, IN TlIK SE^TE OF THE UNITED STx\TES, Friday, January 28, 1887. WASHINGTON. 1887. / SPEECH OP HON. WILLIAM M A H N E THE TOBACCO TAX. Mr. MAHONE said: Mr. President: I present the proceedings of tlie Tobacco Associa- tion of Lynchburg, Va., urging the abolition of tlie tax on tobacco. I also present a similar petition of manufacturers of tobacco at Rich- mond; a like petition of the Tobacco Board of Trade of Farmville, Va. I also present a similar petition of the South Boston (Virginia) Tobacco Board of Trade, and also the proceedings of the Tobacco Association of the city of Petersburg, Va. In moving the reference of these petitions to the Committee on Finance, I wish to call the attention of that committee and of the Sen- ate briefly to the subject to which they relate. Mr. President, on the 14th day of December, 1885, I introduced here two bills relating to the laws affecting the manutaeture of tobacco — one, (S. 476,) repealing section 8151 of the Revised Statutes, which sub- jected tobacco manufactured for export to the perfunctory performance of inspection and the burden of a fee that, till lately, was collected at the rate of ten (10) cents per package. This fee, which did not in fact nor constructively either go into or come out of the Treasury, composed the salary of the inspector. It was the mere perquisite of an unsalaried oftice. It in no manner touched the subject of revenue, and yet this bill was reported to the Senate adversely and so stands upon the Calendar now, and was so re- ported, as I am advised. l>ecause it was held to be a revenue measure. The other of these two bills, (S. 477.) provided for a drawback of duties paid upon all imported ingredients used in the manufacture of tobacco exported. This bill was likewise so reported to the Senate and lor the same rcasou. Meauwhile, a bill covering the same object as that described in Senate bill A76 came to the Senate from the House of Kepreseutatives, and it is now a law. Likewise a bill (H. R. 2522) of similar import as that of Senate bill 477 passed the House, and is yet with the Finance Committee of this body. On the third day of August, 1886, I introduced and the Senate re- ferred to the Finance Committee an amendment to House bill 8738, which that committee held and still holds under consideration, repeal- ing the internal-revenue lajvs so far as they apply to tobacco. It is conceded, Mr. President, that to the House of Representatives belongs the constitutional right of originating revenue measures — all bills touching the sourcesof taxation— imposing, increasing, diminish- ing, or repealing income derived from any form of taxation. House bill 2522, to which I have referred, sent here for the action of the Senate and remaining with the Finance Committee of this hodj, is by fair, legitimate interpretation a revenue measure, and must be so regarded by the Finance Committee of the Senate, under its own rul- ing — by its own deliberate judgment iu respect to Senate bills 476 and 477. If to abolish an office which neither put in nor took out of the public Treasury a dollar, can be considered as a revenue measure, and the Finance Committee of the Senate report adversely upon a bill to refund duties paid upon imported materials used in manufactures for export, because of the conceded prerogative of the House of Represeut;'.tives to originate revenue measures, House bill 2522, it must be admitted, is a measure, open here in this body to such amendment as a ma;jority of the Senate by virtue of its constitutional authority shall see tit to im- pose. It is, therefore, Mr. President, I hold that the Senate is in possession of a desired opportunity to deal directly and practically with a subject which concerns the pretended if not manifest solicitude of all parties — certainly the great body of the people. We have here, Mr. President, an opportunity to reduce taxes and to arrest the unnecesary accumulations of the money of the people in the national Treasury. It is admitted— by the end of the current year, when there will be no longer any portion of the publico debt redeemable for some years to follow — there cronies an annual snrplns in the Treas- ury — more money than is needed for the expenses of the Government — of ninety millions. Whatever the arithmetical process by vrhich that statement of the Administration is disputed, distinguished leaders of opposing political parties and the President of the United States are all agreed that the income of the Government is in excess of current expenses, supple- mented, if you please, by any expenditure for betterments, which may be in the reason of any possible legislation, whether for coast defenses, Navy, or other objects. The people in every State of the Union, and everywhere in all of the States, are educated to this belief and are inspired with the anxious hope that practi(;al effect will be given, and by this sitting of the Na- tional Legislature, to such j ndgment, by an outright reduction of taxes. They expect, and they have a right to expect, that such action will be taken as will preclude the withdrawal from circulation and the con- gregation of so large an excess of the needed currency of the country in the vaults of the uatier cent, of all. Her share of the employment given to labor on this account is sixteen and one-half (16^) per cent. , and her proportion of wages paid is thirty (30) ; and her measure of our exportations of manufactured to- bacco is full eighty-five (85) per cent, of that furnished by all the States. 9 The plant is the staple of a large section of that State, the dependence of a conspicuous portion of her population in field and factory. Its growth and manufacture enter largely into the trade, commerce, and wealth of the Commonwealth. As a factor in our export trade, tobacco bears no insignificant part. In the twenty-three years last gone by it has brought into the country- six hundred and forty-three million dollars ($613,000,000) of foreign gold, and to-day represents full seventy (70) per cent, of the merchan- dise balance to our credit on account of that trade. It brings into the country now thirty and a half millions gold — equal to the amount derived from our exportation of corn and sixty (60) per cent, of that derived from our exportation of wheat— and thirty-three (3:J) per cent, of the value of our exportations of wheat and flour. Once set at liberty aud relieved of the espionage and the restraining laws and burdens which hinder and repress developuunt, as I trustit may now be the judgment of the Senate it shall be, and placed upon an even footing with other agricultural products, this important in- dustry, Mr. President, will take new life and go ou widening the ave- nues of employment for labor, aud add fresh fields to the cultivated acreage of the nation. It will go onto multiply our mnnufacturing interests and to increase its contributions to the wealth of the coun- try. Surely, Mr. President, tobacco and fruit distillations have contrib- uted their full share of the tribute to the exigency on account of which they have now for twenty-three (23) years been held under duress and burden. In that period tobacco has contributed directly t o the National Treas- ury seven hundred and seventeen millions eight hundred and seventy- three thousand three hundred and forty-three dollars and eight cents ($717,873,343.08), and of this imposing sum Virginia paid ninety mil- lions seven hundred and six thousand one hundred and seventy-seven dollars and thirty-nine cents ($00,706,177.39), equal for the twenty- three (23) years of the imposed burden to an annual contribution on her part, and from this single industry, of four millions three hundred and seventy-eight thousand nine hundred and sixty-four dollars ($4,- 378,964) or the equivalent of one dollar and twenty-five cents ($1.25) 10 on the one hundred dolhirs ($100) assessed value of the real and per- sonal property of her people. In the same period fruit distillations contributed twenty-one mil- lions thirty-seven thousand five hundred and eighty-four dollars and eighty-seven cents ($21,037,584.87), of which Virginia's share was two million two hundred and twenty thousand five hundred and thirty -si.x; dollars and eighty-one cents ($2,220, .536.81), or an average of ninety -si.K thousand five hundred and forty-four dollars ($9(3,544) per annum, equal to twenty-eight (28) cents on the one hundred dollars ($100) of the assessed value of the real and personal property of the Common- wealth. Mr. President, there is no longer any occasion for continuing the burden and bondage under which these two agricultural products have been sorely oppressed. The revenue derived from these sources of an exigency tax is not needed either to pay debts, provide for the common defense, or for the general welfare. The income of the Government from other sources is yet sutficient, and in excess by many millions of any probable de- mand for these three several purposes for which Congress is empowered to levy taxes. It appears an arbitrary exercise of the constitutional power, as cer- tain it is repugnant to the spirit which governed the formation of the Constitution, to impose an excise tax as a mere means of revenue when no exigency exists — when it is estimated by the administrative head of the Government that we are to have at the end of the current fiscal year a surplus over and above all demands full ninety millions of dol- lars ($90,000,000), not counting thirty-two millions ($32,000,000) of fractional silver. Mr. President, it is agreed in all quarters and by V>oth political p;ir- ties that this excess of revenue ought to be arrested; and to what sub- ject can you apply the remedy more fittingly— with equal justice and with the hope of larger public approbation and better results than to the important agricultural product of tobacco? If it has manfully borne burdens and will bear them longer, if you please, why continue them when the Government is not needing the tribute exacted of this industry and so largely drawn from the great body of the people — that class of consumers least able to bear the tax 11 you impose on an article they will and must have — if, as a luxury, it may be said it is a nature-imposed necessity with them lor all that? If it is the consumer who pays the tax entire, the j^reater is the reason, in this case, for its removal. It is relief which will be more directly and sensibly felt by the working classes of the country than any other which may be conferred by recourse to the tax list. It will enter the home of the workingman everywhei'e in our own country, and leave a saving on every five (5) pounds of tobacco consumed sufficient to pur- chase eight (8) pounds of sugar, or three (3) pounds of coffee, or one (1) pound of tea, or fifteen (15) pounds of flour, or five (5) pounds of bacon, or eight (8) yards of calico, or six (6) yards of shirting, or two (2) yards of flannel. Mr. President, let us remove this odious and onerous tax of an Amer- ican product, and remind the American citizen that he may once more use this product of his own country upon the same even terms on which we offer it by exportation to the citizens of other countries. Let us unfetter a potential fixctor of American industry, of commerce, and of wealth, and rid the beneficent policy of protection, which has contrib- ^^ted t-o immensely to the growth, power, and wealth of the nation, of the singular contradiction which the tax and the proscriptive laws in respect to this American industry — present. Let us now aud here, so far as the action of the Senate may efi'ect such result, emancipate this American industry and save to the na- tional Treasury and the people the five million dollars' ($5,000,000) ex- pense for collecting a revenue no longer needed to pay debts, or for the common defense, or for the general welfare. If we assume that the consumer pays the tax, let us not forget that by it his capacity to buy is lessened, and the incentive to increased and increasing production is diminished. Let us remember that each and every successive step taken in the direction of a reduction of the tax has added to the acreage of cultivation, increased the product, and multiplied factories, dealers, aud employments. Let us complete Jihe emancipation of this industry, and, as the amend- ment to House bill now in possession of the Finance Committee of the Senate since the 18th of June, 1886, proposes, unburden our export of manufactured tobacco, and thus stimulate the expansion of that trade 12 by remitting the duties paid on imported iugredients actually em- ployed in the manufacture thereof. There is here, in this proposition, no new principle. It is merely the adaptation of existing laws — liberalized, if you please — as will be seen by reference to sections 3022 and 3026, Revised Statutes, which respectively allow drawbacks on imported salt used in the curing of fjsh, and on saltpeter used in the mauulhcture of gunpowder; and lurther, as will appear by reference to section 3019 and section 3433, IJevised Statutes, the latter as amended by section 14 of the act of the 28th of May, 1880. (Supplement, Revi.sed Statutes.) Under these last-named sections foreign and domestic distilled spirits in i)ond may be withdrawn without the payment of duty or tax, and alter being manufactured into various preparations, these preparations or product s are exported without the payment of tax or duty, and the result has been to increase the export of such manufixctures. Let us put this i.rticle of American industry and export, whether produced by raauufactui-ers wholly or partly engaged in the manufact- ure of tobacco for export, upon even terms with those of other home products manufactured ibr export, and thus conform our treatment of it to established policy, and remove a burden by the indirect tax so levied on export, estimated at 3 per cent, on the value of the article which has largely transferred our export trade in manufactured tobacco be- yond the borders of our country, notably to Canada and Australia. We are ad vised, Mr. President, by the Internal-Revenue Bureau of the Treasury Department, that there can be no difficulty in ascertaining the quantity of dutiable goods so consumed, and it is seen that the cost of keeping the necessary accounts to this end amounts to a mere bag- atelle, the p.iltry sum of one-tenth of 1 per cent., which if not in full, is largely covered by the non-collectible claims — below $10. But why should the owner of such goods be charged for any such clerical work when we have a customs .service, the cost of which is paid out of the common treasury of the nation? It is a trifling affair: too small for a government of such proportions as ours. In all of such im]iorted ingredients so consumed it is estimated there are of licorice one million (1,000,000) pounds; of sugar, nine hundred thousand eight hundred (900,8001 pounds: and of all other ingredients, 13 assimilated, a half million (500, 000) pouuds. while in tiie manuiactni.' of tobaeco consumed in tlie L'nit(-(1 States there are used fourteen ami a half millions (1-1,500,000) pounds licoriee, one million three hundreil thousand (1.300,000) ponmls su^ar, and of other in,L!;redieuts, assimi- lated, six millions eight lumdied thousand (6,8i»0,0U0) pounds, leaving, as will be observed, yet sueh an immense demand for these ingredi- ents as ibrbids hurtful eiu-roaciiinent upon the market for the home product thereof by remission of duty upon the relatively small quautities of such ingredients as are consumed in the manulacture of tobacco — exported. Let us, Mr President, now that we may without apprehension of any possible shortage in the income of the Government to meet its every necessary and contingent liability and cover every imaginary demand which either e.\.igeucy or progress is likely to impose, repeal all laws and parts of laws in aiiy manner restricting the grower of to- bacco in the disposition of his crop, and in any form imposing a burden by tax, license, or otherwise, upon the dealer in the same, the peddler, and uuiuulacturer thereof, anil by this means enlarge the tields of pro- duction, extend the avenues of employment, and level down the bar- I'iers which now contine its manufacture and commerce, and without measure of capital, allow all who will, to engage in either. Mr. President, if I express the hope, as earnestly I do, that the hon- orable Finance Committee of this body will quicken its consideration of this matter, and return at the earliest day to the Senate, House bill 2522 so amended as to reduce taxes in the respect I have spoken and otherwise, and further, as that committee may advise, 1 feel that I but voice the impatient sentiment of the people. O THE TARIFF. SPEECH HON. JOHN SHERMAN, OF OHIO, DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. DECEMBER 9, 1888. 'WASHINGTON. 1886. The Tariff; SPEECH OF HON. JOHN SHERMAN. The following resolution being under discussion: Resolved, That the promise of making; any revision of the tariff In a spirit of fairness to all interests, not to injure any domestic industries, but lo promote their healthy growth, so that any change of la%v must be at every step i t gard- ful of the labor and capital involved, and without depriving American hibor of ability to compete successfully with foreigh labor, and without imposing lower rates of duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of production which may exist in consequence of the higher rate of wages prevailing in this country, appears so obviously hopeless and impracticable that any further at- tempts at revision by the present Congress, in contravention to the foregoing cardinal declarations, are to be regarded as inexpedient and detrimental to the revival of the trade and industry of the country. Mr. SHERMAN said: Mr. Pkesident: As I entered the Senate Chamber after a temporary absence, I heard the liitni liar voice of my friend from Kentucky begging in the name of the Democratic party for a chance to reduce taxation. Since the opening of the present Congress, I watched for over eight months of a long and weary session for a proposition by the Democratic party to reduce taxation. I believe that the revenues collected by the Government of the United States are too large, and that the public safety and the public interest demand a wise and careful reduction of taxation. There is no dispute between parties on that subj ect. There is no man of ordinary informa- tion who, upon the face of the returns sent to us from the Treasury De- partment, does not feel that we are now collecting more taxes, internal and external, than are necessary to carry on the operations of the Gov- ernment. That lact is patent upon its face, is not disputed anywhere; but where is a plan to reduce taxation? Who has the power to pro- pose that plan ? The Democratic party. They have been trusted with this power by the people of this country upon a promise that they would reduce taxation, and in such a way as not to affect injuriously the industries of the country. That promise is stated in the platform of the Democratic party, stated in the language of its President, stated in the stump speeches of its orators, but the trouble is they have not proposed a plan — they can not propose a plan, they can not agree among themselves. When the Republican party had both Houses we did propose a re- duction of taxation, and did bring about a reduction of taxation. lu the Congress before the last a reduction of taxation of some fifty or sixty millions of dollars was made; but since the Democratic party came into power with a promise to still further reduce taxation they have not been able to propose a plan. Indeed, the propositions made in the House of Representatives — we may consider them now, or speak of them as matter of public debate — have been so diverse and various and some of them so absolutely ruinous to the industries of our country that the party itself revolted from the measure proposed. And let me say to the Senator from Kentucky that if the plan proposed by a majority of the Democratic party in the other House had heen sanctioned by the Congress of the United States and been carried into effect it would have been the overthrow and .destruction of the Democratic party. While its scheme might have reduced taxation, it would destroy many industries of our country and thus defeat the very object supposed to be had in view. Why, Mr. President, how idle and foolish it is for the Senator from Kentucky, high in the favor of the Democratic party, to talk to us about a chance to reduce taxation. They have the House of Eepre- sentatives by a majority of I do not know how many ; they have had it for ten years out of twelve. The only reduction of taxes that has been made in that time was made by the Eepublican party during the two years it had power in both Houses out of the last ten years. Then we did reduce the taxes and did give an enormous relief from needless burdens. Although some of the provisions of that bill in my judge- ment were wrong and injurious, yet I voted for it in spite of the evil provisions of the bill, for the reason that it did reduce taxation. Now, here we have a party in power, and a great and leading member of that party talking to us as if we were responsible for a failure to re- duce taxation. The Senator from Kentucky voted against the only proposition for the reduction of taxes that has l)een pending in the Senate for ten years because he did not have it in his own way, because he did not have it in a way that according to the opinion of the majority would be abso- lutely ruinous to the industries of the country, to the laboring men of the country, to the manufacturing and commercial classes. The only bill that was offered to reduce taxation and that did accomplish a reduc- tion of taxation to the extent of fifty or sixty millions of dollars was voted against and opposed to the bitter end by that Senator. Mr. BECK. I desire to say that I voted for the bill, as the Recoed will show, but when it was changed and manipulated in a conference committee I voted against their act. Mr. SHERMAN. So far did the Democratic members of the Senate go in their opposition to that biU that they refused to allow their mem- bers to serve on committees of conference, and for the first time, I be- lieve, in the political history of this country that party refused to allow and disallowed one after another of its leading members to serve on a committee of conference, where the matter might have been rectified if there was any wrong. No, sir; in the only attempt that has been made to reduce taxes in this country for ten years, when the Republican party had a bare ma- jority in both Houses, a reduction was made of $60,000,000, and that reduction was opposed by the Senator from Kentucky. Not only was it so opposed, but it was opposed in violation of the ordinary parlia- mentary law, which requires members of the Senate to serve on com- mittees of conference and others. By their refusal to serve it was nec- essary to organize the committee of conference of Republicans alone on the part of the Senate, in order to bring about an agreement on a bill reducing taxes $60,000,000. True, there were Democratic conferees on the part of the other House. Now, if they want to reduce taxes, where is their proposition ? None has been made. One was made by a majority of the Democratic mem- bers of the other House at the last session, but, as I will show here- after, if I allude to it at all, that bill had provisions in it which would have been utterly destructive to great industrial interests, and there- fore the people of this country were opposed to it. Another proposi- tion was made by another branch of the Democratic party, having in view another line of reduction, which the people were opposed to. That is the proposed reduction of the tax upon whisky and tobacco, to which there is more or less opposition, and on which there is more or less di- vision of opinion. Until the Democratic party, having a large majority in the Honse of Representatives, can send to us a bill, we have no jurisdiction here. It is true we have the liberty of debate; but we have nothing to debate about except the resolution of my friend from Vermont. What is that? A simple expression of his opinion that upon the basis of the propositions that have been made in the House by the Democratic party, it is better to do nothing than to do what they propose. That is what I understand my friend from Vermont to say, and I say so too. That is the proposition. But upon the main question that there is an absolute and imj)erative duty resting upon Congress to reduce taxation, I have proclaimed here year in and year out, and I do now, that when I have a chance to reduce taxes, I will do it. I return the cry to my friend from Kentucky give us a chance, you have the power; the House of Representatives is the sole organ of the people of the United States by whom taxes can be levied or taxes can be reduced. The Senate at one time contended that we had the power to reduce taxation, although we had not the power to propose taxes, but the House of Reprv^sentatives refused to grant us that jiower. They said the power to reduce implied also the power to increase, and therefore we have no power to introduce any bill whatever either to repeal or to raise taxes. So we awaited the action of the House of Representa- tives for eight long months at the last session, and we waited in vain. The propositions, quarreled over by our Democratic friends, when car- ried before the people of this country, and now pending in the House of Representatives, created a revulsion in public opinion in large por- tions of the country, especially in the Northwest, that has reduced the large majority of the Democratic party somewhat, but not so much as it ought to have done; but if they had been able to carry their measures through, their majority would have disappeared into thin air. Therefore, Mr. President, until some proposition is made to us from the House of Representatives it does not lie in the mouth of the Senator from Kentucky to complain of us, or to scold us, or to chide us, with a failure to reduce taxes. Give us a chance. I make to him the same appeal that he has made to us. He asks for a chance. Let him give us a chance. Let him go and lecture the members of the House of Representatives, call his brethren together and get them to unite on some platform, and I venture to say that when they do agree on a plan for the reduction of taxes it will be a plan lor the destruction of Amer- ican industry, not for the purpose of reducing taxes. Sir, look at the report of the Secretary of the Treasury which has been laid on our tables and which I have read. What does he say there about the proposition to reduce taxes? His first measure is to wipe out of existence the greenback currency of the United States, to redeem and cancel it by applying the surplus revenue in that way. How many votes would that proposition get among the people of the United States? The Democratic Senators and Members do not, any of them, seem to act upon the same principles that control the executive branch of the Government now in power. The Senator from Kentucky is opposed to calling in the greenbacks. How does he propose to reduce taxes? In general terms, he is in favor of free trade, free trade in its broadest sense, free trade in ita almost unlimited extent, the reduction of duties on all those articles that we can make in this country, and that we ought to make in this country, and can make as cheap in this country if we choose to reduce the wages of our laboring men and measure their labor by the wages paid in Europe. That is what they mean. But not only that; the Secretary takes up two items particularly to 6 comment upon and to illustrate his argument. Here he finds that we are collecting the enormous sum of $5, 000, 000 of duties on wool. He wants that duty abolished at once. Five million dollars will be an enormous relief by abolishing the tax on wool ! Why, Senators, that touches the industries of more than a million of farmers, who believe they have a right for their industry the same degree of protection that is meted out to any other branch of production. That we have the power and the means and the facilities in this country to raise all the wool of certain grades necessary for domestic manufacture, and for foreign manufacture as well, is true. But now, owing to the provis- ions of our tariff law, we import wool enough, mainly as carpet wool, to yield $5,000,000 of revenue. That he would abolish, and make wool free, and thus bring our farmers into sharp and hard competition with wool grown all over the world, on the pampas of South America or the plains of Australia, he would do that in order to give relief to the people from $5,000,000 of taxes ! But then, when you turn and show that we import an article upon which we levy fifty- odd million dollars of revenue, the repeal of the duty on which alone would wipe out nearly all the surplus revenue that is now complained of, with the exception of that portion known by the sinking fund — the whole balance estimated by Mr. Manning is about fifty or sixty million dollars — we levy that on sugar alone; and when the mere suggestion is made that it is better, under the cir- cumstances, to repeal the duty on sugar and make that article free, and place it where cofiee and tea now stand, that is met with a loud cry of dissent. Why is that? Is there any local influence, any sectional motive, any party interest there involved? If so, let us face it and meet it. Is the Senator from Kentucky in favor of the repeal of the duty on sugar — to make that free? I have not heard him answer that question yet. Here is an opportunity, if they will only give us a chance, by which we could at once wipe out this large unnecessary surplus revenue. But no; that is not what is wanted. It is not to reduce taxes. The Senator from Kentucky and I could sit down and in five minutes we could select two or three articles now taxed and make them free, by which we would be able to strike ofl' from the ijeople a direct bur- den of taxation, and thus relieve us from this surplus revenue. In doing so we would relieve our people from a direct and oppressive tax. Sugar in all its forms should be as free as tea and coffee, and for the same reasons. If sugar could be produced in this country by any skill or aid whatever that industry could give to it — if we had the soil, the climate, and the means of producing sugar in this country — then I would be in favor of maintaining the system of protection in order to build up our sugar industry. If we had so developed our sorghum production, if we had so developed our beet- root sugar, or other means of raising sugar in this country, I should be in favor of maintaining this duty in order to build up a domestic industry wherever it might be carried on; but a long experience of thirty or forty years shows that we can not produce sugar and we have not been able yet to produce it. In Germany and France they a^ e already producing sugar, although their climate is less favorable than ours, because they give high boun- ties to the producers of sugar* In tliis country there is a prejudice against building up industries by bounties, and therefore no one is bold enough to propose it, no one does propose it; and the result is that we do not raise in this country, with all the high protection that is given to it, a rate e(iual to 60 per cent. , more than one-eighth part of our domes- tic consumption. It varies between one-twelfth and one-eighth. That is all we produce. Why not wipe out this tax ? They say it is an in- justice to the sugar planters of the South. So say I, and I should be willing, even if it is unpopular, to declare that I would give to the sugar planters of the South a fair and reasonable bounty, say 2 cents a pound on what they can produce. But it is shown by long trial that they can not produce enough to even make the sugar-candy of our country, much less to supply the great body of our people with that article of prime necessity in every home and family. If, therefore, the object is the re- duction of taxes, why not tiike such an article that yields enormous sums and repeal the duty on it? But that is not the object. All this is a subterfuge — not intended as such. I do not use the term in an offensive manner, but it shows the effect of local spirit, of party ' spirit. If the object is to reduce taxes we can reduce them at once by a few strokes of the pen. Bat that is not the object. The object is to tamper with that great industrial system which has built up in this country a growth of manufactures without parallel in the history of mankind, a system that has raised our production in manufacturing industries from i|l,80(),(K)l».()0() in 186t) to $54,000,000,000 in 1880, and now a great deal more than that. It is to repeal those duties which have fostered and built up the industries of our country so that now we are beginning to compete even in foreign markets with some of the older countries of Europe. How is it that we are now competing in England with Sheffield cutlery ? Because by a system of protection followed by domestic competition our home industry has been defended against foreign importations until it has been built up, and now our home product is as cheap as the article made in foreign countries, made so by domestic competition and by increasing skill and art. Mr. President, it is against the modification of these duties that the Republican party stands like a wall, not only today, but will at all times. We are in favor of a reduction of taxes. You take the $650,- 000,000 of imported goods, and what are they? More than $220,000,000 are admitted free ot duty, of which over one hundred millions are arti- cles of food — tea, coffee, and the like. Suppose you add to the free-list about $90,000,000 of sugar brought into this country. Then you have over $300,000,000, or abo it one-half of the importations of this country, that will be absolutely free of all tax. These are mainly articles that can not well be produced in this country, that experience has shown can not profitably be raised in this country, and they are such as are in use by every man, woman, and child here. ,Take that large class of articles that are the base of our manufact- ures, all articles that can not be produced in this country are now prac- tic;illy free. If there is any one in the whole list that pays a duty, I would like to know it. I know of no article now, I can not recall any, which enters into our manufactures as the base of manufacturing, that can not be produced in this country, which pays any duty at all. If any, name it, and I will vote to put it on the free-list. Where we have not the power by reasonable protection and domestic competition to produce any article, I say let it be free from all taxation. In that way our free-list can be greatly increased, and we have free trade with all the world for more than one-half of all foreign importations. But there are now about $300,000,000 worth of goods imported into this country that directly or indirectly compete with our domestic pro- ductions. They compete with our domestic growth. We have the raw materials and facility for the uianutacturiug of all these articles. Why should we not make our own woolen goods? Why should we not make our own cotton goods? Why should we not make our own machinery, our own cutlery, and all the variotis articles which enter into the ordinary employments of human life? We can do it. We can not start these industries without protection; we can not produce them at once; but in a little time and by reasonable protection we can build up all those industries. Experience has shown that whenever we. have 8 fairly started in this kind of competition, and have been protected for a time against the changes and oscillations of foreign competition and the low wages of foreign labor, we have been able to reduce the price of the domestic article, so that we are now able in the markets of the world upon the principles of free trade to compete vrith foreign coun- tries in many branches of industry. Sir, the theory and doctrine of the Republican party which we repre- sent is this, that we will maintain the system of duties on foreign goods, not to the extent of a prohibition, not at such rates as would relieve our own people from reasonable competition, but such as will induce home competition, and thus reduce the price to a reasonable rate. We will levy such duties on foreign goods to the extent that they are imported as will induce their production here. And now, sir, it so happens in the progress of this system that nearly every article necessary for ordinary human life ccmsumed in the homes of the families of our country is of American growth and production. There are 1300,000,000 of foreign goods imported, manufactured abroad, which compete with ours. There are more than $3, 000, 000, 000 manufactured in our own country out of the §5,500,000,000 altogether, the production of \vhich has been caused by this protective policy. Now, we have built up this system of industry. We do not want it tampered with except with great care and by men who are disposed to foster and favor it. The Senator from Kentucky is not in that posi- tion; he never was. He has a theory of free-trade. It is true he de- nies that he is a free-trader, and I suppose he would deny that he was a free-trader as long as we ever laid any import duties and did not throw our ports open to all the world. But whenever it is proposed to reduce any tax which tends to foster or benefit any American in- dustry, then my friend from Kentucky is sure to vote yes and fight it to the bitter end. I did not intend to get into this argument. I do not want to go into it any further. I wish to say to our Democratic friends there are three months yet left in their lease of power, conferred two years ago. If you can propose a scheme to reduce taxation, that wfil bear the test and promise of your Democratic platform, that is, to reduce taxes without injuring the industries of this country, you will find on this side of the Chamber that we are ready participants and partakers with you in that great and glorious work; but when you strike at the indus- tries of our people, and seek to derange that which is now well, and tamper with these protective duties which foster and diversify and have built up our great industries, then we are opposed to you, first, because we do not want to see the labor of our country brought down to a bard and grinding competition with the illy paid labor of Europe; next, because we want to see a diversified production in this country, so that the United States may be absolutely independent, not only in a political sense, but in a financial and a commercial sense, and so that we can make in this country every article essential to ordinary human want and employment. This is what we believe in, and until the Dem- ocratic party can agree among themselves and present to us a plan which they will be willing to stand up by, they have no right to chide us, and no right to complain of us. When they send us a bill we will show them that we have the powerto reduce taxes, and will propose a method by which taxes may be reduced without crippling our indus- tries or decreasing the ordinary wages of labor paid to our workingmen. TARIFF REDUCTION WITHOUT THE SACRIFICE OF HOME INDUSTRIES AND HOME LABOR. SPEECH HON. HENRY L. DAWES, OF MASSACHUSETTS, SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, Monday, December 13, 1886. WASHINGTOIi 1886. & Tariff Reduction Without the Sacrifice of Home Industries and Home Labor. SPEECH OF HON. HENRY L. DAWES, OF MASSACHUSETTS, In the Senate of the United States, Monday, December 13, 1886, On the resolution subuiiiled by Mr. Moukili. ou December 7, 188G. Mr. DAWES said: Mr. Pkhsident: I did not seek the floor at the close of the discus- sion last week upon this resolution with any desire to crowd myself into a debate which more properly belongs to the members of the Committee on Finance, and which has been already carried on with sigual spirit and ability; but I had myself introduced a resolution on the second day of the session which seemed to me so completely to cover the whole mat- ter under discussion that it would be impossible to debate the one with- out debating the other, and therefore I deemed it not improper for me to submit in this discussion the reasons which had led me to ofler the resolution that I presented. It often happens, Mr. President, that the ablest debaters find it con- venient to cover up and put out of sight the real point in issue by draw- ing oflf the discussion, if possible, to some matters about which there is no dispute; and the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Beck] will par- don me for saying that I think even he never showed more skill or discretion than in the effort he made in the debate a few days since to keep out of sight by a multiplicity of words upon other thinsrs what was and what is the real difference between him and those for whom he speaks and those who were speaking in that discussion. There are some things which are facts, and it is quite unnecessary and useless to multiply words in the discussion of them. It is certain that all of the interest-bearing public debt within our reach will be paid before the next session of Congress will be half passed. The Senator from Kentucky stated accurately the condition of the public debt. It is just as certain, if the receipts and expenditures shall con- tinue in their volume in the future the same as they are now, that aiter that extinction of the public debt there will be accumulating in the Treasury b^-yond the ordinary and proper expenditures of the Govern- ment somewliere about the sum he stated, of $100,000,000 per annum. And it is equally certain that no man has openly asserted, and, so far as I know, no one entertains the idea, that the continuation of such a con- dition of things is desirable. I have not heard that any Senator, and I have yet to learn that any one whose assignment here or whose stud- ies lead him to consider the proper condition of the finances of thia country, has ever advocated a continuance of that condition of things. Long ago the party that had control of the financial condition and of the receipts and expendituresof this Government took the position that it was the duty of the Government to reduce from time to time the customs duties and internal taxes to the point that would come near- est to the economical and proper expenditures of the Government, and to maintain them there. As long ago as the last general revision of the tariff laws before that of 1883 was under consideration, in the tariff revision of 1872, the then chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, in closing the debate upon that general tariff bill, stated the principles and the purpose of that bill in these words: Now, sir, let the ultimate adjustment of these necessary duties be equalization. Let no more duties be imposed than the exigencies of the Government demand, but let those duties be so adjusted between manufactured articles and raw ma- terial as to equalize the conditions of production in our own country with those of foreign nations, and the highest possible good, the true end of legislation, is attained. Thus will the necessities of the Government be met and no more, and at the same time the material prosperity of the nation assured. So far as I know, Mr. President, those were the sentiments enter- tained by all for whom lie then spoke. The bill itself was framed upon that principle, was carried through for that end, and from that day to this those who then spoke have maintained that position in reference to thereceipts and expenditures of this Government, that they should at all times be brought as nearly as possible in the condition of pul^lic affairs side by side, and that whenever the receipts should exceed the expenditures, efforts should be made by the reduction of customs duties and internal taxes to bring them nearer, if possible, together. If called upon to state the position of the Republican party to-day upon the same question. I must use the same words. The position then taken and the bill which then became a law had the support and the vote of the distinguished Senator from Kentucky. If any one has changed position upon this point or upon this policy, it is not those for whom the then chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means then spoke in announcing the policy of the party then responsible for the finances and the expendituresof this Government. Another point raised by the Senator from Kentiicky and in more re- cent discussions may as well be disposed of here and in this connection. We liear much about taxing raw materials and the cry is raised as .some- thing new in certain quarters that the great cure, the panacea for all our trouble, is to make raw materials free. Sir, the bill which became a law in 1H72, if any one will open the statute-book and look at it, is full of instruction and is a full and complete answer to the question and to the discussion now and so recently raised by those wno for some rea- son or other are disposed to depart from the policy established early, and announced, and enacted into that law of 1872. That statute con- tains more than one hundred and eighty different articles put upon the free-list, almost all articles of raw material which entered into the con- sumption and production of this country. I invoke the inspection of that bill by those who cry out that the present need is to remove war taxes upon raw material. It was done in that bill, and to that policy the Republican party has ever held. Whatever good can come from the putting of raw material (not competing with our own production) upon the free-list was secured by that act. It was the purpose of that bill to find out every possible article from which the duty could be taken for the purpose of bringing down the receipts to the line of expeuditares, and no article of raw material that did not enter into competition with raw material here at home escaped, so far as the knowledge of the committee that framed that bill was con- cerned, being put upon the free-list. There never was one that had encountered in committee or in the Hottse of Rej)resentatives the slightest objection to its going on the free-list. It it is meant by taking oH' the tax, as it is called, the duty on raw material^, that raw material from abroad, placed at the door of the man- ufacturer here in this country, shall encountfr there the raw material produced in this country, and shall take the place of that and take from the resources of this country and supplant them by the resources of foreign nations, and the labor of this country by the labor of ioreign nations — if that is what is meant to-day by the cry that the duty must be taken from raw material, the principles /liich governed those who made that law, and who maintain it to-day, require that they and that this country should, as between these two articles of raw material, give the preference to the American — give the preference to our own and to the labor spent upon our own. It is but another form of stat- ing the difference between those who believe in the protection of American production and American labor and those who believe that as between American production and American labor on the one side and foreign production and foreign labor on the other there is absolute in- diil'ereuce. And let me say to-day to those calling for free raw mate- rial, if there can be found any article of raw material which, after fair elibrt and reasonable outlay, can not be produced here at home, but which must be brought from abroad to enter into the productions of this country, I have yet to see the man on either side of this Chamber, or elsewhere, who will not vote to place it on the free-list. When the tariff bill of 1872 became a law, as I have said, every arti- cle then known of that kind entered upon the free-list. That there are new articles of that kind not yet upon the free-list, I do not doubt. Every day new elements that enter into consumption and into pro- duction in this country are coming to light. That which yesterday was worthless and cast aside becomes to-day by the application of new methods and by the discovery of new elements and new applications of old ones raw material capable of entering into valuable manufactured products and thus contributing to wealth and to the opportunity for labor and the compensation which is the reward of labor. Wo, I doubt not, there are now, not known then Dr if known then nobody having interest in them to ask that they be put upon the free-list, articles of raw materials of that kind; but let us not debate the question whether it be proper or not to put them on the free-list until some one stands up here or anywhere responsible for what he says and objects. But if they are of the character that enters into competition with the produc- tion of the labor of this country, they stand in the class of those articles which seek to displace our labor and products with those of foreign nations and can be advocated only on the ground that our market de- serves at our hands no higher consideration than the markets of foreign nations. V 6 Subsequent events have demonstrated the wisdom of the policy thua reaffirmed in f-he tariff bill of 1872, first inaugurated in the previous tarifi" bills which met the great exigencies of the times which called them into existence. If the revision of 1883 failed in any degree to come up to the condi- tions there announced and hitherto maintained, it was because it en- countered the opposition of those who no longer supported the prin- ciples and maintained the enactments under which thus far we had gone. Just so far as that opposition would permit, the purpose and object of the revision of 1883 was the same as that of 1873. I said that the result, the iufluence upon the country, upon its wealth, upon its development, upon its industries, manifold in variety and in number, and upon those who earned their livelihood through them, wholly justified the wisdom of the policy that had been the basis and purpose of those laws. Under that policy in a single decade there was added to the wealth of this nation thirteen thousand mill- iuus of dollars. The value of the manufactures which sprung up under the beneficent influence of that policy which regards our market with more interest than it does the markets of foreign nations, and considers our products and those engaged in production here more entitled to consideration than those engaged in like pursuits in foreign lands — the value of these manufactures increased from 1860 to 1870 from eighteen hundred million dollars to thirty-eight hundred million dol- lars, and from 1870 to 1880 Irom thirty-eight hundred million dollars to fifty-thj pe hundred million dollars, giving employment to two mill- ions of w( .'kmen, wage-earners, who supplied by their daily toil their own tablet and their own homes with comfort, and made for themselves places of influence and power under a Government that is open alike to all. This .lumber was increased in the last decade to two millions seven hundred and thirty- two thousand five hundred and twenty-five, an army of wage-earners in this country, to whom was paid yearly nine hundred and forty -seven millions of dollars, an increase in wages in the last de- cade of 52 per cent., and an increase in the number of those finding em- ployment at this increased compensation of 33 per cent. And thus was laid also the foundation for wealth and enterprise in other pur- suits out of which 125,000 miles of railroad hav« been built, and thua haa been built up, also, the credit of the nation, which when the first of these tariff bills was enacted was for our 6 per cent, bonds, at a dis- count of 11 per cent. To-day our 4 per cent, bonds are selling for 27 per cent, premium. But in the ordinary course of events the increase of importations and curtailment of expenditures render another revision of the tariff in the near future necessary. But others in the mean time have come into the control of the Government. That control has passed out of the hands for the time being of those whose policy has worked these fruits and these beneficent results; and as the day came to be more clear by the payment of the public debt and the increase of receipts and diminution of expenditures, so came to be more clear and near the fact that this revision must soon take place. Those who have come into power have accordingly undertaken the work; but in so doing they have departed from the principles of the tariff bill of 1872, which received the support of their leaders; and this departure excites alarm and apprehension in the vast industries of this country, and the great numbers of wage-earners depend upon those industries for the oppor- tunities of life. The very first effort at revision of this tariff in these new hands has been in the face of the principles announced when the tariff of 1872 was enacted, and in which, I am happy to acknowledge, those who had it in charge had the earnest and sincere support of the Senator from Ken- tucky. If they could be now assured that there was to be no departure on his part, leader and controller of the public sentiment of his party in this particular as he is, if the industries of this country, vast in amount as they are, and the army of wage-earners dependent upon their continuance and prosperity could be assured of the continued support of the Senator from Kentucky, they would be greatly relieved and much of the cause for alarm would diisappear. They would then renew with confidence their efforts to develop the wealth and greatness of their country by bringing out of the bowels of the earth and gath- ering together the supplies of every industry out of which the ingenu- ity of man can bring value and profit, and at the same time furnish in every avenue, in every workshop, in every mill, and in every private home of the operative the well-earned wages and competence that abundance of labor will always secure in this country. But, sir, instead of doing as was then done, and in their revision to bring about ostensibly the same end, to mt, the reduction of duties and internal taxes to the line of necessary and proper expenditure; instead of seeking out raw material that does not enter into competition with home production; instead of seeking out those articles paying customs duties that do not enter into competition with home manufactures, the effect of the bills introduced in the House of Kepresentatives for the revision of the tariff has been to strike at those very industries in this country more largely interested and more deeply affected by competi- tion with foreign production than any others. The great lumber interest of this country, with all the. < :: pital invested in it and all the laborers employed by it; the whole fisij.ng interest of the country; all the fishermen employed on our coasts, all the capital invested in it, all the benefits to be derived from it; wool and woolens, cotton productions — one and all — are struck at. The first provision for a revision of the tariff that came from those fresh in power, upon whom is devolved this necessity, is to strike them down and put into our market in place of our productions upon which our labor has been performed, and for which our laborers are receiving their compensation, instead of these, the productions of foreign producers, upon wliich for- eigners have expended their labor and taken their compensation, taking away thereby from the home labor of this country all that is connected with the lumber interest, with the fishing interest, with the wool in- terest, vdth the cotton interest; just so far as there can be brought by superior inducements of profit from foreign countries that labor to take their place. It is true that these great industries and this large body of men look- ing to them for their support have until lately been lulled into se- curity by the belief that there were dissentients enough in the party representing this idea of free foreign competition to prevent its inflic- tion upon the country; but the course of events has been tending more and more to dispel that illusion. One after another of those in that party who have had courage enough to stand up and express their pref- erences for their own country and its productions and its labor haa dropped out. It has been sounded abroad as the law to govern them in the future that they must be loyal to this idea of indifference to American production and American labor, and stand by the attempt to revise the tariflf on the principle that instead of seeking to reduce revenue by taking off duties upon uou-comj)etitive articles and reduc- ing internal taxes upon articles thiit do enter into home consumption and home production, they shall stand by the propositions of the Mor- rison bill to lay low great and important interests t^s an entering- wedge to a more perfect and complete consummation of the idea that between this nation and its productions and its wealth and its labor, on the one hand, and those of other nations on the other hand, there is, and ought to be, in the shibboleth of that ]mrty, no distinction. But, sir, the Secretary of the Treasury has come into the field and taken an advanced position in this contest against home- protection and labor, causing increased apprehension and alarm in all the broad indus- tries that fill this land and those dependent upon them — alarm and bewilderment, for it is impossible for one to understand by what prin- ciples and upon what theories so novel and so conflicting and so incom- patible propositions can be maintained as are announced in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury; sober, conservative business men; thoughtful, anxious, and clear-headed men, dependent upon those indus- tries, inquire seriously upon what they may not be wrecked if such doctrines and such principles and such theories as are announced in this report are to govern in the revision of the tariff which is near us. First he throws overboard entirely and in so many words all idea of protection to American industry. Henceforth, according to his theories and his dogmas, there is to enter into the policy which is to control in imposing the duties of the future no idea of protection to American industry. Let me read what he says: The true gi-ound of choice among articles suitable for taxai ion is not the cir- cumstance that they are produced at home or imported frum abroad. Leaving out the reasoning, I complete his statement: The true ground of choice is that among all articles tlius consumed within our o^vn borders some are better suited for an equitable taxation than others. They are universally consumed, like sugar, or easily identitied, like cofifee, or their consumption may be safely impeded, like distilled spirits or fermented liquors or tobacco, or they are luxuries, like wines, silks, and diamonds. These are the considerations, not what may be the efiect upon home production, not whether it shall be advantageous or injurious to the vast interests, more than five thousand millions of dollars in 1880 invested in productions of this country, or the two million seven hundred thou- sand wage-earners dependent upon them. That has nothing to do with the tariff reform that is to govern this administration. It does not en- ter into the consideration of the imposition of a duty hereafter in the miud of the Secretary of the Treasury. The true ground of choice among articles suitable for taxation Is not the cir- cumstance that they are produced at home. He even looks forward to the time when, after the removal of what he calls the war taxes on raw material, we shall live in the elysium of supplying all our expenditures from the taxes on "whisky, tobacco, and beer," though perhaps we may be driven back to get "ten millions of revenue from 2 cents a pound on coffee and half as much from tea." He looks forward to the time when our manufacturBrs, driven out of our home market by a clieaper production from abroad, shall find their compensation in selling at a greater profit in a foreign market, exchanging our own for the uncertain and distantand fluctuating mar- kets of foreign nations. This is the picture presented to those great 9 industries of this country that have so developed and made this coun- try great and strong under the iufuie:iee of the tarift' revisions from time to time; that have maintained until now, for ourselves, our own markets and our own lahor with a consistency and persistency worthy of the grand results that have attended it. Going on with these theories, the Secretary repeats the old cry, that the duties upon protected articles cause a monopoly to a favored few. And then he answers his own statement by declaring that they set on foot "a ferocious competition at cut- throat prices" at home. A mo- nopoly in favor of a favored few, a tax added, says he, to the price paid by the consumer; and yet in the next breath he says that they directly set on foot "a ferocious competition at cut- throat prices" at home, bringing "long periods of glut and so-called overproduction," * * * " entailing overproduction for the home market, reckless competition, with no established outlet in working off the surplus product." It passes my ability to reconcile all this. If our protection be a monopoly of a favored few, it can not produce overproduction and glut of the market. If it be an addition of the duty to the cost to the consumer, it can not be that it produces the result that the con- sumer can be compelled to buy otherwise than at the lowest price in a glutted market, and under a ferocious competition at cut-throat prices. The consumer can find no market so favorable to him at which he can purchase that which he consumes at so low a price as the very market which the Secretary of the Treasury says is the direct effect of these protective duties, and no man will liay the addition of the duty to the cost of the material when he can buy in such a market. All this and all these results, the Secretary of the Treasury pronounces ' ' brutal policy. ' ' This is cold comfort for that policy which has been crowned with such grand results, which has built up and spread throughout this country these vast manufacturing establishments, has put into the hands of more than 2,700,000 wage-earners in this coun- try the means of livelihood, of fair compensation for every day's work, which has enabled them to place in the savings banks of this country, at this very moment, of wage-earnings, more than $500,000,- 000, laid up by the wage-earners themselves against a day of need if it shall ever come. It is a sorry failure to comprehend this policy and these great inter- ests which gives utterance to the opprobrious epithet that it is a ' 'brutal policy," and that it is a policy toward which those who represent power to-day in this country are to turn with hostile hand and deadly opposition. While the producer and the consumer and the world generally have hitherto believed that the higher the price paid for the labor bestowed on any given article the greater the cost of the article, it has been re- served for this Secretary to dispel this delusion and announce a new law of production — that the very reverse of this is true, and that in fact the higher the price paid for the labor on any given article the cheaper will be that article. " High wages to labor and cheaper prod- uct are correlative terms. Low wages to labor and a costlier product are correlative terms." From these theories the Secretary turns to the concrete, and proposes a specific remedy. It is the removal of ' ' war taxes on raw material." He specifies one only — the duty on wool. We are told in his report that it is not worthwhile to reduce the re- ceipts by removing $51,000,000 of duties from sugar, because that is only 90 cents to each individual, and he turns from that to the re- 10 moval of $5,000,000 of duties upon raw wool, which is only 8 cents to each individual, and to the removal of the duty upon ready-made clothing, that would relieve the people of only 2 cents per capita. If it be any reason why we should retain the duty on sugar that it ia only 90 cents per capita, is it any reason that we should remove the duty on raw wool that it is only 8 cents per capita, or upon ready- ma^e clothing, which is only 2 cents per capita? The grand climax ia reached in the single sentence, printed in capitals: " UNTAX THE CLOTHING OF SIXTY MILLIONS OF PEOPLE." And the people are to be relieved jusfc 2 cents each in the clothes they wear while they are still to pay 90 cents each for the sugar on their table, and, if the scheme works well, in addition, "2 cents a pound tax on coffee and half as much from tea. ' ' But look at this proposition to remove the duty upon raw-wool and untax in large measure the clothing of sixty million of people by re- moving the duty upon ready-made clothing and thereby reducing the revenue the paltry amount of $13,000,000. Four-fifths of the woolen manufactures of this country are manufactures for the clothing of the sixty millions of people; and to remove the duty on ready-made clothing is to provide that the cloth for all the clothing made for this country shall first be manufactured abroad and made into garments there and then admitted free of duty. Such are the facilities of intercourse at this time that it is Just as easy for the man who wears the finest broad- cloth coat to order it made in London as to order it made in New York, and eveiy article, under this proposition, of woolen manufacture, four- fifths of all being made for clothing, will be first made abroad, manu- factured into clothing abroad, ancl then introduced here free. The proposition itself, the day it becomes the law of this land, extinguishes the entire woolen manufacturing interest of this country; and what is that? His report does not seem to comprehend the magnitude of the inter- ests it is dealing with, from the wanton j^nd careless and thoughtless manner in which it deals with interests the like of which till lately the revenues of the Government itself did not equal. That interest, which could not live an hour if wool were introduced free and all the cloth manufactured for consumption in this country were, in the man- ner I have indicated, free, has a capital of $158,000,000, employing every year one hundred and sixty-eight thousand hands, paying them at the end of each week of the year what they have earned, amounting at the end of fifty-two weeks to $47, 180, 618, and producing every year a product of $267,699,504. Great comfort it will be to these great in- terescsaud this body of men dependent upon them, while the Secretary's hand is raised in this deadly attitude to strike them down — great com- fort it will be to them to hear from the President these softening and quieting words: In readjusting the burdens ofFederal taxation, a sound public policy requires that such of our citizens as have built up large and important Industries under present conditions, should not be suddenly and to their Injury deprived of ad- vantages to which they have adapted their business. Comfort, indeed, will it be to the one hundred and sixty-eight thou- sand men thrown out of the opportunity of their daily labor and daily earnings to gather round their table at night and read these words: Due regard should be also accorded in any proposed readjustment to the In- terest* of American labor so far as they are involved. 11 And I have no doubt both classes will take to themselves this ex- hortation to resignation: A reasonable and timely submission to such a demand should certainly be possible without disastrous shock to any interest. I fear, however, that its effect will be much like that of the kind Texas judge upon the doomed man before him for sentence, when he ordered him "to be hung a.s early the next morning as would be con- venient to the sheriff aud agreeable to him." What value can such words be to them, taken from him who has expressly in a letter to the Secretary of the Treasury commended his policy and his method of dealing with the customs duties of this country? They will take note of what is done and lay up for what it is worth what is said. But, Mr. President, this idea of taking the war tax, as it is called, off from the raw material of wool for the relief of the manufacturers in this country does not meet the approval of the manufacturers them- selves. The woolen manufacturer sees clearly that his is not an isolated industry, that industries depend for their permanent development and growth and prosperity one upon another. When iu the other branch, two years ago, the idea of striking at the wool and woolen interest was incorporated into a bill for the consideration of Congress, and the woolen manufacturers were summoned before the committee to make report, and to give support to this idea of raw material for them, one of the clearest headed of them, Mr. William Whitman, now at the head of the Woolen Manufacturers' Association of New England, one who sees all its bearings in all the pha.^es in which it may come up, when brought before the committee was asked these questions: Mr. McKiNLEY. How would it aflect wool? Mr. Whitman. I think it would drive the wool-producing Interest of the coun- try out of existence. Mr. McKiNLEY As a manufacturer, do you want that? Mr. Whitman. As a manufacturer I am in favor of a duty on wool, so that we will not be dependent upon foreign countries for our raw material. Mr. Hewitt. Does the duty on wool Increase the price of your raw material? Mr. Whitman. Yes. Mr. Hewitt. Then you want in your business a dearer raw material? Mr. Whitman. No. Mr. Hewitt. You say that the duty on wool does add to the cost of wool? Mr. Whitman. Yes. Mr. Hewitt. And raw wool is your raw material? Mr. Whitman. Yes. Mr. Hbwitt. Therefore you want your raw material to cost you s higher price ? Mr. Whitman. No ; I want cheaper raw material, and I propose to get it by raising such an abundance of wool in this country that it will keep down the price of foreign wool. Mr. Hewitt. Has that been the effect of the duty on wool ? Mr. Whitman. That has been the effect. Mr. Hewitt. Do you get wool clieaper now than you used to get it? Mr. Whitman. Decidedly. Wool is cheaper now than it has been in my ex- perience. Mr. McKiNLEY. Is not the cost of wool coming down since 1867 7 Mr. Whitman. Yes, sir. Mr. Hewitt. If the duty were taken off, would wool be cheaper, or dearer ? Mr. Whitman. It would be dearer. We speak first of the immediate effect and then of the future effect. I suppose that if the duty were taken off wool absolutely to-day the first effect of that would be lowering the price of the wool of this country to the level of tlie price of wool in other countries. That would be the first effect. The discouraging effect of it would be to destroy the sheep- raising industry in this country, and then the price of wool abroad would rise. That is the voice of the woolen manufacturing interest for the sup- port of which the Morrison bill made the bid of free raw wool. 1-J. But the most surprising — I will not say absurd — but the most aston- ishing feature of this report is that in which the Secretary of the Treas- ury undertakes to chissil'y industries in this country into duch as are not affected by competition, and those that are affected by competition, and those that are partially affected by competition. In order to ob- tain that classification he does not go to the business itself, he does not go to the marts of trade, he does not go to the man at the helm to in- quiie what influences are at work to deflect the course of the ship, he dots not go to the manuflicturer of wool, of cotton, of iron, orof any of the many industries in this country to inquire of him or anybody about tiiiu or anybody connected with the business what competitiou may affect him. He goes to the very respectable gentleman wiio furnishes assorted statistics to the State Department, and to two mathematicians, one up in the Treasury Department and the other in the employ of the (rovernment here, men learned in their profession, high-minded and houcirable men, and men who could tell you the exact position to a qua iter of an inch of any planet in the solar system a thousand years hence, or tell you the force and effect of the last quiver of any earth- quake that in any reasonable calculation of the next one hundred years this earth might experience, but whose practicjil knowledge of that which affects labor and the industries of this land hardly exceeds their experience with the servant that attends upon their door or serves their table. From them he obtains the classification of the industries of this land into those not affected by competition, those affected by competi- tiou, and those partially affected by competition. No man would have ever asked for such a table as that who had acquired any portion of his education in the committee-room of Ways and ISIeans, or that of Finance in this end of the Capitol. No man who reflects can tail to see that there is no industry in this country so isolated and independent of all other considerations that it matters not with it whether other indus- tries prosper or w^ane. All of these industries are one grand brother- hood, and that which affects one more or less must affect others. ' ' The eye can not say to the ear, I have no need of thee; nor the head to the feet, I have no need of thee." They are one grand network spread all over this country, and you can not loosen one strand of it without dis- locating others and affecting the grand whole. You might as well put to these mathematicians with their logarithmic tables the problem of how many of the particles of the great deep shall have been disturbed and affected, how many rest undisturbed, and how many are ' ' par- tially affected" by the casting of an anchor in mid-ocean. Itis upon such theories, impossible in themselves, that the Secretary of the Treasury holds out to the great business interests and those de- pendent upon them the prospect that in such hands and by such wild and wanton methods and theories are these great interests to be con- trolled and manipulated in the future. But, sir, with all the effort of the Secretary to aid in the reduction of this anticipated $100,000,000, he has been unable to find any other war tax except that on raw wool that he can consent to have taken off, and he succeeds in that way in reducing the surplus, with the help of ready-made clothing, $13,000,- 000; and what does he propose to do with the rest? The proposition with which he deals with the three hundred and more millions of dol- lars after this application of his own skill as a tariff reformer is novel, and I venture to say was never heard of l;)efore the publication of this report. 13 Let me read it that he may have the full benefit of it in his own words: I therefore respectfully recommend: « • * • Gradual purchase aiid payment of 3346. 6R1, 016 outstanding promissory notes of the United States wit li Uie present and aocruiny; Treasury surplus, issuing silver certificates in their room, and gold cerliticales if r.eed be, without con- traction of the present circulating volume of the currency. There was a time ^\ hen those for whom the Senator from Kentucky spoke on Thursday had an affection for these greenbacks " passing the love of woman." When they were at a di.scount the war for their pro- tection and for their circulation was waged incessantly, and year after year measures were devised in bills introduced into this Chamber and elsewhere to give them a wide circulation as the fittest and most desirable currency for the people. It is only when they came up to par, when they were worth dollar for dollar with gold in this country and the world over, and there came to be another currency that was below par, that the aftection for the greenback was transferred to the silver dollar. The same zeal that characterized the attachment and love for the greenback when it was at a discount manifests itself to-day in the attempt to compel the people of this country to take another cur- rency, of every dollar of which the intrinsic value is but 73 cents, and which is held up only by Ibrce, by the strong power of enact- ment, as a sinking substance in the water is held up by .some power above. It is "passing strange " to me that this love of silver is so pre- cisely like that love of the greenback when it was below par, and this indifference to the greenback bears date and is commensurate with the time that it has become, dollar for dollar, equal to gold in every part of the country and of the world. The people are told that poor jnoney is cheap money, and therefore when the gre nback ceased to be poor money and Ijecame par with gold it ceased to bear that quality by wliich it is commended to the people, and if you cannot get poor money get it as nearly poor money as you can. As a substitute for the green Vjacks, and witli them the national bank- ing currency, without contraction of the volume, the Secretary says issue six hundred millions of silver certificates worth nowhere else but within the force and effect of a statute that holds them above water more than 7'3 cents upon the dollar. This is the retiiedy, the last rem edy, recommended by the Secietary of the Treasury iu his prescription for dealing with this superabundance of receipts over expenditures. I, for one, can not comprehend the zeal that searches through all the industries and productions of this country for tliose only from which to take off" the duties or internal taxes which, wh<-u brought here frorn abroad, take so much away from the labor and the productions of out own country. What there is about it so Jascinatiug, after having themselves overthrown every argument that peitaius to economy in consumption or economy in production, leaving themselves uake(l and bare of every other consideration except that which holds them to an utter inditfereuce as between their own country and its growtb and development and that of foreign countries, I can not see. It is these considerations, as I have said, that have awakened serious and well- grounded apprehension throughout the country in the varied and vast industries, and the many thousand wage-earners dependent on them for their livelihood, and support, and competence, and hope. It is this attitude of tho.se who have this tariff' to reform that leads 14 to this serious apprehension, and they turn to this body, in which alone are those who have hitherto been able to maintain a policy so fruitful of grand and of rich-re warding results to all classes, high and low, for the alternative. They look to those who speak for this body, as they have spoken for the policy of the Government in the last twenty-five years, to know what the alternative is. They know that under the Consti- tution the Finance Committee of this body can originate no law that siiall remodel or reform the tariff, but they know, too, that it is within the province and the al)ility of the Finance Committee to consider this (question and formulate in a report that shall carry quiet and confidence to the home industries and home labor of this country a method to bring the receipts of this Government down to the line of its expend- itures, without impairing the development or prosperit.y of those indus- tries or diminishing the compensation of that labor. It was for that purpose that I introduced the resolution to which I ha've alluded. It is in these words: Resolved, That the Committee on Finance be instructed to inquire, and re- port as soon as practicable, what specific reduction can be made in customs du- ties and internal taxes which will, in their judgment, reduce the receipts to the necessary and economical expenditures of the Government, without impairing the prosperity and development of home Industries or the compensation of home labor. The operative words in this resolution are '' specific reduction, " and the limitation upon those words is, " without impairing the prosperity and development of home industries or the compensation of home labor." Generalizations like those contained in the President's mes- sage, wild, wanton, and reckless assaults upon these industries, are not what the public demand and crave at this moment. It is specific reductions, if possible, and itis specific reductions under the imperative limitation that they shall not impair the prosperity and development of home industry, nor shall they diminish the compensation of home labor. The inquiry submitted in this resolution to this able Finance Com- mittee is whether it be possible to so reduce customs duties and in- ternal taxes as to bring them within the line of reasonable and eco- nomical expenditure without impairing the prosperity of these great industries or diminishing the compensation of the labor dependent upon them. I say the limitation is imperative, for there are other evils greater than an accumulation in the Treasury. He who weakens or impairs or diminishes the efficiency, clouds the prospects, and weakens the hopes of the industries of this land or the compensation of its labor, strikes a deadlier blow at the welfare of this country than can be dealt in any other manner short of war. It is treason towards the great un- derlying interest and prosperity of this country upon which is built its future, and by which alone its stability can be maintained; and he who impairs and weakens these comes very near to sapping and min- ing the citadel itself. Therefore, sir, the question is submitted in this resolution, and I be- lieve that these great interests await with confidence the answer that it is possible to so reform this tarifl' as to bring it within the line which was the doctrine and the basis of the tariff of 1872, reformulated in the resolution 1 have offered. Therefore, I have thought that it was not out of place in this body, although prohibited by the Constitution from originating legislation upon this subject, yet for its Finance Committee to deliberate upon the situation, to determine upon principles to which they have adhered from the bcgiuuiug of this policy, and to present to 15 the public the possibility of the reform of the tariff that shall leave these results unimpaired, shall give a freer and broader scope to the energies and enterprise and vigor of this American people. It is not for me to forestall or foreshadov? their report, but, speaking for myself alone, I can see all this accomplished by abolishing the duty on sugar, $51,000,000; the tax on tobacco, $26,000,000; and the tax on alcohol which enters into the mechanic arts; correcting the phraseology of the worsted tariff and that on tin plates, and then put- ting on the free-list every remaining raw material which can not be by fair outlay and reasonable expenditure produced here at home. Those who met the exigencies of the past are capable of grasping the problems of the future, and in the great struggle which is upon them for possession of the opportunities open to them in their country, and under their own flag, our home industries and our borne labor must turn to those who lifted labor from degradation and servitude to dig- nity and honor and power, and whose policy has built up the strength and wealth and greatness of the nation. I shall, therefore, to this end, alter the disposition of the resolu- tion now before the Senate, ask the adoption of the resolution I offered on a previous occasion. -^ L E T ^t^ REPUBLICANS Keep this Record in readiness for Democrats who howl abput INTERNAL REVENUE. Democratic Leaders and Broken Pledges. THE HYPOCRACY OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERS EXPOSED. THK TAX ON Tobacco I Fruit ^randies, In the opinion of the Leading Spirits of the Democratic Party is, and must be treated as a And cannot be abolished until all the WAR DEBT is Paid. The Democratic press of Virginia, and the leaders of that party, notably its candidates for Congress in the canvass of 1884, were profuse in their promises and emphatic in their pledges to the people, that, if their candidates were elected and their party entrusted with the control of the House of Representatives, the hated system of Internal Revenue taxes should be removed. Their candidates were elected to eipfht out of ten seats to which Virginia is entitled in the House of Representatives, and then the Democratic party had a majority of forty-three in the last or 49th Congress. That Congress expired on the 4th day of March last — having sat during its first session con- tinuously for nearly nine months, and for its second session three months. In all that long period of daily session, what effort does the ' Co7igressional Record show was made by the Democratic party of the House, or by its delegates from Virginia, to re- deem the earnest promises and emphatic pledges made to the people of Virginia, to effect on the one hand the passage of the Blair Educational Bill, and on the other the repeal of In- ternal Revenue taxes? As I shall presently show, the record proves that nothing was accomplished and no effort was se- riously made, either to pass the Blair Educational Bill or to re- peal any part of the Internal Revenue taxes, beyond the per- tunctory introduction of bills looking to the removal of certain of such taxes, and notwithstanding it was claimed in the famous correspondence between Messrs. Randall, Wise and other mem- bers of the Democratic party and speaker Carlisle, that "two- thirds or more of the House were in favor of the repeal" of all taxes imposed on Tobacco, not one effort was made on the floor of the House to bring action on that question. And while it cannot be affimed that "two-thirds or more" of the House favored the passage of the Blair E'^ducational Bill, yet it is belived that number does not overstate the strength of that popular measure; and notwithstanding that strength, not one effort was made to break the unprecedented control of the three Democrates, — Mr. Carlisle, Mr. Morrison and Mr. Randall — over the will and desire of a large majority of the House, and to save the Blair Educational Bill from the strangling grasp of the Democratic majority of the Committer ""l^hilfenge any refutation from the Congressional Record o this charge^ of broken promises; this arraignment of repre sentative inefficiency. .^ 4. u. The main object of this paper is to expose an attempt, b: which it is now sought to mislead the people of Virginia in re spect to the attitude of the two National parties in the Con eress on the subject of "Revenue Reduction; and especiall; fo unmask and uncover an effort now being made to misre present that part of the subject which engages, and justly sc the watchful and anxious solicitude of our own people— th removal of the tax on tobacco and fruit brandies In the morning really of the 4th day of March, Mr. Hen derson, a Democratic member from North Carolina, moved suspension of the rules that a "bill to modify the intern^ revenue system of legislation, and for other purposes, migll be passed. The vote on that motion is now paraded_ ovd Virginia, and every Democrat is called on to keep it " ij readiness for the Republicans who howl about Internal Rev^ nue." It is the people, Democrats as well as Republican, whom the inefficiency of the Democratic representatives haj made to "howl about Internal Revenue, and it is because J; that popular "howl," that I deem it to be my duty to show thi Mr. Henderson's bill was not to repeal internal revenue taxe — was not an effort to redeem the Democratic pledges— but bill 'Ho modify" the provisions of law as to small distillerie with a single reference to tobacco, that farmers and plante might sell their leaf tobacco at retail. _ J If the tobacco provision had stood alone, every Republic^ would have sustained thebill; if fruitbrandy distilleries had be^ the only distilleries involved, there would have been but f^ dissenting voices; but it was apparent that the bill disguised i real object, namely, the relief of the moonshiners — four (40( hundred of whom were in North Carolina, and the bulk of the in Mr. Henderson's district. But what did the Democrats fro Virginia do even for that bill? In the debate that ensue not one Democratic member from any State mentioned tl subject of repealing the tax on tobacco. Mr. Henders( spoke of the Internal Revenue as it applied to whiskey d; tilleries in his District and State — the whole debate turn< on the whiskey tax and the provision of law for its collectic Fruit Brandies were not mentioned. The Congressional Is cord shows that Mr. Cabell, "contented himself with asking the privilege to print some remarks" — "Mr. Cowles, Mr. Wise, Mr. Daniel and Mr. O'Ferrell made similar re- quests" and finally Mr. Taulbee asked and obtained unani- mous consent that permission to print remarks in the Record on this bill be given to all members desiring to do so." * It is by these speeches that were never delivered, the argu- ments that were never made, and the explanations that were never given to the House of Representatives, that Demo- cratic pledges are redeemed. These speeches will be scattered broadcast over the State under \}i\^ false prete^ise that they were made in the House in behalf of Virginia's great tobacco interest. If the debate on the Henderson Bill was a deception on the part of the Democrats, the introduction of the Bill was equally insincere. No printed copy of the bill can be found; it had never been printed; no Committee had ever considered the whole bill; no report upon it had been made. It was in manuscript when read by the clerk and in the noise and con- fusion of the last night was unintelligible. Its very title refutes the suggestion that it aimed at a repeal of the Internal Revenue System or of the tax on tobacco. Nor does the text of the Bill directly propose any repeal of * The first of the Speeches, which were not delivered in the House, to be issued and dis- tributed, is the "Speech of Hon. George D. Wise of Virginia in the House of Representa- tives, Thursday, March 3rd, 1887. Thursday was the Legislative day the debate was on the Calender day of Friday, March 4th. That speech, though never delivered in the House, is nevertheless a valuable contribution to the literature of the approaching campaign in Virginia, and if used by Republican speaker's and papers will not fail to contribute largely to the success of the Republican party. It is a confession by Mr. Wise, as well as the proof of the truth and exactness of all I shall state in this letter. The printer has put the fragments of which the speeh is made up rather clumsily together. Mr. Wise's contribution ends at page 7, and the appendix on page 8 is the really valuable part of the speech. That is ex- tracted from the Congressional Record, and is the debate on Henderson's Bill. But in the appendix from the Record Mr. Wise has interjected, on page 19, some further remarks of his own, which are not in the Record. This doubless is the error of the printer in not distinct- ly showing when the remarks of Mr. McAdoo, also not delivered, ended, and the comments or after thoughts of Mr. Wise's again begin, as a preface to the correspondence between the Democratic factions on Revenue Reduction. That correspondence tvas not read in the House during that night — debate, and the printer again grossly erred in making Mr. Wise say: 'In connection with this question, I will ^n'i\ie.{oxOAver to secure harmony and concert of action up- on these important subjects, we respectfully submit the foregoing. Yours respectfully, JOHN G. CARLISLE. Hon. Samuel J. Randall, Hon. George C. Cabell, and others." MR. IIANDALL WILLING. "House of Representatives United States, Washington, D. C, February 1, 1887. Dear Sir : Your communication of January 31, in pursuance of a previous understanding respecting an effort to reach a concurrence 3n some measure for the reduction of revenue, is now received. The bill you refer to as a modification of or substitute for House bill 9702 of last session, embracing both tariff and internal •evenue tax reduction, is the measure which the friends with whom t\'e are acting submit for consideration. These gentlemen are pre- pared to consider in a friendly spirit, and with a view of uniting the pai-ty on a revenue-reduction measm-e, any modification of the pro- 20 posed bill which the friends of other measures may have to present I inclose copy of bill referred to. Yours very respectfully, SAMUEL J. EANDALL, GEOKGE C. CABELL, For selves and others. Hon. John G. Carlisle, Speaker House of Eepresentatives," The Speaker's letter professes a disposition on his part to unite with his brethren upon some measiire for the reduction of taxation and the reply gives the unquaUfied assurance of Mr. Randall, Mr. Cabell, and the gentlemen with whom they were acting, of a purpost to unite the party — the Democratic party — in a measure for revenue reduction ; and, sir, let us bear in mind, all the gentlemen are mem- bers of this House ; daily, hourly, we note their meeting and tlieii cordial greetings to each other, and upon all bills that will increase the Federal patronage that can be bestowed upon faithful foUoAvert in their respective districts standing sohdly in their support ; for a public building that will strengthen one of their number with his constitueticy they will give a utiited vote. * Why, then, was this correspondence initiated, if these gentlemen were honest in their professions, and expected to unite their party upon a policy ? Why correspond at all ? Why did they not meet and consult with the same freedom as they would if it had been about the creation of a new office for some half-starved Democrat? Well we shall see a little later on ; for the correspondence does not stop here. Next follows a letter fi*om the Speaker to Mr. Randall and Mr. Ca- bell"; I will read it in full. OPPOSING EStCREASED DUTIES. "Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washing-ton, D. C, February 3, 1887. Gentlemen : — Your favor submitting for our consideration the bil recently prepared as a modification of our substitute for House bil] No. 9702, introduced by Mr. Randall at the last session of Congress Avas received by me late in the afternoon day before yesterday, anc was at once submitted to the gentlemen mentioned in my first com- munication. We have considered the measure as carefully as its comprehensive character and the hmited time at our disposal would permit, and here- with submit it, together with the modifications and changes which m our opinion, are necessary in order to do it acceptably, as a com- promise measure to those who desire to secure material reduction ir tariii taxes. You will observe that we propose to add several articles to the fi-ee- list and to strik e out of the bill every provision which increases tht --.* .'^1^^ S"^^t« Passed four bills early in the first session of 49th Coneress for buildings ii Virginia, which would have carried an expenditure of 355 thousand dollars to that State and yet while there were passed by the House for other States, 50 bills for buildings, includ ing SIX for one State, not one of the bills for Virginia passed the house. ^ Virginia s Democratic influence there would seem to have amounted to little practical account, or may be it was thought better by her Democratic members to refuse the StatJ these appropriations out of fear that it might damage the political fortune of some membe ot the leadership of their party at home. "* 21 rates of duty now imposed by law upon impoi'ted goods. These in- creases are numerous and in some cases very material, as will be seen by tlie memorandum hereto appended. In our opinion the existing* financial condition of the Government and the people does not de- mand, and would not even excuse, an increase in the rates of taxa- tion, upon any article embraced in our tariff or internal revenue laws, and we cannot, therefore, agree to support any measure which has that effect. We propose also to strike out of the bill all provisions abolishing the internal revenue tax on manufactured tobacco, snuff, and cigars, weiss beer, fruit brandies, and reducing the tax on distilled spirits fi'om 90 cents per gallon to 60 cents, and the provision abolishing the tax on alcohol for use in the arts and manufactures. In lieu of these repeals and reductions we propose to repeal all statutes and parts of statutes imposing restrictions upon the sale of leaf tobacco by plant- ers and farmers, and to so amend the internal revenue laws as to dis- pense with the employment of guagers and storekeepers at distilleries which mash live bushels of grain or less per day, and to permit such distilleries, to pay tax only upon their surveyed capacity. We also propose to so amend the internal revenue laws as to ]3re- vent the destruction of stills and other apparatus seized for alleged violation of the internal revenue laws, and so as to prevent the issu- ing of any warrant for alleged violation of those laws unless the affidavit therefor is first approved by the district attorney and written instructions given by him for the issuance of the warrant. In lieu of the administrative part of the bill submitted to us, we jDro- pose to substitute the bill introduced by Mr. Hewitt, as finally revised and corrected at the Treasury Department and heretofore agreed up- on by the Committee on Ways and Means, but not yet reported. We find upon examination, that the substitute which we recom- mend relates alone to the administrative features of the law, while that part of the measure submitted by you to us increases the rates of taxation. While we submit the accompanying modifications of the bill referred to us in the sincere hope that it will meet the approval and secure the united support of our political friends, yet in case it should not be agreed to by you and the gentlemen with whom you are acting, we respectfully submit the following alternative proposi- tions : I First. If the reduction of internal revenue tax upon distilled spirits is to be made a condition upon which you and the gentlemen acting (with you will consent to the reduction of tariff taxes, then we shall insist that the rate of taxation shall be the same upon all kinds of dis- I tilled spirits. Second. If the repeal of the internal-revenue tax upon mianufactur- ed tobacco, snuff", and cigars, in whole or in part, is to be made acon- ' iition upon which you and the gentlemen with whom you are acting will be willing to agree to a reduction of tariff taxation, then we ;| shall insist that in the same bill an equal amount of reduction shall !,be made upon such articles as those with whom we are acting shall i indicate. Third. We are wiUing to submit the measure which you have re- ' fen-ed to us to our political friends for its consideration, all parties to 22 be ))Ouud by audi action as it may take upon the subjects to which tliis bill relates. , • i <; -, Fourth. In case none of the suggestions herein betore made are accepted by you and the gentlemen with whom you are acting, we are willing at any time, upon reasonable notice, to support a motion to go into^the (Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union for the consideration of House bill No. 9702, introduced by Mr. Randall at the last session of Congress and now on the Calendar. Very respectfully, JOHN G. CARLISLE. Hon. Samuel eT. Randall, Hon. (Teorge C. Cabell, and others." This letter is a very important one, for it contains a proposition fi'om the Speaker for the reduction of the surplus, and in wi'iting it he rep- resented the vast majority of his party here. I do not intend to ex- amine or criticise the propositions at this time, but only to make them of record. I also place in the record the letter of Mr. Wise, Mr. Hen- derson of Noi-tli CaroHna, and Mr. Randall, to the Speaker, and I call your attention to the fact that the correspondence is with the Speak- er, officially: also the Speaker's reply, the letter dated February 5, and the reply the 7th. (Possibly the chairman of the Committee on Appro- priations was so busy with correspondence of this nature at this date that he had no time to call up this appropriation bill reported the 3d.) "House of Representatives, Washington, Februaiy 5. Dear Sir: At the instance of many Democratic members of the House, we appeal to you most earnestly to recognize, on Monday next, some Democrat who will move to suspend the rules for the purpose of giving the House an opportunity of considering the question of the total repeal of the internal revenue taxes on tobacco. Many RepubUcan members, we have reason to believe, are anxious to make such a motion. We l3elieve the country is ready for the repeal of these taxes, and that a large majority of the House will so vote when an opportunity occurs. For a Republican to make the motion would give the RepubHcan party all the credit accruing- therefi-om, and would almost certainly cause the loss to the Democracy of not less than two Southern States at the general election in the year 1888. This is an isolated proposition, and we believe vnll command more votes than any other measure pending before the House looking to- wards a reduction in taxation ; and favorable action on this proposi- tion will not interfere with other efforts that are being made to reduce the burdens of the people. Yours respectfully, GEORGE D. WISE, JOHN S. HENDERSON, SAMUEL J. RANDALL. . Hon. John G. Carlisle, Speaker of the House of Representatives," MR. Carlisle's reply. "Speaker's Room, House of Representatives, Washington, Februaiy 7, 1887. Gentlemen : Your favor of the 5th instant requesting me to reeog- | mse some Democrat "who will move to suspend the rules for the pur- i pose of giving th« House an opportunity of considering- the quesiou of 23 the total repeal of the internal revenue tax on tobacco," was duly re- ceived and has been carefully considered. A week ago, in compliance with the request made by you and other o-entlemen, I consulted fully with the Democratic members of the Committee on Ways and Means for the purpose of endeavoring to formulate some measure for the reduction of taxation which would meet the approval of our political friends, and enable us to accom- plish something practical in that direction during the present session of Congress. The bill which you then submitted for their considera- tion i)roposed legislation upon both branches of our revenue laws, and on the 3d instant it was returned to you with such modifications and changes as were necessary in order to make it acceptable to the gentlemen to whom it had been submitted. In order, however, that our effoi-ts to secure reduction of taxation might not fail on account of oiu- inabihty to agree upon a measure in advance, we at the same time submitted certain alternative proposi- tions, some one or more of which we hoped might be acceptale to you. Among other things we proposed to submit the entire subject to a cauciis of our political friends, with the understanding that all parties would abide by the results of its action ; and in case that course was not satisfactory to you, we infomed you that we would at any time, upon a reasonable notice, support a motion to go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union for the purpose of considering House bill No. 9702, introduced by Mr. Randall at the last session. That bill relates to internal revenue, as well as tariff taxes, and pro- Eoses to repeal the entire internal revenue tax on manufactured to- acco, snuff, and cigars. We have received no response to that com- munciation, and I consider that it would not be proper, under the cir- cumstances, for me to agree to a course of action which would present for the consideration of the House a simple proposition for the repeal of the internal revenue tax on tobacco, snuff and cigars, to the exclu- sion of all other measures for the reduction of taxation. Sincerely hoping that some plan may yet be devised which will en- able the House to consider the whole subject of revenue reduction, I am, very truly, yours, J. G. CARLISLE. Hon. George D. Wise, Hon. John S. Henderson, Hon. Samuel J. Randall." We have here a proposition on the part of Messrs. Wise, Hender- son and Randall to repeal the internal revenue taxes on tobacco, and a refusal on the part of the Speaker to harmonize the party upon that proposition, to even give it consideration. Without further comment upon these letters, I wiU proceed to the communication from Mr. Henderson, Mr. Wise, and Mr. Randall, to the Speaker officially, Febniary 8: "Washington, February 8, 1887. Dear Sir : We regreat exeedingly that you could not see your way clear to give recognition on yesterday to some Democrat to enable him "to move to susi^end the rules for the purpose of giving the House an opportunity of considering the question of the total repeal of the internal revenue tax on tobacco." Your refusal to give this re- cognition, together with your letter of the 7th instant, deserves more than a passing notice. If two-thirds or more of the House are in fav- 24 or of such repeal, it was a grave responsibility for you to oppose such a large majority of the Eepresentatives of the people. Assuming, however, for the sake of the argument, that the friends of the proposi- tion constitute a less number than two-thirds, their streug-th is certain- ly such that they ought to have been permitted to test the sense of the House upon the question, especially since the country is watching with intense interest the action of the House in respect thereto, and the constitutuents of a large number of the members of the House have been urging them to obtain, if possible, a consideration of this subject. We do not wish to be misunderstood. We earnestly desire from a party standpoint that recognition should have been given to a Demo- crat to make the motion, but we would vote cheerfiilly for the proposi- tion whether made liy a Democrat or by a Eepublican. You assume in your letter to us that we ignored your communica- tion of the 3d instant, and had dehberately failed to make a response thereto. Our friends did not have an opportunity of considering that communication until Friday evening, the 4th instant. It was of such a character as to require more than a formal reply. We called at your hotel the next day, Saturday, but, though no fault of yours or ours, we did not succeed in obtaining an interview until the day after. We believed that the friends of the repeal of the tobacco tax were so strong in the House that we would save to the oppressed tax-pay- ers of this country an annual reduction of taxation to the extent of $28,000,000 if the motion for repeal could be make in the House on Monday of this week, the latest day when such a motion, to be effec- tive under the rules, would be in order during the Forth-ninth Con- gress. The motion, if made during the last six days of the session, would almost certainly be too late to secure favorable consideration for the question in the Senate. We did not anticipate refusal of recognition for the purpose intend- ed. We understood you to say to us verbally that if you gave to any one of our friends the desired recognition, fair play all round would require you to give other Democrats an opportunity to make a like motion to pass some distinct proposition having relation to a reduc- tion of the tariff duties. To this we assented. You instanced as one such proposition the putting of salt on the fee-list. We think that a revision of the tariff and of the internal revenue laws can be attained from time to time by reforming the obvious and greater grievances of the two systems, and that we should not refuse to make such reforms because sweeping changes have not been practicable. The country is expecting to obtain from this Congress relief from the grievous burdens of taxation. If some of us can not get all we want we should take what we can get. Our single proposition for the repeal of tax on tobiicco was not intended and cannot fairly be con- strued as intending to exclude from the consideration of the House "all other measures for the reduction of taxation." We wished to ob- tain consideration for that proposition, but we were not pressing for the reduction of the internal revenue taxes to the exclusion of other measures for the revision and reduction of the tariff. A Democratic caucus cannot successfully deal with "the whole sub- ject of revenue reduction" at this late stage of the session. That sug- gestion comes too late. If the caucus could have controlled the leg- 25 islation of the Forty-ninth Congress from the beginning-, the country might have been much better off. If the House was considered com- petent to deal with the silver question, with the pension question, and with the oleomargarine question, free from the diction of a Demo- cratic caucas, we think it ought to be competent to deal with the ques- tion of a reduction of taxation. The caucus ought not now to be in- voked to justify a pohcy of delay and non-action on this subject. We sincerely hope "some plan may yet be devised which will enable the House to consider the whole subject of revenue reduction" and revision "in a spirit of fairness to all interests," and in accordance Avith the letter and spirit of the platform of the national Democratic party adopted at the convention held at Chicago in 1884 ; and we assure you that we are ready to meet any of our Democratic associ- ates who are prepared to treat with us on such basis. JOHN S. HENDEKSON, GEORGE D. WISE, SAM. J. RANDALL. Hon. J. G. Carlisle, Speaker of the House of Representatives." This letter is somewhat in review of the situation; is disposed to discussion, and is still professedly hopeful in spirit. Under the same date, however, we have a letter more numerously signed by the gen- tlemen engaged with the Speaker in this dicker of principles, in this unnatural, unconstitutional attempt to legislate (if it was the purpose to agree) in regard to gi'eat economic questions fi-eighted with the fortune, the destiny of the country, of vital interest to our people,, they having in view only (how contemptible by way of comparison) the maintainance of their paiiy in power for the places it gives them — even if their conference had as exalted a purpose as that and, I freely admit, I doubt it. But let us come to the last letter in this remarka- ble series: "Washington, D. C, February 8, 1887. Sir: The gentlemen present at our recent conference, representing States South, West, and North, were led to hope that the way had finally been opened for an agreement on a measure that could be generally supported by our political friends, and we sincerely regi-et, in view of the importance of the adoption by this Congress of some measure that would materially reduce the revenues and prevent the further accumulation of a Treasury surplus, the difterences so wide as appear in your communication should still exist. It was hoped that a basis of compromise could be reached without requiring of any one a sacrifice of principle or of convictions entertained on the subject of tarifi' and internal taxes. To do this it is evident that those things respecting which radical difterence exist in the minds of men must be excludedfrom a bill intended as a compromise measure. It was be- lieved there could be found room inside of these limits for an agree- ment on a list of articles to be remitted to the free-list as well as upon many on which the tarifi' could be reduced, thereby ef- fecting a material reduction of the revenues without injuring or en- dangering any important indvistries or impairing the earings of labor in this country. It is believed yet that such a measure ought to be agreed upon and carried through the House at this session. As to the items in the proposed bill on which it is claimed that an 26 increase in the tariff would result, we have to say that the apparent increase arises in most instances from a change from advalorem to specific duties, made in accordance with recommendations fr'om the Treasury Department. The principal object in making duties speci- fic where they are now advalorem is to prevent the deception and dislionesty practied by undervaluation, and while in fixing what is deemed to be fair specific equivalents an apparent increase may arise, it is beheved to be apparent only and not real. However, on all these matters, inasmuch as the proposed bill is not intended to l3e a revision of the tariff, but a bill for the reduction of revenues and the correction of certain inequalities only, we think there will be no difficulty in agreeing either to strike out of the bill such articles or to reduce the proposed rates so as to insure no increase in the actual duties in any case. A careful examination of the list shows, we think, that, except as to a very few articles, you are in error in the statement that the duty is increased. A CONCESSION THAT CANNOT BE MADE. Certain of the things which you ask to be placed on the free list, as proposed in the Morrison bill, raise at once those vital questions which have heretofore prevented harmonioiis action on the tariff ques- tion. As many of us believe that svich a step, if earned to its logical concliTsion, would be destructive of very many of our most important agricultural as well as mechanical industries, and as we are in this matter representing not only our own convictions, but the interests of the people we represent, we could not, of course, make this conces- sion, and we did not expect to be asked to make it. THE HEWITT BILL. With respect to the proposition to adopt a modification of the Hew- itt bill in place of the administrative sections of the bill proposed by us, it may be stated that the latter contains all of the administrative sections of House bill No. 7652 (with certain verbal modifications) favorably reported by the Ways and Means Committee at the first session of the present Congress, except the section extending the warehousing period, &c., which we did not adopt. Certain of the provisions since recommended by the Secretary of the Treasuiy have been added also, together with certain additional provisions which we have deemed needful and think ought to be adopted. You say that the substitute which you recommend relates alone to the admin- istrative features of the law, while that part of the measure submitted by us increases the rates of taxation. A careful comparison and an analysis of the two measures does not, we think, sustain this state- ment. On the contrary, the administrative measures proposed by us make certain distinct reductions of rates which the bill presented by you does not, and in some instances it increases the rates. MARKED DIFFERENCES IN THE MEASURES. The most important difference between the administrative features ot the two measiires is m the section relating to coverings which, al- though embodied m the biU favorably reported by the Committee on U ays and Means at the last session, is now omitted from the bill, liiis section provides tor the correction of the unfortunate phraseol- ogy ot section 7 ot the tariff act of March 3, 1883. As is well known, -7 that section was intended to except from duty cliarg-es for the pack- ing cases used for the transpoi-tation of merchandize, but under the rulings and opinions of of the Supreme Court and the Attorney Gen- eral a large part of the value of the merchandize as purchased by the importer, or shipped by the consignor, is held to be non-dutiable uder that section. The correction of this legislative blunder was re- garded by the Treasiiry Depaiiment as the most important and es- sential feature of the bill pro])Osed by Mr. Hewitt. In striking fi-om the proposed compromise measure the repeal of the tobacco tax, the tax on fruit brandies, alcohol used in the aiis, weiss beer, and the alternative proposition to reduce the tax on all distilled spirits from 90 cents to 80 cents per gallon, you eliminate from the bill all propositions to reduce internal revenue taxes except the retail license provision, and this you do not in terms agree to. In lieu of these provisions in our bill you propose to repeal all statutes imposing restrictions ujjon the sale of leaf tobacco by farm- ers and to modify the laws relating to storekeepers and guagers at small distilleries and the destruction of stills, also to modify the ad- ministrative features of the law relating to the issue of warrants, &c. While to all these proposed modifications of the present law we readily assent, we do not see in them alone how the revenue is to ))e reduced. A DOUBLE OBJECT AIMED AT. Our object in the matter of internal taxes, is two-fold ; first to re- duce the revenues, and second, to relieve the people of vexatious and inquisitorial methods of taxation, and to do this without ofteiing temptations to fi-auds or to the evasions of the laAv. Furthermore, in proposing the abolition or reduction of internal revenue taxes, we be- lieve we are acting in harmony with the principles and declarations of the Democratic national i)latform. The internal revenue tax in that platform is declared to be a war tax, and the repeal of crushing war taxes is demanded. It has, moreover, been the policy of our Government after each war to abandon this form of taxation first, as evinced imder administrations of Jeli'erson and Jackson; and a tax that requires an armed force to execute it can never be popular in a free country. A BROAD OHASM. Your demand that if the repeal of the tobacco tax or other internal taxes in whole or in part is insisted upon by us, then you and those acting with you will insist that "in the same bill an equal amount of reduction in revenue derived from customs" shall be made, if it pre- sented otherwise debatable ground, for a compromise seems to us to forestall such action by your further demand that the reduction in the tariff shall be made upon such articles only as those with whom you are acting shall indicate. This is equivalent to saying at the outset that those holding different views from your own and the views of those acting with you shall be prechided from having any voice in deter- mining what things duties shall be reduced on. But, in the first place, internal taxes and customs have never stood on equal ground in our system of taxation. Tariff* taxes have been always our chief reliancel for revenue; internal taxes have been the exceptional taxes. In the next place, we hold it next to impossible to so adjust tariff rates as to secure a definite reduction of revenues, such as the repea 28 . • or reduction of an internal revenue tax will produce. When a direct tax is repealed we know what the loss of the revenue will be; so when dutiable aiiicles are placed on the free-list, but a reduction of the rates of duty may be followed by an increase in revenue and not a de- crease. PROTECTION OF AMERICAN LABOR. Between the two extremes of free trade on the one hand and a pro- hibitory tariff or no trade on the other, there are three principles and only three, one or the other of which must govern when duties are in- telligently laid. These may be represented by three hues. Frist, a horizontal Hne, representing an even rate laid upon all imports for the purpose of revenue only; next an irregular line, representating maxi- , mum revenue, and, third, the Hne representing the difference in the cost of production arising out of the different conditions under which production is carried on in this and other countries. We are ready to join in reducing the tariff' on all articles that are above the line of difference in cost of production and on those things on which the rate of duty is now above the line, thus permitting mo- nopolies to be formed to arbitrarily raise prices to the consumer, with- out benefiting labor, we think it the imperative duty of Congress to reduce the tariff" so as to prevent the possibility of monoply combina- tions to put up prices above the competing point. Labor has no interest above the competing line, or line that marks the difference in cost of production; but up to this point wage-earners are vitaUy cencerued, and we believe that only by maintaining duties up to this hne on importations in the production of which there is competition between this and other countries, can labor continue to receive the larger share of what it produces, which our industrial sys- tem affords as compared with the industrial system of other countries. The continued importation of any competing product, notwithstanding the tariff", is proof that the duty is not above the Une of difference in cost. Our national pai-ty platform, recognizing this controlling principle, declares that "the necessary reduction in taxation can and must be ef- fected without depriving American labor of the ability to compete suc- cessfully with foreign labor, and without imposing lower rates of duty than will be ample to cover any increased cost of production which may exist in consequence of the higher rate of wages existing in this country." In the face of this declaration and in the light of political events which have transpired since the last national convention sus-, taining this principle, we would not feel justified in departing from it in fxny division of our tariff' laws, and we certainly do not think, as a pohtical measure, it can be asked of us. There is, however, ample room for a reduction of tariff* and a corresponding reduction of the revenues without contravening this important principle. All that is needed, m our opinion, is a disposition to meet the question iairly and deal with it as a matter of business, and not of politics. A CONFERENCE PROPOSED. Respecting your proposition to submit the measure proposed by us to a caucus of our pohtical friends, "all parties to be bound by such action as it may take upon the subjects to which the bill relates," is one, it seems to us, that ought not to be asked. The question is not 29 a political question; it is not a party question, for Republicans differ on it as do Democrats; the difterences between us are not political differences, but differences on important economic and industrial questions, and we submit that it is not usual in either party nor right o attempt to bind men by caucus action on such questions, and there- by not only to take from them their rig-ht and duty to act in accord- ance with their own convictions, but compel them to act contrary to their obligations as faithful representatives of the people who have sent them here. These, too, are the very matters respecting which we are attempt- ing to effect a compromise. In lieu, therefore, of a caucus we suggest that a committee composed of members representing different phases of the question involved in the two measures under discussion should be appointed to take up these differences in a spirit of fairness, with a view of coming together on a measure all can support without eith- er side being called upon to surrender convictions, or to prove de- relict in their duty to their constiteuts. We urge the suggestion of a conference the more because many of the gentlemen acting with us in the matter of internal taxes do not agree on all matters pertaining to the tariff. This recognition, together with your letter of the 7th instant, de serves more than a jDassing notice. If two-thirds or more of the House are in favor of such repeal, it was a grave responsibility for you to oppose such a large majoritj'^ of the re})resentatives of the peo- ple. Assuming, however, for the sake of the argument, that the friends of the proposition constitute a less number than two -thirds, their strength is certainly such that they ought to have been permitted to test the sense of the House ujjon the question, especially since the , country is watching with intense interest the action of the House in respect thereto, and the constituents of a large number of the mem- bers of the House have been urging them to obtain, if possible, a consideration of this subject. Hon. John G. Carlisle, Speaker House of Representatives." The foregoing letter was signed by S. J. Randall, A. J. "Warner, B. Henley, William McAdoo, Jno. J. Henderson, George I>. Wise, Ed- ward J. Gay. I will call attention briefly to the issues between these contending factions. Mr. Randall and his associates favor the abolition of the internal revenue taxes upon domestic tobacco and the reduction of the taxes upon distilled spirits; the Speaker and those for whom he wi"ites, resisting those propositions and favoring the repeal of the provisions, that experience has demonstrated are indispensable to the execution or enforcement of the revenue laws in respect to alcohol and tobacco. I will not dw&U upon the minor issiie between the two fac- tions, as thejr only involve a certain license to cheat and defraud the Government, and doubtless our friends upon the other side would be able to reach an understanding upon these points. I understand the correspondence to say as much. "The broad chasm" claims attention and must have it. The Speaker, in his letter of February 3, gives, as an alternative proposition, "if the repeal of the internal revenue tax upon manufac- tured tobacco, snuff, and cigars, in whole or in pai-t, is made a condi- tion upon which you and the gentleman with whom you are acting 30 will be willing- to agree to a reduction of tariff taxation, then we shall insist that in the same bill an eqiial amount of reduction shall b© made in the revenue received from customs, and this reduction shall be made upon such articles as those ^^dth whom we (the Speaker) are acting, shall indicate." The Speaker should have furnished a list of those with whom and for whom he was acting. True, we know Avho they are; but the record would be more complete, the history more interesting, if it contained these names and the Cong-ressional districts represented. The letter of Mr. Eandall and his associates, of Febru- ary 8, confronting- the Speaker's proposition, reveals a "broad chasm." I do not wonder at it; and, gentlemen, if you have been sincere, you can not bridge it. One faction of the Democratic party must g-o down, and I do not doubt which it will be. Do you say the Speaker was arrogant ? I grant it. Contemptuous of your rights, I grant; and that wliich he proposed is without par- allel in American politics or legislation; that he and his friends alone should indicate the articles upon which a reduction of our customs duties should be had, without the advice or influence of their party associates, much less of the very respectable Repiiblican minority here. Messrs. Randall, Warner, Henley, McAdoo, Henderson, Wise, Gay, and their associates may not look to us, to the Republican side of the House, for help. The Democracy of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Califor- nia, New York, Ncav Jersey, North Carolina, Virginia, and Louisiania are now informed by official letter that on this question of protection, between our Democratic administration, this and the next Democratic House, and Ji coterie of Democratic statesmen here, there yawns a broad, deep, impassable chasm; this coterie holds so many seats here that they are a balance of power between the two great parties. They influenced votes enough in the last national election to control it. Their constituencies and voters were deceived by their speeches in- to the behef that the Democratic party was and that Mr. Cleveland's administration would be in favor of the protection of American indus- tries. In fact, the distinguished gentlemen from Pennsylvania [Mr. Randall] boasted during the present Congress that in the last national campaign the dominant wing of his party sent him to New York and other protection States, where they did not dare to go themselves and proclaim their fi-ee-trade doctrines. And no one was found in the House to deny that New Y^ork was carried in 1884 on these false pre- tenses. But, gentlemen, the partnership seems at last dissolved; the foot- liold in the Democratic party that you have so long precariously held by makeshifts you are now forced to surrender, and you must stand not upon the order of your going, but go at once, unless you will meekly consent that the Speaker and the" Administration may settle the question of the ))rotection to be continued to American industries with your votes, but without your advice or the exercise of any judg- ment or discretion on your part. And "what are you going to do about it?" The offices are on the other side of the "chasm." Do you think it very deep and broad after all? Are you quite sure there 'is a chasm ? Next December Avill you not go into a caucus, foreordained from the beginning to make the present Speaker his own successor? AieshaUsee! Time will tell ! 51 The protectionists, or that there may be no mistake, the tariff Democracy of the States I have named, from this correspondence, have received notice that they must depend upon the Speaker and his (to them) unknown friends for the protection of their industries, or else accept their complete destruction without a nuirmur or a pro- test. The Speaker must have believed his letters to have been in accord mtli the views of the Administration. Who imagines for a moment that the Speaker would have given them to the public if the |)olicy he indicates is not to be adopted by the President towards the Speaker's correspondents ? We all do know that these letters are in line with the President's messages and ^vith Mr. Manning's reports. Who has heard a wdiisper of dissent from the AVhite House ? Mr. Manning, on the 20th of May last, in his letter tendering his resignation to the President, says: "Our present tariff laws are a needless oppression, intead of an easy burden." ' I charge that the Speaker and the Administration are in accord up- on this question; and who of those who signed these communications to the Speaker will contradict it? Here and now I give them the op- portunity. They state the question fairly when they characterize it as a "broad chasm," and in too evident alarm protest, "this is equivalent to saying at the outset, that those holding different views from your | Mr. (Car- lisle's] friends shall be precluded from having any voice in determining what things duties shall be reduced on." Gentlemen, you understood the Speaker — and I believe he intended that you should; the party lash is to be applied. Again I refer you to the President's messages, and the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury, as well as to his letter. Is it not obvious to you that the Administration is to support the Speaker and his friends? I have expressed a doubt if, at the commencement or at any point in the correspondence, the parties expected to agree upon a measure for the reduction of our revenues, and I now charge it to be a fact that they did not, witout fear of contradiction by the responsible parties. The Morris(m bill was introduced here to reduce customs duties, as he es- timated, only $25,000,000,000, and was so proposed and prepared that, under our rules, we covild not under or by it reduce internal revenue taxes. The Treasury Department i-gcfl?nmended a reduction of $i2j, 000,000; nowhere does the administration favor the reduction of the internal revenue taxes. Exclusive of the duties on sugai-, the removal of Avliich the ad- ministration opposes, the reduction of customs taxes $125,000,000, will place upon the free-list every artice for consumption produced in the United States. Neither the administration of the dominant faction dare attempt that. The Speaker offered to go to the consideration of Mr. Randall's bill, when the whole question of customs and internal reveniie reduction would by its terms be before the Hoiise, and Mr. Randall did not ac- cede to the proposition. Who believes that there was ever any pos- sibilit}'^ of his acceding, or that the Speaker would consent to the reduction or abolition of the revenue from manufactured tobacco ? Was this corres- pondence anything more than a piece of diplomacy, thinly disguis- ed, not for the purpose of I'eaching an arrangement, but to enable 32 these gentlemen to get before their respective constituencies the fact of a failure to a^ree as the fault of the other Aving of the party; or was it, still more contemptible, a struggle for popular favor, invohdng the absolute surrender of the people's interests ? There hat< heeii no day when a hill for the 7'eduiiion of hoth cudonis ami internal revenue would 7iot have obtained consider atioyi, hut the gen- tlemen upon the other side have not permitted any s^tch hill to he hrought before the House for eonsideixdion. ' The controlling forces in the Democratic majority here have been willing to go upon record in this correspondence, refusing reduction unless one faction surrendered to the other the right to voice or vote their individual judgement, or the preferences and sentiments of their constituency, and refusing any consideration whatever to the Repub- lican side of the Chamber. The correspondence was conducted upon the understanding that Republicans should be exchided fi'om the con- sideration of the question. The capital, the labor, the intelligence, the constituencies that have achieved the present prosperity of the coun- try were to go unrepresented. The question was to be settled by a dicker, a trade between party chieftains in a committee-room, away from the light of day. Gentlemen, permit me to thank you that you made this correspondence public. It places the responbility where it belongs. While my surprise at the temerity of the proceeding is boundless, my gratification is equally so. You have refused to permit us even to aid. you in the reduction of the revenues, and have confessed to the country that you can not agree how to do it, and therefore can not do it; though incompetent, your obstinacy is potent to prevent action. At last we have this party of hollow, empty profession before the country in its true character. The last tariff legislation was accomplished by the Foi-ty-seventh Congress, where the Republican party were in a majority by about a half a dozen votes. It looks now as if there would be no more revenue legislation until the people again restore that great party to power. To the Fifty-lirst Congress, then, must the people look for the proper adjustment of the revenues to the wants of the Government and for continuing protection to American industry. M/_. ONE'S SIX YEARS' SERVICE IN THE SENATE OP THE UNITED STATES. AND THE RECORD OF HIS DEMOCRATIC PREDECESSORS, JOHNSON for Tiirteeii Years aiil WITHERS for SIl INCLUDING The Record of TUCKER and CABELL, each for six terms or twelve years in Congress, and that of WISE and BARB OUR, each for th^^ee terms or six years, and of all the lesser lights which have shown in the Democratic representatio?i of the State for shorter periods ; from which it will appear that DVwdl ^A^ H: O IsT E nkS. IN SIX YEARS, MEASURED BY BILLS INTRODUCED AND PASSED, ACCOMPLISHED MORE FOR THE STATE Than all the Democrats from Virginia together in the Senate and House, since the restoration of the State to the Union. . t sentiment, inflamed by appeals to the prejudices and passions engendered by the civil war, intervened, and the wearied energies of our over-burdened people were diverted into the unhopeful paths of political resentment, and into a mistaken idea that they best preserved in the Democratic party their respect for the cause which had been honorably concluded at Appomattox. It is to be lamented that those prejudices and resentments are to-day, unwittingly with many of the people of Virginia, the sole reason why they are members of the Democratic party. To these prejudices, I must be permitted to say, the best interests of the State have been unhappily subordinated by partizan ambition, the prosperity of the State postponed, and the welfare of the people seriously hindered and impaired. Appeals to these prejudices have been the unmanly resort of self-seeking partizans, who pretend that to be a Republi- can is to do wrong and injustice to the Confederate soldier, and none declaim against this wrong more vehemently than he who never suffered a hardship, and who skulked every peril which the civil war imposed. Col. John S. Mosby, for supporting Grant, who had thrown over him the protection of his influence when President John- son was threatening to hang "traitors," was pursued with bitter malignity by this class of the unreconstructed; and Col. Wm. Lamb, the hero of Fort Fisher, for refusing to respond to such resentments and prejudices, while keeping the spirit as well as the letter of his parole and oath of allegiance, be- came the subject of vulgar denunciations at their hands. Even he who stands upon the Confederate muster-roll with the distinguished designation of deserter, sneakingly gives as the cause of his dislike of Mahone, that he, in joining the Republican party, had gone back on the Conferedrate cause. Space does not permit me to recount the numbers or give the names of men who, with the same gallantry, courage and endurance as any "unreconstructed" Democrat, perilled all for and in behalf of the cause which they make the test of loyalty to Virginia and the Nation, while with sycophantic alacrity they follow the lead of the Union soldier who chooses to be a Democrat, although these Union soldiers fought to put down the cause for which Lee and Jackson fought. If a senti- mental Democrat cannot understand how a Confederate can be a Republican, what sort of reasoning brings him to under- stand how a Union soldier can be a Democrat? If there is trea- son in the one case, what else is it in the other ? Base appeals to these prejudices have been employed for partizan ends — to set race against race, section against sec- tion, neighbor against neighbor in the derogation of the peace, happiness and welfare of society and the progress and pow- er of a common country — while these "unreconstructed" Democrats have been eager to obtain any office, the emolu- ments of which came from the Treasury of that Government which the "reconstructed" Virginian was supporting in the spirit and truth of his oath of allegiance. It was but lately that the shibboleth of the Democratic par- ty in Virginia was the white man against the negro, forgetting in their madness and thirst for place and power, that the ne- gro was here to stay, and a full fledged citizen by the consti- tution and laws they had sworn to uphold; forgetting that he composed an essential factor in the labor producing power of the commonwealth, and as that power is the source of wealth that the greater his contentment and the more his capabilities are improved, the prosperity of the State will be increased and the common burdens of all reduced. The later policy of the leaders of the Democratic par- ty seeks, by caressing the colored voter, and rewarding with small places a few of those they have enticed into their ranks, but the fact that in the election last year they carried but one of the twenty-one counties whose population is over three-fourths white, ends the long boasted claim of their par- ty as the white man's party of Virgihia. It is to recruit their waning forces, their depleted columns, that the managers of the Democratic party here in Virginia would now ^^ylot or cannot produce here in our own country and the appli= cation of the balance to the reduction of illiteracy among the i6 masses, the education of the children of the nation, and to necessary objects of national defence. By this theory all the protection to American industries which has produced the wide-spread and all embracing scope of American progress would be retained, and would continue to develop the resources of the country and to protect labor. By this theory, under the practical operation of which the na- tion has had an unexampled growth in population, power and wealth, that diversity of industrial pursuits which has multiplied the-avenues of employment for capital and labor, and reduced the cost of the necessaries of life, and given better wages to the wage-worker, elevated his position and opened wide the door to the education, knowledge and advancement of his children; that diversity of industrial pursuits which has brought to the farmer a neighborhood market for his crops, given active val- ue to our raw materials and sent our manufactured goods in- to the markets of the world, will go on adding to the wealth, independence and happiness of the masses. Such is the broad and durable ground on which the Republican theory ot arresting the treasury surplus, the needless accretions, which must follow a continuation of the exacting draft upon the tax-paying resources of the country, is based. On the other hand, the opposing theory of the Democratic administration and the controlling faction of that party is to continue the taxes imposed by the internal revenue laws, as the means of compelling a reduction of import duties upon all manufactured goods, and a removal of all duties upon raw materials, embracing wool, lumber, coal, and iron ores. The adoption of the Democratic treatment of the question would reverse the wheels of progress and bring about that dislocation of the business interests of the country which would tail to find its parallel, even in the disastrous consequences which are known to have followed every experiment at free trade heretofore imposed upon the Nation by the Democratic party. It would paralize the agencies of power and prosperity, which, under the inspiring influences of the Republican pol- icy of protection, have in the last twenty-six years doubled our population, and added two hundred and fifty per cent, to the wealth of the nation, until the daily increase is estimated at two and a half millions, equal to one-third of the daily ac- cumulations of mankind. It would quickly glut our country with the raw materials and the products of the cheap labor 17 . or all the world, and set the balance of trade, as in other free trade periods, against us, and compel the productions of our own industries and our own labor to squai-e the balance, and thus, of our own substance, to contribute to the wealth and to the support of the pauper, the serf and poorly paid, poor- ly clad and poorly fed labor of other countries. It would rele- egate our agricultural interest, which now finds a ready home market for full ninety (90) per cent, of its surplus, to the pre- carious demands and uncertain prices of the foreign market, and blight the growth of prosperity, which under the invig- orating influences of the Republican policy that industry has had, advancing from a product in i860 of one and a half to two and a quarter billions of value in 1880. It would paralize and tend to destroy that vast manufacturing industry which has so largely contributed to the wealth of the Nation, the prosperity of every interest and widened the fields of em- ployment for labor. An industry which in 1 880 numbered two hundred and fifty odd thousand establishments, employed two and three-quarter billions of capital, two and three-quarter mil- lions wage-workers with a pay-rclt of nine hundred and fifty eight million dollars, and added to the productive values of the country five and a quarter billions of money, as against one hun- dred and fifty thousand establishments, employing one billion capital, one and a qurter millions wage-workers with a pay-roll of three hundred and seventy-nine millions, and a product of one and three-quarter billions in the year i860. This policy of the dominating faction of the Democratic party, I need not tell the thoughtful citizen of Virginia, means to close her mines, shut off the fires of her furnaces, turn to waste her forests and to idleness her water power; — it means to turn back the long deferred hope of her people for the develop- ment of these, her great resources, now so fairly opening in- to blossom, while the Republican theory will continue to help and foster that development to full fruitage. If the people in the last election for Congress did not suffi- ciently emphasize their preference for the Republican policy in this respect, the opportunity and the occasion comes, in the election of a legislature this fall when they may re-enforce the judgment then expressed, for in that election they are to choose m_embers of a Legislature whose duty it will be to se- lect for them_ a Senator of the United States, whom, they have the right to know will openly and earnestly, independent of party factions, support the one of the two theories they prefer. In the divided condition of the Democratic Representation in Congress from the State, Mr. Wise and Mr. Cabell may be in this connection considered as identified nearest to the Re- publican theory, and Mr. Tucker and Mr. Trigg with the Dem- ocratic, while Mr. Croxton, Mr. Barbour and Mr. O'Farrall "could be happy with either, were t'other dear charmer away." The same division permeates the whole party in the State, and renders impossible the selection of any Democrat whose opinion on these theories can represent a united party. In- deed the Democracy in Virginia does not appear to know its • own convictions as to these theories, but the last election to Congress indicated, in a very decided manner, that the peo- ple of the State are determined that the Democratic Repre- sentation, divided against itself, shall, like the house in the Scriptures, "fall," and no longer impede the progress of the Commonwealth. In view of that purpose the free trader, Mr. Tucker, at the election last fall thought it best for him to "stand from under," and let the crash fall upon his would-be successor. Mr. Cabell was retired because the tobacco grow- ing people of his District having, tried him and Democracy for twelve years, thought it best to entrust their interest to a Republican; Mr. Trigg and Mr. Croxton fell exhausted by the wayside, and Republicans were elected in their stead. Mr. Daniel, having given Mr. Barbour the "mitten," in the nomination for the Senate, left a Democratic District to be won by a Labor candidate, who will never support a free trade theory; Mr. Barbour- preferring recreation in Europe to a canvass for Congress, turned over the District to Gen. Lee, who was elected. The delegation was then reduced to three Democrats, and even they are divided — Mr. Wise finding Mr. Randall the safest alliance for him, and Mr. O'Ferrall and Gen. Lee standing by Speaker Carlisle. Six protec- tive Republicans, one protective Labor Representative, one protective and two free trade Democrats, presents the com- plexion of the State's representation in the 50th Congress. As between the two theories, the Virginia representation would probably stand eight for the first and two for the sec- ond theory. Assuming this to indicate the sentiment of the State after the adjournment of the first session of the 49th Congress, it is pertinent to inquire whether anything occurred in the second session of that Congress which would cause a change of opinion in the State? On the contrary, the dis- traction and divisions, the unprecedented delay of business 19 the spectacle presented in the correspondence between the factions, and the litde trick in the small hours of the morning of the 4th of March, to pass a bill to modify the Internal Rev- enue Laws, all conspire to confirm the people in their convic- tion of the incapability of a divided party to legislate upon the great interests of the Country. It would extend this paper beyond all reasonable limits to present all the facts and discuss all the measures which go to make up the record of unfitness of the leadership of the Demo- cratic party for the Government of this country, and therefore I must hastily and more briefly than I would desire, pass to other subjects, not the least among which is the bill popularly known as the BLAIR EDUCATIONAL BILL, the object of which is to aid in the education of the poor, and to remove the blighting influence of ignorance from our State, and from all the States. That bill proposed to appropriate $y'j,- 000,000 to aid in support of common schools in the States, Ter- ritories and District of Columbia. Of that sum ^^7,000,000 was to be distributed in 1886; $10,000,000 in 1885 ; $15,000,- 000 in 1888; $13,000,000, in 1889; $11,000,000 in 1890; $9,000,000, in 1891; $7,000,000, 1892; and $5,000,000 in 1893. The appropriation thus extended over a period of 7 years would have been a matter of small importance compared with the resources of the Government and the objects to be obtained. The revenue receipts of the Government for this single day, March 17th, is, from Internal Revenue $335,904 ; from customs $693,139 — total $1,029,093 ; and the average is over $1,000,000 per day. This bill would therefore have re- quired the revenue of only seven days in 1886, ten days in 1887, fifteen days in 1888, twelve days in 1889, eleven days in 1890, nine days in 1891, seven days in 1892, and five days in 1893 — ^ total of the revenue of only jj days in seven years. Is that much of a "raid" on the treasury whose overflow will run above jiinety million by the end of the current fiscal year? The benefits which would have followed this assistance to the impoverished Southern States can be better imagined than described, but the generosity of the act may be appreciated when we consider the principle upon which the distribution was to have been made. ' This principle was illiteracy, or the most money where the most was needed. Upon that princi- 20 pie the South would have received ^53,000,000, and the North ^18,000,000, while upon the principle of population the South would receive $23,000,000, and the North ^47,000,000. The South would have received $3.14 per capita, and the North 55 cents per capita. The Blair Educational Bill, though a Republican, was not a political measure ; it was a generous peace-offering to the impoverished South, and aid from the common Treasury of which the North contributed $54,000,000 and the South $23,- 000,000. It was to aid in maintaining the common schools, by which school-houses would have been supplied where they are needed, teachers trained, and the school term largely extended. The Democratic managers can now say to the Republican party, "thou hast most traitorously corrupted the youth of the realm in erecting a grammar school ; and where- as, before our forefathers had no other books but the score and the tally, thou hast caused printing to be used; and con- trary to the king, his crown and dignity, thou hast built a pa- per mill." This bill to aid you in educating your children was assailed by Democrats as unconstitutional, because, as said by Mr. Seney, a Democrat from Ohio, "the States in creating the gen- eral Government, withheld from it all power to legislate re- specting educational affairs." A similar argument was made by Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, in opposing the bill to create an Agricultural Department, but Mr. Tucker made a dead Re- publican responsible for his argument, saying, "but as the late Senator Carpenter once said, either on the floor of the Sen- ate or in private conversation with me, 'if you can find the word Agriculture in the Constitution of the United States, I will give it up.' " And not being able to find "Agriculture" in the Constitution, Mr. Tucker would resist the proclama- tion of 5,000,000 farmers of the country because he regarded the bill as unconstitutional. I find no fault with any man's conscientious constitutional convictions, but I do not see the necessity of electing a man to Congress whose constitutional convictions are of that nar- row, contracted character, which Chief Justice Marshall thus described: "What do gentlrmen mean by strict construction? If they contend only against that enlarged construction which would extend words beyond their natural and obvious im- port, we might question the application of the term, but should not controvert the principle. If they contend for that 21 narrow construction which, in support of some theory not to be found in the Constitution, would deny to the Government those powers which the words of the grant, as usually under- stood, import, and which are consistent with the general views and objects of the instrument; for that narrow con- struction which would cripple the Government, and render it unequal to the objects for which it is declared to be instituted, and to which the powers given, as fairly understood, render it competent; then we cannot perceive the p/opriety ot this construction, nor adopt it as the rule by which the Constitu- tion is to be expounded." Mr. Tucker could not find the word "library" in the constitu- don, but he derived the constitutional pov/er to have a-^ great library, and erect a great library building from "the duty of the Government to furnish all the means by which we can secure intelligent legislation; all that has ever been written, the accretion of ages, and which will give infoimation to you and me, as to the mode in which we should conduct our business here, is proper to be piled up in a Congressional library for the benefit of the Representatives of the people." May 1 not extend the reason further back, and beginning with peo- ple, argue that they should be prepared, by early education, to take in and digest all that has been written, "the accretion of ages," in order to fit them to select and elect their repre- sentatives who are to enjoy the blessings of that great library. Mr. Tucker would educate the Representatives, I would in- struct the people. He would polish off the colums that orna- ment the structure of our liberties; I would strengthen its foundations. Other arguments were used by Democrats to assail the ed- ucational bill ; the appropriations for seven years were said to be unconstitutional. There is no requirement of annual appropriations in the Constitution, and the only limit to be found in the instrument is that of two years appropiations for the support of the army. But the "spirit" of the Consti- tution is evoked as hostile to other than annual appropria- tions. I deem the best way to reach the spirit of the instru- ment, to be a plain common sense interpretation of its letter; and when I find one kind of appropriation limited to two years, because the precedent in English legislation as to the army was so limited, I do not consider that I do violence to the of spirit the instrument when I would extend the appro- priations necessary to secure the plant for the building of a 22 Navy, or the construction of great ordinance, or the educa- tion of the people, over a series of years necessary for the ac- compUshment of these great objects. This bill, after all the promises and pledges of the Demo- cratic press, leaders and candidates, which you may not have forgotton, was again lost in the Democratic House of Repre- sentatives, by an arrangement of its managers — as is well understood — who, while they could not agree upon a measure to reduce taxes, could combine together to defeat a measure so important to Virginia and the whole South, as the Blair Bill., The bill to return to the States and to the people the DIRECT TAXES paid under the act of August 5th, 1861, was passed by the Republican Senate. It was a measure having for its object the return of money paid by the people; it was an effort to diminish the surplus, not by expenditure, but by returning to the people money no longer needed by the general Govern- ment; and there would have been paid to the citizens of Vir- ginia over a half million dollars by this bill. As the Democratic House would not reduce taxes, the Sen- ate expected that the House would refund taxes no longer needed; but the Judiciary Committee of the House, of which Mr. Tucker was chairman, sat upon the bill until it crushed all the life out of it. In the matter of defeating the payment of the claims known as FRENCH SPOLIATIONS, this Judiciary Committee was as successful as it was in de- feating the bill returning to the States and the people the di- rect taxes paid under act of August 6th, 1861. It is estimated that there are twenty thousand people of Virginia who are more or less interested in the French Spol- iation claims. After eighty years of cruel delay, from which can be taken no account of the hardships and losses that the timely adjud- ication and payment of these claims would have avoided, the Congress of the United States finally empowered the Court of Claims to determine the liability of the Government and ascertain the facts in the case. That high court, after a searching investigation, and hear- ing and re-hearing of certain set cases, made up its judgment, 23 and as the law required reported the facts and the awards it had made to the Congress. It was thought, and no one to that time supposed, there would be interposed any further motions' or resorts at delay in the payment of these long^ deferred, just and honorable obligations of the Government to its own people, and that there would be no hesitancy on the part of the Congress in making the necessary appropriations to cover their payment. The claimants had already been subjected to heavy costs, and many of the claims, relatively as important to the claim- ant, were below the amount which would entitle him to an ap- pearance at the bar of the Supreme Court of the United States, to which it was the effort of Mr. Tucker's committee to require these claims to be referred. The delay of that committee in acting upon the subject had the effect to post- pone, if it does not defeat, the payment of these claims. The report and award of the Court of Claims were referred to Mr. Tucker's committee on the second day of the last ses- sion of the Congress, and the report of that committee made by himself, accompanying the bill it proposed, is dated the lyth day of February, a full n^view of which will be found in the minority report of Judge Ranney.* *49th Congress, 1 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. f Rep. 4099, 2nd Session, j \ Part 2. FRENCH SPOLIATION CLAIMS. February 28th, 1887. — Referred to the House Calendar and ordered to be printed. Mr. Ranney, from the Committee on the Judiciary, submitted the following as the VIEWS OF THE MINORITY : [To accompany bill H. R. n201.] In the report of the committee no reasons are assigned for the passage of the bill except that the matters of fact and of law involved are so important that the question of the li- ability of the United States should be referred to the Supreme Court. In appeals from the Court of Claims the Supreme Court does not examine the facts, but taking the findings of the court below very much as a special verdict, inquires as to the supposed error of law in the judgment rendered upon the facts then found. In the cases reported to Congress by the Court of Claims, all the facts as to each found to have been established by evidence are specifically stated and fully set out, and with these facts judicially found, just as they would be if an appeal were to be taken to the Supreme Court, the question of the liability of the United States on these facts is the only one which remains to be determined, and is one with which Congress is perfectly competent to deal. In section 6 of the act of January 20, 1886, the Court of Claims was required annually to "report to Congress, for final action, the facts found by it, and its conclusions in all cases which it has disposed of," and this requirement is in exact accord with the very terms of the jurisdiction vested in the court, in the third section, to-wit : "Shall report all such conclusions of fact and law as in their judgment may affect the liability of the United States therefor." These requirements have been fully complied with. The elaborate opinions of the court show that the legal propositions have been carefully and ably con- sidered. 24 Under these circumstances, and to meet Mr. Tucker's ef- fort to delay, if not defeat, the payment of these claims, I de- termined to take action in the Senate, and offered an amend- ment to the Deficiency Bill to pay the awards. That amend- ment was inserted by the Senate Committee on Appropria- tions in that bill, andthe matter' came before the Senate for action. The Senate reached the amendment on the morning of the 4th of March, and promptly, as its consideration be- gan, Mr. Tucker appeared on the floor of the Senate, and as far as his efforts could go, endeavored to effect its defeat. Later, when the bill with the amendment was reported from the Senate as in Committee of the Whole to the Senate, Mr. Tucker renewed his efforts, but (fortunately) even with The findings of fact in each case show that the evidence has been critically and carefully examined. No error is suggested in either the conclusion of law or in the findings of fact by the report of the committee ; but after the action which has been taken for the advise- ment of Congress there appears no reason why it should not take "final action" in the cases thus reported. The proposed bill does not allow an appeal to the Supreme Court in all cases, nor in those involving ^3,000 or more, as in the general jurisdiction of the court, but only in a selected portion of the cases ; so that really the question of the liability of the United States for these claims will still come back to be ultimately decided by Con- gress, except in a few cases appealed. The original act clearly contemplated and it would seem proper that Congress should now meet its own responsibility and should not devolve upon the claimant the expense of going to the Supreme Court, and the consequent delay after two years have been spent on the other plan, unless some change in the status has presented an important reason for this course, and none such has been suggested. The objection may be urged to the proposed bill with much force, that it provided for the consideration of the liability of the United States only upon "principles of justice and international law," whereas the original act intended to be amended by this bill provided that the validity should be decided "according to the rules of law, municipal and interna- tional, and the treaties of the United States applicable to the same." It could not be in- tended that in the cases selected the appeal should be considered on a narrower basis than the original hearing was, for under such circumstances the appellate court would be with- out jurisdiction. The scope of the bill seems to be that the cases not appealed shall be heard by the Court of Claims as provided by the original act, while those selected for ap- peal shall be heard upon "principles of justice and international law." Some confusion may grow out of these apparently conflicting clauses, for, though strict observance of treaty obligation is a fundamental principle of international law, the omission from the bill of the words "the treaties of the United States applicable to tlie same," when they are included in the original act, might tend to show a purpose to omit them from the consideration of the court. These claims were deemed so just by our Government that they were the subject of two embassies to France, and in the instructions the mode and basis of settlement were pre- sented and their payment by France made an ultimatum of any treaty. They were admit- ted by France with the liability to pay them, but France made claims against the United .States, and in the treaty, as finally ratified by the two countries, these claims of American citizens were released to France in consideration of a release by France of claims, not against them, but against the United States. The Government, therefore, has received a good consideration for these claims, but the claimants have never been paid. These facts present questions wherewith Congress is perfectly competent to deal, and all that is needed is that the facts as to each separate claim may be found by the Court of Claims, as contemplated by the act of January 20, 1885. If when these reports are made Congress intends to pay the claims, sound policy dictates that it should be done at once, so that no large amount would have to be included in any one appropriation bill. If Congress does not intend to pay them, the act of January 20, 1886, should be repealed, A. A. RANNEY. 25 less favorable results; the amendment was retained by 36 votes against 12. The Deficiency Bill failed by reason of the clerks not being able to copy it in time for executive ap- proval, before the hour of adjournment should come. The claimants under the French Spoliation (whose claims I did all that could be done in the Senate to have paid) fhaving waited eighty odd years, and stood the ordeal of the court ap- pointed by Congress to decide upon the facts of their cases, may not take the same pleasure in litigation that Mr. Tucker does, "TURN THE RASCALS OUT," was the shibboleth of the Democratic party in the last cam- paign, and it had hardly died away when the new administra- tion of the Democratic Executive was called upon to carry out the proclamation that the Republican office-holders were "rascals," and that an examination of the books would devel- op unheard of dishonesty, malfeasance, peculation and fraud. The Democratic Administration has been in office for two years; eighty thousand changes are said to have been made, but whether or not the number is an exaggeration, the fact is, that not one dismissal has been made on any charge of dis- honesty or fraud. On the other hand, more men with indictments for criminal offences hanging over them have been appointed to office under Mr, Cleveland's administration than under that of any other President. fWASHiNGTON, D. C, March 5th, 1887. Hon. William Mahone, U. S. Senate. My Dear Sir — -I wish to express to you my gratitude for your active efforts to se- cure the rights of a large number of my clients from all over the country in the French spoliations, but especially on behalf of a large number who are citizens of the State of Vir- ginia. I know full well that all you did was done as a matter of public duty and because there are some $800,000 of these claims held by citizens of your own State; but I desire none the less for myself, and as the attorney of a large number of these, to express my ac- knowledgment and thanks. The four cases reported by the Court of Claims to Congress were on the second day of the term referred by the Speaker to the Judiciary Committee, whereof Mr. J. Ran. Tucker was chairman. As chairman he took charge of them as a sub-committee of one, and thus held them under his personal control until January 20th, when he added two members to the sub-committee, and it was not until the 17th of February, within twelve working days of the adjournment, and when Congress was crowded with appropriation bills, that any re- port was made to the House. That report of four lines states "that the matters of fact and law are so important" that it is believed they should be submitted to the Supreme Court. That court does not inquire into the facts as found by the Court of Claims. Your amendment to the Deficiency Appropriation Bill, for the payment of the cases re- ported by the Court of Claims to Congress, which by your zealous efforts was passed by a vote of 36 to 12 in the Senate, will be of inestimable advantage to the claimants, notwith- standing for want of time to engross it the bill failed to become a law. I am with great respect, Yours, very truly, WM. E. EARLE. 26 The Republican party challenges comparison of its office- holders with those of the Democratic party, character against character, and will stand the test of honesty and capacity, however severely the comparison may be drawn. In view of the important questions to which I have ad- verted, and the attitude of the two parties, and the bearing of their opposing policies upon the fortunes of Virginia and the prosperity of her people, pardon any seeming in- delicacy, and forbear, if you please, any suspicion of personal interests, if I say that the citizen to be chosen to the United States Senate by the Legislature which you are in Novem- ber to elect, should be of fixed and well known convictions in respect to all these far-reaching and important questions. He should stand openly and squarely for the Democratic pol- icy of over-taxing our domestic products and hoarding the money of the people in the vaults of the National Treasury; or he should stand openly and squarely for the Republican policy of returning to circulation the one hundred millions which will have been retired to idleness by the end of the cur- rent fiscal year, and of arresting further accumulations, by the removal of certain of the Internal Revenue taxes, so long en- dured; he should be known to be honestly and earnestly in favor of the Blair Educational measure — for education against ignorance — or, after Democratic fashion, to merely acquiesce in their support; he should be known to stand for the Repub- lican policy of Protection, or for the Democratic policy of Free Trade; for providing for the National defences, or leaving the country at the mercy of any third-rate naval power; for fostering American industries and protecting American labor, or exposing them to the damaging consequences of un- checked competition with the cheap productions and pauper labor of foreign countries; he should be known to stand for a fair, non-partizan election law and honest count, or for the Anderson-McCormick iniquity. I have misunderstood the true interest of our State, if I am mistaken in believing that her people desire to have manufac- tures introduced and her mines developed, and thatthe markets which these enterprises bring to the doors of the farmers are not desirable. I do not believe that the Free Trade policy of Mr. Carlisle and his followers will encourage capital to seek the fields of Virginia for investment, and I cannot discover that the half-hearted protection of Mr, Randall has a ghost of a chance with the great body of the Democratic party against it. • 27 Mr. Randall's protection contingent might be of available use in a firm alliance with the Republicans, but not having the convictions of their principles as firmly fixed as is their desire to share in the spoils of office, they remain in the camp of Democracy, ready to betray, yet afraid to desert. A Dem- ocrat from such a party in the Senate might be an enemy of the Republicans, but could hardly be more than a doubtful ally of the Democracy. Is such a Senator desirable for Virginia? Look therefore, fellow-citizens at the condition of your State — the debt question is the foot-ball of the Democratic fac- tions — for the Republican party is not playing in that game; the resources of your State are not less a plaything between the tarift" factions — the just claims of many thousands of your fellow-citizens, known as French Spoliation claims, ascertain- ed by the judgment of the court appointed by Congress, are to be relegated to another long delay and unnecessary suit at law. The direct taxes paid by some of your fellow-citizens under the law of 1861, which would have been returned to them if the Democratic Judiciary Committee of the House had acted upon the Senate's bill, are now retained in the Treasury, where they are not needed, and withheld from the people who are greatly in want of them. The Blair Educa- tional Bill was smothered in the House by the Democratic majority of the Committee on Rules. Ninety millions and more of the needed money of the country goes to incumber the vaults of the Treasury, while the oppressive taxes and laws of the Internal Revenue System are to continue to burden private enterprise, by the refusal of a Democratic House to discharge the manifest duty of the hour, and to respond to the earnest appeals of the people. When you have duly and carefully considered these fail- ures of duty and these shortcomings of your expectations, discover, if you can, one single law enacted by the Democrats that meets the hopes of the country, or offers relief to its burdened industries. I know that I am not the person to do impartial justice to the Democratic party. I have had too little of it at its hands ; but the people of the State are more interested than myself in the character of the next General Assembly, which I sin- cerely hope will be very different in every respect from that of the last two General Assemblies we have had. I have at greater length than I desired, and yet more brief- 28 ly than perhaps was proper, endeavored to set before you the reasons which influenced my poHtical course during my six years in the Senate, and this review of parties, men and meas- ures, ought, in my opinion, to determine the people of Vir- ginia to continue the work begun last fall, of retiring Demo- crats from public life and electing men more in harmony with the times, more disposed to bring Virginia into concert with the great movement of progress and advancement, and who, while treasuring every honorable memory of the past, will look to the future and to its responsibilities for the best means of developing the resources of the State. What do the people of Virginia find in the measures of the Republican party hostile to their interest, inimical to their welfare, or injurious to their prosperity? What can they discover in the divisions and distractions of the Democratic party, and in its policies, promotive of the im- provement of their condition, conducive to the development of the Commonwealth, or promising the least change in the dreary outlook which has so long overshadowed the State? The business interests of the people, the power of the State and the prosperity of the community, all point to the Repub- lican party, to its measures and its policy, as the surest and safest political association for the people of Virginia. The election which will take place this fall for members of the General Assembly will be the most important that has been held in this State since the war. The Extra Session of the Legislature has accomplished nothing; it was called in the spirit of an excuse — to tide the party over the coming election — and not with any serious expectation of accomplish- ing results. However, the Republican party must prepare to go before the people in the fall and demonstrate the incapacity of the Democratic leaders to deal with the financial questions involved in the State's affairs. And as to Federal politics, the next Legislature must elect a United States Senator, and the people, with that prospect before them, will choose members of the General Assembly — who will support the man whom they know to represent their views and interests upon the important Federal questions to which I have adverted. Returning you my grateful acknowledgements for the hon- or of a seat in the United States Senate, and regretting my inability to do more than I have accomplished for our State, I am, Your fellow-citizen, WILLIAM MAHONE. 29 OFFICIAL RECORD. It will be seen — That the Hon. John W. Johnston, during his service of 1 3 years in the Senate, introduced 79 Bills, of which only 13 passed that body, and of the 13 only 6 related to Vir- ginia or her citizens. That the Hon. Robert E. Withers, during his 6 years service in the Senate, introduced 60 bills, of which 17 passed that body, and of the 17 it does not appear that more than 3 related to citizens of the State. That the Hon. John R. Tucker, during his i 2 years in the House, introduced 146 Bills, only 17 of which appear to have passed that body, and of these but 8 appear to re- late to the State or her citizens. That the Hon. Geo. C. Cabell, during his 12 years in the House, introduced III Bills, only 2 of which passed, and these related to the State. That the Hon. Geo. D. Wise, during his 6 years in the House, introduced 77 Bills, only 7 of which appear to have passed that body. That the Hon. John S. Barbour, during his 6 years in the House, introduced 150 Bills, and only 4 of all appear - to have passed that body, and not one of these related to Virginia or her citizens. That the Hon. Chas. T. O'Ferrall, during his four years in Congress, introduced 27 Bills, not one of which appears to have passed. That the Hon. John W. Daniel, during his 2 years in the House, introduced 8 Bills, only l of which appears to have passed the body of which he was a member. rhat the Hon. Wm. Mahone, during his six years in the Sen- ate, introduced 86 Bills, of which 21 passed that body, and when considered with respect to their value, will be found to aggregate more of consequence to the State than all the bills passed by his predecessors in the Senate and the Democratic members of the House whose re- cords are here given. 30 RECORD OF JOHN W. JOHNSTON. Record of Bills introduced by him, and what became of them. FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS— FIRST SESSION. S. Bill No. 697, to incorporate Spear's Air Motor National Company, referred, reported and mdefinUely postponed. S. Bill 696, to divide Virg-inia into two judicial districts ; referred, reported and passed. FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS— FIRST SESSION. S. Bill No. 252, to readjust the claims of Virg-inia for advances to the United States in the war of 1812; refen-ed. S. Bill 282, to exempt the circulation of the Real Estate Bank, of Virg-inia, from taxation ; referred. FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS— SECOND SESSION. S. Bill 575, to authorize the purchase of secured obligations of the Real Estate Bank, of Virginia. S. Bill 590, to charter the Puget Sound and Norfolk Oceanic Con- tinental Air-line Railroad and Telegraph Co., and grant right of wa^y. S. Bill 795, to provide for an adequate supply of circulating medi- um to the States needing it. S. Bill 796, to provide for the payment of claims for rent arising in States declared in insurrection. S. 797, granting a pension to Mrs. Malinda Brooks. S. B. 1137, to remove the disabilities of Daniel Trigg and others. S. Bill 1190, to relieve J. L. Curry from the political disabilities im- posed by the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution. FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS— THIRD SESSION. S. Bill 1481, concerning and authori^iing the Washington, Cincinnati & St. Louis Railroad Company to extend and construct their railroad into the District of Columbia, and through the States of West Vir- ginia, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, to the City of St. Louis, in the State of Missouri. I S. Bill 1521, to relieve Daniel Trigg, of Washington county, Virginia, of his pohtical disabilities. FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS— FIRST SESSION. S. Bin 129, chartering the Washing-ton, Cincinnati ndidied there. 1474, relating to pleuro-pneumonia : referred to committee on agri- culture, QXLd-died there. 1522, relief of W. P. Burwell ; referred to committee on claims, re- ported back adversely, and indefinitely pastponed. 33 1607, relief of S. W. Fountain ; referred to committee on military affairs, reported back adversely, and indefinitely postponed. 1667, infectious and contagious diseases of cattle ; referred to com- mittee on agriculture, reported back, and died on the calendar. 1843, hotel at Fortress Monroe ; referred to committee on military affairs, repoiied back with an amendment and passed in the Senate, but was lost in the House. 2097, bureau of animal industry ; considered amended and lost. 1972, manuscript on logic, by James Madison ; referred to commit- tee on hbrary, and died there. 2140, to purchase a bronze statue of Washington ; referred to com- mittee on library, and died there. 2180, for Eobert F. Williams & Co. ; referred to committee on fi- nance, and died there. 2213, to repeal export tax on tobacco ; referred to committee on fi- nance, and died there. ^j^^Mr. Johnston, during his one year and two terms or thirteen years in the Senate, introduced 79 Bills of which only 13 appear to have passed that body; and of the 79 Bills introduced, it does not appear that more than 25 of the num-- ber related to Virginia, and of the 13 Bills passed, only 6 ap- pear to have related to the State or her people. RECORD OF ROBERT E. WITHERS. Record of Bills introduced by him, and what became ef them. FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— FIRST SESSION. 117, to aid the Washington, Cincinnati & St. Louis Kaih-oad Com- pany to construct a narrow gauge railway ; referred to committee on commerce, and died there. 220, api^ropriating $300,000 for continuino- the improver tent of «Tames River at and below Richmond ; referee! to committee on com- merce. 308, rehef of B. D. Morton ; referred to committee on P. O. k P. R., reported back adversely, and postponed indefinitely. 351, relief of I. Davenport and others ; referred to committee on claims, and died there. 431, pension to E. B. Thomas, widow of Gen. Lorenzo Thomas; became a law. 616, relief of Thomas Oxley ; referred to committee on pensions, and difid thete. FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS-SECOND SESSION. 1060, relief of owners of property sold for taxes in insurrectionary States ; referred to committee on judiciary, and died there. 1102, pension to M. Griffith ; referred to committee on pensions, re- ported adversely, and indefinitely postponed. 34 1118, granting- pension to Nancy King ; became a law. 1127, relief -of J. B. McCiillough and others; became a law. 1178, pension to T. A. Liebsclmtz, &c. ; referred to committee on military affairs, reported back adverse! i/, and postponed indefinUely. 1260, pension to E. H. Cobb; became a law. FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— FIRST SESSION. 17, pensions to soldiers and sailors in the war of 1812; referred to committee on pensions, and di<,'(J there. 18, relief of Albemarle & Chesapeake Canal Co. ; referred to com- mittee on naval ajffairs, and died, there. 60, for relief of owners and purchasers of lands for direct taxes in insurrectionary States ; referred to committee on judiciary, and died there. 61, for relief of Richmond Female Institute, of Richmond, Va. ; referred to committee on claims, and died there. 209 relief of the Trustees of the Protestant Episcopal Theological Seminary ; referred to committee on claims, and died, there. 223, pension to Mrs. J. S. West, referred to committee on pensions, and died there. 303, relief of B. H. Jenkins; referred to committee on claims, and died there. FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— SECOND SESSION. 487, relief of Mrs. M. B. Wolfe, referred to committee on claims, reported back adversel//, and indefinitelti postponed. 531, relative to district courts ; referred to committee on judiciary, and died, there. 647, pension to W. B. Whiting ; referred to committee on pensions, reported, considered and died. 862, pension to George Foster ; referred to committee on pensions, reported back adverseli/, and postponed indejin.iieJji. 1013, pension to Mrs. T. Nussear; referred to committee on pen- sions, and died, there. FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— THIRD SESSION. 1496, relief of cei-tain citizens of Lynchburg, , relief of H. H. Cook ; referred to committee on claims, reported back without amendment, considered and died. 67, for relief of Albert V. Conway, referred to committee on finance, and died there. 235, pension to Egbert Olcott ; referred to committee on pensions, reported back oxiA puHHed Senate. 289, pension to E. Heinzel ; referred to committee on pensions, and died there. 35 290, wall tents to Va. Military Institute ; referred to committee ou military affairs, reported back adiicr.scJj/, and jiostponed hulcjiuitrhi. 2i)l, relief of certain citizens of Lynchburij;- ; referred to commit- tee ou finance, and died there. 334, for bridge at Georgetown, D. C. ; refeiTed to committee on D. C, and died there. ■411, relief of C. W. Eogers; referred to committee on P. O. and P. E..; reported back adverseli/, and indejinitelii postponed. 465, pension to George Smith ; referred to committee on pensions, reported back and passed Senate. 475, pension to H. I. Clinrcliman ; referred to committee on pen- sions, reported back and passed Senate. 496, to adjudicate claims for pensions ; refeiTed to committee on pensions, repoi-ted back with amendments, and died, on the table. 463, pension to M. B. Kirby ; referred to committee on pensions, and died there. 426, relief of Albemarle and Chesapeake Canal Co. ; referred to committee on naval affairs, reported back with admendments, and died on the tohie. FORTY-SI XTII CONGRESS— SECOND SESSION. Bill 871, pension to Mary W. Jones; referred to committee on pen- sions, reported back S. 1501 as substitute, which restored pensions in certain cases, and passed Senate. 926, bridge at Georgetown, D. C. ; referred to committee on Dis- trict of Columbia, and died there. 991, pension to D. H. Myers ; referred to committee on pensions, reported back adversely, and iitdefiniteJi/ postponed. 992, pension to widow of Ex-President Tyler ; referred to commit- tee on pensions, reported back and passed Senate. 1044, pension to James King; referred to committee on pensions, reference changed to invahd pensions, reported back and placed on the private calendar, where it died. 1045, pension to Susan Teffords ; took same course as 1044, and had the same fate. 1113, pension to Peter K. Morgan ; referred to committee on pen- sions, reported back and passed. 1114, pension to Luman Case, referred to connnittee on pensions, reported back and passed the Senate. 1159, relief of J. M. Wood, of Lynchburg, Va. ; referred to finance committee, and died there. 1233, pension to F. Weller; referred to committee on pensions, re- ported back and passed Senate. 1386, to incorporate Potomac U. R. R. Co., of Washington; re- ferred to committee on District of Columbia, reported back adversi'li/, and indejinitelji postponed. 1476, relief of heirs of Wm. Selden, / there. 1816, to repeal section 1218 of Revenue Statutes ; passed. 2135, relating to execution of custom house bonds ; became laic. 2732, to regulate the currency ; referred to committee on banking and currency, and (/iec/ there. 3271, for relief of Mary B. Kirby ; referred to committee on revolu- tionary pensions, and 4ie4 there. 3485, for relief of Henry Thorman ; referred to ways and means committee, and 4ie4 there. 3486, for relief of S. F. Buckner ; passed by the House. 37 3921, for relief of E. K. Sneacl ; referred to Committee on Ways and Means, and /// there. 1203, for relief of John Kelley ; referred to Committee on War Claims, and ijiefl,ss^(Z. 4214, to pay advances made the U. S. by Virginia and Maryland referred, reported /ayo/a?>fe, but not acted upon for want of time. 3149, to construct road to National Cemetery at Petersburg, Va. referred. 3170, to allow exchange of guns with R. E, Lee Volunteer Battery passed. 3246, for improvement of naval hospital park, at Portsmouth, Va. passed. 3347, for relief of city council at Alexandria, Va. ; referred. 3319, granting right of way to Hampton and Old Point Eaihoad Co.,; referred. 3340, to increase pension to Mary M. Hoxev ; referred. 3330, to erect across the Potomac River a National memorial bridge ; passed. 603, rehef of J. R. Jones, P. M. at Boynton, Va. ; passed. 909, relief of heirs of H. H. Sibley ; passed. 910, enlargement, &c., of public building at Harrisonburg, Va. ^ passed. 2064, rehef of R. N. Blake ; referred. 2848, relief of Benj. P. Loyall, of Va.; passed. II^^Mr. Mahone, in his six year's service in the Senate, introduced 86 Bt//s — of which 76 related to Virginia, and of these 76, iwenty-one passed. { ) VIRGINIA. CAMPAIGN OF 1887. ADDRESS OF THE Republican State Committee. ADDRESS. Fellow-Citizens: The managers of the Democratic party held a con- vention at Roanoke on the 4th of August, 1887, and pro- mulgated a Platform — in reality a series of apologies for their broken pledges. It has not been the custom of the Republican party to assemble in State Convention at other times than when necessary to nominate a State Ticket, or send delegates to a National Convention. The State Committee, representing the Republican party, have seen no occasion for departure from this rule. This party has no account of any stewardship to render, since for four years it has had no control over the ad- ministration of State affairs. Meanwhile Republican principles have not changed since they were formally announced by State Convention in 1885. The principles of Virginia Republicans are the same as those of the National Republican party. We could not desire to deceive and mislead the voters of this State into the support of our party's candidates for the Legis- lature to be elected in November next, by any announce- ment of our own individual advocacy of principles, which we know to be in antagonism to the belief and principles of the Republican party of the Nation. Having neither done, nor omitted, anything in the dis- charge of any duty or trust imposed upon our party, which needs explanation, or for which we would desire to apologize, the reasons necessitating the Roanoke Con- vention do not exist as to the Republican party of this State. Nevertheless, we have resolved to present to you this Address, setting forth certain leading facts of political history, contradicting the statements of the Roanoke platform, and to ask you to ponder them well before you again exercise the right of suffrage. We shall first deal with the statements of that plat- form in the order in which they are made. First. As to the endorsement of President Cleveland, and the declaration, which it makes, that his administra- tion will receive the cordial support of the Democratic party of Virginia. If this statement is sincere, then the succeeding state- ments demanding the immediate repeal of the Internal Revenue System, and the passage of the Blair Bill, must be insincere; for the opposition of President Cleveland to the one, and the lack of his endorsement of the other, of these measures, is known of all men. His formal, and express, approval of Secretary Man- ning's views and recommendations upon the subject of taxation and revenue, is conclusive upon this question. Secretary Manning not only deprecates the fact that there is no longer any duty or tax imposed upon*tea and coffee, but, while urging a reduction of duties upon such articles of import as are produced in our own country, squarely opposes any reduction of the taxes imposed upon tobacco, fruit distillations and whiskey. President Cleveland approves these views and recom- mendations of Secretary Manning. The Democratic managers of the Roanoke Convention endorse his ad- ministration, and yet declare for a repeal of the Internal „ Revenue System. That President Cleveland's administration is a great and bitter disappointment to many of the managers of the Democratic party of Virginia, is attested by loud and deep complaints. This pretended support of him is not only inconsistent with the advocacy of the repeal of the Internal Revenue System, and the passage of the Blair Educational Bill, but is time-serving and delusive. It remains to be seen whether the people of this State can be duped into his support, and that of candidates for the Legislature of the party endorsing his administra- tion, by the inconsistent utterances of the Democratic managers of Virginia. Second. As to the Internal Revenue System. The Roanoke platform seeks to create the impression among the people that the Democratic party favors the imme- diate repeal of that system. It may be that the Demo- cratic managers, who promulgated that platform, sincere- ly wish the repeal of the Internal Revenue System, from motives of self-preservation ; but, when they formally de- clare for the repeal of the system as part of the Demo- cratic faith, it is apparent that they are guilty of an effort to deceive the voters of this Commonwealth. That sys- tem is held by the Democratic party as a hostage, to compel the overthrow of the Republican policy of protec- tion to American Labor and Industries. The authors of the Roanoke platform know full well that the National Democracy opposes that repeal, and that the few Democrats in accord with this declaration of the Roanoke platform are in a hopeless minority of the Democratic party. The National Democratic platform, upon which President Cleveland was elected in 1884, promised no repeal of the Internal Revenue System, but pledged the party to a continuance of the Internal Revenue taxes and their application to the payment of pensions. The National Democratic plan of reducing tariff duties embraces a continuance of these taxes. Every mes- sage of President Cleveland has ignored any sugges- tion of a repeal of the Internal Revenue System, and to the repeated efforts of the small minority of Demo- crats who seek its repeal, the Democratic majority of the Forty-ninth Congress, speaking through its Commit- tee on. Ways and Means — speaking for an overwhelming majority of the Democratic party — speaking in accord with the views of President Cleveland, has given the fol- lowing unmistakable responses on behalf of the Dem- ocratic party. On the loth July, 1886, in the House of Representa- tives of the United States, Mr. Morrison, a leading Democrat and chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, on behalf of the Democratic majority of the House, submitted from his Committee an adverse re- port upon a bill "to reduce the Internal Revenue Taxes," &c. That report is House Document, ist Session of the 49th Congress, No. 3209, and contains the following language : ''Attempts to remove the tobacco and other internal taxes a7^e usually justified by asserting these to be war taxes, and in apparent forgetfulnes,s of the fact that so far as relates to its money obligations the war is not half over, and will not be over until we have paid ^^,000,000,000 yet to be col- lected in taxes from the people. * :{: * * * "■A tax on these — tobacco, snuffs cigarettes <2fc., is largely a tax on indulgence and excess, and its payment largely voluntary. Taxes not paid on these must be paid on ne- cessaries of life, and these are not necessaries of life. This tax should not be removed'' Upon the same day Mr. W. C. P. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, another Democratic leader and Representative of the Democratic majority, submitted to the House of Representatives from the Committee on Ways and Means, another adverse report upon a resolution "repeal- ing the taxes upon tobacco." That report is House Document, No. 3210, and contains the following language : " IVe are quite contented to defer action upon the tobacco tax until the purpose for which it was originally made has been met, or until by the decrease of the public debt and the revision of our present unjust and unequal tariff laws, the revenues to meet it can be raised with less hardship. It is a war tax, and the financial war is not yet ended and will not be until the last dollar of our war debt is paid, and the last pension is fully in!' "Among the war taxes which are now in force are the tax upon tobacco, both domestic and foreign ; upon spirits and beer, both domestic and foreign ; and upon imported sugar. All of these combined barely suffice to meet the an- nual charge for the cost of the war, which is still upon us!' * H: :•; * * "■For these and other reasons we believe that it is expe- dient to maintain taxes both upon the domestic production and foreign import of tobacco!' This is the later record of the National Democracy, now in power, upon the question of a repeal of the In- ternal Revenue System. But it must not be forgotten, that the Democratic party, which, for ten years, save for the term of the 47th Congress, controlled the House of Representatives, where alone any measure for the re- peal or reduction of these taxes could be initiated, fail- ed to act on the subject, and that it was by the 47th Con- gress, Republican, that taxes were reduced full fifty mil- lions and the tax on tobacco was reduced from 1 6 to 8 cents. Yet, the leaders and managers of the Democratic party in Virginia would delude the people into the belief that repeal of that system may now be accomplished by the Democratic party. In 1884 such pretence was successfully used by several Democratic candidates for Congress. The plea was that they needed the Presi- dency to. secure the repeal of the system, and the people were thus deluded into their support. In 1886 the pro- mise of this repeal was as vehemently made as in 1884, by several Democratic candidates for Congress ; but the people could no longer be deceived. The record of the Democratic administration, and of the National Democ- racy, against a repeal of the Internal Revenue system, was stronger than any asseveration of the principles of its minority, and the result was the defeat of such candidates. It remains now to be tested whether the same hollow pretences can be used in 1887, by the Democratic leaders, with any more success than attended them in 1886. We declare to you that, at the moment the Republican party lost the control of the Government,.it was prepared to act upon this subject; that President Arthur had urged the repeal of the Tobacco Tax, and a Democratic House, with the Republican Senate ready and anxious to reduce taxes, declined to proceed ; that the Republican party is now practically united in favor of the repeal of the tax on tobacco and fruit distillations ; and that if restored to power it will remove the burden which these domestic products have so long endured. We assert to you, that the Democratic party, by an overwhelming majority in Congress, is opposed to the repeal of the Internal Revenue System, as is shown by its record, and the declaration of its leading and controll- ing men, from President Cleveland down. We appeal to you, if you favor the repeal of that System, to support Republican candidates for the Legislature, and not to waste your votes on Democratic candidates, whose ^c- 2 tion, favoring repeal of these taxes, is in a hopeless mi- nority of its own National party. Third. As to the Tariff. The platform of the Roa- noke Convention, in this respect, is at variance with the record of the National Democratic party. It traverses the National platform of the party, the recommendations of its President, and the propositions of its controlling faction in Congress. The Roanoke platform declares in favor of a Revenue derived from a tariff on imports and in favor of a repeal of the Internal Revenue System ; while the record of the Democratic party of this country con- sistently and unwaveringly shows that the reverse is the Democratic doctrine. The Democratic view is a reduc- tion of import duties to virtual free trade, and the main- tenance of the Internal Revenue System as a means of compelling the adoption of that un-American policy ; and we arraign the Roanoke platform as misleading, and seeking to deceive the people of Virginia upon a ques- tion vital to their every interest, and to the progress and power of th e State. It remains to be seen, fellow-citizens, whether you will become the dupes of pretences which have made the au- thors of this platform the laughing-stock of the leading journals of their own party. The Washington Post and the New York World — two of the most influential Dem- ocratic journals of America — have declared boldly and openly that the planks of the Roanoke platform upon the Internal Revenue and Tariff are diametrically opposed to Democratic principles; and all over the West, North and East, from St. Louis and Louisville to Boston and Ban- gor, the orthodox organs of the Democracy have united in deriding and denouncing this platform and its framers. Fourth. As to the Public Debt. For eight years, from 1 87 1 to 1879, the leaders of the Virginia Democ- racy were in undisputed control of the administration of 10 the State Government. During that period they gave the people no intelligible statement of the debt, but on the contrary produced divers irreconcilable and conflicting statements, only tending to make confusion worse con- founded. They formulated no plan for adjusting the equities between the several classes of the creditors of the State, and finally lost power by the passage of a stupid and odious measure known as the McCulloch bill, which satisfied neither debtor nor creditor. In 1 88 1 our party was called to full power by the peo- ple, and within sixty days after the meeting of the Legisla- ture prepared, presented and passed a measure which set forth the amount of our public debt, and a plan of readjusting it equitably as between the several classes of our bondholders, in such form that no one has yet been found to question successfully the amount of the debt, or the equity of the adjustment between the creditors as therein stated. When this measure was passed, the Bourbon leaders denounced it as dishonest, and predicted its utter failure. Nevertheless, it went into effect, and was progressing most encouragingly. The only test case under the debt legislation of 1882 which went to the Supreme Court of the United States was decided in favor of the constitu- tionality of the law involved, a law vital to the enforce- ment of the whole scheme, and the people were cheered by the hope that a final settlement was indeed near at hand. Seeing this condition of affairs, the Bourbon Conven- tion of 1883 abandoned all pretence of opposition upon principle to the debt settlement; it pocketed its oft avow- ed enmity to the legislation supporting it; declared that the debt question was settled forever; and it regained power under a solemn pledge not to disturb it, but to carry out the settlement according to its true intent and 11 tenor. How the Democrats have redeemed that pledge, let the record and present condition of the debt ques- tion speak. From the moment the Democratic manai^ers were re- stored to the control of State affairs, the settlement has languished. They have baffled its execution by their incompetence and unfaithfulness. Without understanding the principles on which the supplementary laws to the debt settlement were framed, they at once proceeded to amend them, although pledged to let them alone. The cases which arose and were car- ried to the Federal Courts, after these amendments had rendered the original enactments unconstitutional, were all decided adversely to the State. Funding under these laws has virtually ceased; and under the judicial decis- ions which have been thus invited, the coupons are more powerful than ever. The debt question which was de- clared settled in 1883, is now, in 1887, unsettled, and if possible in worse shape than ever, although the affairs of the State meanwhile have been exclusively under Dem- ocratic control. In the interval, having amended the laws on which the debt settlement was dependent for success, contrary to their plighted faith, the Democrats have seriously pro- posed, through their leader in the Senate, to repeal all the legislation supplemental to that bill, thus confirming the destruction of the measure by their own intermed- dling. They have invited the British bondholders here for conference and adjustment, and appointed a commit- tee to deal with them, carefully excluding from that committee any representative of the Republican party. This itself was an outrage upon the Republicans of Virginia, who are in a majority of 20,000, according to the returns of the last general election in this State, 12 and who are tax-payers, as much interested In this ques- tion as the Democratic minority — having a stake in the Commonwealth and her concerns that would have sug- gested at least some representation for them to any but Bourbon partizans. Being non-political, the question should have been treated outside of party lines. But the Bourbon leaders, thus assuming the entire re- sponsibility for the negotiations with the British bond- holders, proceeded to receive from them, and make to them, offers which were not on the basis of the settlement to which they were pledged. Five times in the Bourbon Legislature, then in session, resolutions directing the Vir- ginia Committee to tender to the British Commissioners our debt settlement of 1882 were voted down, and we charofe that that settlement never was tendered to the British Commissioners. On the contrary, the Virginia Committee tendered a settlement to the British Commis- sioners which, both as to amount and as to the feature of tax-receivable coupons, was in violation of their pledge to maintain the debt settlement as that of their own party, and was an abandonment of that settlement. Now that the Democrats have assembled at Roanoke and again pledged themselves to standby our settlement (a settlement which they have virtually destroyed), they seem to think that public confidence has put no limit to its credulity, and that this simple declaration is all-suffi- cient to restore to them the wavering popular support. They apparently forget that this declaration is not such as it would have been before they tampered with that set- tlement. They seem to forget that such declaration is now in defiance of creditor and court, who have taken position on this settlement by their invitation. They ap- parently fail to realize that standing by this settlement, which they themselves have unsettled, neither settles the questions they have re-opened, pays the debt, nor hin- 13 ders the absorption of revenue by the coupons, which are again active and self-asserting. The most that they propose is to stand still by the shattered fragments of that settlement, and allow their Funding Bill and Bro- kers' Bill mortgages upon our revenues to bury the tax- able energies of our people beneath coupons, accumulat- ingat the rate of ^1,250,000 annually. It is an evasion of the pressing, living question which is uppermost in the mind of every citizen of Virginia, and more impor- tant than all others to the progress and prosperity of the State. It is for you to decide, fellow-citizens, whether you will again accept their apologies, and leave the debt settle- ment in their hands to go from bad to worse, or, ere it is too late, recommit the matter to those whose work the Democratic party endorsed and have adopted — a work which would doubtless have gone to full success but for their ignorant tampering with its vital parts — a work which they can never complete, because they lack the capacity to comprehend and the disposition to meet the exigencies of the question. We believe, fellow-citizens, that you heartily desire a prompt and final settlement of this question. Your every interest demands this. Your State is suffering untold injury every hour it is delayed. We believe that if power is delegated to the Republican party, it will not stand still, but will proceed promptly to such measures as will effect a final disposition of this long agitated and much complicated problem, upon terms, we say, while in no wise dishonorable to you or the State, must be ac- ceptable to the creditors, and without increasing your taxable burdens. Fifth. As to Federal. aid in the debt settlement. This idea, feebly presented by its proponents without any confidence on their part, has no merit of originality, and 14 is not offered to you with the courage of their convictions that it is practicable. It was first advanced by the late Henry A. Wise in a speech at West Point, Va., December, 1874. No man in Virginia was further away from these Bourbon leaders in his feelings than was Gov. Wise. He had denounced their incompetency on the debt question, their dishonesty and hypocrisy in elections, and had stamped them with the undying description that they had "outscalawagged the scalawaggers and out-carpetbagged the carpetbaggers." This Federal aid was next advocated by the Hon. James G. Blaine, of Maine, the Republican candidate for Pres- ident of the United States against Mr. Cleveland. If it is ever given effect, it will be in opposition to the narrow views of Federal power entertained by the Democracy, and through the liberal construction contended for by the Republican party. It remains to be seen whether the people, knowing that the principle of such aid is contrary to Democratic doctrine, and that the idea originated out- side the Democratic party, will be deluded by the hope that it can be successfully carried out by the Democracy of Virginia. As to the promised aid for our disabled soldiers and their widows. The Republican party will cheerfully unite in every such effort in the future as it has in the past ; but we warn the people of Virginia that if the party now in power is allowed to remain in control, its in- competency and mismanagement will leave no revenues to be appropriated for the relief of soldiers and their widows. Sixth, As to the Public Schools. The statement that the Democratic party founded the school system of Vir- ginia is untrue by the record. The school system was incorporated into the Virginia Constitution by a Repub- lican Convention, and adopted by all the people. Its 15 adoption was made a condition precedent to the restora- tion of the State to her Federal relations. The state- ment that the Democratic party has adopted every meas- ure to secure its efficiency is a bold asseveration in view of its long battle for the coupons against the schools, and its pledge of free books for free schools in 1885 — a pledge which it has made no pretence whatever of re- deeming ; and the declaration of its efficient manage- ment of the free school system finds a painful denial in the dishonored warrants issued to our school teachers, which are hawked about unpaid under its administration, a condition of things at which the Republican party may well be indignant, when it is born% in mind that this abuse was entirely corrected when it was in power. The declaration in favor of the Blair bill is apace with the other pretences of the paper which we are criticising. The Blair bill was twice passed by a Republican Senate and twice defeated by a Democratic House. The effort made to place the responsibility for these defeats upon the Hon. John G. Carlisle is an unmanly and dishonest sub- terfuge. The Virginia Democratic Representatives knew the opposition of Mr. Carlisle to the bill when they went into the Democratic caucus. They knew that a majority of that caucus agreed with the views of Mr. Carlisle and would elect him Speaker, placing it in his power to appoint committees and recognize members in such a way as to defeat the measure. With this knowledge they agreed to be bound by the action of that caucus, and voted for Mr. Carlisle. The defeat of the Blair bill was the action of the Democratic party, and for that action the Democratic Representatives from Virginia were as much responsible as John G. Carlisle, because they agreed to be bound by the action of a caucus which made him Speaker, with full knowledge of his views, and voted for him in obedience to that pledge, thereby surrendering 16 every principle they professed upon the revenue, the tariff and the Blair bill to the dictation of the Demo- cratic caucus, well apprised of what they were do- ing; and we confidently predict the re-election of Mr. Carlisle as Democratic Speaker by the next Congress, notwithstanding his opposition to that measure and all similar propositions. Seve7ith. As to Agriculture. There is not and never can be any conflict between the political parties of this State upon the profession of friendship for our agricultural interests. Upon their thrift is built all prosperity. To their protection the Republican party has ever been de- voted. But wheif the Democratic party declares its con- cern for the Agricultural interests of the State, it is well to remind the people that Secretary Manning recom- mended to the 49th Congress a repeal of tariff duties on wheat, oats, corn, hay and other farm products, and that they be placed on the free list, and that tea and coffee should be taxed as luxuries. As Mr. Cleveland endorsed this, and as the Democratic party of Virginia has endorsed Mr. Cleveland, it may be well enough for the farmers to consider what this declaration of friendship by the Roan- oke platform is worth. A friendship which would bring the agricultural products of the world in competition with our own, in the home market, may prove costly to the farmer. Eighth. As to the question of friendship to the La- boring Men. We feel that our party, whose proudest motto is the "Dignity of American Labor and the Pro- tection of American Industries," needs no vapid assev- eration of friendship for the laboring man. Such sweet assurances are, however, timely from a party whose ad- ministration has indicted and prosecuted co-operative labor, while it has brought convict labor into active com- petition with honest industry in town and country, and 17 whose membership is co-ordinate in many localities of this State with "Law and Order Leagues," instituted in opposition to labor organization. Touching the resolution endorsing the administration of Fitzhugh Lee, Governor of Virginia, as "wise and judicious," we confess ourselves at a loss to know what thought or action of Governor Lee, has deserved such commendation. Since his inauofuration, he has shown himself lacking in the ability or inclination to suggest anything for the relief of this people in their distress. He has invited public meetings of the citizens in various cities and counties to protest against the payment of taxes in coupons. In turn, invited to lend the weight and sanction of his presence as Governor at the meeting held in Richmond pursuant to his call, he pleaded press- ing official duties as an excuse for absence. The morn- ingjournals of the following day disclosed the fact that he was enjoying the play at the Richmond Theatre with boon companions, at the moment his excuses were being read to the people, who had convened upon his call to discuss their poverty. He invited the representatives of the British bondholders to the Capital of Virginia, and while they were in Richmond awaiting the results of their efforts at a settlement with the State, involving mil- lions, the public press announced Governor Lee absent from his Commonwealth, officiating as judge of a horse- race at Washington, D. C. He has used the State Boards, which he appoints, to reward broken down mili- tary friends and incapable aristocrats, and, in several notable instances, to accomplish his own political and pri- vate ends. The sole monument of his administration, so far, is an elevator in the Capitol, constructed for his con- venience. His chief employment in office has been self- display and junketing with associates unqualified to ad- vise or instruct him in the serious duties of his high office. From the date of his inauguration, he has "fiddled while Rome is burning," and frivolous levity is the chief charac- teristic of his term. Such trifling with grave and sad public interests may be glossed over by Democratic man- agers with an endorsement as "wise and judicious." It remains to be seen whether it fills the measure of what the people expected from the nephew of Robert E. Lee, For ourselves, we regret that Democratic endorsement of him has necessitated this restrained censure of his ad- ministration. Touching the denunciation of the surpli\s in the Treas- ury, the people of Virginia wiil recall the fact that the accumulation of this surplus was a leading count in the Democratic indictment of Republicans in the campaign of 1884, ^rid some further apologies and explanations will doubtless be called for from the Democratic leaders as to why this surplus is so much larger now under Democratic administration than it was three years ago. Touching the pledge of the Roanoke platform to pro- tect and foster oysters, we confess that it is wise, if not important, in the present crisis of our State affairs. So much then for the platform of apologies and ex- planations, upon which the Democratic party goes before the people in the present campaign. We respectfully suggest, however, that it should have extended those apologies and explanations to a number of other things in which the people of Virginia are interested. It was reasonable to expect that a party which has been in Legislative control for four years past would ren- der some account of its stewardship. This people have the right to know what has become of the ^1,543,712.21 which was in the Treasury in 1883, when Democrats re-entered the capitol, and what has been done with the taxes since collected, amounting to over ^10,- 000,000; and why there is now so little money in the 19 Treasury, with yet an accumulation of overdue and un paid interest in the same period, increasing the State Debt four. and a half millions! They have a right to information as to why the annual costs of administering the Government have increased from $802,000 (to which sum the Republican party had reduced them) to over $1,250,000. They are entitled to some explanation and apology as to why the jails are again filled with lunatics, and why these unfortunates are unprovided with accommodation in the asylums. They had a right to expect some explanation where- fore two Legislatures sat so often and so long, — some apology for the failure to enact any measure touching the interests of the people — and some account of the public money thus wasted rhey demand explanation and apology for the continu- ance of the infamous Anderson-McCulloch bill, which makes fair elections impossible. A measure like this, passed in a moment of high political excitement and pas- sion, is inexcusable, even if it had been repealed when passion subsided and reason returned; but when it is de- liberately perpetuated, it displays the malicious purpose of hearts devoid of social duty and fatally bent upon mischief. It was their right to know why warrants issued for the pay of the teachers in public schools are no longer cashed promptly by the collecting officers of the revenue, but are left to the mercies of the shaver, — and this, too, under an assessed taxation of $225,000 a year greater than formerly, in contempt of the Democratic pledge not to increase taxes. It was their right to have some explanation of the dis- position of the money which has been paid from the Treasury of the State to employ lawyers to defend her 20 interests in litigation, because of the ignorance, infidelity and utter incompetency of the person holding the office of Attorney General. They had a right to expect some explanation of the facts and circumstances, under which, as is publicly charg- ed by a Democratic legislator, that Attorney General and the Speaker of the Democratic House of Delegates secured the passage of a railroad bill, in which one or both of them were personally interested, during the last hours of the session of the Legislature, when only fifteen mem- bers were present, after having announced that no other general legislation would be considered, and when they had thereby succeeded in securing the absence of its known opponents. It would have been well if this Convention of the Demo- cratic managers had explained to the people how it was, that, when a Democratic Senator was indicted for felon- ious embezzlement in Richmond, his Democratic associates repealed the law imposing penalty for such crime, and enabled him to plead the repeal in bar of his prosecution and conviction. Explanations and apologies as to the stuffed ballot- boxes and fraudulent counts in the counties of Charlotte, Halifax, Southampton, Isle of Wight, and elsewhere would have been grateful to the ears of many of the anxious citizens of this Commonwealth, who, regardless of party, are beginning to feel that with high handed outrages of this sort, daily practiced and unrebuked, pop- ular liberty is in danger, no matter in' whose behalf these crimes are perpetrated. It would have been well for the Democratic managers at Roanoke to have explained to the people the cir-. cumstances under which a Bill was passed by the Democratic Legislature appropriating over ^30,000 to the payment of an unjust claim of the Kendall Bank Note 21 Company, and as to the parties who received portioni"^^ that money. It would have been well to have told the people how many copies of the proceedings with the English debt commissioners were printed, and the cost thereof, and how many were necessary for public purposes and how many were used for partizan or private ends. Fellow-citizens, such are some of the reasons where- fore we invite and exhort you to an earnest effort to expel from the control of your affairs the managers of the Demo- cratic party. To such of their principles as they have pro- professed long enough to lay just claim to, we are op- posed. As to thier pledges, our experience in the past convinces us that they are given with every mental reservation. But for a kingdom any oath may be broken. "I'd break a thousand oaths to reign one year." As to the practices of this Democracy, we submit that its record of crimes and outrages on suffrage in the procurement of power, and of incompetency and bad administration in the exer- cise of that power when obtained, is a stronger argu- ment than words. In many respects, we regard the recent Federal suc- cesses of the Democratic party as fortunate for the Southern people. It has enabled them to see how wild and delusive was the hope, so long held up before their eyes, that a Democratic administration at Washing- ton could bring them blessings or benefits comparable to to tlrose enjoyed under a Republican administration. The course of the Democratic Federal Administration in ap- pointing colored men to office, has taken away the pre- text of our adversaries by which they inflamed your race prejudices until you voted the Democratic ticket, on the score that it was "the white man's party." In the full possession of the Government — State and Federal — the 22 cmocratic party, which had promised you untold happi- ness and prosperity when this should come to pass, be- holds you surrounded by hard times, such as you have seldom witnessed, and offers you no explanations nor apologies for its broken promises. The farmer's products are sold at lower prices than for many years. The work- ingman finds work more difficult to procure and wages lower than he has ever known them. Trade languishes. Manufactures are at their lowest ebb. Finances are pan- icky, and the future is filled with darkness and uncer- tainty. Amidst all this, Democracy rules supreme, and the Roanoke Convention congratulates you on "the en- joyment of the blessings" of Democratic government — State and Federal. There is a suggestive vagueness in the specifications as to what constitutes your enjoyment and what are the particular blessings to which they refer. There was an apparent lack of appreciation of those blessings by the people in the results of our Congressional elections last year. It is possible, however, that they were so apathetic then that it was no expression of their real feelings, and that we may gather the real enthusiasrn of the people for Democracy from the recent results in Kentucky! Undismayed by these evidences of the popularity of Democratic rule, and trusting that we may be forgiven if we disturb the unalloyed happiness of the only class of people known to us who are in the enjoyment of these blessings, to-wit, the Democratic office-holders, — we res- pectfully submit this address to the people of Virginia, in the hope and belief that before they resolve to vote again with the Democratic managers of this State they will ponder their statements, and recurring to the past, contrast our present condition with the prosperity and content which pervaded our land under the administra- tion of the Republican party. 23 It surely is a cheaply won and an easily retained trust which reposes in fancied security upon a cabal of shifty trimmers, who, denouncing Republicanism and professing Democracy, acquiesced in the State Republican platform in 1883 and have adopted the National Republican plat- form in 1887 ! By the State Committee. WILLIAM MAHONE, Asa Rogers, Chairman, Secretary. Petersburg, Va., August 18 th, 188'/. THE BARBOUR DYNASTY CONTRASTED WITH THE U MAHONE DYNASTY." A REPLY TO Hon. John S. Barbour's Pungoteague Letter. A REPLY TO HON. JOHN S. BARBOUR'S PUNGOTEAGUE LETTER. Norfolk, Va., August 22nd, 1887. My Dear General : On my return home, after an absence of nearly a month, I find in the files of my Virginia papers a most extraordinaiy letter from Mr. John S. Barbour, Chairman of the Democratic party. It is addressed to some one in Pungoteague. Its refer- ence to the State Debt is characterized by the usual Bourbon impotence in dealing with public affairs, and its mendacious re- flections upon those who differ with Mr. Barbour politically, are insulting to the intelligence of the people of this Commonwealth. Please let me know what you think of this production. Your friend, WILLIAM LAMB. To Gen. William Mahone, Petersburg, Va. Petersburg, August 30th, i887. Dear Colonel Lannh : I am obliged for yours of the 22nd instant, and here is my reply to that letter of the Hon. John S. Barbour's, which I shall give to the public. You will observe that Mr. Barbour's letter deals chiefly with the" State Debt, but suggests that this "question, important hs it is, ought not to be everything in Virginia;" and goes on k> ask his Pungoteague correspondent, — "Is your section of the State willing- to see tlie Mahone dynasty restored to power, with all tlie evils in its train which past experience has exhibited ? Do the Democrats of Accomac wish to see the Congressional districts re-apportioned in the interest of the Republican party, the judi- cial circuits re-arranged, a new lot of circuit and county judg-es appointed, the school-boards vacated and filled with party hacks, and the whole machinery of our elections. State and Fed- eral, controlled by such agencies in the hands of our political adversaries?" If in saying that the debt question ought not to be everything in Virginia, Mr. Barbour had told us that he wanted to succeed Mr. Riddleberger in the Senate of the United States, he would have revealed what in his mind is the paramount stake in the fall elec- tion ; and he would perhaps have disclosed the full measure of his own concern not only in this important election, but all the con- cern he has in the foi-tunes and welfare of the people of this Commonwealth. In warning and attempting to frighten the people with the dire evih that might result form the restoration of the "Mahone dynasty," Mr. Barbour justifies and provokes a plainly spoken review of tlie record of himself, and his own dynasty. If Mr. Barbour will point out any service which he has ever rendered this State, in or outside of her borders, — if he will tell us where he was during all the trials, hardships, and sacrifices of the Virginia people in the war between the Sections, — if he wiU tell us what share or part he bore in that conflict which fur- nished the crucial test of loyalty and devotion to Virginia, and her people, — he will fill a page of history that has so far been a blank. If he will tell us what part he bore in the earnest eftbrts of ovir people for the restoration of the State to the Union, he will be obliged to say that, he did nothing unless, as was stated in that day, he favored Wells for Governor. If he will teU what service he ever rendered in the development of the material resources of Vir- ginia and in the advancement of her cities, he will be obliged to own that, as the mere figure-head of the Virginia Midland Rail- road, he subordinated every agency and power of that corpora- tion, ^nd every interest dependent upon it, to the dictation of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad and to the interests of Baltimore, and that the deserted wharves and dilapidated condition of Alexaiulria stand a lamentable monument to his appreciation of Virginia and his fidelity to the welfare of her people. If asked to point out what measure emanating from his mind or genius tending to the benefit of Virginia, is to be found in the journals of the State Legislature or of the House of Repre- sentatives at Washington, he will be obliged to say, "I can point to none other than the Anderson-McCormick election -law." Six years in Congress, and not one single measure of which he is the author, for the benefit of the State, can he name. If he would tell us when he actually, and as to every true purpose of cit- izenship, abandoned Virginia, and what now constitutes his only claim to be a citizen of the State, he would be obliged to say, that he removed to the District of Columbia immediately after the conclusion of the war, and that although registered in Alex- andria, he is said never to have paid the capitation, tax due there from each citizen until by accident he was nominated for Congress; and that he had all the while resided (as he does now) in the city of Washington, possessing only that claim to citizenship in Vir- ginia which the laws of Congress give to every resident of the District who may reserve a right to vote in the State, which he declares to be constructively his home. Can such citizenship as this, in any honest and constitutional sense, confer a right to represent any part of the people of the State in Congress ; and was there ever an instance before this case of Mr. Barbour, in which a Representative has ever sat in Congress who did n(jt really have his home in the borders of any State. ? I submit that there is no act or service in all Mr, Barbour's relations with Virginia, which warrants his- attempt to impeach 'the loyalty of the humblest of our real citizens to the Common- wealth. What warrant has Mr. Barbour for suggesting, that the Re- publican party of Virginia, if obtaining control of the Legislature, would re-apportion the districts for Congress, re-arrange the judi- cial circuits, vacate school-boards, and tamper with the ma- chinery of elections, except in the shameless precedents estab- lished by his own party? What has he to say in defense of tlie pai-tizan re-apportionment of 1883 by his Democratic Legislature, where the aim was so to genymander the State as to allow a majority of her population but two members of Congress out of ten? Can he name a single judge in all the State whom the Repub- licans while in power in the capitol removed or entertained a motion to remove from office? On the other hand let him call to mind the honorable men and honest, capable judges who were persecuted and arbitrarily removed by the Legislature of 1883. Will he name the school-boards that were vacated by the Re- publican party, and then give to the people an honest statement of the Democratic party's arbitrary subordination of these boards, school superintendents, and teachers, and the whole school system, to partizan domination ? Will he tell the people of the course of his own party's Legislatiu'e towards all the State institutions of learning and charity in the matter of changing boards and making them party machines '? Will he tell the peo- ple of all or any of its summary removals of the boards and of- ficers of these institutions and of the amounts of the public moneys wasted in partizan investigations of their management? Will he tell how completely the Legislature of his party stripped the Executive of the State of the ^ime-respected prerogatives of his office, in order to open the way to place for hungry party hacks ? Will he dare to compare the character and official conduct of the persons so displaced with those by whom they were sup- planted, man with man ? Will he dare to compare the adminis- tration of justice by the courts of Republican judges, with such as we have had from those of his own party ? Let him compare the conduct and the work of the most important court, the Su- preme Court of Appeals, with that of its predecessor. Let him compare the condition and management of the Public Schools, and the institutions of learning and charity, while under Re- publican administration, with their condition and management now, and since they have been under the control of Democratic managers. Let him point out, if he can, at what single voting precinct in the State the Democratic party was not accorded an intelligent and competent representative of its own selection upon the board of election judges, during the whole period of Republi- can control. Let him name the time and place, if in truth he can, where, during the supremacy of the Republican party at the capitol, there was perpetrated any election fraud whatever ; where and when in that time, any ballot-box was found to have been polluted by tissue ballots or otherwise. Let him name the place, if be can, where, in the time of Republican control, there was any unlawfulness at the polls, any intimidation or violence or murder. Let him show if he can, that the elections in that period were anywhere not fairly conducted, and the returns were not honestly made, free from trick or device, in conformity with the ballots as they were cast. Then let Mr. Barbour tell the law-loving- people of Virginia, of the lawless methods and frauds which have conspicuously tainted every election since he became the chairman of his party, save and except only the last Congressional election, when he was not here, and when the honest RepubHcan majority of twenty thousand, having been cast by the people, was allowed, in his absence, to be counted for them. Says the New York StarT Mr. Cleveland's organ in New York City, — "A prominent Virginia Democrat accounts for the defeat of the Democratic party in the Congressional election of 1886, in Virginia, by saying that 'Had Mr. Barbour been at home, the ct*?!^/!^ would have been dif- ferent.' " Such is Mr. Barbour's reputation in his own party! Mr. Barbour's apprehension of the overthrow of his party's machinery of elections is well founded. It is in the false and fraudulent counting of the votes of the people, for which that machinery was invented and to which it has been habitually ap- phed, that lies the only hope -of Mr. Barbour's party for control in Virginia. Its design was, and its use has been, to stifle and pervert to partizan purposes the honest will of the people, as expressed at the polls ; and we have now, in Mr. Barbour's let- ter, the first pubUc endorsement which any man has given this machinery since it was put upon the people by the Democratic members of the Legislature which estabhshed it. Is one of the evils which might "follow in the train of the Ma- hone dynasty," a revival of the legislation which liberated the ballot-box and restored a priceless suffrage to the people, a large portion of whom, both white and colored, had been prac- tically disfranchised by the election law requiring the pre-pay- ment of the poll-tax as a qualification for voting? Is another of these evils to be found in the fact, that after ten years of Mr. Barbour's party's absolute control of all depart- ments of the State Government, and its repeated and ever-blund- ering efforts at a settlement of the State Debt, the Republican Legislature of 1881-2, in a single session, for the first time re- ported an intelligent statement of what the debt really was, and upon it formulated a plan of settlement with auxiliary laws ade- quate and essential to its consummation ; — a settlement which Mr. Barbour and his party, after the most bitter and denuncia- tory opposition, formally ratified and adopted, with a solemn promise to the people that, if placed in power, they would faith- fully respect it and carry it into execution ? — the same scheme of settlement which that party by unconstitutional amendments have since poisoned, vitiated and destroyed. Is another of the evils of the Mahone dynasty to be found in the fact that during the four years of its majority in the Legisla- ture, the Republican party gave new life, hope and vigor to our institutions of learning, which had been languishing under Dem- ocratic rule, and restored our charitable institutions to such effi- ciency as to empty the jails of the large number of insane persons who had accumulated in them during Democratic ascendancy, and who have beeii refilling the jails since the advent of Mr. Bar- bour's party again to power in the State ? Is still another evil of the Mahone dynasty to be found in the fact that during the four years of Republican majority in the Legislature that party took up the decaying free-school system of the iState from the low and moribund condition to which it had been brought by Mr. Barbour's party, and restored it to vig- or and usefulness ; — adding more than 50 per cent to the number of schools, full 58 per cent to the number of pupils, 69 per cent to the number of teachers, 59 per cent to the money for their main- tenance ; extending the school-term, and paying the teachers in cash who had been paid by Mr. Barbour's party in warrants un- inarketable at a higher rate than fifty cents in the dollar? Is another of these dreaded evils to be found in the fact that in the four years of Republican legislation, the Republican party relieved the State from the degrading bankruptcy to which she had been reduced by the maladministration of Mr. Barbour's par- ty's managers, who, although they had found $1,816,000 of cash in the State treasury, with no other liability than the unsettled fund- ed debt, went out of power in 1879 leaving but $22,494 in the treas- ury, and against it a floating debt consisting of $163,894 in out- standing warrants ; $200,000 due the asylums ; $40,520 due the Literary Fund ; $60,482 due the colleges; and $1,504,245 due the Free Schools — in all the sum of $1,969,141? Besides this, there had accumulated under his party's administration $5,767,391 of interest on the public debt. 9 Cau it be that Mr. Barbour would wish the people to regard as an evil such an administration of public affairs as secured the liquidation of all these burdensome legacies of his party, save about one half of the last item, and had accumulated in the treas- ury $1,543,712 at the time his party was restored to control? Is it among- the evils of Repuljlieau control of the State Leg- islature that it brought down the necessary current expenses of the State government from a preceding Democratic annual av- erage of $1,084,664, to the amount of $802,234; from which re- sult of Repubhcan honesty and economy, Mr. Barbour's party has advanced the annual expenses to more than $1,250,000 ? Is it one of the evils complained of that two Republican Leg- islatures sat but 234 days, while the two Legislatures of Mr. Barbour's party, in a like period, were in session 369 days, or more than a whole calendar year? Is it one of these evils that the Republicans, in less than half of its first session, ascertained the true condition of the State Debt, and devised a plan of settlement acceptable to, and ac- cepted by, the whole people of Virginia ; whereas Mr. Barbour's party had for ten years of absolute power, failed to make any in- telligent presentation, or any two agreeing statements of the State's indebtedness ; and during that period had attempted to fasten upon the State the iniquitous brokers' job of Hugh Mc- Culloch? Is one of the conspicuous "evils" created by the Mahone dy- nasty to be witnessed in the Insane Asylum for colored people which it established in Petersburg, and which is regarded as one of the best devised, most capacious, and most efficient asylums in the United States? Is it one of the evils of the Mahone dynasty that half a million of dollars was secured, by the personal demand of Mr. Mahone himself, from the purchasers of the Norfolk and Western Rail- road ; and that one-fifth of this sum was devoted by the Repub- lican Legislature of that period to the establishment of the Nor- mal School for colored people in Petersburg, now dispensing in- teUigence throughout the State ? Is it one of the same evils that $400,000 of this sum was devot- ed by the Republicans to paying off the deficiencies in the school fund which had been left as a legacy to them by the Democratic Legislatures that had reduced the school system of the State to utter bankruptcy ? 10 I Mr. Barbour tells us that lie has "g-iven the subject of the State , Debt a good deal of thought," and yet he has not an idea of his own to present ; not a single antidote to prescribe for the fatal poison administered by his party to the settlement which the Re- publicans had formulated and put in the way of successful con- summation. He accepts the work of the Republican party, and yet would warn the people against that work, as an evil which would result from their return to power. He has not the candor to give credit to the party whose policy in respect to debt, schools, internal revenue, suffrage and the treatment of the col- ored man, his party has been compelled to adopt, at second hand, and for the nonfulfilment of whose promises to carry out that policy, he has recently assembled its leaders to make formal apology to an angry public opinion. He comes again to ask renewal of the trust which has been so often and scandalously abused ; to ask renewal of a note repeatedly protested without tendering any additional security for its payment. He has no other remedy for the destructive work of the cou- pon, which the course of his party has revived, than the feeble invention of the Boycott which he would apply to the tax -payer who dares to exercise the inherent right of paying his dues to the State in the manner allowed by the law of the land ; arroga- ting the right of prescribing a gauge for the consciences of his fellow-men. He complains, even, of Democratic tax-payers of the State, that they have allowed "their cupidity to be excited," and have made payment in coupons from the example of Republicans, when he should have known that the public records utterly refute the statement. He should have known that the example of paying taxes in coupons has been set in eveiy instance by Democrats ; and that every case which has been carried to the courts has been taken there by a member of his own party. He should have known the fact which the records show, that it has been from members of his own party seeking to compel the receipt of coupons for taxes, that has come all the litigation on the sub- ject in either State or Federal courts, and all the decisions that have embarrassed our revenues. He displays a lamentable im- becility of mind on the subject, when, in one breath, he charges Republican tax-payers with having set the example of paying taxes in coupons, and in the next, undertakes to belittle their in- terests in, and contrilmtions to the State, by declaring that the 11 Republicans, except in a few instances, "represent very little property." He thus provokes the retort that few tax-payers in the State of either political party pay a smaller tax to Virginia than Mr. Barbour does himself. For whatever may be the tax which Mr. Barbour may pay to the District of Columbia and State of Marylandf that which the assessments show that he pays to Virginia does not give him much title to lecture our Vir- ginia people upon the patriotism and honesty of paying their taxes in any manner they may choose. Here is Mr. Barbour's tax bill for Alexandria : School Tax. Capitation Tax, personal property. 1 Watch . , value, Household and Kitchen Furniture . . value, 50 00 •200 00 Real Estate — None OME. 4000 00 Grand Total, | 4250 00 INCOME. Aggregate Amount exceeding ;^600-amount Taxed at 1 per cent. 1 00 Tax other than School. 40 00 1 25 40 75 Total Tax. 1 00 20 80 40 00 42 00 And in Culpeper he pays on property for the support of the State Government, $24 86 And for suppoii; of schools, 8 29 Total, $33 15 Living as Mr. Barbour does in the city of Washington, he hardly pays taxes anywhere else in Virginia than in Culpeper, his former residence, and in Alexandria, his constructive home. In both of these localities the taxes which he pays aggregate the diminutive sum of only $75 annually — $10.84 for support of schools and $64.16 for support of government. If he pays more, let him tell the public what amount it is, when he proposes to Boycott every tax-payer who chooses to exercise the right to pay in coupons which is given him by the laws of the country. And it may, after all, be pertinent to ask, who but a Bourbon Democrat, like Mr. Barbour, can appreciate the patriotism of paying taxes in money in order that when it gets into the State 12 Treasury, it may tlieu be expended in maintaining- a Legislature that holds sessions more than a fourth of every year, and in sup- porting- an administration of the State government that costs a half million more annually than was paid under the administra- tion of a Republican Legislature? Mr. Barbour's letter, and the platform of "his party concocted at Roanoke, alike demonstrate the incapacity of the Democratic managers of Virginia to deal efficiently either with the debt question or any other measure of State or Federal poHcy. If they have opinions on any question they are half-way ojjinious, advocated in a half-hearted manner, under constant apprehen- sion lest the people sicken of them as thoroughly as they have sickened of all Democratic methods for gaining and retaining power. My judgment is, that the people of the State, especially those classes who are tired of the hard times and low prices of labor and i^roducts, who find it more and more difficult to make buckle and tongue meet after each year's labor is over, — and more es- pecially those who manage the business interests of the State, — are all weary and heartily sick of the shiftless, senseless dicker- ing with the debt question which the Democratic managers have been carrying on for a long series of years, with no other result than failure, shame and dishonor. I believe that the great body of our people, all but those who make trade of this disturbing question, and who would keep it forever open as a political issue for the sole purpose of retaining power and place for themselves are deeply anxious that the question shall be settled finally and conclusively. I will not beheve that the people of Virg-inia would accept any other settlement than one which squarely as- sumes the payment of what is equitably due from the old State on the old debt, and such rate of interest as the resources of the State will afford, without trenching upon the means necessary to the support of her schools, her literary and charitable institu- tions, and an efficient administration of her government. I know as well as I can know any yet unconcluded question that settlement may be effected on this basis ; for the road is open, and neither creditor nor debtor can object to such a settle- ment ; — provided it be entered upon in good faith, and with an honest purpose of arriving at an honorable conclusion. My hope is that the people may not despair, and, by appeals to pas- 13 sion and prejudice, be hurried thoughtlessly into the measure- less ruin of repudiation. There is nothing' in Mr. Barbour's letter, or in the Roanoke platform — which is but an amplification of that letter — that is re- sponsive to the demands of the times, the wants of the State, or the longings of the people. Something effective needs to be done, and it is plain to me, that the people have made up their minds to look elsewhere for the measures demanded by the times, other than to the Democratic managers of Virginia. In despair and disgust they have turned away fi*om all expectation of anything good from the long-tried hacks of the Democratic party, and the doom of the Democratic managers is already traced upon the wall — "yo^^ have been weighed in the balance, and are found wanting." Yours truly, WILLIAM MAHONE. THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF AND THE FARMER. A REVIE\V OF THE ANNUAL ADDRESS OK GOL, ROBERT BEVERLY, OF VIRGINIA, PEESIDENT OF THE FAEMEKS^ NATIONAL CON- GRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, At its Sixth Anmial Meeting at St. Paul, Minnesota, on the 26th August, i886r BY A LIFE MEMBER (JF THE STATE AGRICDLTURAL SOCIETY OF VIRGINIA, MEMORANDUM. The following" paper was intended to appear in the South- ern Planter and Farmer, which had published the address of Col. Beverly as it purported to have been delivered at St. Paul. The Editor, for reasons to which I could not demur, declined to give it place, having published what he styled "a defence" by Col. Beverly of the St. Paul address — which, in point of fact, however, was not a defence of it, but of an address delivered by him in Washington in the January following. This defence is, in substance, an explanation by him of his personal views, in which he claims to be a Democrat, in favor of a tariff for revenue only ; denounces the existing protective tariff as "a knoivn and con- fessed tissue of fraud, with great ingenuity devised and intended to operate as an inmeasurcdde, incalculable, indirect tax upon agricultural interests ; that the people demand a prompt reduc- tion of taxation vyithin the limits of a. revenue sufficient for a liberal support of the government and tliey will have nothiny else ; that the agricultural interests demand the prompt repeal of the entire internal revenue laws, and thinks "the Congress just adjourned proved recreant and false to the ^///^/-election pledges made to the people when seeking their votes. Our party and all its candidates stood 2^1 edged to the people to reduce taxation if power was intrusted to them. I can't see that they have done it. Justice delayed is justice denied ; promises un- fulfilled are promises broken, and the matter cannot be extenu- ated or remedied by new promises or pledges. If the Demo- cratic party will not, then a farmers' or industrial party must and will, reduce these taxes, which the people cannot and Avill not longer bear, in pursuance of the schemes of theorists, with the effect of providing a prodigious surplus treasury fund for the use and benefit of corruptionists and monopolists, who are found to be of one mind when it comes to a division of spoils." The Colonel bears pretty hard on "our party," but with his, personal views — his individual hybrid political status, the follow- ing paper has nothing to do ; it deals solely with his official utter- ances, as dehvered at St. Paul, and is written in the interest of Protection as opposed to Free-Trade. Manchestek, Va., July, 1887. The Protedive Tariff aoi tk Farmer. 'A SYSTEM IS BEST TESTED BY ITS FRUITS'— Sir James Carrick. James Parton, a free-trade leader before the civil war, formu- lated the free-trade doctrine of the anti-bellum days, summa- rized from "The South Carolina Exposition" — thus : "First — Every duty imposed for protection is a violation of the Constitution, which empowers Congress to impose taxes for revenue only. "Second — The wJiole burden of the protective system is bome by agriculture and commerce. "Third — the whole of the advantages of protection accrue to the manufacturing States. "Fourth — In other words, the South, the Southwest and two or three commercial cities support the government, and pour a stream of treasure into the coffers of manufacturers. "Fifth — The result must soon be that the people of South Carolina ^dll have either to abandon the culture of rice and cot- ton, and to remove to some other country, or to become a man- ufacturing community, which would only be ruin in other form.'" The language of the free-trade Congressman now is: — ^^The Constitution under lohich I haae heen hrought up, and lohich I have sworn to obey, declares that taxation is for Revenue, and for Revenue onlyT — [^Jlewitt.'] The language of the free-trade wri- ters and stumpers is: — "To lay a tax on competing foi'eign pro- ducts for the protection of home industries is "robbeey under FORM OF LAW," OPPRESSIVE to the people at large, and ruinous to the AGRICULTURAL interests.'''' — \IIm^d, Beverly, et id omne genu,s.] Such was not the doctrine of "The Fathers" of the country — the framers of the Constitution. Washington thought that both "the safety and interests of the people require that they should promote such manufactures as tend to render them inde' pendent of others for essentials, particularly for mAlitary sup- plies y Mr, JeiierBoii, in his messiig-e to Congress, in 1802, said: — ""To cultivate peace, onaintain coinnierce and navifiat'ion, to foster fisJ} - eries and protect nianv facta res oAapted to ovr (rircumstancea *' are the land-marks hy which to grade ovrselvesr In 1816, — twenty -nine years after the Constitution of tlie United States was adopted, and after a long service in the Cabinet and as President of the country, he wrote these emphatic words: — " We in,vst iioio place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist.'''' What do you think of that, Col. Beverly? Not "before" nor "behind," but "by the side" of the agriculturist, — and why? Mr. Jeffer- son proceeds: — ^' The former question is suppressed, or rather as- stimes a new form. Shall we make our own comforts, or go withmd them, at the vnll of a foreign nation ? He, therefore, who is now against domestic manufactures, must he for red/ucing us either to dependence on that foreign nation, or to he clothed in skins and to live like vnld heasts in dens arui caverns. I am 7iot one of these. ExrERiENCE has taught me, that manufactures are now as NECESSARY to ovr INDEPENDENCE as to our comfort, and if those, who quote me as of a different opinion, vnll keep pace with me i7i purchasing nothing foreign , vjhere an. equivaleJit of domes- tic fabric can be obtained, without regard to difference in price, it xmll not be our fault. if V)e do not soon have a supply at home equal to our demand, and urrest that u^eapon of distress from the hand that wielded, it. If it shall he proposed, to go he- yand our own supply, the question of '85 loill then recur, will our .s-'urplus labor be then most beneficially employed in. the cidture of the earth,or in the fcdwication of artf "''' "" *■' " " ""Inattention to this is v^hat has called for explanation, which re- flection would, have rendered unnecessary xoith the candid, while nothing vnll do it vnth those who use the former opinion only as a stalking horse, to cover their disloyal propensities to keep us in eternal vassalage to a foreign ayul unfriendly people'' — J^ff- Works, Uh'Yol. James Madison introduced the first Tariff Bill, which became a law July 1, 1789, ''for the support of the government. -^ * * and the encouragement and protection of manufactures, t Of the enactors of this tariff eighteen were members of the Con- vention which framed the Constitution of the United States, which empowers Congress ''Ho lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Im- ports and Excises to pay the debts, and provide for the cx^mmon defence and general welfare of the United States.'" This pro- vision has never been changed in any respect. President Mon- f By this Act raw cotton was protected by a. duty of 8 cents a poand, which wjwi •ontinued certainly down lo 1842, if not to a later period. roc, in his first inaugural, said : '^/ fy Mr. Beverly given to a personal friend, by whom it was shown to me, | wdth a sense of mortiflcation, that the author, who, in the far-away city of St. Paul, in the state of Minnesota, had indulged in statements, so pregnant with error, and in lan- guage so abhorrent in sentiment, as to invoke the rebuke of leading journals in Minnesota as socialistic, was a Virginian, the thrice-elected President of the State Agricultural Society of Virginia, and deemed woi-thy, by some, of the chief magistracy of his native State. , It was not, therefore, a matter of astonishment that the ad- dress, as delivered, before the Farmers' National Congress, at St. Paul, and printed in pamphlet form before its delivery, to be ready for distribution upon delivery, was not re-published in the Southern Planter, the agricultural journal of Virginia, nor indeed in the puphshed proceedings of the National Farmers' C'Ongress, [copies of which are now before me], until, and after, its most objectionable utterances had been eliminated, retaining enough, however, to catch the ears, if not to win the lieacts of the "sons of toil," wliose votes are as eftective in making gov- ernors, as the votes of the farmers are, as claimed by President Beverly, potent in electing Presidents and every other public servant in the nation, "who holds his place and gets his pay." It was quite natural that the President of three Agricultural Societies, two State and one National, should "laud and magni- fy" the particular interest he there specially represented, in the presence of those iu that Fariiiers' CougTess, then and there as- sembled ; and it was refreshing- to the reader of the pamphlet copy of the address, to follow the President as he intensified the nmnericaJ strength and the jyodtical power of the agriculturists of the United States, of wliom he was ntagna, if not maxiraa, par's. He says : " We,'' [the fai-mersj, "'are a nuijorify of all the voters, hy vir- tue of lohose suffrage the President holds his great office; by vir- tue of -whose suffrage ei^ery puhlic ^servant i/i the nation holds his place and gets his payT The National Farmers' Congress, doubtless, did expect to hear from their President, Avords of compliment and praise, but they must have accepted this astounding utterance with uproarious applause — with three times three, and a tiger; and the large heart of that great representative body of the farmers of the United States must have thrilled with inexpressible joy, — been lost in wonder, — as their distinguished President further gave them to be informed, that ''Senators and Bepresentatives m/ust now he made to u ruler stand'' that they must legislate for the farmers' interest, as the Farmers' Congress should indicate, or, Thirty^ yes, 'thirty rnillio/is of farniers xoill knoi" the reason why.'" With bated breath this announcement must have been received— the old gazing upon the young — youth upon the aged — and then with rapturous yells, locked iu mutual embrace, repeated to each other: " We, the farniers" — "a majority of all the voters" — "by virtue of whose suffrage" President Cleveland "holds his great place" — "and" every other public servant in the nation "gets his ;>«y"— J-e-r-u-s-a-1-e-m!!! " Thirty millio?is of x\H— do think-.' Hip! Hip!! Hurrah!!! U-g-h!!!!" How crestfallen — how sadly disappointed these farmers from the East and West, from the North and the South, will be to learn that, unfoitunately for the rounded ^jeriod of their Pres- ident, it was only the baseless "fabric of Jiis vision." It is impossible to conjecture President Beverly's authority for such wild utterances ; yet they were deliberately announced with all the gravity l^efitting the occasion, from a printed address, carefully prepared, as was due both to himself and the Assem- bly, over which he presided ; delivered wiih all the confidence of "one having- authority," sustained, to the very letter, by "proofs strong- as Holy Wiit." Upon reflection, dear Colonel, do you not think that you "banked" rather high ujion the credulity of your audience, ex- acted rather more than a poet's license, when you announced from ifovr "great place," that "thirty millions of farmers" [fully, 9 if not then more than one-half of the population of the United Statea, including men, women, children, "and Indians not tax- ed,"] stood ready "to demand of Senators, &c., &c.?" Possibly, Col. Beverly hoped to frighten the Senators and Eepresentaves, when he announced to them, witli. all the vim and earnestness of conviction of its entire and absolijte verity, that "We," [the aforesaid 'thirty millions' of farmers] "have borne and forborne until forbearance has long since ceased to be a virtue "' '-■ and let us [the thirty million] cause them" [the Senators, &c.] "to know that there are American Farmers, whose allegiance cannot be purchased by a package of rotten seed or a flimsy public document;" whereby it is to be under- stood that Mr. Cleveland's Commissioner of Agriculture supplies Senators, &c., "with packages of rotten seed" to bribe the Amer- ican farmers ; or, possibly, it may have been supposed that a gentleman, who could not find it in his conscience to authorize the supply of mund seed to his suffering countrymen, would promptly remove an officer of his, who aided Senators, &c., to sap the integrity of the farmer — through "packages of rotten seed." Who knows? Mr. Coliiian, however, still "holds the foi-t," and Mr. Cleveland does not seem to have been scared a bit by the fulminations of President Beverly, probably, because the President knew a little better than did Col. Beverly, to whom to attribute his elevation to his "great place," and so has gov- erned himself accordingly. The census of 1880 fixes, as of that date, the population of the United States at 50,155,785 persons. The official analysis of the census shows that, of the whole population, only 17,392,099 persons are engaged in "gainful work." Of these 7,670,493 are classed as agriculturists, and 9,721,600 as employed in other "gainful work," leaving 19,369,510 other persons over the age of 10 years. In 1880 there were only 12,830,349 males in the United States, over the age of 21 years, presumably all entitled to vote. The returns of the election of 1884, figured up 10,048,- 061 votes — the largest number of votes ever cast in any previous Presidential election. It would be of interest, as a matter of curiosity only, to learn by what mode President Beverly, from the above data — all offi- cial—could work out a result which would authorize him to make such a display before the Farmers' National Congress, of the nwnerieal and political strength of the agricultural class, as, "We are a majority of all the voters !" This is the stateinent of Col. Beverly, while the fact is, the farmers, unfortunately, are in a minority of voters, and there are less than eight millions K > V5 10 classed with agriculture out of tlie fifty and odd millions of population, and they include "men, women and children over ten years of age." Where can be the excuse, the apology, for such bold and base- less assertions ; so absolutely repugnant to the facts that it is passing explanation Iioav they could have been made. The President of three Agriciiltural Societies, and yet not know what was the numerical force of the class which he represented? Ignorant of its political strength, when fifteen miniites, expended in searching the records, would have satisfied the most stupid of the baseless pretense. Let us see. Thus ihe fallacy of Col. Beverly's claim, in respect both to the numerical nircnglh and paliticaJ power of the farmer class is estab- lished beyond controversy. Besides, it is known of all men that, but for the vote cast for Mr. Cleveland in the City of New York, he would not now be President. If this issue had de- 11 pended on the farmers' vote of the State of New York, Mr. Blaine, not Mr. Cleveland, w^ould now occupy the White House. The official utterances of President Beverly are entitled to con- sideration, his personal oi)inious, privately expressed, do not con- cern the public. It is no matter to them how false may be his indi- vidual statement of facts, how vicious his sentiments, how unjust his assaults on public measures and policies ; but when he assumes the rule of a high Official, and pronounces, as ex cathedra, judg- ment on public measures and poUcies, he loses the character of the private citizen in that of thepw&?w'man, whose every utterance is properly amenable to the respectful criticism of the public. General Washing-ton was not — even Mr. Cleveland has not been, able to avoid scrutiny. It is one of the perquisites of of- fice to be enquired of. Hence it would be gratifying to the curi- osity of the readers of his address to know the authority upon which President Beverly rested the statements referred to ? No doubt is suggested of President Beverly's faith in the ver- ity of every word, which fell from his his lips, reported to have been delivered before the Farmers' Congress. Doubtless he had brought himself to a belief that the statements as he made them to his brother farmers, were literally true; that they inere "a majority of all the voters^' and that there were ^HJiirty niillion,s of Ja)'/ners' in the United States. His mistake was, that he did not know what he was talking about, and did not take the trouble properly to inform himself. He mistook Com- mon Rumor, for Truth, and he did not take the trouble to exam- ine the record, so accessible to him, which shoAvs how wide his arrow of assertion flew fi-om the mark of fact. When it is re- membered that a few minutes expended in consultation of the census tables, and the election returns, would have prevented such wild, crazy, reckless statements, in respect to the tmrnerical sketch and political power of the farmers, and that he did not ascer- tain for himself the absolute truth of the statements of fact to be officially made to the body of which he was the President, but rather assuming their responsibility upon the "hear say" here, and the "it is said" there — rumors everywhere — he has himself only to blame if discredit be thrown upon other statements in his address, however positively asserted ; and he has left himself no room to complain, if little faith be reposed in opiiiiom expressed by him, when he is in such default as to the facts, upon which he bwild.s them ; nor, if the Public shall regard both statenienls and opinions, coming from him, as of equal claim to their confidence. Our Agricultural President thought he was stating pleasant facts to his audience. "The wish was father to the thouiiht." * 12 However well satiBfied, however exultant, President Beverly m'ay have been in the numerical streng-th of the farmers, and in their potency [as he imaginedj in electing Presidents, and "every other public servant in the nation, who holds his office and gets his pay;" when he descends from his lofty heig'ht, to deal with the jjractical, and contemplates their power to control, or even to influence, the action of those very public servants who, by virtue of their suffrage, "holds their office and gets their pay," it is ob- served that he drops a peg or two, indeed to a much lower grade, and falls even to the level of "pity the sorrows of a poor old man," as, in dolorous tones, he enquires of the representatives of the "thirty milhons of farmers," in Congress assembled. — "Hoic the rightful voice of agriculture is to he heard and felt f No representa- tive in the Cabinet. ["Harping on my daughter," Mr. Presi- dent?] None in the Senate; in a helpless, pitiful minority in the House of Representatives ; not even able to call up its measures for consideration." *■■ How can these things be with a "majority of all the voters" and with a following "thirty millions" strong — with President and all "other public servants" holding their office and getting their pay "by virtue of the suffrage" of the farmers — and no represen- tative of such a power in the cabinet ? [Cruel and ungrateful Mr. Cleveland. Hasten to repair the wrong. The "thirty mil- lions" of farmers have borne and forborne "with packages of rot- ten seed," until patience has ceased to be a virtue.] But this lament is lost in the Presidential wail which follows : "From every" [not many — nor very many but] "from every rural hamlet and homestead throughout the land, the outlool' is shrouded with gloom and darkness." This is very sweeping — awful — terrific. "The outlook from every rural hamlet" — no exception — "shrouded with glooom and darkness," Col. Beverly '? — but let this pass, it finds companionship with what follows : "The products of Amer- ican Agriculture [are] barred out from equal competition in every tnai'- ket in the world, where we are placed at a disadvantage with every na- tion on earth, from Africa to Greenland." Query — How many and what markets are between Africa and Greenland ?] This statement is as reckless, and as far removed from the fact, as the previous statement that the farmers are a "majority of the voters," or that "Thirty millions of Farmers," stand ready to chal- lenge Senators and Representatives for neglect of the farmer's interest — precisely as much foundation for one as for the other — no more — no less — and not the slightest for either. There is no discrimination made ayainst. American products, especially of 13 American Farmers, by any foreign power. With every power, with which she has commercial treaties, the United States stand on the m)iie footing '^^s" the mod facored nation.'' But more of this anon. The agricultural president proceeds to put to shame the teaching of every sound political economist and statesman from Moses to date, [himself only excepted]; — "that country /.s best off whicli is most independent of other nations for the supplies neces- sary for the support and defense of its own government , and the com- fort and necessities of its own people,' that is to say, which can find within itself a "home niarJcetfor its products of the soil and manufac- turers;" for President Beverly complains that "the home market is left to us [the thirty millions of farmers] only because not worth cul- tivating by foreign rivals of the American farmer," and Avhy? — let President Beverly answer, "for it [the home market] lies stag- nant under a chronic glut,-" which, being interpreted, means that the productions of the American soil are, and so have been for a continuous period, in excess of the capacities for consumption of fifty-five or sixty millions of people. The farmers make so much to eat that the people at home cannot consume it. They do, however, come pretty nigh the mark, for they consume 92 per cent, of the fruits of the farmers toil, but for the soul of them they cannot consume the other 8 per cent. This is the reason why the home market is not worth cultivating by foreign rivals of the American farmer. The ground is almost wholly occupied by the "home" farmers. The home consumers have taken all they could properly dispose of — there were no more home buy- ers. Possibly, if we had not imported last year fi-om Canada and adjoining provinces $7,000,000 worth of breadstufis, more than $1,000,000 worth of hay, $2,173,450 worth of eggs, and more than $16,700,000 worth of wool— aggregating $27,773,154 ; the 'glut' would have been somewhat abated. After all. Presi- dent Beverly, the home market was not so barren as to be entire- ly worthless for cultivation "by foreign rivals of the American farmer." Suppose the duty of 20 cents per bushel on wheat — the $2 per ton on hay — and the 10 to 36 cents per pound on wool — and from 10 to 12 per cent ad valorem added, had been reduced to the revenue basis, or, as Mr. Cleveland's Secretary of the Treas- ury reconwiemls to Congress, the retirement of such articles to the "free list." Canada and Russia and Australia and India would soon been seen cultivating our home market, from which now they are "barred out" by the protective duties, in the interest of the American Farmer, of which Col.Beverly takes no notice, and the distressingly low rates of farm produce would have been reduced to yet more embarrassing- figures. It may 14 be assumed as a verity, that of all the producers of bread-stuffs and provisions in all this broad laud, President Beverly is the only one, who laments that the 'home market' "is not worth cul- tivating- by the /o/-e'/^M rivals of the American farmers." He is the only one, who does not find a cause for rejoicement that, under a wise and benificent tariff, the home market is made; "not worth cultivating by foreign rivals," and, so, is reserved to them- selves, as their monopoly. If, with a secured home market, which consumes 92 per cent, of all the productions of the soil, with custom duties laid to afford additional protection to the American farmer from the competition of farmers of other nations, "from every rural hamlet and home- stead the outlook is shrouded with gloom and darkness," what would the outlook be if these duties were withdrawn, or even re- duced to the revenue guage ? Open the flood gates and the Amer- ican farmer would promptly find his products reduced to the prices of 1816. Wheat 25 cents a bushel — Corn 12^ to 20 cents per bushel — Oats 15 cents a bushel — Eggs 5 cents per dozen, and so on. Why, Mr. President Beverly, the aggregate value of the egg and poultry crop of the United States for consumption by our people is more than the combined value of pig iron, the silver bvillion and the wool clip products of the United States. In 1882 the cash value of the principal farm products were as fol- lows : Poultry and eggs, $560,000,000 Wheat, 488,000,000 Hay, 480,000,000 Cotton, 410,000,000 Dairy products, 254,000,000 Aggregate, $2,192,000,000 — Southern Planter, October, 1886, p. 511. The value of poultry and eggs exceeded by $150,000,000 the cotton crop of that year; by $72,000,000 the wheat crop; by $80,000,000 the hay crop ; by $306,000,000 the dairy products. In the same year the United States impoi*ted 14,000,000 dozen eggs. Don't talk, dear Col. Beverly, of "gloom and darkness" shroud ing anything, or anybody, by reason of an overstock of provisions — a land teeming with bread and meat — aland flowing with milk and honey. Now, a famine, my friend, would very naturally "shroud" a hamlet or homestead, rural or otherwise, with "gloom and darkness," — but by reason of a superabund- ance of food — "never, never, hardly ever!" The idea of "a 15 belly with fat capon lined, shrouded with gloom!" Ridiculous! Just to think of it ! Whatever may have been his i/denf,io>ii^, the effect of President Beverly's teachings, if they should prevail, would lead directly "to the ruin of the interests of the soil," to defend and protect which he "is not unwilling to serve to the best of his ability, as long as he lives." He would have his brother farmers to turn their backs upon the protecting policy, which gives them a home market, and by duties on foreign products of the soil preserves it to their OAvn use, and to adopt the policy of free trade, which has blighted the interest of every nation that has tried it — if blights all it touches. If the "outlook" for the American farmer be "shrouded in gloom," it is so shrouded because he has more surplus than he can sell at per dozen. Axes were selling in 1838 at ^18 to gl5. 25 per dozen; in 1843 at ^11 to $V2; in 1849 at $S to $\0; in 1876 the price of the best American axes in the mar- ket is ^9.50 per dozen, and this country exports to foreign markets. The Collins Company makes its own steel, and a letter from the company claims that it is "bet- ter than any English steel that we can buy, and we have been steel consumers for fifty years. We now only make for our own consumption, and we have no dis- position to cheat ourselves.' " How much has protection robbed the farmer in the purchase of his axes?. The English Commissioners at the Philadelphia Internation- al Exhibition [1876] report to their government : — "The impres- sion left upon the minds of the European visitors is, that Amer- ican competition in machine tools will soon be upon us. * * * There is no time to ])e lost if we mean to hold our own in the 30 hardware trade of the world. * " "'•' For years Sheffield sup- plied not only our own country, but nearly all the world. " " '" This monopoly remains with us no longer. * * * The Ainer- ican axe has for many years displaced the axes imported from Great Britain. They are now imported into this country. It must be allowed that in table cutlery, tools and safes, America was before Great Britain. It looidd he foolish not to recognize the fact that at Philadelphia, Great Britain was in the face of the most powerful rival in manufactures. A strenuous effort will be required from Sheffield to hold its place in the race of pro- ?1 ^ if. Ji A£. if. -v. i'. Ai. ^ " gress. * .,..*„ -, -r * * 7. Farm Implements. — Every farmer knows that every article used by him, reapers, mowers, drills, harness, trace-chains, axles, hoes, forks, spades, shovels, cost him less now than prior to the tariff of 1861. "When the English had command of our markets we were compelled to pay from $15 to $19 per dozen for their saws. But now, under the fostering care of protective duties, we are no longer subjected to their exorbitant charges, for Disston and others supply us at nearly half the cost, and they send them to England and sell them there for $10 per dozen. The same may be said in reference to our shovels." — Hon. W. W. Brown. Visitors to the Paris Exposition report that foreign reapers, mowers, drills, &c., then on exhibition, cost more than those of American manufacture, and were inferior in make. Who can dispute that this is the legitimate result of "protecting our home manufactures ?" The Courier-Journal, in the early part of this year, in arguing against the tariff', had insisted that "there had been no re- duction in the prices of agricultural manufactures since 1873." In resistance of the Courier- Journal's contention, the Baltimore Record of 12th February, 1887, furnishes the following table of prices for the respective years, 1873 and 1887, in the city of Baltimore : 1873. 1887. Cultivator, $ 8,00 $ 3.50 Triangular Harrow 9.00(5,14.00 6.00@ 9.00 Square Draw, 10.00 6.50 Double Plow, 7.50 3.00 M. cS: H. Standard Plow, . . . 7.00 3.00@ 3.50 Lawn Mower, 14 inch, .... 21.00 8.00 Seed Sower, 10.00 4.50 Wheat Drills, 110.00 65.00@70.00 Mower, 100.00 45.00 Wheat Fans, 3500@44.00 15.00@,25.00 Corn Planters, 30.00 18.00 Horse Rakes, 40.00 20.00 Reaping Machines, 175.00 90.00 Grain Cradle, 5.00 2.50 Corn Sheller, 10.50 5.50 Small Plow 5.50 3.00 Total, ^583.50 ;^298.50 Cotton Goods, we used to import at 50 cents a yard before we had cotton mills, have since been exported at 6 cents per yard. The price of cotton hosiery has been reduced nearly one-half 31 since 1860. Delaines we imported in 1860 at 35 cents per yard, have been made in America and sold for 20 cents per yard, the purchaser getting- a better article than that imported. Stand- ^ ard sheeting's, drillings, bleached shirtings, prints, printed cloths are all fully 25 to 50 per cent, cheaper per yard in 1882 than in 1860, and to-day, in place of importing all our domestic ging- hams, as we did a very few years since, we make them in Amer- ica of better quality and cheaper than we can buy them elsewhere. The fact is, you can buy many kinds of cotton goods as cheap in America as any place in the world. The reduction in the prices I have just referred to is directly attributable to the pro- tective tariffs imposed, or adopted in July, 1861, and afterward. How shallow, then, seems the assertion that the natural price of an article is the American price after taking off the duty. — [Hon. Wm. W. Culbertson. I The duty on standard sheetings was 57 per cent. The price of such sheetings was 8 cents per yard. Take the duty, 57 per cent., from the cost, 8 cents, and you have 3.40 cents per yard, the price according to the free-trade reasoning. Buc 3.40 is less than half the price you would have to pay at any place ; there- fore, it is seen again, the tariff' is not a tax on the consumer, be- cause we have seen the prices steadily decrease, although a high protective tariff was imposed. — -[Ibid.] Before the war the farmer paid $1.25 to $1.50 for a calico dress of 10 yards, for his wife or daughter, now he can buy the same goods for 50 and 60 cents, and even less than that. Before the war he paid 200 per cent, more for salt than he does to-day. Be- fore the war he paid more for boots and shoes than he pays to- day, and yet this system which has reduced the cost of manu- factured goods is denounced by the free-trader as a system— "a policy shai^ed to the utter neglect of the interests of the soil." Galvanized fence-wire can now be bought for $60 per ton. A ton will make a four-wire fence two hundred yards long, or it will cost 30 cents per rod. A four-board fence six inches wide at $15 per thousand will cost 56 cents per rod. The distance around forty acres of land is three hundred and twenty rods. The difference, then, in the cost of fencing forty acres is $83.20; besides, something is saved in the number of posts used and something more in nails. There can be found none who will dispute the fact that this cheap iron wire is the legitimate result of "protecting our home manufactures." — Hon. Wm. T. Price, of Wisconsin, in I louse of Representatives, April 22, 1884. Mulhall, the great prophet of free-trade, admits that "Every day sees an addition of two and half millions of dollars to the accumulated wealth of the Republic, which is equal to one-third of the daily accumulations of mankind." Col. Beverly will not deny the fact, but he cries the louder — "Down with Protection." He will admit the marvellous progress since 1861, but possibly he is of that class of free-traders who, while admitting the fact, insist it is not due to, but in spite of. Protection. Then, Col. Beverly, in the name of all the Gods, why did not free-trade work out similar results for the farmers, when free-trade pre- vailed, as practically it did, for more than half of the period of 82 the life of the Nation prior to 1861 ? Or, he may be of that other chiss, who insist that our mainifactnring- industries can exist and flourish under a tariff of revenue only, despite the proofs aflbrded in our history to the contrary. Take off the duty, say the free-traders, and a decrease in the price of the article to the farmer immediately follows as a con- sequence. This is the logic of the fi'ee-trader contention, or it means nothing. Let us see how much of truth Experience finds in this operation. Salt is an article of universal use, and by it may be elucidated the free-trade claim, that the withdrawal of the duty lightens the price of the article. If the farmer will take the trouble to inform himself, he will find that whenever the duty on salt has been reduced the/^rice has advanced, except soon after the tariff' of 1857, when the price of salt declined, as did almost every other com- modity, before the crushing bankruptcy of that period. In 1872, the duty on salt was reduced from 24 to 12 cents per 100 pounds in bags, sacks, barrels and other packages, and fi'om 18 to 8 cents in bulk. There was instantly such a rise in the prices of salt as was felt all over the country. On this subject the New York Chamber of Commerce, for the commercial year ending the 30tli of April, 1873, said : "The reduction of duty on foreign salt has not had the eflect upon the price of of salt which was anticipated by those who advocated the passage of the act. The cost of both ground and fine salt is higher than the price was before the duty was reduced." The free-trader denounces the "tax on salt" as "infamous," and he delights, on every opportunity, to cite it "to show how the protectionists rob the people for the benefit of a few monop- olists." Under the tariff' of 1846, salt was on ihefree list, and the average wholesale price of Liverpool salt per sack, during the six years from 1845 to 1851, inclusive, was $1.35. The average whole- sale price for the same article in the six years from 1880 to 1885, inclusive, was 72.2 cents per sack. Since 1873, the duty on salt, in sacks, has been 12 cents per 100 pounds, or 28.8 cents per sack of 240 pounds. So, under a heavy duty of 28.8 cents per sack, Liverpool salt is afforded to our people at a little more than 52 per cent, of the free-trade price. Will Col. Beverly "explain how the people, who pay 72 cents for salt under a high tariff for what cost them $1.35 cents under free-trade, are robbed by the tariff on salt? Once more. By the protection afforded by the tarifl' on for- eign raw wool the number of sheep increased over 100 per cent. In 1883 the tariff' was reduced, and in the three next succeeding years there was a loss of six millions head of sheep. The ex- portation was reduced, from 1874 to 1884, the year of the reduc-- tion of the duty on wool, from 73,169 pounds to 3,073 pounds ; whereas, after such reduction, the exportation of wool ran up in three years 16,739 pounds ; and for 1886 to 476,264 pounds. Was the increase in the number of sheep of over 100 per cent., and the yearly reduction in the exportations of raw wool under a high tariff, a serious hurt to the wool grower ; or, was the loss of millions of he^d of sheep in three years and the in- 38 crease in the exportation of raw wool under a reduction of the duty, a benefit to him ? Why multiply proofs — not hearsay.s — not rutaors — hui p)'Oofs from the records of the Government, accessible to President Beverly, and to every other citizen who may choose to examine for himself. That the condition of many farmers is to be deplored, will not be disputed. The prices of their products are very low — it may be so low, as barely to leave the farmer any margin for profit — that "the line between cost and profit is so fine as to be hardly discernable." Biit the same trouble affects all other industries to a greater or less extent ; and the American farmer, who moans over the low price of his wheat, at home and abroad, finds com- pany in the farmers of Eastern Europe, who seek a sale for their surplus in the very same markets, whence the hope of the American farmer comes for a better price than he can get at home, by reason of "the chronic glut" and other intervening causes. The "policies of g'overnment" have nothing to do with the price of bread stuffs offered for sale in markets other than its own. Does Russia fix the price at which wheat shipped from Odessa shall be sold in Liverpool? The price is regulated, not where it is grown, but at the place where it is ofiered for sale, and is there solely determined; yes, and solely by the needs of the Liverpool market for wheat. If the supply in England be equal to the wants of her people, then there will be difficulty in dis- posing of it at any price. If there be a demand for wheat, and the supply is short of the demand, then wheat will command high figiires. Foreign merchants will buy or not buy, at high or low figures, just as the needs of their market may be, and the supply will call for. The government — the policies of the government, have no more to do with the transaction than the State of Virginia has to do with the purchase from President Beverly in Fauquier, of a lot of sheep l)y the Hero of Drewry's Bluff at Westover, in Charles City ; and the transaction between the Odessa shipper and the Liverpool buyer is no more affected by what the Russian may buy of English manufactures, than the sale of the sheep to Major Drewry is influenced by what President Beverly may buy of him. President Beverly might buy all that is on the Westover estate, which may be for sale, yet that would not operate on its proprietor, to the extent of even a thought, to purchase sheep of President Beverly, if he did not want sheep. When a governinent goes into the market for provisions, or for anything else, it does not go in the corporate capacity of the nation to buy of another government in its cor- porate capacity; but it goes just as an individual would go. When England wants bread for her Army and Navy, she does not say to the Ignited States Government : "I want bread — you have it; you want woolens, crockery, cutlery — I have them; I will buy your bread if you wiU buy my manufactures." Not at all. She sends her agent to buy for her where she can get what she wants on the most favorable terms. The government agent, when he is directed to purchase wheat, pork, Ac, cables to his 34 Mend at New York, "At wliat price can you furnish pork, &c.," and it never enters into the head of the Black Sea farmer, nor the Liverpool buyer, nor of the Eng-lish Government agent, nor of his friend in New York, to enquire how stands the bal- ance of trade? Not a bit of it, and no one ought to know this better than the President of three Agricultural Societies, one of which is National, the other two State. Every cloud is said to have a silver lining — some good may be found in every evil, to the diligent searcher after truth ; and so the American farmer, distressed as he may be, may find large comfort in the reflection that he does not stand alone ; [company, even to the gallows is consoling, Mr. President, you know ;] for, while prices for his products range very low — distressingly low — everything that it is necessary for him to purchase for his busi- ness, or his comfort, has reached lower depths of depression in price. The average value of agricultural products have declined about 37 per cent, since 1873, but the average market price of the articles he has to buy have decreased 59.23 per cent. ; in other words, $275.99 to-day, February, 1887, will purchase, of miscellaneous merchandise of all kinds, exactly the same as $678.41 in 1873 ; — [Manufacturer's Record, February 5, 1887 ;] — while one dollar of gold, being taken as the standard, in 1860, represented by a purchasing power of 100, had a relative purchasing power of 74.45 in 1872; it had in the year 1885 a relative purchasing pow- er of 126.44 ; that is to say, this gold coin will purchase all the fanner and hi^^ family needs to buy, "in the ratio of 100 units now, relatively to 75 units in 1872'" — Atkinson, in January Cen- tury, [1887 J. President Bevery ignores all the hlessings, but sees, "with optics keen," only the dark sidr of the picture. The thoughtful man who is searching for facts, and is not contented with assertions, though backed up by all the influence of a triple-wreathed Agricultural President, will find in the facts herein stated much food for reflection. The American "sons of toil" have no reason to complain of "policies of [their] govern- ment," which have secured to them "the highest wages paid to wage-earners in the world." They can find no room to anathe- matize, as does President Beverly, such pohcies as have raised the wages of workingmen of average capacity from $1.68 per day in 1860 to $2.04 in 1885 ; and the workingmen of supe- rior skill from $2.37 in 1867 to $3.00 in 1885. These are the wages per day of carpenters, painters, machinists, black-smiths, cabinet-makers, and others in similar occupations, [Massachu- setts Bureau of Statistics — referred to by Atkinson,] and even higher in 1886. Is the wage-earner dissatisfied with "policies of government" that have enlarged his pay, payable in money, which at the present time, and at present prices will buy twen- ty-six per cent, more than it could in 1860, and is he willing to be reduced to the wages of 1860 ; or, to the wages of the for- eign laborer, to enable the ijroducts of such foreign labor an equal chance with the products of his own work? If he so wishes, then let him follow Col. Beverly into free-trade and adopt it as the policy of the government. Never in all the his- 85 tory of the country covild the wag'e-earner buy clothing-, car- pets, &c,, as cheaply as he can now, and, rarely before, provisions, as low as he can now. ///.v complaint, however, is not against the govenwient; it is, if he has any, against his emploner, who, as he charges, does not give to him an equal share of the benefits of its "policies;" that he does not get his proper proportion of the results from his labor. I'hat is his complaint. He does not demur at the "policies" under whose influences he feels himself to be entitled to demand advance upon the wag-es he now receives — "the highest paid in the world ;" not at all — and the President of three Agricultural Societies must know this. President Beverly would not be persuaded, though "one rose from the dead," that he is mistaken in facts, figures or conclu- sions ; he is the lineal descendent of Ephraim ; it is not, how- ever, for hid benefit that the task of this review of his address as he delivered it before the Farmers' Congress at St. Paul, Minne- sota, August 25th, 1886, and not as published in the Southern Planter at Richmond, Virginia, Octoher, 1886, has been under- taken ; but to expose to the hearers and readers of either ad- dress, how little he is authorized, by the record, to ascribe the ills, which the farmers sufl^er, to "policies of g-overnment, shaped to the utter neg-lect and ruin" of their interest, and to establish the contrariwise, in this, that the farmer's interest has been specially guarded and protected by the very policies, so unmerci- fully berated by him. Reference has already been made to the true cause of the "chron- ic g"lut" which President Beverly mistakenly attributes to the "?;wf- lign laws, shaped to the utter neglect and ruin of the interests of the soil." Will it be too great a draft on the reader's patience to ask his attention to the testimony of the Agricultural Society of the Valley of Virginia — comprising- as intelligent and respectable a body of men, certainly, as compose either of the three Agricul- tural Associations over which President Beverly presides? In a communication to "The Farmers' Assembly," at its annual meeting in Richmond, 1885, the Valley Society express it as their opinion that the "chronic glut" is caused, not by "the malign policy of the government shaped in utter neglect of the agri- cultural interests ;" not because "the products of American ag- riculture are barred out from equal competition in every mar- ket of the world, where we are placed at a disadvantage with every nation on earth, from xlfrica to Greenland," but — and please note this — it is caused "by the average annual suplus pro- duced in the United States, and, for which surplus, markets abroad are failing, heeause of greater increased productions of the cereals in foreign countries;" in the which opinion every other farmer in the country, who has spoken out, concurs, saving and excepting President Beverly, who insists that it is all due to "the domestic cc?id foreign policies of the government, shaped to the tetter neglect and ruin of the interests of the soil." These farmers in the Valley of Virginia had heard that Can- ada was an exporter of bread stufis ; that Australia was send- ing wheat and other agricultural products to England ; that in 1879 India ex]3orted to Europe less than 2,000,000 bushels of 86 Avheat, and exported last year [1886] 39,312,969 bvishels ; that the total deficiency of wheat in Europe, one year with another, is about 200,000,000 bushels ; that the total crop in India last year was 287,000,000 bushels, whilst the total crop of the United States was about 450,000,000, of which we exported only 53,- 025,938 bushels. They saw in all this that the American farmer was brought face to face with open competition in India. There can be no manner of doubt that the Valley Agricultural Society were right in each particular, assigned for the "glut" of agricultural products in tile United States, and the consequent reduction in price of such products — oyer-production at home, 'Increased productions in foreign countries. In 1873 the acreage of land seeded to wheat in the United States was 22,171,000 acres, which yielded 281,254,000 bushels, worth $323,594,000. The acre- age in wheat in 1886 was 37,000,000 acres, the product of which was 457,000,000 bushels, worth $314,000,000; an increase of 15 mil- lions in acreage, and an increase of 176 millions of bushels in yield, with a decrease in value of 9 million dollars. The decrease in the prices of corn and tobacco crops is relatively as great. [Bait. Man. Kecord.] President Beverly, doubtless, was in as happy ig- norance of all these things, as it has been proven he was of the nimierlcal strength of the farmers of the United States. lie had not heard of these things, and hence, as he could see no other cause for "the glut," and the consequent depression in prices of agricultural joroducts, he hopped to the conclusion that "the policies of government. State and National," had caused it. President Beverly has overdrawn his picture, in the same pro- portion that he magnified the strength of the army of farmers. He thought that he saw a "dagger before" him, and went for it ^vith a vim, and took most undue liberties with facts, upon the statement of which he rehed to stir up the farmer's heart, and A're the wage-earner's brain. There was not the shadowy shade of foundation for his assaults on "the policies of the govern- ment," as being the cause of the "chronic glut," and as being- inimical to the farming interest, as is herein abundantly proved, whatever may be the fact in regard to any other industry. There was no foundation, in reason, for his reference to the labor ele- ment, which, as a class, receives "the highest wages paid" to wage-earners in any other country "in the world," stimulating" them to the pitch of outbreak, by telling them that "?7^ soine quarters it is darkly hinted^' yes, "darJily hinted, that soldiers are now to he hired''' — as the British did the Hessians to fi^ht our fathers — ^Ho hutcher citrzens, whose crime is, that lackrng hread, and out of employment, they will not degrade their hu- manity to the level of heasts of Imrthen''' It was out of place — not called for — unwarranted by the facts. If ihefebrUe condi- tion of American labor is due to the protective j>o?/c/("« of the United States, to what cause shall be attributed the outbreaks, in England, under the policy of free-trade ? Under the American policy, the acreage of agriculture has been greatly enlarged, and its productions increased beyond proportion to the power of gainful disposition. Under the in- tiuence of free-trade, almost a million of acres in England, for- 37 merly devoted to the srowiuq- of Avheat, have j^-one out of culti- vation since 1870, and EnglaiKl can now no h^ng-er supply her own people with food. "The present [18841 prolonged depres- sion of trade in Great Britain is larg-ely owing- to the succession of bad ag-ricultural seasons, coupled with larg-e over-production in nearly all the leading- manufactures, and with the practical insolvency of many of the minor money-borrowing- states of Europe, and the American continent, which, having- obtained larg-e loans of money from England, have defaulted in the "pay- ment of both interest and principal. Great Britain is becoming- increasingly dependent on other nations for her food supplies." \Repori of Commissioner of Lahor, i 1886] p. 28.] "The present depression in cotton manufacture in Great Britain, is, however, chiefly due to over-production." — fd. 30. So we have a like depression of trade in Great Britain, and in America, under different policies of government, but, in both, proceeding, not from "the policies" of either government, but from one and the same cause — orer-production, in the one case, in manufactures — in the other, of f/rain. Never was there an address delivered, after mature considera- tion, before so respectable an Assembly as the Farmers' Congress is assumed to be, sofuU of assertions, so void of faets ixndff/ures to sustain them ; [not a proof — not a reference — all upon the simple "I say it" of the speaker]; so odious, so sinful in sentiment, so cruel in suggestiveness that, upon its delivery, it met the rebuke of the Public Press of St. Paul and Duluth, and before it came to be reproduced in so respectable a Journal, devoted to the in- terests of the farmer in Virginia, as is the Southern Planter, its most hateful utterances had been eliminated. If not odious, why was not the address, as it was delivered before the Farmers' C^ongress at St. Paul, re-published mthout change in the South- ern Planter? Aye, in the Eeport of the Sixth Annual Session of the Farmers' National Congress, at St. Paul, Minnesota, Au- gust 25th to 30th, 1886, a copy of whicli was lately handed me by Col. Beverly, at Alexandria, Va., he then knowing of my pur- pose to review his St. Paul address? Possibly the criticisms of the Minnesota Press that the Ad- dress, as delivered, was socialistic, may have induced the modifi- cation by the publishing committee of the Farmers' Congress ; Col. Beverly, himself, seems to be impervitnts to such "darts." He made a speech in Washington last January, of such a char- acter as to invoke the following comment : — "If the charges are untrue, their untruthfulness should be shown, for the tenden- cy of such charges is to array class against class. The incendiary only destroys one or more buildings, which may be replaced by money, but the man who sows the seed of discord and controversy among the people does a wrong, the injury from which it is difficult sometimes to compute, and the effects of which may last for generations." And the only reply vouchsafed by Col. Beverly, was : — "I would here remark that I do not feel that I lie under any necessity of defend- ing myself against anybody's charges, that I am a reckless demagogue, if you please, worse than an incendiary, sowing seeds of discord and controversy among the peo- ple." Little does the Colonel care for criticism. He acknowledges 38 no obligation to defend himself ag'ainst such trifling- charges as "socialism" — of being an "incendiary" — a scatterer of "seeds of discord." Kis friends, however, were disturbed for him, bnt Avhile dealing perturbation all around him. Col. Beverly is im- perturbable, and might be described, as Condorcet was, as "an mouton en rage — vulean eonrert de neigey The whole tenor and effect of Col. Beverly's address is to im- press the farmer and wage-earner with the behef that his gov- ernment is inimical to hhn. He gathers all the vain imagin- ings of a disturbed brain and hurls them out before the country as facts— living, undisputed, indisputable facts — without a scin- tUla, without the effort to procure a scintilla, of evidence to sus- tain them ; he exhausts himself in declarations as sweeping as space, and as fi'ee of foundation in fact as vacuity is of sub- stance ; and he affords, by not one word in all his long address, to inform his hearers and readers that, if the price of agricul- tural products is low, the price of everything the farmer had to buy is much more depressed. Not one word has he to give his hearers or readers by which to understand that a tariff of heavy duties had been laid to protect the American farmer's wheat, his beef, pork, hams, bacon, lard, butter, cheese, corn, rye, oats, po- tatoes, vegetables, hay, hops, vinegar, honey, tallow, wool, rice, live animals, &c., &c. Not an utterance, nor a sign from which this policji of protection to farmers could be inferred. Do the farmers object to this policy? Does it look as if it had been "shaped * '•' to the utter neglect and ruin of the interests of the soil?" Every word, every thought, spoken or suggested by President Beverly in his address as dclircred to the Congress of Farmers, is calculated, if not intended, to make the farmers of the United States believe that the agricultural interest never had consideration of the government, other than to oppress it — to enforce "policies shaped to the utter neglect and ruin of the inter- ests of the soil." President Beverly has reaped large honors from the farmers of the United States, — ^the President of three Agricultural As- sociations, one National, two State! — but who, in the light of the address, as delivered before the Farmers' Congress at St. Paul, and the facts as herein are set forth, can sincerely con- gratulate the American farmers, and say that, in their great chief, " n iin i if ni fortunatos agricolas f The farmer should be protected — so the manufacturer — so the artisan — so the common laborer — so every industry in danger of competition froin foreign rivals. Bnt above all, and before all, Peotection to Ameeican" Laboe. Without labor, lands and mines, agriculture and manufactures, trade and commerce — all industries — are worthless. "The laborer is worthy of his hire." In this country there is no universal wage-rate. Under our Constitution there can be none. The price of labor in every lo- cahty is regulated by the surroundings of the place where the labor is performed, the cost of living, the skill employed, etc. The employer, also, has his correllative rights. He is entitled to compensation for his plant — for his capital employed. For the expense of administration, including wages to his employees, 39 tuxes, iiisiiraiice, &c. There )ieed be no impleasant conflict, — ''siiniii cniq'iic iribnito,''' — wliicli, being liberally interpreted, is: "Do unto others as yon would have others to do unto you." Let England — let all the nations of the earth take care of them- ,s('lr€fi : as for oursdves, let us "legislate for the United States and not for the whole world ; "" "" it is our glory that the Ameri- can laborer is more intelligent and better paid than his foreign competitors," and by God's help and the policy of protection, we mean that this glory shall never be impaired. The London Times, in its editorial of July 14th, 1880, clearly presents the pith and purpose of the American Protective Tariff: "The United States do not approach the question from the same standpoint as ourselves. The object of their statesmen is not to secure the largest amount of wealth for the country generally, hut to keep up, bi/ tohaterer means, the standard of comfort amonr/ the laboring ct asses." That is the object and aim of the American protective system — "shaped," as Col. Beverly would have it, "to the utter neglect and ruin of the interests of the soil." Sir Edward Sullivan, in speaking of our countrymen, says: — "They understand," which Col. Beverly does not seem to do, or appreciate, "that manufacturing and agricultural industries are inseparably bound together, that prospering manufa(;tures means prosperous agriculture, and vice versa ; that each consumes what the other produces ; that each is the best consumer of the other." —XIX Century. No man can pretend that the present tariff is perfect — is fault- less in its rates — I do not discuss them, but the priwipte of pro- tection. Revise the rates, correct, amend, but never wander from the great polarity of Protection to American Industries, which is, Protection to American Labor. '^ "-^ - '•• PEESONAL. Until within the last ten years, I, myself, was a moderate free-trader — never a Calhoun man. I had given the subject no particular study, but content to follow the dogma to "buy where you could buy cheapest, and sell where you could sell the highest," as the true doctrine, and that the government should by its "policies" enable its citizens to deal with "all the world, and the rest of mankind," — unrestrained — untrammelled by any regard to the effects of such a policy upon the "general welfare" of the country at large. When I came to studji the matter, and saw that, when free-trade prevailed, American indus- tries were stunned, if not p((ral//.::ed; that, \\h.en protection was the policy, the count r// advanced ; I could not resist the conclusion that, however true the theonj of free-trade may be, when reduced io practice it had proved a blight tipon the country; — [see testi- mony of Clay, the younger Adams, Dallas and Buchanan ;] and es- pecially when now I observe that the growth of the nation, in all the elements of wealth, power and prosperity, has been greater in the short period of a quarter of n, century, than it had made in all the preceding 70 years of its existence, I am constrained to admit with Mr. Jefferson that experience has taught me that 40 American, hulnslrirs iniat iioir slaiid hi/ Ihr xidr of af/i-iniltttrf. I am ncjt ashamed to cluinge my opinions when convinced of my error, nor am I afraid to avow the change. I have no personal interests to subserve. I am neither a farmer, nor miner, nor manufacturer, nor have I anyinvestmeut in either, to be affected by protection or free-trade. I am, therefore, entitled to be re- garded, as Mr. C^alhoun claimed for himself, when he advocated protection of American manufactures in 1816, as occupying en- tirely impartial ground. In reviewing Col. Beverly's address, as he delivered it, at St. Paul, while I may not liave extenuated anything, I disavow the setting down of aught in malice. I ask no one to accept my statements, or to follow my exam- ple ; but to him, who may have honored me with the perusal of the foregoing paper, I woiild respectfully say — examine the matter for yourself; decide for yourself upon the facts, and be not led away by "r((in Ixihhlinffs and the oppomtiom of science, so- cMled." li free-trade has done so much for England, onA protection be so ruinous to us, wdiy should the Cobden Club be so anxious to have us change our system for hers? It is History, that under the in- fluence of j>ro^^('//o», steadily maintained, rigidly enforced for 500 years, England grew to be tlte power on the earth; and now, after less than flfty years' trial of free trade, she is begging bread fi-om other countries, and struggling to maintain herself for her com- modities of manufacture in the foreign markets, where once she was without a rival ; and is being threatened witli successful competition at her ver}^ door, under tlie shadow of her own fac- tories. It is equally matter of History that the United States, her daughter, a little more than one hundred years old, lias out- stripped England, her mother, and to-day stands as not only the greatest agricultural, but the largest manufacturing country in the world, under the benignant influences of Protection, which had made this mother so great. Why should we change? I have appended my name to this paper — not because it has, or is entitled to any weight, for I am simply a plain citizen. If the statements I have made be facts, no name, however humble, can detract from their force. If the statements be not founded on facts, but, like Col. Beverly's, be fanciful ebullitions, no name, however illustrious, could, or ought to, aflbrd potency to them. Upon the facts — vouched by the record, as every reader may at- test for himself if he chooses — I plant myself, and by them I ask that this paper may stand or fall. /o i-n rzaiiB EarlourEMt! POINTS AND PROOFS For the People. Poiuts 110(1 Proofs for k People. If the Hon, John S. Barbotu', while in Congress, represented anytljing, it was the Eighth Virginia District, from which he claimed election, and which includes the city of Alexandria. In the House, he was chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia. Now, for several months of the winter the Potomac river is either closed or greatly obstrncted by ice, which prevents Washington City, Georgetown and Alexandria from receiving their usual supplies by water — coming from all the Virginia ter- ritory lying along the Potomac and Rappahannock rivers and Chesapeake Bay, ,Df which much is comprised in the Eighth District. There is incalculable damage done the cities in ques- tion and all the territory and i:>eople trading with them by this closing of the Potomac, and to keep it clear of ice is a corres- ponding benefit to all concerned. During the last session of the 49th Congress General Mahone was called upon to see if Congress could not be induced to make some provision for the reHef of these communities and the large interests involved. The General at once went to work in the Senate to secure an apj:»ropriation for an Ice Boat and its maintenance on the Poto- mac, and he succeeded in securing an amendment to the District appropriation biU, appropriating ninety thousand dollars for this object. The House of Representatives disagreed to this and other amendments, and the District Appropriation Bill went to a conference committee — there the Senate portion of that com- mittee held on and insisted upon this appropriation for the Ice Boat, until, by the obstinacy of the members of the House, they were forced to abandon it, or pass no appropriation bill for the District. Where was Mr. Barbour, with his Democratic colleagues from Virginia in that Democratic House ? Where was he, with his chairmanship of the House District Committee and his repre- sentative trust from the people of Alexandria and the Eighth District '? Where was his influence '? The Ice Boat which Mahone had secured in the Senate, J^ar- bour sunJi\ or alloimd to sink, in the House ! BARBOUR'S BILL TO DESTROY THE PORT OF NORFOLK. At somebody's request, the Hon. John S. Barbour introduced in the last Congress a oill which, under a pretence of affording ne- 3 cessary relief to the port of Newport News, fairly destroyed the port of Norfolk, as far as legislation could do so ; depriving her of her ancient and natural rights and privileges and bestowing them on Newport News. This measure so disastrous to Norfolk, introduced by Mr. Barbour, was pushed through the Democratic Committee of Commerce in the House, under the lead of his colleague,' a mem- ber of that committee, Mr. O'Ferrall, and was re^Dor^ed to the House and placed on the calendar. This, too, in face of the earnest protest of the Board of Trade and the council of the city of Norfolk. Meanwhile the same bill was by Senator Kenna, of West Vir- ginia, (at the request of somebody), introduced in the Senate. There General Mahone promptly met the question. The committee which Norfolk had sent to Washington to re- monstrate against the perpetration of the outrage upon the inter- ests of that port, which Mr. Barbour's bill would inflict, failing to enlist the friendship of any of Virginia's Representatives in the House, now came to General Mahone urging that he save Norfolk from the disastrous consequences of this bill. General Mahone had already taken the matter in hand. Fortifying him- self with maps, statistics and all the ileedful data, he appeared before the Committee of Commerce of the Senate, of which Sen- ator Kenna was a member, and induced that committee to adopt unanimously the substitute he had proposed, which, whije se- curing to Newport News every rightful relief and privilege, and all that was desired by Mr. C. P. Huntingdon, and relieving the waiting commerce of Hampton Roads of, theretofore existing exactions, guarded fully every interest of the port of Norfolk. This substitute was reported to the Senate, and on General Mahone's motion unanimously passed that body and went to the House, where it perished ! But Norfolk was saved — thanks to Senator Mahone ! BARBOUR AND HIS RAILROAD. 9 The city of Alexandria assumed a crushing burden of debt to aid in the construction of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, whose proper and ostensible purpose was to build up Alexandria and extend her trade and commerce. But, as soon as the Hon. John S. Barbour became its President and controller, he divert- ed the road from all its legitimate aims to be a tributary to Bal- timore at the expense of Alexandria — making the line a curse instead of a blessing to that city. The present aspect of the ancient port, once so thrifty and important, proves all this ; and besides, so quickly and so keenly did the people of Alexandria feel Mr. Barbour's adverse policy that their city council and other representative bodies publicly and formally denounced it as treacherous and ruinous — ap})ealinq to Mahone for relief! ALL OF THIS IS OF RECORD. ' BARBOUH and BRITISH INTERESTS AGAINST VIRGINIA INTERESTS. At the 1st session of the 48th Congress, Mr. Morrison report- ed his notorious Horizontal Tariff Bill from the House com- mittee of AVays and Means, of which he was Chairman. It pro- vided generally for a reduction of twenty per ccnf. of the protec- tion afforded a/i Virginia and American products by the tariff* (think of that!); and then struck a specially savage blow at the developing resources and industries of Virginia by placing the following articles on the FREE LIST, in these terms, as quoted fi'om the biU itself : "Sec. 3. — That on and after the first day of July, 1884, in ad- dition to the articles now exempt from duty, the articles enumer- ated and described in this section, when imported, shall be ex- empt from duty, that is to say : Salt, in bags, sacks, barrels, or other packages, or in bulk ; Coal, slack, or culm, bituminous or shole ; Timber, hewn and sawed, and timber used for spars and in building wharves, and squared or sided timber, not specially enumerated or provided for in this act ; Sawed boards, plank, deals, and other lumber of hemlock, whitewood, sycamore and basswood, and all other articles of sawed lu7)d)er ; Hubs for wheels, posts, last-blocks, wagon-blocks, ore-blocks, gun-blocks, head- blocks, and aU like blocks or sticks, rough-hewn or sawed only ; /S^«ycs of wood of aU kinds; pickets and pahno-s; laths; shin- gles ; I^ine clap-boards ; spruce clapboards : Mood, unmanufac- tured, not specially enumerated or provided for in this act." What a blow at all our interests o^ mine and forest was this new Free List — coming in as the conclusion of a twenty pe?' cent. reduction of protection on all our other products ! Yet the bill was voted for by Messrs. BARBOUR, Cabell, Garri- son, O'Ferrall, {seated for this occa6'io?i .') Tucker — aU Virginia Democrats! See Congressional Becord, May 6, 1884. The whole vote for this destructive measure to Virginia's interests was 155 — 151 Democrats and 4 Repubhcans ; the whole vote against it was 15t) — 115 Republicans and 44 Democrats. BARBOUR & CO. AGAIN RALLY FOR BRITISH INTER- ESTS AGAINST VIRGINIA AND AMERICAN INTERESTS. It is the fact that the Hon. John S. Barboiu- is the Democratic candidate before the next legislature to succeed Mr. Riddleber- ger in the U. S. Senate that makes his record, and that of his party, on all Federal issues, so interesting and important in this canvass. He and his party were for Morrison's anti-Vroiodiwe bill in 1884, and in 1886 they again supported . that measure in behalf of foreign importation against native production. On the 17th of June, 1882, (see Congres.sional I^ecord) this bill came up in the House and was defeated by a vote of 157 nays to 180 yeas — 122 nays being- by Republicans and 35 by Democrats, while of those voting- yea, IHf? were Democrats and only 4 Re- publicans. Among the 235 7vas the viliole Deiiwcratu' JJdeqation from Virginia, including BARBOUR, Cabell, Croxton, Daniel, OTerrall' Trigg-, Tucker and George D. Wise. Is Mr. Barbour, or his party, entitled to tli e plaudit from Virginia or Virginians : "Well done, good and faithful servant ? " Shall he be sent to the U. S. Senate (now so near a tie) to turn the balance against Protection and in favor of Free Trade — against native Production and in favor of foreign importation — against Virginia and America and in favor of England and the rest of the world ? You answered last November, as far as you then could, by re- turning to the H(nise of Representatives 07ily ttoo of the eight men who voted for the Morrison bill and by making seven out of ten of your members of the House Protectionists of no ques- tionable or doubtful stripe. Will you undo that grand work for Virginia now by voting to send Barbour, or any other a7iti-Vvo- tectionist, to the Senate ? Hardly ! Not so stupid. BARBOUR SIDES WITH THE WOLVES AGAINST AMER- ICAN AND VIRGINIAN SHEEP-HUSBANDRY. On the 7th of April, 1884, on the motion to take ujo and pass the bill to restore the protective duties on wool (see Congression- al Record). Messrs. BARBOUR and Cabell (the only Virginia Democrats voting at all) voted with 107 other Democrats against the motion, only 10 Republicans voting with them, while 75 Re- pubHcans and only 39 Democrats voted for the motion. Meanwhile, the Democrats voting to restore the duty on wool and to defeat the Morrison bill (Messrs. RandaU and others) were denounced by the Washington l*ost, the Louisville Courier- Journal and other organs of Cleveland-Manning and Morrison- Barbour Democracy as "assistant RepubHcans," and so j)ublish- ed in black-lists kept standing day after day and week after week ! BARBOUR AND CARLISLE, MORRISON k CO. Mr. Barbour wants to go, and seeks to go, to the U. S. Senate on a State platform which is in direct contravention of his party's National platform and record. Indeed, his own record is in flat contradiction of this State platform, for not only did he vote (as we have seen) for the Morrison a;i^/-Protection bills against the bill to restore the protective duties on wool, but in caucus and in the House of Representatives he over and over voted for an organization of that body, which he knew would absolutely prevent all measures looking to Protection, or to the reduction or abohtion of internal taxes, or to Federal aid for schools, fnnn he- ing even so much as heard on. the floor of the Jfouse. Consequent- ly if he even pretended to favor, or vote, for any of these things, lie knew that lie was actiug a farce when he did so. There can be no rational question of that. Hence, when he voted for Car- lisle for Speaker, well-knowing that all the committees would be organized by him against Protection, against repeal of internal taxes and against Federal aid to schools, and that he would al- so rule against all motions looking to take favorable action on these subjects, and would refuse to recognize even Randall him- self, or any other person, who sought to raise a practical debate or vote looking to such action, — he thereby deliberately voted to sacrifice all these things to their enemies. There has been no reduction of internal revenue since Car- lisle became Speaker. The House was Republican in the 47tli Congress, when it agreed to the reduction of the tobacco tax from 16 to 8 cents a pound in the amendment adapted by the Senate on the motion of Gen. Malione. Two Congresses have since intervened, both with Democratic Houses, having Carlisle as Speaker, elected so by Mr. Barbour's vote. These two Dem- ocratic Houses, with Carlisle as speaker have sought to bripg Free Trade upon us .through the Morrison bills (on which Bar- bour voted) ; have, through four sessions, refused even to enter- tain a consideration of the Blair School BiD, which would have given Virginia $5,300,000, and which was twice passed by the Republican Senate, and have steadily ignored or voted down all propositions to abolish or reduce internal taxes, whether on to- bacco or anything else. Suppose by the. election of Mr. Bai'hour, or some other Democrat, to the Senate, hoth hranches of Congress came in accord with the views expressed oJficiaJly hy Mr. Manning lohen Secretainj of the Treasury, and which President Cleveland so ernphatically and unqiialijiedly endorsed f The calamity would be incalculable in its evil consequences. Protection Would Be Destroyed ! Free Trade Would Ravage us at Will ! The Internal Revenue System, with all its taxes increased, instead of being diminished, would be a Fixed and Damning Burden. All Aid For Free Schools Would Be Utterly Hopeless ! BARBOUR AND THE ADMINISTRATION. Mr. Barbour is said to be in high feather, personally, with Mr. Cleveland and his administration. The latest authentic infor- mation from the President is that Mr. Carlisle has recently been in sweet communion with him, and that an agreement has been reached under which a tarifi' bill will be introduced in the next House, as an Ad'jninistration measure, the principal feature of which will be an addition to the Free List, Embracing Raw Ma- terials OF ALL KINDS AND ALL THE NECESSARIES OF LiFE ! Tllis includes not only all our natural resources of every species — ores, coals, pig-irdn, lime, plaster, stone, sumac, tobacco, wool. wood of all sorts and shapes, &c., — hut all agricvltural products whatsoever. There is nothmg' astouisliing- in this, for, with Mr. Cleveland's approval. Secretary Manning- recommended substantially the same policy to Congi-ess in his reports, and advocated it in his letter of resignation ^vith the emphatic assent of the President thereto. Can anybody conceive that Mr. Barbonr in the Senate or elsewhere will put himself in opposition to the President and his administration and to the leading faction of the National Democracy ? Never-. In the Senate Mr. Barbour will be the willing- co-adjutor of the administration, and of the Carlisle-Morrison Federal policy — as he has shown by his course in and out of the House. PAEBOUR NO BOSS EXCEPT IN VIRGINIA. Whatever Mr. Barbour may be in Virginia, and whatever may be his. personal relations at Washington, he is no leader of his National party, whether Avith respect to party action or Federal legislation, and nobody in Congress or at the White House ever consults him about either. lie is a mere counter (in every sense of the word), ^ind so regKrded and used. In the Heuate, or else- where, never will he and his set (including O'Ferrall, Lee and George D. Wise) earnestly oppose the administration and the Carlisle directory of the National Democracy in anything they do or propose. He is famous as an "acquiescer" eqvially in Federal and State politics, without the courage of a single conviction, for he has none. American industry and protection will find no fi-iend in him in their hour of need ; our raw materials and ne- cessaries of life wiU find no defender in him against foreign im- portations ; and if an all-embracing internal taxation shall fail to produce enough revenue to support an "economical adminis- tration of the government," which is understood to include only salaries and jobs for the faithful, and to exclude aid to free schools and the like, the tariff will be reserved to exact an addi- tional income on our tea and. coffee, of which we produce none and use unlimited quantities— a policy urged by Manning and which Cleveland approved. Remember what the National Democratic Platform says ; re- member how the Democratic administration and the Democratic House have sought to carry out that platform ; and above all, remember Mr. Barbour's record, and how he and the Virginia Democrats have been mere puppets at Washington — useful only to the enemies of this Commonwealth and of no service to her whatever. The National Democracy said at Chicago (and it did not speak at Roanoke) as follows : RAW MATERIALS. « "The Repubhcan party professes the Protection of American 8 manufactures. It has subjected them to an increasing flood of manufactured goods, and a hopeless competition with manufac- turing nations, not one of whicJi taxes raw materkda." That is, imported raw materials ! AID TO FKEE SCHOOLS. • "We are opposed to all propositions which, upon any pretext^ would convert the general government [or State government' either, logically 1 into a machine for collecting taxes to be dis- tributed among the States | or counties and cities, logically], or the citizens thereof." Which indades the Blair Bill, if it^ does not aim exciasicely at it. INTEENAL KEVENUE. "The system of direct taxation known as the internal revenue is a war-tax, and so long as the law continues, the money deriv- ed therefrom should be sacred I ]i devoted to the relief of the PEOPLE from the remaining burdens of the loar.'' O, ye gods! What people are to be relieved from the remain- ing burdens of the war by continuing this war-tax on us? Yet this is in precise accordance with tiro reports fi-om Mr. Morri- son's Committee in the last House (received and adopted by that Democratic House) den3dng any relief from internal taxes, becaxse (as alleged in these reports) ''the war is not half over, and will not he over until we have p(iid $4,000,000,000 yet to he collected in taxes from the people. The tobacco tax is a war-tax, and the financial war is not yet ended, and will not be t/n-til the last dollar of our war-del^t is paid and the last j^ension is fully in. 2%is ta.r should not he retnoved." Nor will it be removed even at the remote period stipulated thus for its necessaj.y continuance by the finance committee of the Democracy, IF Barbour and the Barbour Managers are TO RUN THIS Government and fix its policy. THE SUM OF THE MATTER. Every vote cast in this election for a Democratic candidate for the House or Senate is a vote to send John S. Barbour to the U. S. Senate, and thereby to endanger all the Protective safe- guards we have, to eucourag-e foreign importation at the expense of home production, to perpetuate the internal revenue system and increase its taxes, and to crush every hope of Federal aid for popular education or any other piu-pose for the general wel- fare of the States or the citizens thereof. BROKEN PROMISES. Bourbon % Barbour Democracy BETRAY FAITH. INCREASE OF TAXES. In their platform of 1885, the Democrats said: We pledged our opposition to any increase of taxes, whether directly or indirectly, in the Convention of 1883, and, invested by the people with legislative powers, have redeemed this pledge and faithfully administered all trusts confided to us. And yet, at the very moment when they said this, the new assessments for 1885, by the Democratic assessors, indwectly increased taxes as follows: Increase in assessment of real estate, $86,103,124 02 Increase in assessment of personal property, 21,885,750 00 Total increase, ;i557,988,873 02 The yearly increase of taxes thereby, $ 231,955 50 An annual increase of near a quarter-million of our burdens, with no necessity whatever therefor, and in the face of a most positive pledge to the contrary! READJUSTMENT. The Democratic party, heretofore pledged as final its acceptance of the settlement of the public debt known as the "Riddleberger Bill," which had then been de- clared constitutional by the courts, State and Federal, and its opposition to all fur- ther agitation of the question or any disturbance of that settlement by repeal or other- wise. — Democratic platform of i88§. Already, however, the Democrats had disturbed and practically repealed that settlement by their various acts in pretended aid and enforcement thereof, as shown by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the U. S., and by the briefs and arguments before that tribunal of Messrs. Maury and Royall, both Democrats in good standing. The present posture of Readjustment speaks for itself in crushing testimony against Democratic perfidy. FREE SCHOOLS. In 1885, these Democrats (always profuse in p^romises, as they are now) declared: "We favor the furnishing of free books to the pupils of the free schools, and an appropriation for the benefit of the common-school system from the surplus revenues of the Federal Government by what is known as the Blair Bill, or a better measure." Where are these free books ? They are not even apol- ogized for in the platform of i88y — nay, not even men- tioned. And yet the Democratic Legislature has been in almost perpetual session since the election in 1885, doing nothing, or worse than nothing. As for the Blair Bill, though it was twice passed by a Republican Senate, tendering Virginia ^5,300,000 for her schools, and though it was before the Democratic House of Representatives in 1884, 1885, 1886 and 1887, it has never yet been so much as taken up there for consideration/ On the contrary, when by a coalition of men of all par- ties a bill identical with the Senate Blair Bill had been referred to a Democratic committee of the House, with instructions to report it back promptly, it was John W. Daniel who effectually quashed the bill in the committee, and all hope for it in the last session of Congress, by having substituted for it a very different measure of his own, called the Craine substitute! Deliberately, know- ingly, and with malice aforethought, he wilfully, for him- self and his party, thus destroyed the only prospect the Blair Bill has ever had to get before the House of Rep- resentatives on its passage! He did it. His party did it. They are responsible. CONVICT LABOR. The Democratic platform of 1885 pledged the party that convict labor should no longer be permitted in this State to compete with free honest labor. Yet, for the first time in our whole history, soon after the inaugura- tion of the Lee administration, convicts were employed to load and unload cars and vessels at Claremont, to handle and manipulate ores at and near Tolersville, and to work on farms in Louisa, Orange and other counties. On formal complaint made to him of the employment of convicts at Claremont, Governor Lee responded super- ciliously in a letter which was published, that, in effect, it was none of his business to see to such matters, and that the whole subject was regulated by laws which complainants were referred to for further information and any relief these could afford them. It was a response which amazed, shocked and alarmed even his own parti- zans; and, as the exposure of this abuse of convict labor was continued in the columns of the Harrisonburg State Republican and the Petersburg Index- Appeal, certain perfunctory official action was taken, resulting in the pa- rade of a correspondence between the Governor and Superintendent Moses, in which it was substantially ac- knowledged that the convicts had been employed as charged, and which pretended to have done nothing more than make inquiries of the contractors using the convicts, and to accept the assurances of these men that they would thereafter observe the law. In one case, actually (the Claremont case), this unique correspondence disclosed that the contractors, after confessing to the charge of misemploying the convicts, cavalierly threw them back into the Penitentiary, declaring they did not want them if they could not work them where they pleased, — and this they were allowed to do, without being held to their contract, or being subjected to any penalty for its viola- tion! As the correspondence itself also shows that nothing whatever was done or contemplated to prevent or punish these abuses, it can safely be taken for grant- ed that convicts hired out are put at anything the con- tractors please, without let or hindrance. As to any general system of reform that would put an end to convict competition with free labor, in or out of the Penitentiary, there has been none, and the mechanics of Richmond can testify that practically, convict labor was never more actively and offensively employed to de- grade and undercut honest labor. FALSE IN ALL THINGS. But what have these Democrats fulfilled faithfully as promised in 1885? Nothing! They then pledged them- selves to provide for less frequent elections, zvhereas they have increased them, and taken no step whatever toward the reform so desirable herein in every view. They promised adequate provision in our asylums for the insane, whereas our jails are full of these unfortu- nates of both colors and sexes, and whereas no number of asylums can provide for those who should be their inmates under a system which prefers select or pay pa- tients, and deliberately excludes the poor and needy as far as possible. Where is the eight-hour law? Where are any of the provisions that were to be made for the relief and alle- viation of labor? What has been done by Democratic Representatives from Virginia, or by National Democ- racy, to give us the long promised repeal of the internal revenue taxes and system? Instead of any of these things, we have the debt mud- dle worse muddled; taxes increased over / Behold an incomplete index of the page of Virginia's history made bright by the "domination" which Bourbonism affects to fear as injurious and degrading to Virginia — a "domination" which challenges Bourbonism defiantly to comparison, whether as to "negro rule" or any other matter feared or desired by in- telligent patriotism : It restored free suffrage. Estabhshed Keadjustment. Rescued the free schools from the coupons and ruin. Ascertained the just sum of our debt as $13,000,000 less than claimed and demanded, and fixed its equitable interest at 3 per cent. Redeemed and enlarged our charitable and other institutions. Reduced the assessment of lands for taxation over $12,000,000. Lowered taxation from 50 cents on the $100 to 40 cents. Remitted $350,000,000 si year to tax-payers on their real and pensonal property. More than doubled the free schools. Paid the school teachers in cash and saved them from shaving their school warrants at a heavy discount. Constructed a commodious asylum for the colored insane. Established a Normal School for the colored people. Took the insane from onr jails and provided for them in our asylums. By the decrease of taxation, the promotion of free education and the encouragement of liberalism in all things, it successfully invited capital, enterprise and labor to come among us, with con- sequent development, progress and prosperity. Secured liberal appropriations to construct or repair Federal buildings at Richmond, Danville, Lynchburg, Abingdon, Harri- sonburg, &c., and for the improvement of our rivers and harbors. Procured the reduction of the tax on tobacco to 8 cents a pound — resulting in a saving of at least $2,500,000 a year to our Virginia producers. Decreased the annual ordinary expenses of our State Govern- ment $250,000. Apphed all public revenue to public purposes and benefit. Made the penitentiary a self-sustaining institution, whereas it had formerly cost the State $50,000 or more a year. Restored our educational, charitable and other public institu- tions to their original purposes, instead of allomng them to be continued as the adjuncts of class and special privilege. This was done in spite of Bourbon efforts to prevent it ; and more beneficent results would have been achieved but for Bour- bon obstruction. And what did this "domination" declare for hereafter, if it should prevail ? Read and ponder, remembering that the past record was surety that these pledges would be faith- fully and wisely observed : For the Free Ballot, against the Bourbon BaUot-KiUer. For Free Schools and increased appropriations for the en- largement and extension of the system, against the Bourbon hostihty to free education, as manifested in the diversion of the State school funds (there now being a fresh diversion of $300,- 000 due teachers for the year 1884-'85), and in the denial of Fed- eral school aid by the defeat of the Blair Education bill. For the enforcement of the Readjuster settlement of the State debt as covering every dollar of Virginia's equitable share of the debt of the undivided State, and the highest rate of interest that can be borne, against the open opposition of Bourbon- Funderism, and the more treacherous and insiduous tampering of Bourbon "acquiescence" which has betrayed us again to our broker enemies.. For economical government, against Bourbon waste, improvi- dence and crippled finances. For the liberal support and extension of all our asylums, against the Bourbon system of incarcerating our insane of both sexes in the common jails. For Free Labor and its just share in its contributions to the power and wealth of the Nation, against the Bourbon policy wliicli subjects honest labor not only to capital, but to unjust and humiliating- competition with convict labor. For Free Books for free schools, as a proper and necessary- completion of our system of i^ubUc education, against the pres- ent Bourbon policy wliicli forces many children to plead pau- perism or stay from the schools, and robs the parents of others by frequent changes of books. For due compensation for all labor impressed for public ser- vice, -whether on public roads or other-wise (as in the case of pri- vate property taken for public use), against this Bourbon rob- bery of labor to relieve capital of its just burdens. For good public county roads, under some efficient system, to be supported by an equal and uniform rate of taxation on pro- perty and by an employment of convict labor under proper reg- ulations, against the present unjust conscription by -which Bour- bonism forces the poor, uncompensated, to do this -work. For Biennial Elections, so that our State, county, city, and other elections may all occur together, -with great economy and the great repose ' and relief of the people, against the present system of frequent and costly elections that keep the people in continual agitation, excitement and trouble, only to subserve the fraudulent and inflammatory devices by -which Bourbonism maintains its factious and hateful domination. For the protection of our Oyster-beds and Fisheries from non- resident invaders, and the due regulation of these great inter- ests in accordance -with the rights and views of the people di- rectly concerned, against the Bourbon mismanagement which invites invasion and spoliation, while it injuriously burdens and hampers our own citizens of the Tidewater and Eastern Shore counties. For the execution of all public "work by the direct employment and payment of labor, against the system by contracts, under which both Government and workmen are fleeced by speculative and unnecessary middle-men. For every possible encouragement and aid to promote the construction of railroads and other facilities to open up the im- mense mineral and other resources of the Western, South-west- ern and other portions of the State, and place these in easy connection -with our East and West lines of transpoitation, in accordance with the Virginia policy of home gTO-wi;h and devel- opment, against the suicidal Bourbon pohcy which sacrifices all our internal advantages and materials for self-advancement to outside interests, and makes our ports and cities mere way-sta- tions and our territory a mere tributary and road-bed of conve- nient transit to the traffic of other States and their cities. For an enforcement of the paramount obligation of the vari- ous works of internal improvement to the people of the State, by whose authority they were created, by whose money they were constructed, and by whose grace they live ; and it is en- joined upon our representative and executive officers to enforce the discharge of that duty, to insure to the people of Virginia such rates, facilities and connections as will protect every indus- try and interest against discrimination, tend to the development of their agricultural and mineral resources, encourage the de- velopment of active capital in manufactures, and 1«Jie profitable employment of labor in industrial enterprises; grasp for our cities those advantages to which, by reason of their geographi- cal position, they are entitled, and fulfill all the great public ends for which they were designed. For money-wages for labor, against the Bourbon store-and- order system, whereby corporate and other employers control the expenditures of their employes, and under which great ex- tortions and oppressions are imposed. For eight hours a day for all labor employed on pubHc works and in mines and manufactories, and by corporations, with weekly payments. For a State Bui'eau of Labor Statistics, to reach a fuller knowl- edge of the condition of the laboring people, with a view to their welfare and elevation. For a legal provision securing to all mechanics, laborers and other workmen employed by corporations, firms and individuals the firat lien on the assets of these where they are forced into liquidation, to be first satisfied as that of preferred creditors by reason of their share in creating such assets. For that civil service in which character and capability shall be regarded as paramount tests for public employment. For such annual appropriations as may be adequate to pro- vide for the proper care and support of disabled Virginia sol- diers who need such provision. For a general law providing that any county, city, town and district in this Commonwealth may determine for itself, by a majority of its votes cast at a special election held for the pur- pose under due regulations, whether or not the sale of spirit- ous Uquors shall be allowed within its limits. Alas, bribe and corruption, fraud and force overbore the peo- ple and put us all under the "domination" of Bourbonism. The injury is incalculable ; but the crowning outrage is to be insulted with the lying calumny by which Bourbonism seeks to palliate its execrable usurpation and excuse the damnable methods by which this usurpation was possible. But time not only makes all things even, but brings in its re- venges. Tyranny cannot exist and prosper long in this age and country. SHALL WE MAINTAIN The Pulilic Free Schools of Virginia ? THE COST OF FURNISHING FREE TEXT-BOOKS TO THE SCHOLARS OF PUBLIC FREE SCHOOLS. THE LOG-CABIN SCHOOL HOUSE SCHOLAR ANJ) THE COLLEGE-BRED STUDENT— THE COMPARATIVE COST OF THESE TWO SCHOLARS TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA, AS SET FORTH IN A SPEECH DE- LIVERED IN THE SENATE OF VIRGINIA, ON FEBRUARY 36th, 188t), BY JAS. J. McDonald, a republican SENATOR FROM THE 36th senatorial DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. Mr. President : — We have uow before us a bill proposiug to fur- nish free text- books to the pupils of our public free schools. The facts are these : The people of Virginia believe that free books are a necessity ; and as an evidence of this, both political ^ arties of our State engrafted in their several platforms a promise to give tree books. THE TROMISE OF BOTH POLITICAL PARTIES. The Republican party of Virginia, in convention assembled July 15, 1885, promised tree books in the following words, viz: " For iree books for free schools, as a proper and necessary comple- tion of our system of public education, against the Bourbon policy which forces many children to plead pauperism or stay away from the schools, and robs the parents of others by Irequent changes of books." The Democratic party of Virginia, in convention assembled July 30, 1885, promised free books in the following words, viz: " It is the cherished purpose of the Democratic party to labor in this sacred work ot public enlightenment until the country and town alike enjoy the full advantages of free education. To this end we favor the furnishing of free books to the pupils of the free schools." These are the several promises made, and we have clearly a con- stitutional right to do this under the provisions of article 8, section 6 of our State constitution. The State can fully protect this property under the provisions of article 8, section 11 ot our constitution. Admitting these things, let us calculate the cost and ability of the State to perform this duty. The possible number of pupils to be supplied is about 420,000. The probable number of pupils to be supplied is about 320,000. This last estimate is based on the fact that less than three-fourths of the pupils enrolled attend school daily. Virginia Scbool Report for 1884 (page 11, line 3) gives 288,030 pupils enrolled and (line U, page 11) gives 103,309 of these pupils in daily at- tendance. Tbis rej)ort shows there was less than three-fourths ol those enrolled m daily attendance. The conuty oi Eockingham had in 1884 the largest number of pupils enrolled o\ any city or county in the State, viz: 8,250 pupils. The average daily attendance was 5,010 pupils. This report also shows less than three-fourths of those enrolled in daily attendance. In making the estimate lor daily attendance — viz : 320,000 — I have made it lor more than three fourths of the possible number of enrolled pui)ils. Having arrived at the number to be supplied, we must then en- deavor to arrive at the cost per pupil to be supplied. There are various methods oi arriving at this cost, but in the abseuce of better prool we must rely mainly upon statistics upon this subject. I have made six estimates, and they are based upon the following lacts : First. The free books supplied by district school boards in Virginia during 1884, to 8,074 indigent children. Virginia School Report, 1884, page 11, lines 20, 21. Second. The cost to the county of Rockingham of all the books, viz: 24, adopted by that county in 1882, provided the whole 24 books were m use at one time. 1 name this county because it had in 1884 the largest number of pupils enrolled. Third. The cost to Baltimore city for books and stationery furnished to 120 day schools and 8 evening schools, containing 40,496 pupils, as given in the 56th annual report of the board of commissioners ol pub- lie schools of that city for year ending December 31, 1884. Fourth. The cost to Baltimore city for books and stationery fur- nished to 4 white and 4 colored evening schools, containing in the aggregate 1,948 pupils. This is found in same report of board of com-- missioners of that city. Fifth. The cost to New York city for supplying 298,293 pupils, as given in the report of a committee of this General Assembly, in re- spouse to a resolution passed December 14, 1885. Educational Journal, January, 1886, page 39. Sixth. The estimate made by myself, based on a division of the pupils into three classes, viz: 5 to 7 years of age, 7 to 12 years of age, and 12 to 21 years of age. I will now calculate the cost in accordance with these statistics and methods of computing such costs. First. The free books supplied to 8,074 (Virginia School Report, p. 100) indigent cliildren in Virginia m 1884, by district boards, cost 17,- 199.83 (Virginia School Rei)ort, p. 34, line 6). This is 83 cents per cap- ita, retail price, and but 55^^ cents per capita wholesale price. 320,000 pupils supplied at oo^ cents per capita, would cost $177,006. It must be lemembered that these books were purchased from local dealers at retail prices. This is an error the legislative committee made in estimating the cost of these books at 83 cents, because they can be purchased from the publisher at a discount of at least 33^ per cent.; which the State can save by becoming the purchaser. I will read you a " price-list ol text books, " dated Department of Public lustructiou, Maj 1, 1882, and sifjned R. K. Farr, Superintendent Public Instruction. Tliis circular states that publishers have five prices for their books, viz.: The introduction price, the exchange i>rice, two wholesale prices, and the retail price. The ordinary wholesale price is the price at which books are sold to dealers jjenerally, but there is another wholesale price allowed to the largest dealers, which is about 16§ per cent, below the ordinary wholesale price, and is com- monly equivalent to about 40 per cent, off the retail price. Second. The county of Rockingham adopted in 1884, the following named books — which particular books of each series was used I am unable to state; I will therefore give the names, number and price of the books of each series. (Virginia School Report, p. 70, lines 2, 7, 9, 14, 20, 22, 25, 28; p. 11, lines 3--9 : Veiiable's Arithmetic, 4 books, cost respectively, 20c., 40c., 31c., 70c.... $\ 61 Maury's Geography, 3 books, cost respectively, 60., ^1.42., .SI .77 3.79 Swiutou's Grammar, 3 books, cost respectively, 28c., 37c., 76c 1 71 Eclectic History, 1 book, cost respectively, ."^Lll 1,11 Holmes' Header, 6 books, cost respectively, 16c., 27c., 40c., 63c., 87c., $1.11 3 36 Holmes' Spellei, 1 book, cost respectively, 14c 14 Webster's Dictionary, 5 books, cost respectively, 53c. , 80c., SI. 83, ^2,77, $1.09 7.02 Spenceriau Copy Book, 1 book, cost respectively, 8c 08 24 books, amounting iu the aggregate to .$18.82 If every book on this list — viz : 24 books — were used at one time by 24 scholars, they would necessitate a cost of but f$18.S2. This is 78 5-12 cents per capita, retail price, at which I quoted them, and but a small fraction over 52 cents per capita, wholesale price. 320,000 pupils supplied at 52 cents per capita would cost $166,400. BALTIMORE SCHOOL REPORT, PAGE 8. Third. The cost to the city of Baltimore for books and stationery furnished to 40,490 pupils in the following named schools, 120 day and 8 evening schools, viz: 1 Baltimore City College 622 scholars. 2 Female High Schools 1,127 19 Male Grammar Schools 5,250 " 20 Female Grammar Schools 5,878 " 29 Female Primary Schools 8,371 " 29 Male rnmary Schools 8,343 '' 5 Public (English-German) Schools 3,967 '" 1 Manual Training School 150 •' 14 Colored Day Schools 4,910 ^ 8 Evening (White and Colored) Schools 1,878 40,496 scholars. These 40,496 scholars cost for books and stationery furnished free to them by the city of Baltimore, 98 cents per capita. Baltimore Report, 1884, p. 34. It must be understood and remembered, in making this estimate, that such studies as Greek, Latin, German, French, music, drawing, &c., are taught at these schools (Baltimore School Report, p. 34), and as the books tor these exercises are much more costly than any ever introduced into the public free schools of Virginia, we can safely de- 4 duct 25 per cent, or 30 per cent, from the 98 cents per capita. 30 per cent, off leaves GO cents and 6 mills. 320,000 pupils supplied at GO G-10 cents per capita, would cost $193,920.00. Fourth. The cost to the city of Baltimore for books and stationery furnished to 1,948 pupils of evening schools in that city, was but $809.- 72, which is nearly 41i cents per capita. Baltimore School Keport, p. 53. " . 320,000 pupils supplied at 41 J cents per capita, would cost $132,800. The report from the Baltimore evening schools shows that these vscholars cost only about $2.00 per capita, including salaries for teach- eis, books and stationery, and repairs and incidentals. Baltimore School Keport, p. 53. Fifth. The cost to New York city for supplying 289,293 pupils with books and stationery was $139,181.86, or an average cost of IG cents per capita. (Educational Journal, January, 1886, p. 40.) 320,000 pu- |)il8 supplied at 46 cents per capita would cost $147,200.00. Sixth. The estimate made by myself, based on an equal division of the pupils into three classes, viz : 1 from 5 to 7 years of age cost 3U cents per capita, 2 from 7 to 12 " '- 85 3 from 12 to 21 "' '' $2.00 This is $3.15 for the three pupils, and is an average of $1.05 per capita retail price, and 70 cents per capita wholesale price. 320,000 pupils supplied at 70 cents per capita would cost $221,000.00. This sum is above all statistical estimates upon this subject. lira properly equipped school room in our State, if carried on in ac- cordance with law, we find spelling, reading, arithmetic, grammar and history charts, mai)S and blackboards. (Code 1873, ch. 78, sec. 53.) These are necessary equipments of the school room, and are furnished by the district boards. It will be seen that very many books in the primary classes can be dispensed with by the proper introduction and, use of these spelling, reading, writing, history and arithmetic charts. I have made six estimates as follows: First, $177,066. Second, $166,400. Third, $193,920. Fourth, $132,800. Fifth, $147,200. Sixth, $224,000. The last is the largest, and there is little doubt but that it is sulticieut. But suppose it is not, is that any good reason why we shall not supply these books I We are pledged to supply these books, and we can safely do it without increasing our taxes. The auditor's report lor 1885, p. 4, shows there is a surplus of $373,446.61. This amount, and what might be saved from the appro- priations which are extravagantly made to the high schools and colleges of Virginia, would be more than suftlcieut to meet all the emergencies of this bill. MONIES APPROPRIATE!) FOR EDUCATIONAL PURPOSES OTHER THAN FREE SCHOOLS. During the sessions of 1883 and 1884, the General Assembly appro- priated hundreds of thousands of dollars for educational purposes other than free schools. As near as I can ascertain by reference to Acts of 1883-'84, there was appropriated for the use of the University of Viryinia the following sums : Acts i888-'84, p. 544, appropriated for year 1884, tor free tuition, on conditions .ii;40.000 00 Acts 1883- '84, p. 534, appropriated for year 1884. again 8,916 00 Acts 1883- '84, p. 544, appropriated for year 1885, for free tuition, on conditions 40,000 00 Acts 1883- '84 p. 537, appropriated for year 1885, again 8,916 00 Section 3, p. 544, appropriated for year 1885, for sewers and repairs 40,000 00 Total.': iffl37,832 00 Tlie number of students in 1884 was 298, Appropriations for Virginia Military Listitnte. Acts lSS3-'84, p. 533, appropriated for year 1884 .'^30,000 "534, '^ ' 1884 1,200 " "537, " " 1885 30,000 ActslS83-'84,p.537, " " 1885 1,200 "542, •• " 1885 pay interest, &c 40,000 • $102,400 During 1884 tliere was 112 cadets at this school. Appropriations for Washimiton and Lee UniversiU/. Acts lSS3-'84, p. 533, appropriated for year 1884 !$14,205 48 " 534, " " 1884, pay interest on ^145,000 lost on steamer" Arctic," 1854 52,400 00 Acts lSH3-'84, p. 537, appropriated for year 1885 14,205 48 " " 538, " " 1885, pay arrears of interest on !§145,000 bonds lost on steamer " Arctic," 1854 52,400 00 .•$133,210 90 Appropriationfi for Viniinia Normal and (Jolleniate lastitutc. Acts 1SS3 \S4, p. 533, appropriated for year 1884 ^20,000 ^•537, " " 1885 20,000 S40,000 A}y)>ro])riatiou^^'=^ -^-^ i iif liiiif 1 i'iii LAWYER YiFARMER. THE FIDGETY RECORD OF H PROFESSOR" FIGGATT. Let the People Consider^ and Decide I THE HON. J. H. H. FIGGATT, LAWYER, Is again the candidate of his party — the Democratic party — ^to represent the County of Botetourt in the next House of Dele- gates of Virginia. JOSEPH B. BUHRMAN, — FARMER, — Is the candidate of the Republican party, and he is known to all the people of Botetourt as an intelligent, industrious tiller of the soil — a gentleman whose honorable vocation and every in- terest identify him with the hope, burden and fortune of the producing classes of our people. Whatever legislation affects the interests of the agriculturist, the manufacturer, the miner and the laboring man. directly appeals to his own interests. Not so with Mr. Figgatt. He is a lawyer, and they hve upon the misfortunes and troubles of the people. They neither toil nor spin. They are non-producers — add nothing to the produc- tive values of society. "By your works ye shall be judged." Accordingly, let us look at the legislative record of the Hon. J. H. H. Figgatt. He was a member of the last House of Del- egates, which was comj)osed of 70 Democrats and 30 Repub- hcans, and which House of Delegates sat 160 days, when the Constitution contemplates a session of only ninety days. He is a member of that party which has undone the Repub- lican settlement of the Pubhc Debt, destroyed the Riddleberger Bill and restored the cut- worm of the Treasury to its destructive work. He is a member of that party, and was a member of that Leg- islature which subjected the over-burdened people of the State to the expense of an extra session of the Legislature, which cost the people full sixty thousand dollars and did nothing — of more significance than the passage of a hurried act which legahzed the issue of forty millions of stock, made by a gigantic raihoad speculation. He is a conspicuous member of that party, and was of that Legislature which has run the expenses of the State Govern- ment up from $802,000 to more than one million and a quarter, equal to an excess of a half million of dollars, which is half the 3 taxes derived from real estate in the Commonwealth. He is a mepaber of that party that pledged the people to furnish fi-ee books for free schools, and yet Mr. Fig-gatt and his party in the Leg-islature voted against that proposition when made in the House of Delegates by a Republican member of that body; (House Journal, page 476) and yet Mr. Figgatt voted to pay his brother member, Democrat and lawyer, the Hon. Mr. Meredith, the sum of one thousand dollars for certain trifling services iu the Courts, which might as well have been discharged by the Attorney-General, and for which that officer is paid. He voted against every proposition made by the Republicans to reduce this excessive waste of the people's money (House Journal, pages 220, 221). Mr. Figgatt voted to refer to the Committee of which he was a member, the Republican proposition to abol- ish the Anderson-McCormick electoral board, where, in this Democratic committee, it was buried (House Journal, page 105). He voted against the proposition to relieve dehnquent lands from the penalty of sale for the non-payment of taxes previous to 1875 — a proposition that related to the relief of the poor peo- ple (House Journal, page 142). He voted against Mr. Waddill's proposition to allow the Board of Supervisors to fill vacancies on the Board of School Commissioners (House Journal, page 148). Mr. Figgatt voted against every proposition to give the Board of Supervisors any control over the appointment of County Sur- veyer and Overseer of tlie Poor, and to confer the power upon the County Judge (House Journal, page 176). Mr. Figgatt not only voted against free books for free schools, but he voted against printing the communication of the State Superintendent of schools, showing that the cost of these books would be only 83 cents per scholar, for the first, whereas the Democratic Committee had reported the cost to be not less than $2.70 per scholar (House Journal, page 197-8.) He voted against requiring the Auditor to furnish a detailed statement of the expenditures of the Legislature of 1883-4, and for what those expenditures were made — thereby seeking to shield his party from damaging, but just exposure (House Journal, page 230.) He voted against Mr. Mayo's proposition to remit all delinquent taxes and levies due the State from our poor fellow-citizens to January 1, 1880 (House Journal, page 233.) Several of his other votes, too, were in the same direction — against affording relief to the people (House Journal, page 267, 293, h^ and by his vote denies a de- tailed statement of tlie ex})enditures made by the reckless and extravag-ant Legislature of 1883-4, at its reg-ular, extended and extra sessions | 229-280. J Mr. Orismond rather vaunts himself as being the friend of the farmer, but the rlournal shows that he failed to record his vote for the "bill to increase the usefulness of the Department of Ag- riculture, Mining and Manufacturing," although he was present at the immediate preceding vote | Acts Session 1885-G p. 399- 400]. Tlie bill was rcijected — was reconsidered, and again re- jected, Mr. (hismond, the farnu^rs' Friend, not present. "AVliich will ye choose '?" Did not pretend to give Mr. Cris- mond's whole record — only "d/e/v .specivieiis of his votes.'' He denies them — they are repeated save one wliicOi in this paper has been witlidraAvn. The 'dodger' of Mr. (Jrismond is more ingeni- ous than inle of Virginia oppvoiH' open and manly political dis- cussion' ; when it is a known fact that the Democrats refuse dis- cussion, before the people, with the llepublican speakers, by the order of their Executive Committee. They prefer to keep the people in ignorance — tliey deny them light — it is not so wonder- mi then that Mr. Crismond has followed suit. ^( LEGISLATIVE RECORD DR. THOMAS H, BARNES, VOTE FOR WHITFIELD. Dr. Barnes served Nansemond as her delegate in the General Assembly of Virginia during the sessions of 1875-6 and 1876-7. The Journals of the House show that, with a majority of two-thirds of party friends, he was able to do NOTHING in advancement of the interests of his constituents. He ^ried to pass a bill "in relation to notice to termi- nate tenancy," [164, Journal, 1875-6], but he y^z7.?a^. At the following session Mr, Bogart, of Southampton, passed a similar bill. He tried also to pass a bill to "encourage making manure on rented land, to prevent the removal thereof," &c. [198], and he. failed. The Doctor having proved A FAILURE in getting his bills passed, contented himself to make no further efforts in that direction. TWO BILLS TWO FAILURES THAT IS ALL. This distinguished representative and statesman, how- ever, voted sometimes on roll-call — and here are a few samples of how he did vote, as he seems to have been equal to nothing else. He knew how TO STAND FOR HIS OWN INTEREST, voting against "reducing the pay of members of the Gen- eral Assembly and its officers to five dollars a day" [141]; against 2iV\y reduction, [477], while he NEGLECTED THE TAX-PAYERS, in voting against instructing the committee on Retrench- ment and Reform to report a bill reducing, by 1 5 per cent, the pay of the members, officers and employees of the General Assembly, of each and every department of the State government, of clerks of courts, commission- ers in chancery, all legal fees of attorneys-at-law, and to reduce the mileage of members of the General Assem- bly to the amount actually expended in traveling to and from the capital by the nearest mail route [156]. WHAT DO YOU THINK OF THIS, COLORED FOLKS? He voted, on H. B. 62, "to appropriate a certain sum annually to the University of Virginia, against 2l proposed amendment of $3,000 annually, for the Hampton Nor- mal School [250], but he voted for an annual appropria- tion [$30,000] to the University of Virginia; [295-333, same Journal,] but NOTHING TO THE COLORED NORMAL SCHOOL TO TEACH THE DARKEY HIS A. B. C.'s, RUT $30,000 A YEAR TO THE university! NOT A DOLLAR TO THE NIGGER, but $10,000 annually for six years [416], $60,000 to the Virginia Military Institute. NARY RED FOR YOU, SAM, but $1,000 for repairs to Margaret Academy, Accomac [429]. PAY BEFORE YOU RIDE. Dr. Barnes voted that every citizen^ poor man and darkey, otherwise entitled to vote, should PAY ONE DOLLAR before he should be allowed to vote [296-7]. How is THIS FOR High! "NONE FOR ME, JOSEPH." Pending consideration of a bill, to provide for the pay and mileage of members of the General Assembly — a motion was made that the amount saved by the reduc- tion in pay and mileage should be credited on the amount due by the tax payers to the state, but the motion was rejected. Dr. Barnes voting No. [317, same Journal]. NO FRIEND TO THE LABORER. At the next session, 1876-7, Dr. Barnes voted against 2. bill to secure the payment of wages or salaries to certain employees of railways, canal, steamboat and other cor- porations [344]. The bill, however, passed. Yeas, 50. Nays, 31. STORE-KEEPERS, BAR-KEEPERS, WHAT DO YOU THINK OF THIS? He voted to impose upon all retail liquor dealers, keepers of ordinaries and bar-keepers, in addition to the specific license tax, an amount equal to 25 cents per gallon on whiskey, apple and peach brandy; on gin and rum, 40 cents; French brandy, 50 cents a gallon; on all wines, 20 cents a gallon ; on champagne wine, 30 cents per bottle; on all other wines, 10 cents per bottle; on all malt liquors, 5 cents per gallon, or 2 cents per bottle, &c., [401]. He voted for $16,250 to Va. Agricultural and Mechan- ical College [436-458] — Not one cent ever to the col- ored MAN. STRIPES AND CHAIN-GANG— NO TRIAL BY JURY! He voted to change the criminal law of Virginia; to extend petit larceny from $20 to $50; to enlarge the ju- risdiction of magistrates to try the same; with power to ascertain the punishment in cases of misdemeanors, where the same is not fixed bylaw; to punish petit larceny with stripes, and for the second offence punish it with stripes and the chain-gang not more than i 2 months, at the discretion of the justice ; all of which is contrary to the 6th amendment of the Constitution of the United States, which provides — "In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right of a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury," &c., [466]. The much-abused Mahone legislature of 188 1-2, abol- ished stripes (Acts of 1881-2, p. 403), and the payment of a capitation tax as a pre-requisite to voting. He voted to create the useless office of railroad com- missioner and for the wasteful expenditure of money in a large salary — ^2000 [467]. He was one of six to vote against compensation to Commissioners of the Revenue and Treasurers, for ser- vices under the act imposing a tax on the privilege of selling ardent spirits. The bill passed. Yeas, 79. Nays, 6. [469]. He voted against bill to restrict the sale of ardent spirits within one mile of the University of Virginia [470]. He voted against reducing the salary of the Attorney General from $4,000 to $3,000 [475]. MARRIED WOMEN HEARKEN. Dr. Barnes voted against bill to secure to married women, on conditions, all property acquired by them, be- fore or after marriage [494]. Such are specimens of the votes of Dr. Barnes when a delegate in the General Assembly. More, if needed, could be supplied to show his Want of sympathy with the POOR MAN, WHITE OR BLACK LABORER OR TAX-PAYER. What better is to be expected of Dr. Barnes — now? He was a Democrat then and ran along with his party. He is a Democrat now, and he will follow his leaders again, if the people shall elect him to the Senate of Vir- (jinia. He comes before you as the chosen representative of the Democratic party. What has that party done, that he should again be clothed with a Legislative trust? LET US SEE. Hard times prevail on account of Democratic mis- management of our Federal and State revenues and finances; the public treasuries are over-flowing and our pockets are empty; Democratic re-assessments have increased our State taxation over ^231,000 a year; the coupons are getting the better of our free schools, and our free school teachers have to submit to rascally shaving of their school-warrants; the prom- ised free books for our children are not forthcoming; the people are still compelled to work the public roads for nothinof, and the roads themselves are the fit results of so mean and unfair a policy; our jails are again filling with the insane of both sexes and colors; our Agricultu- ral and Mechanical College, as well as our other institu- tions of learning, lunatic asylums, &c., are perverted from their true purposes to reward partizan retainers with soft places; the State Debt is again unsettled; free suffrage is throttled by the Anderson-McCormick election-law, which puts our ballots and ballot-boxes at the complete mercy of partizan electoral boards, whenever and wher- ever they can procure election-officers base enough to commit crimes that involve every infamy that can attach to perjury, theft and forgery; and every right, privilege and interest that can be touched by legislation, or public administration, is either attacked by gross invasions, or is menaced by usurpations and usurpers that have no scruples, and no aims beyond power and plunder. Surely the people of this Senatorial District cannot desire the election of a man who represents a party which has brought such dire results upon the State and people. If the legislative record of Dr. Barnes, and of the party whose chosen candidate he now is, do not damn him in the eyes and hearts of the people of this Senator- ial District, then they must desire an enemy of their rights, privileges and interests to legislate for them. If he be returned again by the votes of the people, they will thus endorse a most damaging course against them- selves and invite its continuance. Are we so blind — so idiotic? No! We might further arraign Dr. Barnes, on many of his votes for appropriations, for relief, &c. ; but surely we have presented enough to satisfy any rational being of his infidelity to the popular trust confided to him. He and his party have been tried, and are found wofully wanting. LEAVE HIM AT HOME. Put your trust in D. A. Whitfield, and you will not be betrayed, nor disappointed. You may rely alike on his capacity, his fidelity and his zeal to serve you at all times and in all things. VOTE FOE WHITFIELD, A, I- loudoun ^ountj] Contest LEGISLATIVE RECORD • OF John F. Ryan! VOTE FOR HOLMES! MR. RYAN Has served his party, not his County, in the past two Legislatures, and he again presents himself to this peo- ple for r^-election. What has he done to commend himself to your fur- ther confidence? The answer is — NOTHING, in the whole of four years of service for the County of Loudoun, A VALUABLE REPRESENTATIVE indeed. The County would have been as well off with him AT HOME. He voted however, when present at roll-call, as his party leader dictated. Here follows some of his votes as SPECIMEN BRICKS in his political structure. He aided by his vote to rush through the House on the same day, without allowing one single word of ex- planation, a bill to amend the Act establishing the Elec- toral Boards, and thus to place the elections wholly under the control of partizan boards, and thus enable them to stifle the free voice of the people [p. lo-ii.] •^ He voted, with thirteen other Democrats, against an appropriation to complete and equip the Central Lunatic Asylum [88]. He was one of ten — all Democrats — who voted to pass by the bill to pay the claim of citizens of Virginia, wound- ed an'd maimed during the war [103]; and DODGED the vote on the passage of the bill [145]. He voted to invest the partizan Electoral Board with the power of ordering new registrations of voters [44] or indeed giving that board the entire control of all elections. He voted to remove the visitors at Virginia Military Institute [166] for partizan purposes. He voted to increase the taxes on the people, by vot- ing to substitute three Commissioners of Railroads for ONE [182-200]. He voted agai7ist a bill to provide for the establish- ment of a South-western Lunatic Asylum with fourteen other Democrats [259]. In the bill to prevent the spreading of diseases amongst domestic animals, on motion of Mr. Ryan the bill was amended by striking out the words "Domestic animals which," and inserting "hogs that" [245]. To come to the regular session of 1885-6, Mr. Ryan showed how little regard he had to the true interests of the country. He voted against repealing, or instructing the com- mittee on privileges and elections to report a bill to re- peal the infamous act which puts our registrations, elec- tions and returns in the exclusive hands of partizan tools — to restore free suffrage to the people, in fact. See House Journal 1885-6, page 105. He voted to refer and bury the resolution to that effect. He voted against the bill to release the lands of poor men delinquent for non-payment of taxes previous to 1875 [142]. At the bidding of Boss Echols, he voted to reconsider and recommit the bill; but he voted all the same as stated. He voted against reducing the compensation of W. R. Meredith, for services the law officers of the State ought to have performed from ^1,000 to ^500. He voted against instructions for a bill t9 provide free books for free schools, as pledged by both parties [204,] He voted against releasing all delinquent taxes and levies due the State or counties down to January i, 1880 [p. 231]. HE DODGED the vote on bill, as originally offered, to provide free books for free schools, and the vote for Figgatt's sub- stitute, to provide books at cost! [466]. He voted agatJist printing and distributing the report of the committee of his own party, giving the scandal- ous and iniquitous abuses in the Democratic administra- tion of the Lunatic Asylum at Williamsburg, — refusing to give this important information to the people! [528.] Such are specimen votes given by Mr. Ryan at the regular session of the House, and we will now glance at some of Mr. Ryan's votes during the extra session of the present year. As far as appears from the House Journal, as usual, HE DID NOTHING for the betterment of his constituents. HE DODGED the vote to pay large fees to W. R. Staples and John M. Daniel for services rendered the Democratic party in a litigation involving the validity of the Congressional Ap- portionment Act [185] and on the next vote HE AGAIN DODGED the bill to allow mileage to jurors [185]; although present to vote on taking up the tax bill, the next succeeding vote. He voted to lay on the table the bill to increase the usefulness of the department of agriculture, mining and manufacturing [198], there to sleep the sleep of death. *** He voted to rush through the House, without referenee to a Committee, not allowing one moment for investiga- tion or debate. House joint resolution to take such steps as may be necessary to determine the rights of James G. Field, late Attorney-General, to money drawn from the Treasury and to recover the same if he is not entitled thereto [198-9]. He voted to authorize the Commissioners of the Sink ing Fund to employ counsel in certain cases to assist an incompetent Attorney-General [221-2]. He voted to pass by the special order of the day which was a bill to provide for the inspection of mines and the appointment of an Inspector of Mines [223] and on the passage of the bill, he, and twelve other Democrats, voted No. HE VOTED AGAINST Mr. Franklin's resolution to instruct the report of a bill to supply free books to free schools (page 51); against pledging the House to stand by the Riddleberger Bill (page 1 34) ; against requiring the committee to confer with the bondholders to report their proceedings daily to the Legislature, to prevent secret and unfair dealing with the subject (page 158) ; against discharging the commit- tee of privileges and elections from further consideration of the bill to appoint two supervisors for State and local elections, one from each party, so as to exhume the bill and bring it before the House for action (page 207) ; for giving $38,000 of the people's money to the Kendall Bank Note Company (page 255); against the very proper require- ment that railroad companies chartered by and doing business in the State shall be required, under penalty, to have their principal offices in this State (page 268) ; /or the bill empowering the Governor to remove treasurers of counties and cities, elected by the people, at his dis- cretion (page 293). He voted against instructing the joint committee on the debt question to consider no proposition looking to a settlement of the debt upon any other basis than pro- vided by Riddleberger Bill, Extra Session [92] ; the mo- tion was referred without instructions to Committee on Finance. The act approved March 6, 1886, commonly known as the Doran act had for its alleged object the abolition of convict labor. A motion was made and agreed to, that the Superintendent of the Penitentiary should report how far the said law has proved a success. The Super- intendent ;nade his report that this great Democratic measure was 2l failure; and the House refused to print i,ooo copies of the Report — and Mr. Ryan voting with the majority. Mr. Ryan objects to Hght for the people [no]. He voted against the bill to prevent the Governor and Board of Directors or Superintendent of the Peniten- tiary from hiring convicts to engage in the manufacture of products, where machinery is used [243]. He objected to the people being informed of the daily proceedings of the Debt Commission, but he voted to incur the expense of a stenographer to the Commission [158]. l|l^=*[Where are these proceedings which were sub- sequently printed? Why did not Mr. Ryan distribute copies among his people? Echo answers, Why?] THE LEGISLATOR LOVES THE WAGE-EARNER AND LABORER, but was absent on the vote to secure to operatives and laborers in mines and factories the payment of their wages in money at regular periods [290]. On the vote approving the action of the joint commit- tee to confer with the commission of the council of the Foreign Bondholders in rejecting all propositions of settlement offered by said commission [324] — only 48 Democrats could be found to vote for such approval — and the delegate from Loudoun Dodged the Vote. SUCH IS THE RECORD OF MR. RYAN. Put your trust in Hugh R. Holmes, and you will not be disappointed. You can rely on his capacity, his fidel- ity and his zeal to serve you at all times and in all things. VOTE FOR HOLMES. A/ air of ircadians. ir X i YOKE FELLOWS IN POLITICS AND LEGISLATION. GEN. CARDWELL - WICKHAM IN THE SENATE, AND MR. WICKHAM - CARDWELL IN THE HO*CrSE. "Two souls with but a single thought, Two hearts that beat as one!" Which is "Me. Too?" The joint couree of Gen. Wickham and Mr. Cardwell in the Legislature is a very curious and interesting- phenomenon. Though in separate branches of the General Assembly, and be- longing nominally to difierent political parties, there is an iden- tity of action between them which has the same effect upon the observer as the double clog-dance of two Ethiopian variety per- formers, dressed precisely alike, and going through the same steps and motions in sweet accord with the same music. It is in respect to railroad and other corporations especially that these twin statesmen exhibit a drilled harmony of motion that defies all competitors ; but upon all subjects they act together with a unity of design and movement which actually confuses the spectator as to which is which , and suggests the idea that one must be the shadow of the other. Of Gen. Wickham's de- votion to raih'oad and other corporate interests the explanation is very easy, as he is a railroad President, with a $10,000 salary ; but where and how Mr. Cardwell derives a similar devotion is a matter which can only be left to the conjecture which inevitably arises upon the most casual glance at his record. Without dwelling upon the implication of these patriots in all the ills. State and Federal, that have come upon as through Democratic misgovernment, we shall briefly call attention to a few of their votes in the last Legislature upon matters in which their con- stituents should have a public, if not a private, interest. Begin- ning with Gen. Cardwell-Wickham's record in the Senate at the last regular session, we find the following: He voted against House bill to bar the Commonwealth from collecting taxes due and payable prior to January 1, 1876 (page 338); he voted/o?' the bill directing the annual sale of lands return- ed dehnquent for taxes after the year 1884 (page 427) ; he voted/or paying $38,000 of the people's money to the swindling Kendall Bank Note Co., when Auditor Marye reported (House Journal, page 305, extra session) that the actual sum paid the American Bank Note Co. for engraving and printing the Eiddleberger bonds was only $13,768 (page 494) ; and on every railroad bill he voted steadily and uniformly for corporate interests against the interests of the people and the Commonwealth. But Gen, Cardwell- Wickham was frequently absent, or not voting, and in many cases the Journal gives no recorded vote. Taking up his record, however, in the extra session of 1887, we find him vot- ing as follows : He voted against instructing- the joint committee, to confer vitli tlie bondholders on the State Debt, to make the Riddle- lerg-er Bill the basis of any settlement (pag-e 88),— althong-h he ;vas the author of the notorious joint resolution adopted in 1888-4 3y the Legislature making solemn pledge and proclamation that V^irginia would nerer recede from the Riddleberger readjust- nent! He moved and voted against interfering in any way with 3xisting- contracts for convict labor (page 248) ; he voted, solitary md alone, against requiring the Governor to annul the contract svith the South Atlantic & Ohio E. R. Co. for the liire of con- dcts (page 267) ; he voted for the acceptance, adoption, publi- 3ation and distribution of the new Code, at heavy cost to the people, before it was completed, and without allowing it to be fully examined and discussed by the representatives of the peo- ple (pages 277, &c.); he voted against requiring certain railroad corporations to pay in money the taxes assessed against them (page 279) 'of esses great concern for the Confederate soldier. He dodged the vote on the bill to provide for the care of the colered insane of the State and enlarge for that purpose the Central Lunatic Asylum [p. 275]. He dodged the vote authorizing the Governor to provide for the suppoi-t and maintainance of insane persons in the jails, &c. [p. 288]. / THE FOLLOWING LOOKS EIOFEFXJI.! ISTIBEIZDS [Special Correspondence of the x^lexandria Gazette.] Washington, D. C, October 14, 1887. Mr. Barbour was up from Alexandria to-day on business onnected with the Democratic campaign he is now con- ucting in Virginia. He says that Mr. Goode, who is now ctively engaged in the campaign went to Manchester, op- posite Richmond, to-day, and will speak there to-night. Respecting the prospects in his State, Mr. Barbour says le hears from all sections of the State, and that the gene- al tenor of his intelligence is hopeful. He says his two greatest needs are money and enthusiasm, but that he is eceiving some of the former by voluntary contributions rom the friends of the cause, and that as he intends push- ng the campaign vigorously he hopes to revive the latter, ind that he already begins to see signs that induce him to >elieve that his hope in this respect will reach fruition. MY COUNTRYMEN. DEMOCRATIC SPEAKERS REFUSE TO DIVIDE TIME WITH EEPUBLIGAN SPEAKERS, THEY ARE SO ORDERED TO DO BY THE CHAIRMAN OF THEIR. PARTY, AND THEY CROUCHINGLY OBEY. THEY WANT THE UNDISPUTED OPPOR- TUNITY TO BAMBOOZLE THE UN- SUSPECTING PEOPLE BY ANY AND ALL MANNER OF MIS- STATEMENT. THEY ARE AFRAID TO HAVE^THE LIGHT TURNED UPON THEIR CAN- CEROUS RECORD. IS THAT THE WAY TO ENLIGHTEN THE PEOPLE AS TO THE MANAGEMENT * OF THEIR AFFAIRS? What are fclie self-respecting people to think of a party whose leaders refuse to discuss before them the questions of State and National concern in which they, the people, are interested? The Democratic speakers everywhere refuse to divide time with Republican speakers — why is it? — every, thoughtful man, desiring to vote intelligently as between the candidates of the two parties may enquire. Should not every voter, whether he be Democratic or Republican, desire to know the views of the two parties upon public questions, and what has been the record of the two parties upon them? Why should the speakers on either side refuse to have the views of his party upon pubHc questions discussed face to face by the opposing pai-ty ? Why should the speakers on either side refuse to have the record of their party upon these ques- tions ventilated by the opposing party? Can there be any other explanation for refusal for such joint discussion than that the party so refusing joint discussion, is unable to defend its record — to render satisfactory apologies for broken promises — and that its leadei-s are afraid of the unerring judgment of a free people? Do their leaders refuse joint discussion because they cannot and dare not undertake to defend their record and that of their party, upon their pariy's mismanagement of State affairs, as set out in the Republican party's address ? Is it because they cannot explain what has become of the one and a half millions of money left in the Treasury when the Re- publicans went out of power at the State capitol in the winter of '83-'84, and the ten millions of taxes meanwhile collected? Is it because they cannot tell the people what their party man- agers have done with this eleven and a half miUions of the pub- lic funds, while the State debt has been increased foiu- and a half milUons, and the State Treasury is now empty? Is it because they would avoid any explanation to an over- burdened "people, for the increase of their taxes, which the man- pagers of their party have inflicted by tlie sneaking process of a higher assessment of property? Is it because they would avoid being compelled to explain 3 liow it is their managers have run the expenses of the State government up to one and a quarter millions, when the Kepub- licans had brought their expenses down to eight hundred thous- and dollars. Is it because Judge Staples and other lawyers do not wMnt the people to know how much money they ha.ve drawn from the public treasury for trifling services that Ought to have been performed by the Attorney General ? Is it because they do not Vant to be required to explain how it is that school teachers no longer are paid in warrants that are as good as gold ? Is it because they do not want to be forced to tell the people how it is that our insane can no longer be accommodated in the asylums ? Is it because Major Daniel and his Democratic colleagues would not desire to be brought face to face by Repubhcan speak- ers, before the people, with his and their record in Congress ? Is it because that Major Daniel wordd not like to have the peo- ple informed that during all his term in Congress, he introduced but eight bills and passed but one ? Is it because. Mr. OTerraU does not want the people to know that during his two terms in Congress that he introduced but twenty-seven bills in all and passed not one '? Is it because they would avoid being compelled, face to face with the people, that while pledging themselves to pass the Blair Educational Bill it was smothered in a Democratic com- mittee of Avhich Major Daniel Avas a member, and that no Dem- ocratic member of the Virginia Delegation made efforf to com- pel the consideration of this benificent measure ? Is it because they would keep fi-om the people, their failure to make any practical or honest effort to repeal the Internal Reve- nue System? Is it because they would conceal from the people their record upon the Tariff — voting as they did for every free-trade propo- sition and against the protection of our mines, our lumber, coal and agricultural products now secured to them under the Repub- lican policy of protection? Is it because they would avoid the exposure of their deceptive platform, which, while proclaiming for protection, their Record is for tree-trade ? Is it because they would avoid [being compelled to apologize for their failure to make any effort in Congress where they had the power, to reduce taxes and stop the monetary cong-estion which threatens the country with a financial panic, which has made the hard times 'harder, reduced wages and the prices of production to beggarly figures? Do these leaders not refuse joint discussion to avoid the'light being turned on upon their record of painful short comings ? Do they not avoid joint discussion, that they may deceive an unsuspecting people — as when one of their distinguished speak- ers undertakes to impose upon an over-confidence, in sajring that they — their party in Congress — could not reduce taxes and stop the accumulation in the National Treasury, because their party needed the control of the Senate '? What is to be thought of the leader of a i3ai'ty who would make such a statement to any people? How painful is his respect for their intelli- gence, when it is known of the school boys of the land that the Senate has no power, under the Constitution of the Uni- tjsd States, to inaugurate measures touching revenue, or a re- duction of taxes. That such measures can only be originated in the House of Representatives. Do they not avoid joint discussion that the jnasses may be bamboozled with the idea, as has been stated by one or more of their speakers, that the Democratic party did not pass the Blair Education Bill, because the State was not allowed to control the disbursement of the funds, when the truth is, the funds are vir- tually placed at the disposal of the Legislature ? Doei not refusal to discuss all these matters before the people confess the inability of their leaders to defend their record upon these questions, a desire to keep the people in ignorance of it, and a desire for the opportunity to deceive them by any and all manner of misstatements, which would not be allowed to go unexposed in the presence of a Republican speaker? No man or party whose record is clean and whose cause is just, should be afi-aid to face his adversary before the people. Avoidance must and should excite suspicion. SOPrLEMENT TO THE RICHMOND WhIG. [Subscription Rates: Daily, $5; Semi-Weekly, 52; Weelily, SI per annum.] ADDRESS OP THE READJUSTEE MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATURE TO THE PEOPLE! RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, APRIL, 1882. ADDRESS. We, the Readjuster members of the General Assembly, recently adjourned, offer to the people of Virginia a respectful statement of the manner in which we have executed their will as affirmed by their over- whelming endorsement of our party at the November election. It is germane to the subject to trace the political struggles in our State for a dozen years past, during which the people have on several occasions declared their will, only to have it perverted, as it has just been per- verted, by the want of fidelity of a few of their representatives to the trust they had solemnly accepted. As on previous occasions, the fac- tion representing a minority of our people have been prompt to utilize the treason, while they despise the traitors to your cause. Once more — let us hope for the last time — your will has been partially baffled by a combination of the Bourbonism you have condemned with a few indi- viduals in whom you have placed a confidence which they have forfeited. In the year 1869, in contempt of the Bourbonism which manifested its impracticable temper and incapacity for affairs by nominating a Bour- bon ticket upon a Bourbon platform, you wisely and patriotically adopted a liberal policy for the reconstruction of the State and her restoration to her co-ordinate place in the Union. You declared your approval of the constitutional amendments, your adherence to the Federal Government as loyal citizens, and your earnest desire to support the Administra- tion through whose favor you had been enabled to strike certain ob- noxious and prescriptive features from the proposed new Constitution of the State. Upon this wise policy you succeeded in electing a Legis- lature pledged in the most solemn and emphatic manner to Liberalism — defeating both extremes that sought to betray you — the extreme Kadi- icalism no less than the extreme Bourbonism of that period. i The Legislature so elected and so pledged was only true to you p,nd its pledges so far and so long as was necessary for the re-admission of the State into the Union. That result accomplished, it began a course disturbing to the harmonious relations with the Federal Govern- ment and with the enlightened thought of the country which you had decreed at the polls. The sequel revealed that Bourbonism, under false pretences of submission to the Federal and popular will, had filled your General Assembly with representatives who readily forgot the Liberal- ism they had professed, and seized every opportunity, as far as thej dared, to re-establish the old reign of the Bourbon leaders from whon you had revolted. Prejudice and proscription reared again their hatei heads, and all the passions of sectionalism, of race, and of war, wer again invoked and inflamed. Nor was that all : for this Legislatur( elected by you to carry into effect your earnest desire and sagacioui policy to make friends indeed of victorious enemies and to bring bad peace and prosperity to our homes, not only proved false to that grea trust, but undertook to basely sell you and the State to a ring of bro kers upon a pretended settlement of our public obligations about whicl they were forbidden by the Constitution to take any step until an ad justment had been made, or sought in vain, with West Virginia. How, or for what purposes, this alarming perversion of the will o the people was accomplished, does not demand di^^cussion here. Sufiicien that an enormous and unjust debt was thrust upon you, and upon term as hard as they were derogatory and dishonoring ; and ultimately yoi, found yourselves divorced from that independent position in nationa politics which you had sought, and made captives to the Bourbonisn in the politics of the Nation which you had spurned in the politics o Virginia. You promptly met the attempt to oppress you and to confis cate the revenues of the State, by electiiiga Legislature which, in 1872 almost unanimously passed an act repealing some of the most oppressive features of the Funding bill of 1871, and intended to practically sta} and countervail that disastrous measure. But the Leg slature whicl passed the Funding bill had also elected a Bourbon Court of Appeals and, unfortunately, that tribunal was intrenched in position for a tern of twelve years, and thus beyond the immediate reach of your correct ive hands ; and this Court, so organized (with honorable exceptions) contemned your will and the repealing act of your representatives— coolly putting you under foot and humiliating and degrading the Stat(^ upon the pretext of deciding a side issue against a tax-collector ! Baffled thus by the course pursued toward you, your right? and interests, by your own supreme tribunal, and unable to Ijavt a hearing on the merits of your cause, you bore the yoke so unfairly, put upon you with such patience as you could command, until tht alarming increase and accumulation of annual deficits, together witl: the simultaneous robbery and ruin of our free-school system, the crip- pling of all our charitable institutions, and the paralysis of every en- terprise, aroused you to the necessity of decisive action to avert over- whelming and fast-coming insolvency, repudiation and shame. It wa^ then that in 1877 the Conservative party— a generic name for the organization formed in 1869, and designed to embrace all citizens, ol all conditions and races, willing to enlist against Bourbonism, Riidical-i ism, proscription and intolerance, and to restore the Commonwealth by healthful policy — met in convention at Richmond. i After framing a platform declaring for an equitable settlementj with your creditors upon the basis of your revenues, this convention nominated a candidate for Governor publicly pledged to leave that set- tlement to you and your legislators as a matter with which he had lotliinnj to do ; certainly not in opposition to you and your legislative epresentatives. You elected this candidate, and at the same time you ilected a General Assembly of which a large majority were instructed md pledged to a readjustnicnt of the debt upon the basis of the plat- orm you had adopted and which everybody well understood — everybody, rom the Governor you elected to the school-boy who could read. That :^egislature earnestly entered upon the work before them and began the inactmt-nt of a series of measures for the relief and deliverance of the 5tate and people ; but upon the very threshold of their labors they '\'ere confronted by veto after veto from him who had pledged himself ■0 abide your will, who had accepted your nomination upon your plat- orm. ami who took his office by grace of your suftVage — suffrages vhicli had at the ?ame time elected the legislators whom he now defied. Moreover, he commemorated his faithlessness by every circumstance if insult, even declai ing that you and your representatives were dis- oiiuring the Commonwealth, and that free education for your children ras "a luxury'' which they should not enjoy by his consent until you ultmitted to all irie exactions of the brokers and their lobby ! And :hese vetoes, thus sauced with insolence, were applauded and sustained iy the Bourbons. Worse than all, however, treason developed among ■ our representatives, and, at the last, traitors combined with Bourbons 3 inflict upon you another outrage under the guise of another funding ;ill known as Hugh McCulloch's Brokers' bill. 1 Undismayed, the rather inflamed and incited to greater and sterner ■fforts by the folly of some and the treachery of others, you rallied igain to the polls with resistless foice and enthusiasm in 1879, and re- flinned the resolve of 1877. Again treason reared its abhorrent front, ut your majority was still so strong and steadfast that you elected Re- -fljusters to many of the important offices of State ; filled the benches 'f most of your county courts with men in sympathy with you ; sent a leadjuster — the leader of your party and the people's cause — to the i'lnited !States Senate, .ind passed the Riudleberger Readjustment bill, '•liicli was only defeated by another veto from the occupant of your (Executive chair. ' Foiled still in this initial and vital measure of deliverance, you for > third time joined battle with the enemy in 1881, with a constancy "id determination only equalled by tliat of your forefathers who fought • ritish power, native Tories and purchased traitors for eight long years •efore final success crowned their sacrifices and their efforts Again ^ou triumphed ; for a people resolved for right and arrayed against ^rong are always invincible. You succeeded for the third time, and ')w, at last, you believed that your victory was decisive and conclu- 've, for you not only elected a working majority in each branch of the eneralvVssembly, but also the Governor, the Lieutenant-Governor and e Attorney-General. You had grasped the Executive and Legislative hpaitments of your Government, and it was in your power, through f^^itliful service from your representatives, to place yourselves in full )ssessiou of the Judiciary department. But treason — the baleful ^ncomitant of every good cause and every righteous reform — was 6 again busy among your legislators, fomented not alone by Bourbons, but by one whom you had honored with one of the most responsible offices of the Government ; one theretofore obscure, to whom you had given all the distinction he enjoyed, who now inflated with self-conceit and moved by unrestrained ambition, sore from disappointed aspiration, and rating his personal claims and ends above those of the cause anc" party, refused to yield to the judgment of the Readjuster legislative caucus, demanded re-nomination and re-election without the condi- tions imposed upon all other candidates, and, finally, revoltec from every party obligation, defied your constituted representatives and sought to breed dissension and discord in a high emergency wher( harmony of purpose and unity of action were indispensable to the com plete fruition of your hard-won victory. In this he was successfu only to an ignominious extent, carrying away from us and over to th( Bourbon-Funders (at least, for all practical intents) four men in th( Senate whom you had elected as Readjusters. These Senators, whc betrayed you in your direst need and who co-operated with your ene mies to defeat important measures for the promotion and permanen'c* of your cause and policy, are left to you for judgment. You, thei constituents, know by what professions, protestations and promises o fealty to your cause and party they obtained your confidence and you! votes, and it is for you to adjudge the enormity of their breach of faitl^ and to inflict the penalty ! By this defection, thus fomented, mustered and directed, youi rightful majority in the Senate was lost, and by the delays and ob structions which it aided its Bourbon allies to offer, much o the regular session was wasted. An extra session of the Leg islature was thus made necessary to the framing and passag( of the xVppropriation bill, the Assessment bill, the Congressional Re apportionment bill — all these measures forming a part of the constitu tional duty of the Legislature, and of paramount concern to all the people. Thus desertion helped to its feet the enemy you had beaten thus legislation was hindered, and thus was encompassed the defeat oJ important measures which a large majority of the Legislature believe would have redounded largely to the material interests and politica welfire of the State. Our party, however, is to be congratulated upon the fidelity ano success with which its platform of principles and its pledges to the people have been redeemed. It has, by the passage of the Riddleberger bill and auxiliary measures, settled the public debt upon principles of right, equity and law no longer disputed, and thereby made the rate of taxa tion the same as before the war, without detriment to any interest or any branch of Government. It has removed the odious poll-tax re- striction upon suffrage and appealed to the people to sustain ihat re- peal at the polls in November next. After rescuing the public- school system — always in peril while Bourbonism was in power — the Readjusters have added fifteen per cent, to its allow- ance, besides restoring to the schools four hundred thousand dollan (to be used in instalments of one hundred thousand dollars an- lually) of the constitutional appropriation which our political enemies 'lad diverted, besides the twenty-tive thousand dollars of quarterly pay- jfment until the whole is liquidated ; and we have done much more in be- ''iialf of the schools than was either promised or deemed practicable. We have re-organized the charitable institutiont^ of the State ; have I paid all (over one hundred thousand dollars) of their floating indebted- 'qcss upon which banks had been drawing interest two per cent, in ex- ''cess of that paid by themselves as depositaries of State funds. More- •over, and for the first time since reconstruction, we have given these ['charitable institutions all that was asked for or necessary to support •'the lunatic, the deaf, dumb and blind, to accommodate the unfortunates ^heretofore in jails, because of the inadequate provisions for the asy- lums ; we have given the colored people a normal school for the edu- 'cation of their own teachers, and our Appropriation bill, covering every 'detail of necessary expenditure, is quite one hundred thousand dollars *less than the average annual expenses of Government under Bourbon- Funder rule, inclusive of the discharge of the fl Dating obligations be- fore noted. ' In re-organizing these institutions we delivered them in some cases from a selfish and remorseless partizan control which consigned 'lunatics to the cells of felons when they should rightfully share the State's appropriation for her unfortunate children. Thus were our •specific promises to you in the canvass faithfully executed. It is not often the good fortune of a political organization to confront the great tribunal cf the people with arecord so fairly earned. Incidental duties of the Legislature were the election of a United States Senator to fill the vacancy occurring March 4th, 1883 ; and of a Court of Appeals, whose term will begin on the 1st of January, 1883. These duties were performed with credit to the State and to the satisfaction of our party. As the Legislature considered other important measures. Treason and Desertion, hitherto menacing only, became bold enough for asser- tion. Treason never wants for ingenious phrases to mitigate the con- demnation it invites. So, in this case, the Treason that defeated these ■ measures, seeks forgiveness of the people by the plea that the bills to re-organize the Judicial and Congressional districts and to provide for a Commissioner of Land Sales, were "revolutionary." When Funderism would save money for appearance sake, it struck at the very root of an independent judiciary by reducing salaries. Their Court Committee reported, and put on record in the Senate Jour- nal, that they had the constitutional right to change circuits. On this last proposition there seems to be no difference of opinion. The Read- justers simply proposed to make twelve instead of eighteen judicial circuits ; to make one circuit, for instance, of two, that had been formed in 1875, of counties that had always before constituted one circiiit, and in which there is not business to engage a competent and industrious judge two months in the year. This change would have reduced the actual expenses of Circuit Courts quite $23,000 per an- num, besides the relief it would have given to witnesses and jurors compelled to attend on indolent courts and judges. 8 The Land Sales bill was designed to effect a saving in the fees and costs attending settlement of estates. The dead leave widows and orphans as the wards of the State. The State assumes by her laws to take care of such interests. Under the present dilatory and expensive, if not fraudulent system, we see widows and children subsisting on pit- tances meted out by commissioners, when the only duty of such com- missioners is to sell, settle and pay over, leaving the widow or child in the same situation as if the living father had divided his proj^erty. Not one estate in twenty is settled in twenty years. Bills in chancery are filed, interlocutory decrees are entered ad infinilum ; at every death, marriage, or change of residence, suggestions are made, petitions filed, the suit is perpetuated, costs continued, commissioners in chancery make out another account at seventy-five cents an hour and a dollar a page, attorneys get another fee ; and thus the dead man's estate is made to feed the idlers of the courthouse, while his children are made the wards of the court's officers. Those who question the wisdom and patriotism of this measure are requested to compare the number of final decrees in their respective counties and to note in their several clerks' ofiices how many estates have been settled within a period of ten or twenty years. Again, how many court commissioners give bond be- fore collections and how many purchasers either surrender property or pay a second time. The Commissioners bill provided that one man, bonded like unto a county treasurer, should attend to all such business, and gave assurance to every industrious working man that what his labor had produced and his economy stored away would be distributed by his State under her laws, or his will, to those who should be the recipients of his accumulations, large or small, and to every person in- terested in the proceeds of sales that a second suit should not be neces- sary to realize from the trusted agent of the court. Other States, more careful of the rights and interests of the help- less, have their "Orphans' Courts" specially provided with jurisdic- tion confined to the proper administration of estates. The Commis- sioners' bill was designed to effect some reforms in this behalf without incurring additional cost to the estate. We leave this question for the consideration of men who realize the uncertainties of life, and Avho know that a court with its unrestrained clique will make their wills and dispense their estates. The re-districting of the State for Congressmen was an imperative duty of the Legislature. It had been a subject of long discussion and close calculation in Con- gress, whether or not there should be an apportionment that would give us one more representative under the new census. Shortly before the close of our regular session such an apportionment was made. It Avas suggested that we could elect a Congressman "at large;" that this Congress had said so. Experience was our guide. Virginia had twice elected Congressmen "at large" since reconstruction to meet a con- tingency like the present, and both times they were denied seats. That this Congress had said so, was, and is, met by the Constitution which makes each house of each Congress the sole judge of the qualification 9 of its members. A Republican Congressman *'at large" and a Con- servative Congressman "at large," each with unchallenged credentials from his State, were refused admission. The House of Representa- tives was then the sole judge of the qualifications of its members, as it must be under the Constitution as it is. Moreover, the Constitution of our State provides in section 12 of Article 5, that "The whole num- ber of Representatives to which the State may at anytime be entitled in the House of Representatives of the United States, shall be appor- tioned as nearly as may be amongst the several counties, cities and towns of the State according to their population." And in section 13 of same article, "The State shall be divided into districts correspond- ing in number with the Representatives to which it may be entitled," &c. Of such importance was this apportionment to States gaining Representatives that Governors convened Legislatures for the single purpose of putting it into effect as to their respeciive States. Virginia's Legishiture was already in session, and remained in session long enough for the discharge of this public duty ; subt^equently it was convened in extra session, and yet to-day the duty remains unperformed by the Legislature, because of the conspiracy of faithless Readjusters with yopr enemies. We had seen our State, once the first by the number of her seats in Congress, retrograde to the fifteenth in this respect, and beheld one of her own daughters casting six more electoral votes than the mother. We knew that capital, enterprise and industry measure the growth or decay of a State bv observation of its political status and importance. From every consid- eration and standpoint, whether of solemn, sworn obligation or interest, material or political, it was a plain duty to re-district the State to conform to the new apportionment. A committee gave to this subject two weeks of laborious investigation, and of a score or more of plans one was ascer- tained to be acceptable to all the Readjusters but three. When this meas- ure was put on its passage no word of objection was made to it ; no compe- ting proposition was offered ; no suggestion of change or amendment ; the roll was called and four Readjusters voted with the Bourbons, including him who had examined the plan and had expressed his approbation of it. The mystery of this p;rformance will be effectually cleared up on a proper occasion. Its discussion does not befit the serious and dignified purpose of this formal address of representatives to their constituents. There was no gerrymander, to secure a legitimate political advantage, which should respond to the popular majority. None was needed to make good to you and our party the certain power to elect in eight of the ten districts. Fairly formed that lot fell to you and our party. The districts were composed of contiguous counties, compactly grouped, and without regard to any personal considerations. It was in our power to do this; it was our right under law and precedent ; and it was our duty to you and to our party to co it. We did our best to accomplish it. We adopted the bill in the House (as we had also adopted there the two other bills that we have discussed), but we found it impossible with any modification to pass the bill in the Senate to which you had elected a clear majority of six Readjusters. We, you, the party and this most vital measure were defeated by an ignominious defection ! In every vote concerning it and the bills relating to ti e Commissioner of Sales and the Judicial Circuits, four Sena- tors elected by you as Readjusters to oppose and defeat Bourbons and 10 Funders, voted invariably with the Bourbons a?id JFunders to defeat Readjust- ers ; and as a sample of their record on these measures we here present the ayes and noes on the Congressional Reapportionment bill in the Senate : Ayes — Mossrs. Bailey, Barnes, Bliss, Elliott, Eskridge, Jones, Martin, Mayo. Norton, Powell, Rawles, Rue, Stevens, Walker, Webb, and Wood — 16. Noes. — Messrs. Atkinson, Christian, Dig^s, Edmunds. Fletciier, Glasgow, \B.ale.^ Heaton, Hnrt, Koiner, Lovell, Lovenstein, ]Lyhrook^ ■\Newberry^ Thur- man, Twyman, ■\ Williams, Wingfield of Hanover, and Wingtield of Albemarle — 19. [Readjusters not voting were paired.] While these measures were not embodied in our platform, they were of consequence, as much a part of our public and party policy as the reduced tax bill we have given the people, and every candidate for your suffrages commit- ted himself to the support of such fortifying enactments as your legislative party caucus should determine to be wise. Yet these four Senators defying you, contemning you, and giving aid and comfort to the enemy, assumed, or affected, to be wiser, better and more patriotic than the great majority of your representatives, and co-operated with the Bourbons and Funders. All that remains is for us to warn you against this treachery, not doubting that you will rise indignant at the foul attempt to impair your party integ- rity, and resolutely reassert and maintain your sovereignty in the Common- wealth. Your course in this emergency is plain. If there is to be no re-district- ing of the State, as now appears probable, there will be only the nine dis- tricts as they now are, for ten Congressmen, and one of them will have to be elected for the State at large. You can easily elect the Congressman at large, and you should do so, trusting to the favorable action of the House of Representatives. It will be the duty of your State Committees to arrange for the designation of this candidate and for conventions for the nomina- tion of candidates in the several districts at an early day. With prompt, wise and united action on our part we can again baffle Bourbonism in its efforts to regain baleful sway in Virginia. We have beaten the enemy when every appliance of Government assistance. State and Federal, was at their disposal. Now almost every office in Virginia is filled by a Readjuster, which should forbid that schools, courts, judges of election and registrars should be used as heretofore for a faction against the people in elections. It is a subject for sincere congratulation that we also have the active sym- pathy of the Federal Administration. In 1879 ^^ beat the Bourbons disas- trously even when they were aided by the support of the then existing Administration ; when high Federal officials contributed their part to the vain plea for continued Bourbon rule in Virginia. Then, too, misrepresented and maligned, we had not that enlightened sympathy which now, throughout the land, applauds us as our purposes are revealed, and endorses the Administra- tion for sustaining the only sincere and successful movement yet made to liberalize and nationalize a people who have so long been the unconscious victims and instruments ot sectional politics. Let there be no uncertain sound in the conduct of the campaign upon which we are about to enter. It should be proclaimed in every formal declaration of the policy of our party that the Readjusters of Virginia cordially reciprocate the friendship of President Arthur's Administration for themselves, and heartily endorse an Administration which gives no comfort or recognition to sectionalism, and whose every performance is a pledge of peace to the country. The Conserva- tive party of Virginia once formally applauded the Administration of General Grant for a single generous act, and the chairman of its State Committee 11 telegraphed the thanks and congratulations of his party. Repeatedly that organization disavowed association with National parties, and avowed readi- ness to co-operate with men of any political organization who were willing and able to promote the welfare of the State. In 1879 it supplicated for and received the help of him whom for two years it l;iad assailed as a "fraud- ulent President." President Arthur has not only given his hearty help to our party, the pioneers in the work of real reunion, but he has given ample evidence of his desire that the Southern States shall enjoy something of that material aid which has been so bountifully extended to other portions of the coun- try. We are proud to uphold, and our candidates for Congress should be known to stand openly and cordially for the support of an Ad- ministration which is the first in fifty years to shape its policy without re- gard to sectional divisions, and whose President, in his first message to Con- gress, makes no reference to the South save one of tender sympathy for its losses and sorrows in the late war. We respectfully urge upon you the importance of avoiding ambiguous declarations or non-committal candidates. Make your platforms specific and place candidates upon them who will pledge themselves to the platform and then be true to their pledges. Let us have no more mischances or complications based upon the pretext of misunderstanding your will. Let us continue to benefit by the courage and candor with which we deal with grave public questions which become all the more striking by contrast with the indirection and trifling of those whom we beat last November and whom we are to overthrow the coming autumn. Bourbonism made noth- ing last year when it placed upon its ticket a Funder for Governor, a Repudiator for Lieutenant-Governor, and a Readjuster for Attorney-Gene- ral. That shallow trick was no more successful in catching votes than the declaration of its platforni against the taxation necessary to pay what it also declared to be an honest debt ; or than the advocacy of poll-tax quali- fication in white districts and favoring its repeal where the colored voters predominate; or than advocating public education before the people, and then diverting the school-fund by legislation. Remember that the victo- rious career of our party can never be checked until it hesitates in the per- formance of its duties. Ours is essentially a party of progress, and its su-" premacy will be endangered only when it shall halt in its high resolve and noble endeavor^ and imitate the "futile dalliance" of Bourbonism with the practical issues of the living present. We recommend that our party take an immediate stand for a Protec- tive Tariff. It is the paramount issue of our time. Virginia's interest in protection to domestic industries cannot be over-estimated. It is her hope for the future, and by promoting it she places herself in line with the most powerful and progressive Commonwealths. If indifferent or unfriendly she may remain in the rut where Bourbon- ism kept her for decades before and years since the war. Statistics show that more money has been invested in "^'"irginia since '79 than for the nine years next preceding. Bourbonism said none would come and much would depart under the rule of Readjusters. Now we hear from one of their or- gans outside the State, that "capital has forgotten its timidity, and is ad- vancing boldly into the Old Dominion. Especially is this the case in what is known as the Southwest, where the signs of prosperity manifest them- selves on every hand, and each step of progress only reveals yet more dis- tinctly its almost illimitable resources. Its mountains are filled with iron ores of great excellence, and coal of the best quality exists also. Its valleys 12 furnish lead, zinc, salt, and plaster almost beyond computation." True — and equally true of other sections of our State. What would all this be worth unprotected ? Before our country was shaken with the issues of slavery and secession Virginia was a closely contested State on the question of protection. One party was for a revenue tariff; another for a protective tariff. Much of the distinction of that day has been obliterated. With an immense public debt a tariff for revenue, though not quite, is almost equal to a tariff for protec- tion. In fact, so little attention was paid to this question by three succes- sive Bourbon Congresses that they each time electecl a tariff Democrat from the tariff State of Pennsylvania to the Speakership. But again the question has broadened. Not only the capital invested in manufactures, but the ar- tizans and laborers are watching lest they ma^ become the victims of Eng- land's "pauper system," which degrades all labor belovv' the plane of re- spectability, and agriculturists have learned the severe lesson that when capital avoids or abandons a State property depreciates, and that only the local money-lender is advantaged l)y the increased demand for loans on a larger per cent. We earnestly invoke the serious attention of the people of Virginia to this great question. Virginia is seeking a front, not a rear, line, and recov- ering, she craves a diet of living issues. A few years ago we took the ag- gressive in State affairs. Our record has been made. All Readjusters may be proud of it. The next fight is on a larger field, and the watchword is "Onzvardr We exhort you, Readjusters, to begin earnest preparations for the con- tests before you, in which the trophies of victory will be brilliant and val- uable. You cannot give to the world a better pledge of the permanency of your possession of Virginia than by electing, as easily you can elect, to the next Congress, at least seven, and nine if you will, of the State's delegation pledged to the great work of Americanizing our whole country. Three times victorious, step by step driving back the strongly intrenched foe, you have only to exhibit the zeal, constancy and devotion to your cause which have heretofore characterized you, and you will surely drive the Bourbons and Funders to a disastrous I'out from which they can never recover. To hesitate now is to have sacrificed and suffered in vain ; is to have dared and triumphed to no purpose ; is to lose all that you have won and all that you hope for ; and is to invite the return of Bourbon-Funderism to power, not only to re- establish the evils you have overthrown, but with vengeance in its soul to be wreaked upon you in all your rights, privileges and interests. We have no fears ti\at you who have so often beaten your adversaries will now fly or shrink before them; and it is in the fullest reliance upon your readiness for the conflict that we thus call you to arms to achieve another victory. Vir- ginia never falters in a good cause, and you will not grow weary in her defence, nor in the effort to repulse, crush and annihilate a faction which, if for nothing else (and its other enormities are legion), has earned your relentless detestation and your vmdying and unconquerable enmity by its unscrupulous and atrocious conduct toward you and your holy cause. 0,1 motion of Mr. Honaker, of Bland, the f:>llowing resolution was agreed to : Resolved, That the Readjuster partv, to-night assembled in conference, composed of Readjuster Senators and Members of the House of Delegates, reaffirm our devotion to the principles of the Readjuster party, and endorse 13 the report of the committee just read by General Mahone, Chairman of the R^adjuster Executive Committee, and all of the Readjuster Senators and Delegates subscribe their names to the address just read : JOHN F. LEWIS, Lieutenant-Governor. SENATORS. D. F. BAILEY, First District ; ROBERT BARNES, Third District ; C. H. BLISS, Thirtieth District ; WYATT M. ELLIOTT, Eighteenth District ; J. E. ESKRIDGE, Fourth District ; J. R. JONES, Twenty-fifth District ; G, A. MARTIN, liiirty-first District ; WM. MAYO, Thirty-sixth District ; D. M. ^OKTOX, thirty-eighth District; J. L. rOVYELL, Thirteenth District; R. H. RA.WLES. Thirty-second District; H. H. RIODLEBERGER, Tenth District ; M. P. KITE, Tnirty-third District; W. N. STEVENS, Twenty-seventh District ; JO?. WALKER, Sixteenth District; J. B. Wh:BB, E ghth District; R. B. WILLCOX, Tiiirty-ninth District ; H. C. WOOD, Second District; WADDY T. JAMES, Twenty-sixth District. MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES. I. C. FOWLER, Speaker; HANSFORD ANDERSON, King William; R. A. BA.LDWIN, Buckingham; E. D. BLAND. Prince George and Surry; JOHN P. CHA.se. Buchanan, Wise and Dickenson; N. H. CHAMP LIN, Prince Edward; JOHN LEWIS COLEM.-^N, Lunenburg; THOS. H. CROSS, Nansemond ; JNO. J. DEYER. Sjuthampton; AMOS DICKERSON, Floyd; I. W. DUCK, I,le of Wight; SHED. DUNGEE, Cumberland; J S. EGGBORN, Culpeper ; R. R. FARR, Fairfax; TAS. A. FRAZIER. Rockbridge; THOS. V. FRY, Madison; WM. F. GiDDiNGS, Chesterfield; GEORGE J. GRANDSTAFF, Shenandoah ; DUFF GKEEN, Stafford; ARMIbTEAD GKEEN, Petersburg; S. J. GRIGGS, Henry; A. K. GRIM, Paiie; W. E. HALEN, Fkivanna; ROSS HAMILTON, Mecklenburg; H. B. HARN8BERGER, Rockingham; A. W. HARRIS, Dinwiddie; SAM'J. G. HARRISON, Sussex and Greensville; 14 PHILANDER HERRING, Rockingham] M. V\. HAZLEWOOD, Henrico; JAS. D. HOXAKER, Bland and Smyth ; JOHN B. LADY, Rockbridge; NEVERSON LEWIS, Powhatan; DAVID F. MAY, Petersburg; ROBT. M. MA^O, Westmoreland; ROBERT NORTON, York, James City, Elizabeth City and Warwick ; LITTLETON OWENS, Princess Anne; R. a. L. PAIGE, Norfolk comity ; EDMUND PARR, Patriek ; E. S. PHILIPS, Richmond and Lancaster; GUY POWELL. Brunswick; JOHN RICHARDSON, Louisa; E. M. SANDY, Essex; AKUHER SCOTT, Nottoway and Amelia; C. SLEMP, Lee; DABNEY SMITH, Charlotte; /. L. STRATTON, Jr., Goochland; J. A. TA.YLOR, Scott; JAS. C. TAYLOB, Montgomery; "WM. H. TURNER, Norfolk; W. N. TINSLEY, Charles City and New Kent; JA.MES A. W ATKINS, Appomattox; LEWIS WASHINGTON WEBB, Norfolk; JAMES R. WITTEN, Tazewell. We, the undersigned State and legislative officers, subscribe to the fore- going address : F. S. BLAIR, Attorney. General ; WM. C. ELAM, Secretary of the Commonwealth; JAS. S. BROWNING, Private Secretary of the Governor; ASA ROGERS, -Jr., Railroad Commissioner; RICHA.RD F. WALKER, Supt. Public Printing; f. M. BLANTON, Commissioner of Agriculture; H. H. DTSON, Second Auditor; D. R. REVELEY, Treasurer; J. M. BROCKENBROUGH, Register of Land Office; S.BROWN A.LLEN, Auditor Public Accounts; SAM'L C. WILLIAMS, Supt. Penitentiary; WINFIELD SCOTT, Penitentiary Storekeeper ; C. H. CAUSEY, Clerk of Senate; JOHN J. CAMPBELL, Assistant Clerk Senate; G. W. WILLIAMS, Second Assistant Clerk Senate; JAS. H. ROBINSON, -rommittee Clerk ; GEORGE W. KENNEDY, Committee Clerk; JOHN M. DAVIS, Committee Clerk ; J. G. CANNON, Committee Clerk ; N. F. McCANN, Committee Clerk; W. A. FRENCH. Sergeant-at-Arms of Senate ; PETER J. CARTER,^Doorkeeper Senate; P. H. Mc.CAUL, Clerk House of Delegates; A. M. BROWNELL, Ass't Clerk House of Delegates. W. F. PUMPHREY, Sergt.-at-Arms House ot Delegates. ■"^jt-?-"^ ADDRESS OF THE Ahiii Petersburg, Va., September 2^th, i88j. TO THE VOTERS OF VIRGINIA. On the 6th of November next (now near at hand), you are to determine, by your ballots, which of the con- tending parties in this State shall administer your public affairs. One is a party of your own immediate creation — formed from your own ranks — consisting of the very body of the people, who had been exhausted, fatigued and outraged by the rule of a self-assumed leadership and controlling oligarchy, that had illustrated no higher ambition than to perpetuate their dynasty of extrava- gance, plunder and oppression even upon the ruins of the Commonwealth and the wreck of popular liberty. The intolerance ; the manifest lack of capacity for af- fairs ; the insolent dictation as to men and measures ; the supercilious indifference to the interests of the peo- ple ; the contempt for the popular will ; the cruel care- lessness with which burden was superadded to burden upon the masses ; the studied purpose to circumscribe the rights of manhood, — all of which so signally characterized the Bourbon-Funder faction; — these awoke you to indig- nation and aroused you to resistance. The efforts of this faction to shackle suffrage ; to suppress general pub- lic education ; to saddle you with a fraudulent and intol- erable debt, and to drain your very substance by taxa- tion, — while at the same time it maintained a sectional attitude toward the National Government which at once forbade the gfrowth of the Commonwealth and the welfare of the citizen, by repelling the inflow of capital and im- migrants, — all these inflictions and impositions inflamed your just displeasure to the ultimate point where you revolted and resumed the mastery and direction of your own governmental affairs. For over three years you have held the political fortifications which you stormed in 1879, and on every hand you behold the blessed fruits of your patriotism and valor. Yet to-day you are confronted by the reorganized en- emies of the public weal whom y u so righteously over- threw and hurled from place and po.vei Their inspira- tion and purpose is, if possible,- to regain their lost do- minion, and subject you, your fortunes and your liberties anew to their greed and tyranny. Assuming an alias, and voluble of false pretences, their gross insincerity is only approached in degree by the insult they thus offer to your intelligence. You, the sovereigns of the State, are to decide be- tween this audacious faction and the party which is bone of your bone and flesh of your flesh — a party which has administered your affairs with scrupulous fidelity to your wishes, and which has inaugurated great reforms in pub- lic policy that already aggrandize the Commonwealth and give renewed life, liberty, prosperity and happiness to all her population. Amicable relations have been re- stored between Virginia and the Federal Government, and once more we rejoin the common brotherhood of American Citizens, with no sectional animosities to be cherished and perpetuated, but with a love of country that knows no South, no North, no East, no West — only the Union, one and inseparable ! This party of State reform and National restoration is the Readjuster party. You behold its works — works to be defended ! You behold its unfinished desis^ns — yet to be completed ! It is for you to say who shall defend and complete this great political and material redemp- tion so auspiciously and successfully initiated by the party sprung from your own loins ! We, who speak to you in behalf of this great party and its policy, declare to you most solemnly that only in its faithful guardian- ship are you safe, and only by its strong and willing hands can you be placed beyond the reach of the evils from which you have been so recently delivered. To go back to Bourbon-Funder rule is not only the revocation of all that is now so happily established, but is slavery and ruin ! Will you — can you — again trust those who have heretofore so shamefully abused your confidence? Are you to be deceived by the shallow arts of pretence that would only lure your misguided feet into the old bog of misfortune and misery ? Citizens of Virginia, you can- not afford to risk the invaluable blessings you have won to the tender mercies of the crew whose mock friendship for you but covers implacable malice and revenge. They stoop to conquer; they "acquiesce" only because they hope to mount the throne of power through a fatal pop- ular credulity ! You dare not commit your measures, nor yourselves, to these political pretenders ; and it re- quires no prophet to foretell, that, if you could do so, you would bitterly rue the day in which folly gone mad led you into fresh bondage. In confirmation and attestation of what we have said, we beg to call to your most serious attention the follow- ing summary of facts, figures and reasonable conclusions Hear us for our cause — the cause that is yours and Vir- ofinia's : The State Debt. The Bourbon-Funder faction as early as 1871 had con- trived to fully fasten itself upon your shoulders. I thad cajoled the Governor and had foisted upon the Judiciary men mostly from its own body, or bound to it by the strongest ties of interest. Although a minority of your General Assembly, it won to its side the aid of other factionists ; and, without 3^our consent — without even consulting you — it enacted the measure known as the Funding Bill, to take effect July ist, 1871. You remem- ber the years of strife that ensued ; but it is our only purpose here to remind you that by that Funding Bill, under a scheme which purported to relieve you and to set apart a third of the public debt to West Virginia (yet which really exceeded your just obligations), it was sought to bind you and your posterity to a principal of over 5^31,000,000, with interest at the rate of six per cent, per annum, in tax- receivable coupons. Eight years after (in 1879), having vainly endeavored to carry on the Government under their reckless finan- cial policy, which exhibited a deficit of nearly a million dollars a year, the Bourbon-Funders were forced to a new adjustment, devised by Hugh McCulloch and known as the Brokers' Bill. It is enough to say here that you at once voted down that bill and its faction by a majority of over 20,000 votes, and called to power the party of Readjustment, whose plan of relief had won your ap- proval as not only necessary, but as just and equitable. Yet it was not until 1882 (with a Readjuster Governor,) that this plan was put into form and force as the Riddle- berger Bill, to take effect July ist, 1882. And it is the contrast between Funderism and Readjustment at that date to which now we wish particularly to call your at- tention. We refer to the official reports as our authority for the statements we make. Upon a stated official account (which prefaces the Rid- dleberger Bill) between the Commonwealth and her cred- itors — an account which remains wholly uncontested and unchallenged — your just indebtedness, after deducting one-third as the fair amount for which West Virginia is liable, was found to be, on the istofjuly, 1882, principal and interest, including the Literary Fund, $21,035,377.15; and this is the sum which our setdement (the Riddleber- ger Bill) assumes and obligates you to pay. To the same date, under the old Funding Bill and the Brokers' Bill (as far as the latter had taken effect), the principal and accrued interest, including the Literary Fund (which Readjusters regard as the most sacred portion ot the debt), amounted to $35,874,869.97. But if, under the scheme of the Brokers' Bill, the whole Funder debt had been funded to July i, 1882, that debt would still have been $33,508,497.85 — one-half the accrued interest which they recogfiized as due being flatly 7'epudiated I And now we behold the difference as to the debt between Funder- ism and Readjustment at the date when the Riddleberger Bill took effect: theFunder debt exceeding the Readjus- ter debt (as fixed by official and incontestable figures) by $12,473,120.70. That is the saving in principal by Readjustment, without repudiation of a dollar of just obligation. And if since July ist, 1882, there has been an accumulation of interest, that interest itself is greater or less, in the same proportion (as indicated above), ac- cording to the account, Funder or Readjustee upon which it is to be estimated and settled. Not only have we thus saved ^12,473,120.70 in princi- pal to July I, 1882, as between the Brokers' Bill and the Riddlebergrer Bill, but we have scotched, if we have not killed, the tax-coupons ; and we have fixed the interest at a uniform rate of three per cent, a year. Without es- timating the worth of the exemption from taxation accorded the bonds and coupons (which has been estimated as worth 2 per cent.,) under the Brokers' Bill, we find that the average rate of interest which it provided for is 4 per cent. Upon the Brokers' Bill debt of $33,508,497.85, therefore, the average an- nual interest would be $1,340,339.91, while the interest on the Riddleberger debt of $21,035,377.15 is only $631,061.31 — the annual saving in interest thus being $709,278.60. But the debt under the Riddleberg'er Bill is to run 50 years unless sooner redeemed. We may be sure (judging from the past) that at the expiration of that period, under the Funder scheme, the debt, instead of being paid or diminished, would be increased ; but assuming that under the Readjuster settlement we shall pay off the debt at the end of 50 years, then the saving in interest under the Riddleberger Bill for the whole pe- riod is $35,463,930, which, added to the principal of $12,- 473,120.70 saved, makes a total saved under Readjust- ment of $47,937,050.70. It will be observed that in all these figures and calcu- lations we make as favorable an exhibit for the Funders as possible, making no allowance against them for their exemption of bonds and coupons from taxation, and considerinof the Funder debt as under the Brokers' Bill at 4 per cent., instead of under the Funding Bill at 6 per 7 cent. Yet the saving, as we see, is ^47,93 7,050. 70 — with not a dollar of interest repudiated 0?^ put in a tax-coupon! The annual interest saved is ^709,278.60 ; and the saving annually for 50 years, including the principal saved, is $958,741.07. Floating Debt. When the State Government was restored in 1870 there was 7io floating debt at all. After ten years' mis- management (with $1,816,000 in the Treasury when pay- ment of interest under the Funding Bill began), the Fund- ers surrendered the administration to the Readjusters on the 1st of January, 1880, with $163,894.80 due upon out- standing warrants, $200,000 due and unpaid to the Lu- natic Asylums, $40,520 due and unpaid in fines to the Literary Fund, $60,482.89 due to interest on college en- dowments, and $1,504,245 due the public free schools — making a total floating debt of $1,969,142.69, with only $22,^g/j..og in the Treasury ! Besides, at that date, the Funder administration was in arrears of interest to the Sinking Fund $1,877,712, and in arrears of interest on the State Debt $3,889,679. There is now no Floating Debt at all, except a remainder of $715,000 of the $1,500,000 diverted from the schools by the Funders, Annual Expenses of Government. For the eight years beginning with 1871-72 and con- cluding with i878-'79, the annual average of regular expenses of government under the Bourbon-Funder rule was $1,084,664.74. For the four years of Readjuster rule, beginning with i879-'8o and ending with i882-'83, the annual average of regular expenses of government was $802,234.14. The annual average of saving in ex- penses of government under Readjuster rule, as com- 8 pared with the expenses under Funder rule, is thus 1282,430.60. The State Revenues. The following statement shows the assessments of taxes on the principal subjects of taxation for the years named : 1879. 1882. Real Estate ^1,242,502 98 ^923,724 32 Personalty 340,117 17 328,271 26 Poll-Tax 294,748 00 305,602 00 Licenses 671,687 41 729,115 21 Railroads 40,559 04 138.454 92 Income 29,431 50 36,927 75 The total assessments on these six principal subjects were, therefore, ^2,599,046.10 for 1879, and ^2,462,- 095.46 for 1882. It is to be remarked that there is an increase on every item in 1882, as compared with 1879, except on lands and personal property, where considera- ble reductions have been made by the reassessment of lands (in 1880) and the lowering of the rate of taxation from 50 cents to 40 cents. The decrease in the assess- ment of lands made in 1880 was over ^12,000,000 in valuation and over ^61,000 in taxes. The increase for 1882 is $854 in assessed taxes on polls over 1879 ; $S7>- 427.80 on licenses, notwithstanding the repeal of the onerous Moffett law ; ^97,895.88 on railroads ; ^7,496.25 on incomes; total increase, $163,673.93. The revenue received from miscellaneous sources, not included in the table of assessments given, was $133,- 469.48 in 1879, and $218,336.74 ^^ ^^^2 — the increase being here $84,867.26, which added to the increase on polls, licenses, railroads and incomes (as above) makes $248,541.19 — or only $82,083.38 less than the sum of the decrease in the assessment of taxes In 1882 (as compared with 1879) on real and personal property, the assessment in 1879 being made before the reduced re- assessment of lands made in 1880 and at the 50 cents rate, while the assessment of 1882 is upon the reduced re-assessment of lands and at the reduced rate of 40 cents. But, on reference to the Reports of the State Treasury, we see that its receipts in 1879 (including <|i6i,ooo tax on coupons,) were only ^2,649,899.07, while for 1882 [excluding all incidental revenue,) the receipts were $2,718,454.55. The decrease in the taxes on lands was $318,778.66; on personal property, $11,845.91 — making a total of $330,624.57 in reduction of those general taxes which bear most heavily on the people. To-day your taxes are lower by 20 cents in the dollar ; your lands are at a greatly reduced assessment for tax- ation ; your expenses of government are largely re- duced ; your debt and its interest are equitably adjusted within your easy and certain means of payment, and you have an accumulation in your Treasury of $1,543,- 712.21. What a difference from the bankrupt and wo- ful condition to which Funderism had brought you by financial mismanagement and corruption ! Surely the great changes your ballots have wrought, your ballots will maintain ! The Free Schools. The public free schools of the State were established by a mandate of the Constitution of 1869, that at the first session of the General Assembly held under its provisions a uniform system of public free schools should be provided for, the full introduction of the sys- tem to be accomplished by the year 1876, or earlier. lO Accordingly the Legislature in 1870 passed the Free School Bill, and the system had its first year of practical operation in 1871. That year there were 3,047 schools, of which 769 were colored; 131,088 pupik, of whom 38,976 were colored ; 3,084 teachers, of whom 504 were colored, and the expenditures amounted to $587,472.39. In 1879, under the rule of the Funders, with their tax- coupons and other results of unwise, if not wicked leg- islation, the schools had decreased to 2,491 — a falling off of 556 schools, of which 89 were colored; the pupils had been reduced to 108,074, a falling off of 23,014, of whom 3,208 were colored; the teachers had diminished to 2,504, a falling off of 580, of whom 94 were colored: and the expenditures had shrunk to $511,902.53 — a fall- ing off of $75,569-86. So much for the friendship of the Funders for free pop- ular education as shown by the results for nine years. In 1879 the Readjusters gained their first great vic- tory, and they came into power on the ist of January, 1880, as the Funders went out. Under Readjustment, the schools last year were 5,587 — an increase of 3,096 over 1879, of which 850 were colored; the pupils, 257,- 362 — an increase of 149,288, of whom 49,560 were col- ored ; the teachers, 4,538 — an increase of 3,093, of whom 644 were colored; and the expenditures had grown to $1,157,142.05 — an increase of $645,239.52. In the meantime the school term has been lengthened and the average of teachers' salaries increased. Nor is it to be forgotten that whereas in many parts of the State school warrants were unmarketable at 50 cents in the dollar, they are to-day as current as greenbacks, ex- cept where some Funder Treasurer holds to the old practice, in defiance of all laws, of shaving the warrants and certificates with school-money in his hands ! 1 1 Of the arrears to the schools, amounting- to over <^i,- 500,000 on the I St of January, 1880, not a dollar was ever paid by the Funders ; and now the Readjusters have already paid ^785,000 of these arrearages — ^400,000 of this sum being derived from the sale of the State's in- terest in the Atlantic, Mississippi & Ohio Railroad. And here let it be remembered that this interest of the State in that railroad had been utterly neglected by the Fun- der administration, unless we except an unwise and ill- directed proceeding by the late Attorney-General Field, which resulted in nothirig. Even Gov. Holliday wholly ig- nored the interests of the State, direct and indirect, in the greatest of our lines of transportation; at no time did he call legislative attention to the jeopardy in which the road stood, or suggest any action of rescue or defence; and when the Atlantic, Mississippi & Ohio Railroad Company had made a contract with the purchasers of the road that they should pay the State $500,000 for her interest in it, he, as a member of the Board of Public Works, refused to ratify the bargain and sought to deprive the Common- wealth of the money which had been secured to her by the foresight and diligence of others. Of the $500,000 thus saved to the State (all clear gain), $400,000 was afterwards voted to the schools by the Readjusters (as we have said), and by the same authority the remaining $100,000 was appropriated to the construction of a Colored Normal School, with an annuity of $25,000. Thus, through Readjustment, the free schools have been delivered from Funderism and wonderfully increased and improved; they have been redeemed from the cou- pons; their arrearages are being rapidly liquidated; and every man, woman and child in the Commonwealth is sure that not only are our public free schools safe in the hands of the Readjusters, but that the Readjuster party 12 will never fail in anything that will promote and extend them. We need not ask any father, mother or child of the people which policy toward the schools should be maintained and perpetuated — that of Funderism or that of Readjustment. The contrast presented in this impor- tant matter by the facts and figures is startling; and no citizen of Virginia who desires our school system to pros- per will vote to commit it again to the care of Funder- ism. Never! Our Prosperity. Many striking contrasts to the condemnation of Bour- bon-Funderism, and to the credit of Readjustment, have been called to your attention in our public affairs; but while these, in a general way, attest the private relief which always accompanies the deliverance of public af- fairs from distress and disaster, there are yet other evi- dences to which we invite your serious consideration. Since 1879 there have been constructed in Virginia 726 miles of railroad, (equal to a permanent investment here of full $21,000,000) — an increase of 43 per cent, for the period, and the greatest number of miles of rail- road built in Virginia during any like period since the war; the increase in freight carried has been 2,048,618 tons, or 82 per cent.; the increase of the number of pas- sengers carried has been 1,127,995, or 78 per cent.; and the gross earnings of the roads have increased $6,500,- 000, or 88 per cent. No better gauge of progress, de- velopment and betterment can be found than in the rail- roads of a State ; and when we see by their statistics that they are not only wonderfully increasing in mileage, but in tonnage, passengers and income, we know that our people are in easy circumstances that enable them to travel, and that it is their surplus productions of mine, 13 field, forest, furnace, factory, &c., which make the in- creased railroad tonnage, both in going- out to market and in returning by exchange in increased comforts and luxuries for the homes of the people. A signal instance of growth since 1879 i^ shown in the cotton statistics of our port of Norfolk, which has become the second cotton port of the whole country. In 1879 the total shipment of cotton from Norfolk was 442,- 694 bales, of which only 203,536 bales, valued at ^9,143,- 01 5, were exported direct by Norfolk merchants. In 1882 we see that the total shipment was 787,362 bales, of which 372,529 bales, valued at ^17,869,682, were shipped direct on account of her own merchants. This is an increase of local expansion in a leading trade of the world, in four years, of 83 per cent, upon the article handled. An emphatic proof of popular ease and general thrift is established by the willingness and capacity of the peo- ple to pay their taxes, and thus we find that whereas in 1878 the collectors of State taxes had to distrain for or otherwise collect ^1,207,682.32, w\t\\ Jive per cent, added, in 1882 the sum thus collected was only $959,319.38. Another item of significance in the same direction is the increase of g per cent, in license taxes over those for 1879. That enterprise, capital and labor among us are aroused to a greater activity than ever, is further demonstrated by the number of charters granted by our courts and filed in the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth. In 1879 there were only 31 charters thus granted and filed; in 1882 the number was 89, or nearly three times the number of 1879. Besides, individual enterprise is no less busy, as all of us can see in the rise of new in- dustries on every hand. The aggregate productive val- ues and the aggregate values of all productions in the State have increased vastly since 1879, and^that, too, in 14 every section of the Commonwealth; while every citizen can attest for himself that he is receiving higher wages for his labor, better prices for his products, of whatever nature, and that the very air is filled with the hum of awakened energy and the light of cheerful content and satisfaction. With her face to the sunset in 1879, Vir- ginia has now turned her face to the morning, and all her population is rejoicing at the new and happy direc- tion her eyes and her feet have taken. The path she has entered upon has already led us out of the wilderness; and if she remain In it and pursue it, all our waste places will blossom as the rose and all hearts will be made glad. Who is ready to leave this path, so strewn with good fruits, and blooming with assured promises? Follow-citi- zens, we may look back wisely for warning and instruction ; but to turn back would be madness and destruction. Readjustment cries '' Fonvard I'' Funderism, far in the rear of progress, says ''Come back!'' Your fate and the fate of Virginia depend on your ballots. The Free Ballot. Yes, voters of Virginia, it is upon your ballots — your free ballots — that It now wholly depends whether the evil you have escaped shall return, or whether the good that has been accomplished shall be confirmed, perpetuated and multiplied. All of you now have your suffrage free and unbought; and even you who were able to pay for it, and did pay for It, should be grateful for deliverance from a qualification which put your dearest right at the mercy of partlzan assessors and collectors, and condi- tioned that right upon stipulations that were derogatory to your manhood. But the repeal of the qualification by the Readjuster party absolutely enfranchised thousands 15 of white and colored citizens ; and these, to whom the ballot-box and the path to It were closed by Fiinderism and now rc-opened by Readjustment, should consider It the proudest privilege of their lives to cast their ballots for the Readjuster party. All of us, indeed, should de- sire free ballots for ourselves and free schools for our children ; for even though we may not use the free bal- lots ourselves, and although our children may not require a free education, yet the ballot and the education should be ours and our children's as the best arms and equip- ments in time of need. Now is rapidly approaching a time of need for your ballots, — and for your own sake, as well as for your children, let your ballots on the 6th of November bury Bourbonism and Funderism forever! As long as these menace you and Virginia, there can be neither security nor peace among us. You see It — know It — and so let your votes be cast that Readjustment shall be put beyond all peril and intrenched impregnably. WILLIAM MAHONE, Chairman. i U- / PLATFORM AND ADDRESS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY OF VIRGINIA, ADOPTED JULY 15, 1885, PLATFORM AND ADDRESS. We, the Republican Party of Vir- ginia, faithfully adhere to the National Republican Party, its principles and platform, as the best political sanctions and sureties of hu equality of States, people and votes, in all rights, privileges and interests, uuder the sacred and in- violable supremacy of the Union, the Constitutiou , the Law and the Ballot- Box ; and expressly do we reaffirm our fidelity to the policy of protection for American labor, capital, materials and productions, and our opposition to any tampering with the present tariff that shall tend to defeat or lessen its pro- tective purposes. We maintain a resolute antagonism to the National Democracy as a conspiracy for spoils, without any wise or deliniie convictions of its own on any Federal issue ; as an organization of fraud and force to oppose and obstruct by usurped power the fundamental policies that as- sure National peace, progress and pros- perity ; and as a party so profligate, per- fidious, dissolute and discordant, as proved by its past record and present attitude, that all the enterprises, inter- ests and aspirations of the people are thrown into a paralysis of suspense and apprehension under its domination. We declare our resolute opposition to the present Federal administration as the fit creature of the immoral and faithless relations of apostate Republi- cans with the National Democracy, and as the natural product of folly, fraud, force and perfidy, which has already displayed all the traits of its origin by proclaiming a test for office that at once finds its most flagrant violation in the ofi'ensive partizanry of the President and his Cabinet ; by parading the mean hypocrisy of reform that awards pre- miums to false witness and calumny ; by servile obsequiousness at the North to the men whose treachery betrayed Republicanism and stole the crown of power and victory for barter ; and by insolent venality and brutality in the South, and especially in this Common- wealth, that have conspicuously identi- fied it with the worst elements of ra- pine and coiTuption, and made it the accomplice of that Bourbonism whose effective strength consists of organized Repudiators, Ballot-box Stiiffers and Assassins, — to the grief and indignation of good men of all parties. Holding these attitudes toward the National pai-ties and their politics, and sure that these are both right and expe- dient for the civil, political and material welfare of this Sfate and her citizens, we reaffirm our past declarations, and promise a persistent continuance of our past efforts, in behalf of a government of the people, by the people, for the people, m this Commonwealth. To this end we proclaim : For the Free Ballot, against the Bour- bon Ballot-Killer. For Free Schools and increased appro- priations for the enlargement and ex- tension of the system, against the Bour- bon hostility to free education, as man- ifested in the diversion of the State school funds (there now being a fresh diversion of $300,000 due teachers for the year l884-'5). and in the denial of Federal school aid by the defeat of the Blair Education bill. For the enforcement of the Read- juster settlement of the State Debt as covering ever}' dollar of Virginia's equitable share of the debt of the undi- vided State, and the highest rate of in- terest that can be borne, against the open opposition of Bourbon-Funderism, and the more treacherous and insidious tampering of Bourbon ''acquiescence" which has betrayed us again to our broker enemies. For economical government, against Bourbon waste, improvidence and crip- pled finances. For a liberal support and extension of all our asylums, against the Bourbon system of incarcerating our insane of both sexes in the common jails. For Free Labor and its just share in its contributions to the power and wealth of the Nation, against the Bour- bon policj which subjects honest labor not only to Capital, but to unjust and humiliating competition with convict labor. For Free Books for free schools, as a proper and necessarj- completion of our system of public education, against the present Bourbon policy which forces many children to plead pauperism or stay from the schools, and robs the pa- rents of others by frequent changes of books. For due compensation for all labor impressed for public service, whether on public roads or otherwise (as in the case of private property taken for pub- lic uses), against tliis Bourbon robbery of labor to relieve capital of its just burdens. For good public county roads, under some efficient system, to be supported by an equal and uniform rate of taxation on property and by an employment of convict labor under proper regulations, against the jjresent unjust conscription by which Bourliouism forces the poor, uncompensated, to do this work. For Biennial Elections, so that our State, county, city, and other elections may all occur together, with great econ- omy and to the great repose and relief of the people, against tJie present system of frequent and costly elections that keep the people in continual agitation, excitement and trouble, only to sub- serve the fraudulent and inflammatory devices by which Bourbonism maintains its factious and hateful domination. For the protection of our oyster-beds and fisheries from non-resident inva- ders, and the due regulation of these great interests in accordance with the rights and views of the people di- rectly concerned, against the Bourbon mismanagement which invites invasion and spoliation, while it injuriously bur- dens and hampers our own citizens of the Tidewater and Eastern Shore coun- ties. For the execution of all public work by the direct employment and payment of labor, against the system by contracts, under which both Government and workmen are fleeced by speculative and unnecessary middle-men. For every possible encouragement and aid to promote the construction of rail- roads and other facilities to oj)en up the immense mineral and other resources of the Western, Southwestern, and other portions of the State, and place these in easy connection with our East and West lines of transportation, in ac- cordance with the Virginia policy of home growth and development, aga,inst i the suicidal Bourbon policy which sac- », rifices all our internal advantages and materials for self -advancement to out- side interests and makes our ports and cities mere way-stations and our terri- tory a mere tributary and road-bed of convenient transit to the traffic of other States and their cities. For an enforcement of the paramount obligation of the various works ot in- ternal improvement to the . people of the State, by whose authority they were created, by whose money they were constructed, and by whose grace they live ; and it is enjoined upon our rep reseutative and executive officers to enforce the discharge of that duty, to insure to the people of Virginia such rates, facilities, and connections as will protect every industry and interest against discrimi- nation, tend to the development of their agricultural and mineral resources, en- courage the investment of active capi- tal in manufactures, and the profitable employment of labor in industrial en- terprises ; grasp for our cities those ad- vantages to which, by reason of their geographical position, they are entitled, and fulfill all the great public ends for which they were designed. For money-wages for labor, against the Bourbon sfcore-and- order system, whereby corporate and other employ- ers control the expenditures of their einployes, and under which great ex- tortions and oppressions are imposed. For eight hours as a day for all labor employed on public works and in mines and manufactories, and by corporations, with weekly payments. For a State Bureau of Labor Statis- - tics, to reach a fuller knowledge of the * condition of the laboring people, with a i view to their welfare and elevation. I For a legal provision securing to all ? mechanics, laborers and other workmen employed by corporations, firms and individuals the first lien on the as- 2 sets of these where they are forced into * liquidation, to be first satisfied as that of preferred creditors by reason of their share in creating such assets. For that civil service in which char- acter and capability shall be regarded as paramount tests for public employment. For such annual appropriations as may be adequate to provide for the pro- per care and support of disabled Vir- ginia soldieis who need such provision. For a eeneral law providing that any county, city, town and district in this Commonwealth may determine for itself , by a majority of its votes cast at a special election held for the purpose under due regulations, whether or not the sale of spirituous liquors shall be al- lowed within its limits. Pledging ourselves to these, and ap- pealing to our unvarying fidelity here- tofore to popular rights and interests as a full earnest of our honest purpose, we arraign the self-styled Democratic Party of Virginia as the same old criminal which, under various former aliases, has been found guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, of which the following is only a partial and in- complete summary : Recognizing and assuming the whole debt of West Virginia and Virginia in 1866- '7 and capitalizing its accrued interest. Funderism ! Exhibiting a spirit of re-action, ob- struction and revolt which incurred the •abolition of our civil government and brought upon us the Military govern- ment of District No. 1. Bourbonism .' Last ditch ! Opposing foolishly and impotently the Amendments to the Federal Consti- tution and the best State Constitution we have ever had (our present one) — all of which, nevertheless, were accepted and ratified by the overwhelming vote of our people in 1869 — thanks to the Liberal Movement led by William Mahone. ^4?ifi-MAHONEiSM ! Passing the Funding bill of 1871 by bribery and corruption, and entailing the accursed tax -coupons upon us — a very plague of Egypt. '"Honor and hanesty'- ! Upholding the Funding bill and its coupons as superior in dignity to the Constitution and the State, and jirior in obligation to the schools and our char- itable asylums. Sacred Contract ! Diverting our school-taxes to the pockets of coupon-scalpers, and other- wise embarrassing aiid injuring our free schools until they were closed by thousands. Friends of popular educa- tion ! Placing a tax on the ballot, and so manipulating its assessment and collec- tion as to disfranchise tens of thousands I of white and colored voters. Prwnds of Free Suffrage I Endeavoring in 1878- '9 to repeal the State school-tax by constitutional amendment and to remand our State schools to their former status as county pauper institutions. "* Education is a iMXury''' ! Defeating the act exempting the ' school-taxes from the coupons. '^ Torch to the school-houses fir sV ! ! Passing the monstrous Brokers' bill, with its infamous Allen Amendment. ""We are all Readjusters-' ! that being i the first legislative enactment in alleged \ "acquiescence"' in Readjustment ! I Defaming Virginia and her people to the world as Repudiators and thieves, ; and denouncing Readjustment as the work of ignorant negroes and mean whites. "We are the real people'''' ! Encouraging coupon-scalping and de- fending all the miserable decisions and practices in and out of the Funder courts against the State. '^Virtue, pa- triotism and intelligence'''' 1 Fighting the Riddleberger bill and all its auxiliaries and applauding Governor Holliday's perfidious and insolent vetoes. Squandering the $1,800,000 in the ' Treasury when the Bourbons came to ' power in 1870- '1, and accumulating I debt at the rate of a million a year to i 1879. I Filling our jails with lunatics, and I intercepting appropriations made to en- I large our asylums. Bringing and fomenting suits to stay Readjustment and its rescue of the schools. Opposing with vigor and venom the restoration of free suffrage. Regaining f)ower in 1883 by fraud, violence and terrorism, under concur- rent false pretences of heartily "' ac- quiescing " in all the great measures they, as Bourbons and Funders, had so long denounced and opposed. ""Any- thing to heat Mahone ! " Usurping in the Legislature an abso- lute and unconstitutional power, which invaded the jurisdictions and preroga- tives of all the departments of govern- ment, and truculently threatened our Judges and the; Governor of the State with its unscrupulous wrath. Unseating ruthlessly, without law or precedent, seventeen members of the General Assembly, upon frivolous grounds or false pretexts, and seating their own partizans, in defiance of all law, right and decency, and in con- tempt of the votes of the people^ In three cases refusing to seat Sen- ators until after the people had returned them three times, with ever-growing majorities ; and in one case seating a Senator who had not even claimed an election and who had no grounds upon which to base a claim. Violating Constitution, law, and all the courtesies of life with unhesitating hand, whenever these interfered with their nefarious ends. Stripping the Executive of the ancient powers and functions of his office, and manufacturing a bogus and fraudulent majority in each House to annul his vetoes. Failing to submit to the Governor measures which the Constitution di- rects should go to him for considera- tion before they become laws. Wresting all our institutions, with scarcely an exception, from the lawful and competent hands to which they were entrusted, and placing them under the partizan control of the creatures of their illegitimate exercise of power. Passing more than seventy acts re- lieving collecting officers and their sure- ties from defaults, and thereby de- frauding the Treasury of over $96,000 of taxes collected in cash from the people — much of which was doubtlessly em- ployed for Bourbon campaign purposes. Releasing from liability to the State all delinquent and defaulting officers and then- sureties, who had given bonds previous to July 1. 1870. At one swoop repealing the collateral inheritance tax, imposed as a most easy, just and equitable exaction by all civilized Governments, and re- leasing all the accrued and delinquent taxes that had accumulated under it — all for the behoof of known favorites, partizans and associates of the usurpers. Betraying Readjustment by an igno- rant or wicked course of legislation, which invited and forced a conflict with the Federal Judiciary, and re- newed all our debt troubles — troubles which would never have come again except through this unnecessary con- flict which they precipitated. Passing thirty-eight acts, which were so unwise, or ill-conceived, that they themselves were compelled by very shame to repeal or amend them. Filling our statute-books with blun- ders that could only arise from criminal negligence, or from an ignorance never before exhibited by any legislative body. Squandering the revenues of the State by an extended and an extra session ; by partizan, malicious and un- warranted investigations ; by fees for unnecessary counsel employed in cases where the Attorney-General was well equal to the occasion ; and by every wasteful means common to piofligate and unprincipled graspers of public power and plunder. Twice passing acts attacking the free- dom of the ballot and placing it under the absolute control of partizan boards chosen by themselves ; and one of these acts, attacking the fundamental safe- guard of our liberties, is now in actual force, executed with every circumstance of ruthless fraud. — as glaringly revealed in the case of Norfolk county. Seeking to restore the abolished and unconstitutional freehold qualiflcation among us, and which thej' would have imposed upon us, but for the interpo- sition of the Supreme Court of Appeals. Introducing in this Commonwealth the lawless and shameful methods and practices of Mississippi Bourbonism, apd hesitating at no step to secure power and baffle the iwpular will — suppressing free speech and free politics by every possible appliance. Identifying themselves with the so- called National Democratic i)arty, and, by their co-operation with that party in Congress and in the general political arena, twice aiding in the defeat of the Blair Education bill, which had passed the Republican Senate, and which would have appropriated over .'?5, 000,000 to the free schools of this State. Having thus, also, aided in defeat- ing measures to restore the Protective duties on our wools, to remove the taxes on our tobacco, and to abolish the In- ternal Revenue System. Thus, also, arraying themselves against the tai'iff policy which Pro- tects all our material interests, jjartic- ularly by their support of the Morri- son Reduction bill and their endorse- ment of the Democratic platform in its declaration against all duties on the for- eign raw materials that, admitted free, would come in ruinous competition with our labor and all our natural re- sources of field, mine and forest. Raising the race and color-line in all elections, and subordinating every pub- lic right and interest to inflamma- tory aj)peals to passion and prejudice ; and at all times and in every way endv. voring to crush every National im- pulse jf patriotism and every important question of Federal policy beneath the heel of arrogant class and sectional pre- tensions as insufferable to all other por- tions of the Union as they are insulting and degrading to the masses of the South. We charge that this Bourbon leader- shii3, under whatever name it has pa- raded or still parades, and in every re- cent era of oitr history, whether with re- spect to our National, State, city or county affairs, has always exhibited the haughty spirit which invites destruc- tion ; the tolly which precipitates disas- ter ; the blind ignorance that finds its ready ditch ; the obstinacy that rushes to ruin ; the extravagance and improvi- I dence which beget want and impose ! fresh oppressions and exactions upon the j people ; the cruel ambition which would wade through fraud, corruption and blood CO gain or retain dominion ; the insolence that disdains rights, laws, constitutions, ballots and people, when these offer to obstruct their unscrupu- lous usui'pations of might ; the profligacy which mocks at principle and good faith and adopts perfidy as a policy; and a treason to every muniment of human freedom consecrated for over a century by so much American devotion and sac- rifice. And we charge that the proofs of all we allege against this leadership are heaped mountain high on every hand, confronting the people at every turn, and demanding speedy and final judg- ment upon the culprits. But, beyond the offences of Bourbon- ism, which call for its condemnation and overthrow, we exhort all an^^-Bour- bons and all good citizens in whom gen- erosity, liberality, independence and manliness are not yet extinct, to rally to our cause, our movement and our party, for reasons which abound in our past re- cord, and which are here partially enumerated : Because we restored free suffrage. Established Readjustment. Rescued the free schools from the cou- pons and ruin. Ascertained the just sum of our debt as ^13,000,000 less than claimed and de- manded, and fixed its equitable interest at 3 per cent. Redeemed and enlarged our charita- ble and other institutions. Reduced the assessment of lands for taxation over ^13,000,000. Lowered taxation from 50 cents on the $100 to 40 cents. Remitted •'!p350,000 a year to tax-pay- ers on their real and personal property. More than doubled the free schools. Paid the school-teachers in cash, and saved them from shaving their school- warrants at heavy discounts. Constructed a commodious asylum for the colored insane. Established a Normal School for the colored people. Took the insane from our jails and provided for them in our asylums. Because by the decrease of taxation, the promotion of free education and the encouragement of liberalism in all things, we successfully invited capital, enterprise and labor to come among us, with conseqiient development, progress and prosperity. Because we have secured liberal appro- ):)riations to construct or repair Federal buildings at Richmond, Dan ville,Lynch- burg, Abingdon, Harrisonburg. &c., and for the improvement of our rivers and harbors. Because we have procured the reduc- tion of the tax on tobacco to 8 cents a pound — resulting in a saving of at least §2,500,000 a year to our Virginia producers. Decreased the annual ordinary ex- penses of our State Government §250,000. Applied all public revenue to public purposes and benefit. Made the penitentiary a self-sustain- ing institution, whereas it had formerly cost the State §50,000 or more a year. Restored our educational, charitable, and other public institutions to their original purposes, instead of allowing them to be continued as the adjuncts of class and special privilege. And because all our record is one of active devotion to the State and full of practical good results. Representing this cause, movement and. party of all the people, for all the people, we appeal to them to support our rhen and measures at the ballot-box, and to see to it that their will prevail ; we particularly and virgently invoke the co- operation of those good citizens, who, holding economical, healthy and right government above all partizan consid- erations, desire that the Debt question shall be put at rest, on the basis of our settlement, which deals equitably with all classes of the outstanding obligations of the State, and which prefers none but vitalizes all ; and we cordially in- vite the return to our ranks, in this grave contest, of every man who for- merly coDtributed to the success of Re- adjustment and its related issites of Free Schools, Free Suffrage, and other re- forms in the interests of peace, progress, pjosperity and liberalism, that they may participate in the rescue of our great measures from unfriendly and incom- petent hands and carry them in triumph to complete enforcement and permanent establishment. PLAN OF ORGANIZATION FOR THE GOVERNMEMT OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY OF VIRGINIA. ARTICLE I Section i. There shall be a State Executive Committed :omposed of a chairman and two other members of the or* S^anization, resident at or near the city of Richmond, to be appointed by the President of the convention, subject to the ratification of the body. 2. There shall be a State Committee, composed of three members of the organization from each Congressional dis- trict, to be elected by the delegates to the Convention from the respective districts, and their names given to the Presi- dent of the Convention, to be formally announced by him, when he shall announce the names of the State Executive Committee. 3. There shall be a committee for each Congressional Dis- trict to be composed of the three members of the State Com- nittee for the district, whose duty it shall be to look after the nterests and affairs of the organization in their respective dis- :ricts, and it shall be the prerogative of one of these to call :o order all Congressional Conventions and to designate a temporary chairman for the same. 4. There shall be a committee for each city and county Df the State, to be composed of a chairman and three mem- Ders for each voting precinct of the county or city. 5. The representation for all nominating or other Conven- tions of the organization shall be upon the basis of the vote cast by the party in the preceeding election tor Governor, provided that no county or city shall be allowed less than one delegate. ARTICLE II. STATE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Section i. The duty of this Committee shall be to carry out the acts of the State Convention, and to put in operation such plans as the State Committee may provide ; to effect and promote the same. 2. It shall decide all questions at issue in any election dis- trict, and all variances in the party as to conventions, candidates and nominees, or otherwise, which may arise — calculated to affect the cause and the efficiency of the organization, or the success of the party. 3. It shall have power to convene the State Committee whenever it may deem necessary. 4. It shall have power and authority to designate and ap- point canvassers for the State for Congressional districts and counties, whenever they may deem it expedient or desirable to do so. 5. It shall appoint its own secretary, who shall be ex-officio secretary of the State Committee, and of all State Conven- tions ; and who shall provide a roll of the delegates and alter- nates as the same are certified to him, and the number of votes entitled to be cast by each separate delegation, accord- ing to the schedule on which such convention shall have been called, and the same shall govern in any vote which may be taken preceeding the permanent organization of the Coven- tion, and until c^^anged by the action of the Convention on credentials. It shall also appoint its own treasurer. 6. Its chairman shall be ex-officio chairman of the State committee, and it shall be his prerogative — and in his absence that of some other member of the State Exeutive Committee — to call to order all State conventions andto designate to preside over the same a temporary president. ARTICLE III. state committee. Section i . It shall be the duty of this committee to concert such measures as may seem to it proper to promote the poHcy, and effect the purposes of the party. 2. It shall fix the time and place of all State and Congress- ional conventions of the party, and prescribe the number of delegates and alternates for each county and city of the State and the mode of electino- the same to such conventions. 3. It shall- fill any vacancy which may occur in the State \ Executive Committee 4. The three members representing each Congressional district shall be entitled to three votes in the committee, to be cast by the members or member present. 5. Vacancies in the committee shall be filled on the nomi- nation of the remaining members of the particular Congress- ional district in which the same shall occur ; such nominations to be made to the State Executive Committee, provided, that in the case of the nomination of more than one person, the Executive Committee shall elect as between the persons so nominated, or, in default of any such nomination, or nomina- tions, may fill the vacancy or vacancies. 6. The committee shall meet at such times and places as it may please, and at such other times and places as the State Executive Committee may call it to meet. The presence of four districts shall constitute a quorum. ARTICLE IV. CITY AND COUNTY EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES. Section i. The chairmen for the Committees of the Cities and Counties composing each Congressional district will be nominated to the ^tate Executive Committee by the district committees for their respective districts ; or in default of the prompt action of such district committees, the State Execu- tive Committee may appoint the chairmen and fill vacancies in that of^ce, and the chairmen so appointed shall be com- missioned by the chairman of the State Executive Committee and the said committee may appoint, and likewise commis- sion, other chairmen whenever and wherever the interests of the party may, in its judgment demand such action. 2. The three members from each ward or voting precinct composing such committees shall be promptly nominated by the city or county chairman to the State Executive Commit- tee, designating the sub-chairman of the three members for each sub-district, giving the postoffice address of each, and, accordingly, the chairman of the State Executive Committee shall commission the committeemen so appointed. The county or city chairman shall nominate to the State Executive Committee the persons to fill vacancies occurring in such county or city committees, and shall, whenever and wherever the interests of the party demands, recommend the appoint ment of other committeemen. He shall designate four or more, as he may elect, of the sub-district chairmen te con- stitute an Executive Committe, of which he shall be ex-officio chairman. 3. It shall be the duty of these committees to look after the proper care and interests of the organization in their re- spective districts. 4. It shall be their duty to provide for all nominating or other conventions of the party within their respective dis- tricts, and, by conference and agreement, for all nominating conventions to select candidates for the General Assembly in cases where the city and county, or counties, form a legislative election district ; in all cases forming such conventions on the basis prescribed in section 5, Article i ; and it will be the pre- rogative of the county or city chairman to call all such con- ventions to order, and to designate a temporary chairman for the same, 5. It will be their duty, by every legitimate means, to nur- ture the cause and to promote the efficiency and coherent ac- tion of the organization. VIRGINIA AND HER DEBT. General Mahone and the Coupon Decision, A LJEJTTEB TO SJENATOB MILLBM, The following letter from General Mahone, of \7irginia, to the Hon. Warner Miller, United States Senator from New York, has been furnished by the latter for publication : Petersburg, Va., April 24th, 1885. Hon. Warner Miller : My Dear Sir — In . response to your personal request that I should make a statement concerning our Virginia debt, which would clear up some of the honest misapprehension on the subject entertained at the North, I have prepared the following, which you are at liberty to use as you may. see fit. As the main body of it was written before the recent decision of the United States Supreme Court, I have added to it some comments on that decision. Very truly yours, William Mahone. STATEMENT. At the beginning of the yeair 1861, the public debt of Virginia was $31,800,712.90. On the first of July, 1863, eleven days after 2 the admission of West Virginia as a State in the Union, the in- debtedness of the former State of Virginia is ascertained to have been : Principal $33,141,212.92 And arrearages of interest 5,954,716.08 Total $39,095,929.00 DEMOCRATIC LEGISLATION ON THE DEBT. The Legislature which came into power with the readmission of Virginia into the Union wss controlled by what was then called the Conservative, and now the Democratic party. On the 30th of March, 1871, it passed an act by which the debt of the undivided State of Virginia, was, without account, assumed to be $45,718,- 112.23. It arbitrarily assumed two-thirds of that sum to be the share owned by that portion of the old State, which is now the State of Virginia, and thac tht remaining one-third was owned by that portion comprising the new State of West Virginia. Under the provisions of this funding act (1871) the payment of any interest on any then existing bond of the former State of Virginia was precluded, and the creditor only admitting to claim interest upon the new bonds authorized by that act, which were to be given in exchange for the old in the ratio of two for three, with a certificate of claim against West Virginia for the remaining one-third. Here was an open act of repudiation, by the Democratic party of the State, of all interests on outstanding bonds, and the credi- tors' sole remedy was to accept two new bonds in lieu of three old ones. The bonds to be issued under this act were to bear 6 per cent, interest, the coupons for which were declared to be " receiv- able for taxes, debts, and demands due the State." About thirty millions of the bonds of the fornaer State had been hurriedly refunded under this act of 1871 by the issue of about twenty millions of the new bonds, when a new Legislature, also Democratic, repealed so much of the act as made the coupons of the new bonds receivable for taxes. This left ?ome ten millions of the assumed share of the debt of the former State in statu quo — ■ unadjusted and proscribed, fundable, however, as the others had been, three for two — but in bonds the interest on which could only be paid after tlie twenty millions bearing tax-receivable coupons had been satisfied, and then only at the pleasure of the State. Here was a second act of repudiation, and one involving cruel and distressing discrimination between creditors having equal claims, and all the work of the Democratic party. The same Legislature subsequently passed an act nullifying the receivability for taxes of the coupons which had been issued and made tax-receivable by law. This was done by forbidding collectors of revenue from receiving for taxes anything but gold, silver or United States notes. Here was a third and more direct attempt by the Democratic party at repudiation. Following this legislation the tax-receivability of the cou- pons, by law made so receivable, was tested in the courts, and the constitutionality of that feature was affirmed, and the act nullify- ing it was declared unconstitutional. DEMOCEATIC FAILURE TO PEOVIDE NECESSARY REVENUE TO MEET OBLIGATIONS TO CREDITORS. The revenues of the State, under a rate of taxation felt every- where to be oppressive, amounts to $2,430,000. By constitutional provision, made irrevocable by the fundamental conditions of the act of Congress readmitting Virginia into the Union, one-fifth of that revenue derived annually from certain sources, together with the head tax: and fines and escheats (in this case amounting to $600,000), is dedicated to free schools. The cost of administering the State government amounted to over one million per annum. Annual interest upon the proscribed portion (ten millions) of the assumed debt of the former State, amounted to $600,000; and tliat upon the tax-receivable self-executing coupon debt of twenty millions, amounted to $1,200,000. Thus it will be seen the self-styled debt-paj'ing party were con- fronted with an aggregate of liabilities as follows : 4 Free schools ...., $ 600,000 Expense of Government 1,000,000 Interest 1,400,000' $3,800,000 With resources to meet the same amounting to but $2,400,000. The tax-receivable coupons was inexorable and unavoidable. It seized the revenues on their way to the Treasury and paid itself. The State Government had to go on. These two sums — viz., the $1,200,000, which never was allowed to reach the Treasury, being absorbed on its way there by the self-executing coupons, and the $1,000,000 for current expenses of the State Government, exhausted all the net revenue save the beggarly sum of about $200,000. This left the proscribed creditor to wait and live upon the honorable promises of the Democratic party, while the system of public free schools went rapidly to decay. If that party believed in the correctness of the amount assumed by the Funding act of 1871 to be the State debt, and that the honor and honesty of the State were bound to the fall and proper discharge of the liability it imposed, rectitude of purpose and a high sense of duty left no alternative but an increase of the rate of taxation. They had the power. They were in absolute authority in and over every department of the State, city, and county govern- ments. Yet from that time to the end of their domination as a party, in 1879, they failed to move in the only direction which could render possible an honest compliance with the debt-paying sentiment they would have the world believe they were contending and intending to enforce — namely, in the direction of an increase of taxes. On the contrary, while posing as debt-payers, they were constantly planning and scheming for some new measure for refund- ing the share of the debi of the old State which they had recog- nized by the acts of 1871. They were always ready to enter upon fresh promises, and ever failing to make any effort to comply with the engagements imposed by any. Under this condition of things a state of unrest had come to pervade the masses of the people. Aggravated by a period of hard times, their burdens oppressed hope and paralyzed energies ; the opportunity for educating their children was rapidly passing away ; the asylums were closed to the admission of afflicted people, and had to look to the indulgence and charity of surrounding com- nuinlties for maintenance on the limited scale of accommodation to which they had been reduced ; the proscribed creditor must sacri- fice his long neglected securities, or perish upon the sentiment of debt-paying promises ; the preferred creditor, by the expensive aid and instrumentality of the broker, was getting as much for his tax- receivable coupons as competition and demand permitted, inter- cepting here and there, as opportunity was presented, the revenues of the State The credit of the Coramonwealtti had been destroyed ; the school fund had now been diverted to the extent of a million and a half; revenue enough was not collected to meet the current expenses ot Government ; the State was falling behind in arrear- ages of interest at the rate of a million a year, and her delinquen- cies in this alone had reached five millions of dollars ; a floating debt had accumulated of over two million (including the diverted school fund) ; warrants were outstanding against the Treasury for ^163,894.80, when there was but $22,494.09 cash on hand. This was the appalling condition of affairs to which the Dem- ocratic party had reduced the State whose people had never evaded a duty nor refused compliance with honorable or just obligation? when, as by common consent, in 1879, the masses arose and hurled the despoilers from place and power. THE NEW ERA OF READJUSTER AND REPUBLICAN RULE. It was at this juncture that the Readj aster-Republican party of the State first had access to the books. In pursuit of an honest pur|)ose in respect to the debt, their first effort was to ascertain by a thorough examination of the record the true state of the account between the State and its creditors. Previous to that time every presentation had been hap-hazard, presumptive and speculative, and no two of them had ever agreed. The governing idea had been to pile up the figures, promise payment, and refuse perform- auce. To renew the note as it became due, and to resent as an in- sult to honor and honesty any demand for payment — this was the theory and the practice of the Democratic party of the State. A careful, thorough and conclusive examination of the record resulted in the following statement of the account, the methods of which are submitted with confidence to the criticism of every com- missioner, chancellor, financial or other ex|)ert, who may compare them with the books of the State or any other possible sources of information. VIRGINIA'S ACCOUNT WITH HER CREDITORS. A STATEMENT OP THE PUBLIC DEBT OP VIRGINIA. Principal outstanding at this date. 1861. Principal. Jan. 1st. Sterling debt bearing 5 per cent, interest $ 1,973,000 00 Dollar debt bearing 6 per cent, interest... 29,533,582 00 Debt guaranteed bearing 6 per cent, interest 294,130 00 Total principal $31,800,712 OO Interest. Past-due and uncalled for at this date $ 101,023 63 Maturing at this date, Januarj' 1st, 1861 944,156 38 Total interest $1,045,183 01 1863. July 1st. (The State of West Virginia was formally admitted into the Union June 20, 1863. The property and resources of Virghiia, upon which the above debt has been founded, were, by this partition of the old State, reduced, one-third of her territory and one-fifth of her population going to form West Virginia. This and the consequences of war to her and her people made a loss of full $500,000,000 of property, and her taxable values were reduced from $723,000,000 to $336,090,000, and her annual revenues from over $4,000,000 to $2,500,000.) Principal. 18G3. July 1st. Sterling debt bearing 5 per cent. interest 81,973,000 00 Dollar debt bearing 6 per cent, inter- est 29,827,712 90 Bonds issued since January 1, 1861, in discharge of debts contracted, and appropriations made prior to that date l,340,.-)n() 02 Total principal July 1, 1863 $33,141,212 92 Interest. 18G3. July 1st. Past due January 1st, 1861, and un- called for $1,045,183 01 Accrued between January 1st, 1861, and July 1st, 1863, inclusive 4,909,53"^ 07 Total interest to July 1st, 1863, in- clusive $o,9:,4,71fJ OS 1863. July 1st. Two-thirds of the above debt, princi- pal and interest, to this date is as- sumed as Virginia's equitable portion in consideration of the partition of her territory, population and re- sources, upon the well established principal that debt in such cases follows territory. Upon that basis Virginia's portion of the debt of the entire State is — Principal, Two-tuirds of $1,973,000 sterling debt $ 1,315.333 34 Two-thirds of $31,168,212.92 dollar debt 20,778,808 (12 Total principal, two-thirds, to July, 18(13, inclusive $22,094,141 9G 8 Interest. Two-thirds of $5,954,716.08, amount in arears at that date, inclusive... $ 3,969.810 72 Less amount of interest paid by Virginia since January 1st, 1861, exclusively out of revenues of the present State of Virginia, the ter- ritory and resources of West Vir- ginia being inaccessible during that period and contributing noth- ing thereto 3,662.434 55 Balance of interest due and unpaid July 1st, 1863, inclusive S 307.376 17 1871. July 1st. Principal July 1st, 1863, in sterling bonds as above $ 1,315 333 34 Principal July 1st, 1863, in dollar bonds as above, $20,778,808.62; less amount of dollar bonds re- deemed between July 1st, 1863, and this date, $3,710,449.67.— Total dollar bonds $17,068,358 95 Total principal $18,383,692 29 Interest from July 1st, 1863, to July Ist, 1871 inclusive. On $1,315,333,34 sterling bonds at 5 percent $ 526,133 28 On $20,778,808.62 dollar bonds at 6 percent 9,973,828 14 $10,499,961 42 Less amount covering average time of the redemption of the $3, 710, 449,- 67 dollar bonds redeemed, $445,- 257,58 ; less amount paid in money during that period — July 1st, 1863, to July 1st, 1871, inclusive, $3,594,- 289,11 4,039.546 99 $6,460,41-1 73 To which add balance on account of interest to July 1st, 1863, as above 307,376 17 Total interest to July 1st, 1871 « 6,767.790 90 ' Principal. 1879. July 1st. Sterling bonds as above $1,315,333 34 fLess bonds redeemed between July 1st, 1871, and this date 42.175 77 1 Total $1,273.157 57 *-{ Dollar bonds as above $17,068,358 95 I Less bonds redeemed between July 1st, 1871, and this date.... 1,498,482 35 Total $15,569,876 60 Total of both classes of bonds 16,843,034 17 Interest from July \st, 1871, to July 1st, 1879, inclusive — Eight Years. On $1,315,333.34 sterling bonds at 5 per cent » $ 526,133 34 On $17,068,358.95 dollar bonds at 6 per cent 7,763,804 28 Total to July 1st $8,289,937 62 Three Tears. 1882. July 1st. Interest on $1,273,157.57 sterling bonds at 5 per cent ' $ 180,981 62 Interest on $15,569,876.60 dollar bonds at 6 per cent 2,802,578 79 Total from July 1st, 1879, to July 1st, 1882 $2,983,560 41 $11,273,498 03 Add interest accrued to July 1st, 1871, asabove $6,767,790 90 Total $18,041,288 93 Less amount paid be- tween Julyl, 1871, and Oct. 1, 1881— In money $ 2,415,973 56 In coupons 8,707,615 50 * Cancelled by Sinking Puufl Commissioners in December, 1879. 10 Less amount covering average time of the redemption of the $1,540,658,12 bonds redeemed 331,800 00 Less tax-receivable coupons out stand- ing Oct. 1st, 1881, and to be paid as a part of the floating debt. 895,722 00 Less tax-receivable coupons maturing in Jan. and July, 1882 1,117,724 87 Amount of Interest (special.) Redeemed and can- celled 380,110 02 Total deductions $13,848,945.95 Balanceof interest to July 1st, 1882 $ 4,192,342 98 Total Debt. 1882. July 1st. Principal as above $16,843,034 17 Interest, as above 4,192.342 98 Total $21,035,377 15 Including bonds held by the Literary fund to the amount of $1,428,245.25, and interest on the same— in arrears July 1st, 1881, $516,322,19— and interest added from that date to July 1st, 1882, $85,694 71, making $602,016.90 included in the above sum of $4,192,342.98. Total debt $21,035,377 15 DIVISION OF THE DEBT BETWEEN THE NEW STATES OF VIRGINIA AND WEST VIRGINIA. In reaching this result, admitting the correctness of the items and of the method of the account — and they have never been seriously disputed — there is a single feature about which the judg- > 11 meut of men may divide or vary. It is as to the apportionment of the debt of the old undivided Commonwealth between the two States subsequently formed. Not forgetting that Virginia was n^ver consulted and never did consent to the partition, she and the creditors and all the political parties into which her people had been and are now divided have agreed to and steadfastly adhered to the ratio and the judgment by them made and repeatedly reaffirmed — that two-thirds of the debt of the former State was and is the equitable share of Virginia — New Virginia, in fact. It is no answer to the assertion that Virginia was neither consulted nor consented to the partition of her territory and the formation of West Virginia, to say that the Alexandria Government repre- sented the old State, and by it the act was recognized, since the Alexandria (jrovernment was subsequently repudiated by the Gov- ernment of the United States in the substitution therefor of Military District Number One. Forbearing discussion of the general principles on which such ratio of division rests, it may not be amiss to say that the rule is that debt follows territory, and that wherever any partition is made by agreement, cession or concession, indebtedness is appor- tioned, and, where otl^.er considerations are not influential, those of territory and population govern the ratio. This is illustrated in the act of our National Government in refunding to the State of Massachusetts the advances made by her in the revolutionary period. In that act it is provided and requ'red that such propor- tion of the sum — principal and interest — thus refunded shall be paid over to the State of Maine as her territory bore to the whole — the unpartitioned State ot Massachusetts. The failure of the Congress of the United States, when it in fact partitioned the Mother of Commonwealths, to provide for the just apportionment of the debt of the undivided State, should not debar the Virginia that was left of the right to the equities of the case. The omis- sion argues and implies that the apportionment was left to be ad- justed on the basis of the principles we have announced as well 12 established by the unwritten law — the universal practice of or- ganized governments. It will not be held that the division of any estate lifts or re- moves the mortgage of the whole, much less that it frees one part and saddles all of the common burden upon ihe other. Nor does the immunity asserted by the new State of West Virginia, by neg- lect to provide for any share of the common debt of the former Commonwealth, equitably impose upon the remainder of the dis- membered State any moral obligation to pay all. If so much of the old S'ate of V^irginia as remained in the Federal lines during the civil war had continued to be recognized by the Federal Government as the State of Virginia (as for a time it was), and if a new State of East Virginia had been formed, after the war, from the Confederate portion and admitted into the Union, would any one have contended that the State having the new name would be any If^ss bound for her just share of the debt than the State having the old name? It is not the case of a copartnership. The act of creatign and liability involved none of the elements of voluntary association. It w^8 the act of the sovereign, which bound alike all the territory and energies of the soveign estate. It should not be a charge to the discredit of Virginia, that, West Virginia refusing to arbitrate the question, she has presumed to proceed to the payment of what she honestly believes to be her just and equitable share of the debt of the lormer State. What- ever the variance of opinion in respect to the ratio, the creditor and all political parties in Virginia have been agreed on the one adopted (two-thirds and one-third) ever since 1871 — a period em- bracing eight years of uninterrupted Democratic sway. West Virginia has done nothing. But the Republican party of Virginia, backed by a people who earnestly desire that the creditor of the original and undivided State of Virginia shall receive his just dues, mean, and have always intended, with the power in their hands, by such judicial process as the Constitution of the United States provides, to compel that State to do her duty in this respect. 13 THE RIDDLEBERGEK FUNDING ACT OF 1882, Returning to the account heretofore stated as the basis of the Readjuster- Republican party's settlement, it was on the result thus ascertained that our party formulated the law conamonly called the Riddleberger bill, which proposes to fund Virginia's share of the debt of the former State into bonds of her own issue, bearing 3 per centum. Unlike the Democratic party's Funding bill of 1871 , there is no compulsion in the Riddleberger bill, no repudiation of that portion of the debt which shall not accept the settlement proposed in it. In respect to the rate of interest fixed by the terras of this bill objection may be taken on the ground that the debt to be refunded bore six per cent. Our answer is that the aim and purpose was to prescribe such rate — 3 per centum — as the certain resources of the State would enable her to meet with promptness and regularity. This would give hope and spirit to the drooping energies of her people, inspire the development of her industrial resources, en- hance the growth and power of the Commonwealth, and make her securities valuable. After all, the creditor was invited, and not compelled, to accept the settlement upon these terms. An exact parallel to this is the case of the District i»f Columbia when Congress changed the form of its local government, and then refunded its outstanding indebtedness at an equally severe reduc- tion of the rate of interest. That is to say, ( ongress, which has exelusivejurisdiction over the District of Columbia, and cannot divest itself thereof, caused a debt bearing a high rate of interest, created by its agents, to be refunded by another set of its agents at a much lower rate of in- terest, to-wit: 3.65 per cent. It was to enable the people to labor and to live, and the State to keep house and send her children to school, that the rate was fixed at three per centum. The existing taxation was admitted by all political parties, and by the creditor (through his agents) as 14 ■well, to be as high as could be borne, and the yield safely admitted of DO larger rate of interest. The great body of the people were rejoiced at and agreed on this settlement, and in their willing assent the creditor must at last find his safest and surest — indeed, his only — guarantee of payment. This Riddleberger settlement had composed public sentiment, so long and so largely vexed, and had happily dissipated the lurking and growing sentiment for re- pudiation, which agitation and misleading treatment of the ques- tion had generated and fed. The co-operative measures, derisively called by our opponents " Coupon-Killers " numbers one and two, were, as no one has ever pretended to deny, designed by what were believed to be adjudicated but not compulsory methods to induce the refunding — a consumma- tion of the settlement — and, as well, to protect the State and her creditors against spurious coupons Neither deprives the creditor of a straightforward legal remedy for the enforcement of his rights? and so, it is sufficient to say, the Supreme Court of the United States has decided, in the case of Antoni vs. Greenhow. The measures we have enacted were and are believed to promise the most favorable solution of the question for the creditor himself, and the settlement is believed to be honorable and just. The enforcement of this settlement has been and will continue to be the earnest endeavor of the Republican party of the State. If the creditor is looking to the Democratic party here for better terms, he will find it difficult to discover anything in the record of that party's treatment of the question to justify him in indulg- ing such a hope. THE BOUEBON RESTOEATION. The Democratic party of Virginia had opposed the Readjust- ment measure obstinately in and out of the Legislature, not because it was possible to refute the correctness of the items ; or the methods of the account — this they never undertook — but merely as if to uphold that kind of debt-paying sentiment which was ever ready to engage in any scheme or make any promise that extolled the magnitude of the debt, and equally ready at all times to avoid the legislation necessary to payment. 15 The whole question was thought now to be composed. The Supreme Court of the United States had affirmed the principles of the auxiliary measures on which the success of the riiddleberger refunding act largely depended — one in the case of Antoni vs. Greenhow, and the other in the case of Tennessee vs. Suead. The refunding had quickly begun and was progressing at a rate prom- ising full and final fruition. Meanwhile the Democratic party, which had been repeatedly condemned at the polls, and expelled from place and power, met in State Convention at Lynchburg in July, 1883. It then and there formally proclaimed, not only its approval of our Republi- can debt, settlement, and of all the leading measures to which we had given effect, but promised to uphold and promote that settle- ment. That which they had but a little while before characterized as dishonest and dishonorable in that respect, they now accepted and pledged themselves to foster, if only the people would restore them to office and to power. There was no sacrifice of sentiment? and no surrender of long pretended debt-paying conviction — no compromise of their pretended views of the rights of the creditor," which they were not ready to make, if only they could deceive the people and regain control of their affairs. By means and methods heretofore exposed, to the everlasting shame of its leaders, and the outrage of a great State and its hon- est and law-abiding people, that party effected its purpose in the election of 1 883. It secured a majority of both branches of the General Assembly, and not content with the legislative power it quickly neutralized the Executive Department, and audaciously threatened the Judiciary by arbitrarily seizing the seats of seven- teen members of the General Assembly and giving them to their candidates who had just been defeated by the people. Thus entrenched by the boldest usurpations which disgrace the record of any State, and which forms the blackest page in Vir- ginia's noble history, they commenced their work. Without refer- ing at this time to the vicious acts with which they crowded our statute-books, to the great wrong and at the price of the liberties 16 of the people, I will review the toore conspicuous of their inter- meddling act in respect to the public debt, and show how far their public pledges had been respected, and their much vaunted debt- paying sentiment observed. DEMOCRATIC ENDORSEMENT OF THE RIDDLEBERGER ACT. At this time the funding under the Riddleberger law was going^ on well. The self-executing tax- receivable coupon no longer em- barrassed the collection of our revenues. There was $1,537,204.88 in the treasury on the 1st of October, 1883. The schools and teachers were receiving their constitu- tional share of the revenue. Our institutions of higher learning were receiving their dues, and our asylums were well organized, supported and conducted. On the 1st of October, 1884, the end of the first year's adminis- tration under the Bourbon restoration, there remained only $942,- 886.70 in the treasury, when meanwhile full one year's revenue, say $2,700,000, had been collectible. What was the first act of the Democratic party in respect to the debt? It was to formally declare, by joint resolution, approved the 21st of December, 1883: " 1st. That the people have accepted the act of February four- teenth, eighteen hundred and eighty-two, known as the ' Riddle- berger bill,' as the ultimate settlement of the debt of this State • that it is their unalterable purpose that that settlement shall be final, and that any expectation that any settlement of the debt ot* this State upon any ot ler basis will ever be tolerated by the people ' of Virginia, is absolutely illusory and hopeless. "■ 2d. That the interests of the public creditors, as well as the safety and welfare of the State, require that this settlement shall be accepted by the creditors as well as by the State, and therefore the General Assembly of Virginia, on behalt of all the people of the State, hereby advise and call upon the holders of all the bonds and claims against the Commonwealth, to come forward with promptness and fund the same under the provisions of the act of February fourteenth, eighteen hundred and eighty-two." Here we have the gushing approval by the Democratic party of a settlement, which, but a short time before, was repugnant to their pretended sense of honor and their lofty standard of honesty. 17 It will be seen to have been a hollow and perfunctory compliance with the insincere promise on which they deceive'' the people and stole into power. They then thought to perpetuate the control they had gained, and to reach other and higher public trusts by out-Heroding Herod in any raid that had, as they charged, been made upon the rights and interests of the creditors. DEMOCRATIC DEBT- PAYING DISGUISES THROWN OFF AND REPUDIATION AVOWED. What was their next step? It was by the acts approved Feb- ruary 7, 1884, and the 15th of March, 1884, to require the pre- payment of all license taxes in United States currency, so that, in violation of the judgment of both the highest State and Federal courts, the tax-receivable coupon might not any longer be used according to the express tenor thereof, in payment of such "taxes, dues, and demands." It was to destroy a vested right by exclud- ing every remedy, and in this to unhinge and upset the funda- mental principle upon which the Riddleberger settlement rested for success. This, when the refunding was proceeding well, when for the preceding twenty-four months only $185,000 of the tax- receivable coupons had been employed in the payment of " taxes, dues, and demands," and when there was in the Treasury fully $1,537,204:88, as of October 1st, 1883. Further, in pursuit of this policy, by the act approved the 25th of February, 1884, it is provided that no corpo- ration, foreign or domestic, shall be chartered, or, if already char- tered, shall have any amendment, renewal or extension, except on condition that it shall pay its taxes in money; by the act approved the 7th March, the acceptance of the tax-receivable coupon is for- bidden for the hire of convicts ; by the act approved the 10th March, 1884, the same is forbidden in payment of the purchase of certain lands; by the act approved the 15th of March, 1884, an additional license-tax of $250 is imposed on attorneys for prosecuting the collection of the coupon under the reme- dies provided for its enforcement ; by the same act bankers and 18 brokers who buy or sell coupons, iu addition to the ordinary- license tax imposed of $250, are subjected to a tax of one thousand dollars and twenty per cent, of the face value of the coupon ; by the act approved the 25th of February, 1884, the officers and records of the Government are forbidden to be used to establish the validity of the coupon; by the act of March the 15th, 1884, an additional attorney is retained in each county and city of the State to resist the collection of the tax-receivable coupon, by the remedies provided for the creditors in connection with the Riddle- berger settlement. What was their next step in the direction of repudiation? By the act of March 15th, 1884, the Board of Sinking Fund Commissioners are authorized and directed to apply every month any surplus in the Treasury which may not be needed to carry on the Government, not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars, to the purchase of the bonds issued under the Riddleberger act of 1882. Under this extraordinary provision there had been paid out of the Treasury, up to the 1st of January, 1885, |948,88(i.00 in redemption of a loan having thirty-four years to run and bearing but three per cent, interest. By acts approved August 27, and November 29, 1884, all re- cognition of tax-receivable coupons, or other interest accruing upon any of the previously issued obligations representing the debt of the original State of Virginia, excepting upon the bonds issued in pursuance of the Riddleberger settlement, is forbidden after Jan- uary 1, 188 3. If this is not open, defiant, and violent repudia- tion, will some debt-paying Democrat tell us what constitutes repudiation? It is to say to the creditor, whatever his claims, whatever the nature of the obligation : *' Accept our terras and conditions of settlement, or we repudiate the obligation to account for the interest we have agreed to pay." One more step in the direction of Democratic dishonesty — a step plainly suggpsted by the one just stated — and the debt is paid (by repudiation), and the honor of Virginia fully vindicated iu accordance with the debt-paying sentiment of the Democratic party of the State ! But the fiaal aud culminating act of this party of Repudiation is to be found in the act approved November 18, 1884, which imposes on the creditor a tax of fifty cents for every bond, no matter what may be the denomination, issued to him under the Riddleberger act. It will be difficult to realize that the aim of the measures above recited was to promote settlement and final repose of the question. The interpretation must be that it was, as the result is, to incite distrust and hostility where confidence and friendship ought to be strong and cordial. The policy can no longer be disguised. Misjudging the character of this people, the local leaders of the Democratic party give tongue everywhere throughout the State to the covert scheme. A new issue musi be raised by which they hope to reach coveted place and absolute power over our public affairs. The scheme is so to harass the creditor as to induce him to stand away from the Riddleberger settlement, and, by initiating proceed- ings, contend for other terms, while the prejudices of the people are to be aroused at the failure of the settlement, and the conse- quences that would follow in a return to the funding law of 1871. This the people know would saddle upon them a debt largely in excess of the two-thirds of the correctly ascertained debt of the original State, and an annual demand for interest which no rate of taxation they can bear would suffice to meet. It is that alternative which would bring ruin and repudiation at last, or a constitutional convention and the extinguishment of the debt at once and forever. REPUBLICAN AIMS. The Republicans of Virginia understand the scheme, and will resolutely resist both of the alternatives it presents. They mean to uphold the Riddleberger settlement as it was be- fore its mutilation by the Democratic party, believing that it fills the measure of justice and equity. To attempt in this paper a full presentation of the acts by which the debt-paying sentiment of the Bourbon party of Virginia might 20 ■ fairly be measured, would extend it beyond readable endurance. It is enough t to say that they had, at a heavy extra expense to the State, two regular and two extended sessions of the General Assem- bly, when one in every two years is by the Constitution contem- plated, and has usually afforded all the time needed for legislation. Their expenses of government were $1,269,910, when our Re- publican administration had reduced them to $800,000 annually. In all that time no measure of public importance engaged (heir attention. Partisan in 'estigations at a cost of $80,000, resulting in neither discoveries nor reforms; partisan prosecution of judicial officers; the formation of political machinery for controlling the electoral power of the people ; the passage of pocket charters and of over one hundred relief bills, whereby defaulting Bourbon col- lectors of revenue and their sureties were released from the pay- ment of fully $100,000 of taxes paid them by the people, and which had doubtless been expended in promoting their political campaigns; these exploits mainly circumscribe their legislative work. !Not content with the release of so much of the public revenues as had been misappropriated in these certain cases, the self-consti- tuted guardians of the public faith and the rights of the bond- holders — the Democratic party of Virginia — in one sweeping act, approved the 7th of March, 1884, cancel the claims of the Com- monwealth, covered bj every official bond executed prior to the 1st of July, 1870, for any default in returns of revenues collected. State or county ; and what sum of money this blanket relief bill withholds from the Treasury of the State let the man tell who can. Between the two records above set forth, the people of Virginia are to choose at the polls in November. In that struggle the Re- publicans of this State hope for the earnest co-operation and moral support of their political brethren throughout the country. 21 ADDENDUM. THE RECENT SUPREME COURT DECISION. The divided opinions delivered by the Supreme Court of the United States since the preparation of the foregoing paper make this addendum necessary to a proper understanding of the present status of the debt question in Virginia. The Riddleberger law, as originally enacted, is merely a refund- inii measure. It ascertains the true indebtedness and fixes the proportion of the share of each class of obligation theretofore as- sumed to represent the debt of the unpartitioned State, for which new bonds of the Virginia that now is are proposed to be given. In no sense or relation was this laic before the cour't, nor does the court deal with it. It was with the prerogative of the tax-receivable coupon, and the legislative and official acts that are alleged to invade the sanc- tity of the contract which it imports, that the court dealt. These several acts, the more conspicuous of which are referred to in the foregoing paper, forbidding peremptorily the receivability of the coupon, which were passed by the Democratic party in the Jate Legislature, we believed at the time were unconstitutional. They could not fail to result in irritating public sentiment, exciting false hopes, inspiring a more aggressive attitude, and arresting the progress of our debt settlement. But the act of Assembly commonly called by its opponents "Coupon-Killer No. 2" was believed to be within the decision of the court in an analogous case. The effort w^as to conform all our legislation to the law as established by the highest court in the country. The language of this act is substantially the same as an act of the State of Tennessee to prevent the interception of her revenues by the notes of the bank of Tennessee. These were by law recei\^able for taxes as are the coupons here. The Supreme Court of the United States unanimously sustained the validity of that act in the case of Tennessee vs. Snead, decided at the October term, 1877, (96 U. S. Rep., p. 69). 22 More recently (October term, 1882), in the case of Antoni vs. Greenhow, in which the validity of the act of Virginia of January 14, 1882, is sustained (the act called by our enemies Coupon-Killer No. 1), the court, through the Chief Justice, refers to the decision in the Tennessee case, and says : " We might have satisfied ourselves by a reference to the case of Tennessee vs. Snead ubi swpra, where the same general question was before us ; but as we were asked to reconsider that case, we have done so, with the same result, and, as we think, without in • any manner departing from the long line of cases in which the principle involved has been recognized and applied. The decision, in conclusion, says of our Virginia act of Janu- ary 14,1882: " Inasmuch as we are satisfied that a remedy is given by the act of 1882, substantially equivalent to that in force when the coupons where issued, we have not deemed it necessary to consider what would be the effect of a statute taking away all remedies." This was a positive reaffirmance of the right of a State to change or prescribe the adequate process by which claims against her may be enforced. It is in this act only of ours (to which objection now appears by the late decision, as being at variance witii the decision in Tennes- see vs. Snead), in connection with the subsequent legislation of the Democratic party, that the Supreme Court, in its recent decision, touches our Readjuster-Republican debt settlement. The act called by our opponents " Coupon-Killer No. 1 " stood the ordeal of a constitutional trial before this court in the case of Antoni vs. Greenhow, and was, as before stated, declared valid (only two jus- tices dissenting), as it had been by the Supreme Court of Virginia. The subsequent legislation of the Democratic party affecting it has fortunately been pronounced unconstitutional by the late decision. This act (January 14, 1882) and the Hiddleberger debt law remain in force, unhinged by the late decision, the one making a square proposition for the settlement of the actual debt, and the other re- quiring no more than that the genuineness of the tax-receivable 23 coupon tendered in payment of taxes, debts, dues, and demands of the State shall be established as may be lawfully required of any such claim against a creditor. Our debt settlement will proceed by constitutional methods, if the Republicans have the power, and we do not doubt our ability to conform the act of January 26, 1882, to the present opinion of the Supreme Court, without impairing its efficacy for the purpose it was designed to accomplish. It has been the idle, inconsiderate, and vindictive meddling; through petty, ill-considered, ill-conceived, and petulant measures of the Democratic party in the late Legislature that has arrested the quiet and orderly settlement of the whole matter of the debt on the basis of the Riddleberger law, to the great detriment of the peace of the people, and against the ultimate interest of the credi- tor. The confusion and misapprehension, the fears and false hopes, and the prejudices which have thus been created, profit only at- torneys, brokers and speculators. .The boria fide holder of Virginia bonds outside of the Riddleberger law will sooner or later realize that he is no better off, and that, after all, his best interests are to be subserved by refunding under that law. The people of Virginia, and likewise the creditor, have abund- ant cause to fear the custody and treatment of this question by the Democratic party of the State. They have only to adhere to the Riddleberger settlement, and elect men to administer their public affairs who honestly believe in it, and have the sense to carry it out, and all will be well, for both State and creditor. WiLriAM Mahone. i4-4 Democratic hostility Popular Ed-uoation, ,£i^ aDOIsT-A-TIOlNr S76,OOX,904.00 DEI-BATED BY A DEMOCRATIC HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. VIRGINIA'S SHARE WOULD HAVE BEEN $5,3 1 0,469.08. WASHINGTON, D. C.t R. O. POLKINHORN «fe SON, PRINTERS. n'* <1 Is o i ■^■' DEMOCRATIC HOSTILITY TO POPULAR EDUCATION January 31st, 1884, Hon. Henry W. Blair, a Republican Senator from New Hampshire, reported to the United States Senate, from the Committee on Education and Labor, a Bill entitled, " An Act to aid in the establishment and temporary support of common schools." This bill, with some amendments, was passed by a Repub- lican Senate, in the mouth of April last, and appropriated $76,681,904.00 to be distributed to the various States and Territories, in accordance with their educational necessities. Of this amount the Southern States would have received $58,187,157.25, being nearly four-fifths of the entire amount appropriated. The share of the State of Virginia would have been The tabular statements given below have been prepared carefully, from the census of 1880, and show the amount of money each Congressional District, and the counties compris- ing the Districts in Virginia, would have received, under this magnificent offer of the l^eneral Government, to the people of the South, The amount of money Virginia would have received for School purposes, ha not Senator Blair's Educational Bill been defeated hy the Democracy at the last Session of Congress. FIRST DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. Counties. d .2 Oh o 00 T-l a .§2 M o O (-1 Izipq No. of Schools in 1883 Republican rule. o 00 .9 o m ^ oo CO Theamount of money each county would have received for schools had the Bill passed. No. of voters in each county. 1 2 -3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Accomac Caroline Gloucester Essex King and Queen Lancaster Mathews Middlesex Northampton.. . Northumb'land. Richmond Spottsylvania . . Westmoreland . Total... . 24,408 17,243 11,876 11,032 10,502 6,160 7,501 6,252 9,152 7,929 7,195 14,828 8,846 32 5 '"l6 ""s 5 8 17 7 6 25 1 67 62 39 30 33 21 25 20 25 32 23 28 29 1,354 129 343 104 128 265 197 237 178 392 32 2,085 1,492 983 658 688 431 657 438 536 617 446 675 552 $85,672 08 60,522 93 37,409 40 38,722 32 36,862 02 21,621 60 24,749 01 21,944 52 32,123 52 27,830 79 25,254 45 52,046 28 31,049 46 5,48 3,42 2,64 2,16 2,09 1,32 1,71 1.33 2,12 1,77 1,54 '3,24 1,84 142,924 130 434 3,359 10,258 $495,808 38 30,71 SECOND DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. 1 Charles City. . . 5,512 4 18 67 355 $19,347 12 1,22 2 Elizabeth City.. 10.682 * • • • 26 1,056 37,493 82 3,28 3 James City .... 5,422 11 20 214 315 19,031 22 1 ,35 4 Norfolk City.. ) 5 Norfolk Co . . I 58,657 40 101 1,666 3,335 205,949 25 15,14 6 Portsm'th city ) 7 Nansemond .... 15,903 4 52 135 1,260 55,819 53 3,80 8 Princess Anne.. 9,394 18 31 471 715 32,972 94 2,30 9 Isle of Wight . . 10,572 17 36 375 825 37,107 72 2,51 10 Southampton.. . 18,012 33 76 824 1,479 63,222 12 3,91, 11 Surry 7,391 11 25 224 538 25,942 41 2,04( 12 Warwick 2,258 6 11 94 193 7,925 58 58i 13 York Total . . . 7,349 8 23 182 598 25,794 99 1,65; 161,152 153 419 4,252 10,669 $530,606 70 37,82^ THIRD DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. Counties. .2 CI, o d ^ 6 P s § No. of Schools in '83. Republican Rule. c3 M-H 00 O T-l !-. a a [2; S ■ 03 ^ . CO CO (X) M-, 00 O ,-H ;h d CD -rH a d Amt. of money each county would have received for schools had the bill passed. No. of voters in each county. Chesterfield Goochland Hanover - Henrico &Rich'd King William . New Kent Total 25,085 10,292 18,588 82,703 8,751 5,515 29 14 22 163 14 8 78 45 62 209 29 19 371 304 532 6,295 332 186 2,157 833 1,288 7,268 593 370 $80,048 35 36,124 92 65,243 88 250,514 45 30,616 01 17,372 25 5,754 2,192 4,028 20,820 1,920 1,295 150,934 250 442 8,020 12,509 $479,919 86 36,009 FOURTH DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. Amelia 10,377 25 28 652 665 $36,422 27 2,210 Brunswick 16,707 23 64 435 1,203 58,641 57 3,320 Dinwiddie 11,214 16 53 284 994 39,361 14 2,240 Greenville 8,407 8 40 134 638 29,518 57 1,857 » Lunenburg 11,535 26 50 479 1,047 40,487 85 2,307 > Mecklenburg .. . 24,610 37 75 1,094 1,867 86,381 10 4,834 ' Nottaway 11,156 4 31 309 947 39,156 45 2,230 ] Powhattan 7,817 20 28 466 593 27,437 67 1,714 ) Petersburg City. 21,656 35 38 1,494 1,838 76,012 56 4,331 ) Prince George . . 10,054 12 35 245 707 35,289 54 2,431 [ Prince Edward . 14,668 26 54 636 1,268 52,384 68 3,152 I Sussex Total... 10,062 21 41 -408 709 35,317 62 2,323 158,253 253 537 ,- 6,536 12,476 $556,412 13 32,949 FIFTH DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. Carroll Danville Floyd Franklin. . . . Grayson Henry Patrick Pittsylvania . . Total .. 13,323 8,726 14 13,255 19 25,084 28 13,068 1 16,009 11 12,833 33,853 13 136,151 86 77 53 78 102 72 76 61 97 654 477 661 37 200 616 906 1,796 1,564 1,938 2,642 2,056 1,424 1,434 2,227 $46,763 73 30,648 26 46,525 05 79,014 60 47,868 68 50,428 35 45,043 83 118,824 03 2,935 15,081 $465,116 53 27,201 6 SIXTH DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. Counties. Botetourt . . . . , Bedford Campbell and. Lynchb'gCitj Charlotte. ... Elalifax Montgomery .. 8 Roanoke, ... Total, a .2 a o 14,809 31,205 36,250 16,653 33,588 16,693 13,105 m 45 67 41 17 54 48 54 O 03 94 120 111 54 111 91 68 w C3i t^ PI (D -r-i a 889 1,596 1,256 515 1,350 1,053 1,263 o CO ■!-( QJ -r-l P! 1,874 3,052 3,755 1,612 2,782 1,900 1,675 162,303 326' 649 7,922 16.650 $568,683 53 35,148 S^ 2 O M $51,979 59 109,529 55 127,237 50 58,452 03 117,893 88 57,592 43 45,998 55 SEVENTH DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. Albemarle. . . . Clarke Fred'rk&City of Winchester Greene Madison Page . Rappahannock Shenandoah . .. Rockingham . . Warren Total. 32,618 75 116 1,003 2,736 7,682 23 2« 508 699 17,533 15 88 430 2,465 5,830 4 27 101 623 10,562 24 53 513 1,211 9,965 26 62 697 1,502 9,291 19 43 380 1.004 18,204 27 101 930 3,747 29,567 135 184 3,388 4,608 25,970 25 373 ' 35 662 911 167,222 737 8,612 19,506 $102,746 26,963 70 82 6,897 1,793 61,611 03 4,195 20,463 37,072 34,977 32,611 53,342 30 62 15 41 60 1,150 2,154 2,19T 1,980 4,245 103,780 17 6,515 25,970 49 1,729 $499,539 29 32.855 EIGHTH DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. Alexandria City Alexandria Co. . Culpepper Fauquier F'airiax Loudoun Louisa King George. . . Orange Prince William, Staflbrd Total . . 13,659 3,877 l.H,408 22,993 16,025 23,634 18,942 6,397 13,052 9,180 7,211 148,378 20 9 33 49 58 61 52 35 37 9 363 • 2» «21 1,136 9 348 474 59 630 1,332 90 1,303 2,061 70 1,430 1,785 100 1,884 2,425 83 1,364 1,800 25 511 52 838 1,223 42 863 905 29 365 559 587 9,846 14,411 $47,953 09 13,608 27 47,062 08 80,705 43 56,247 75 82,955 34 66,486 42 22,453 47 45,812 52 32,218 81 25,310 61 NINTH DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA. Counties. Bland Buchanan.... Craig Dickenson* . Giles Lee Pulaski Russell Scott Smythe Tazewell . . . Washington , Wise Wythe . . . Total, o 5,004 5,694 8,-794 8,794 15,116 8,755 13,906 17,283 12,160 12,861 25,208 7,772 14,318 P^ o C/2 o o t: 15 2 9 9 3 16 42 19 CO 00 O whites, 993. Yet Goochland, with its 350 black majority, is repre- sented in the Legislature by a Bourbon. The above figures are all from the United States census of 1880, and the above facts are not denied. The pretence of the Bourbons that they fear the negro, is a mere bug-a-boo. Whenever they can buy, or coax, or cheat, or intimidate the colored man they are delighted. Remember how John W. Daniel courted the colored man in 1879, when he was trying to make them vote for the Mc- Culloch bill. He appeared at a colored meeting in Lynch- burg, at Moorman's warehouse, and leading forward a colored lawyer in one hand and a colored preacher in the other he exclaimed dramatically : "Oh ! my countrymen ! when the people thus behold the best men of both races standing with clasped hands we ^re bound to win." Remember also how, when he wanted the colored man's vote he spoke, saying : '■'My counti^ymen ! the science of poli- tics now i7i Virginia is to legislate for both the blacks and whites. They have a common interest in the State, and he is a tati'iot who instead of setting the races to jawing and discord sliall, like a skilled performer on the piano b7^ing out music from both the white and black keys!' Remember how the Democrats coddle and praise the col- ored men when they can get their votes. Remember how they brought a large club of colored men down to their Richmond juoiiee fruin Cliarlotte count^^ in 1 883, be- cause they had voted the Democratic ticket, and what praise and applause they lavished upon them in their procession. Do you not see that the Democrats would go to any length to secure the colored vote ? They cajole and caress the col- ored man in the black counties, and in the white counties it is the d — d nigger. Do you not see how they are benefitted by them ? Do you| not see how charmed and delighted they are when the coloredi men are with them, callingthem "our esteemed colored friends?" Do you not see that it is only when the colored man votes his principles and votes against them that he ceases to be an "esteemed colored friend," and becomes a "d — d woolly- headed nigger ?" What folly it is to be frightened away from Republicanism, because we have the support of a large number of colored men. If the colored people were Democrats, would that alter the principles of that party for better or worse ? The colored men are an element of strength to whichever party has them. The Democrats know this and want them. Why should we give them up, or want to give up those we have, when we know their going to the Democrats would weaken us and strengthen them ? If our principles are good and strong, as they are, let us be thankful that they are fortified and strengthened by every colored vote we get. Let us not be scared by a silly race cry. They are entided to vote and all honest men will agree, are entitled to have their votes hon- estly counted. We so honorably ordained by our constitu tion, and in seeking and accepting re-admission in the union As citizens — as voters — we are given — we accept, and w€ enjoy four seats in the Congress of the United States, anc four votes in the Electoral College for President and Vice- Presi4ent, on the basis of the colored man as a citizen anc voter, that we would not otherwise enjoy. Should we ac cept, should we enjoy, this additional power in the administra- tion of the Federal Government, and yet deny the colorec man an honest count of his ballot? Would we think it fair treatment, that the white man at the North should have two votes to our one? And yet the Bour- bon policy of refusing to count the ballot of the colored mar here as it is cast, is to give the white man here two votes tc the one of the white man North. Can we expect the white man North and West, will longer submit to this injustice ; Does it not forbode a sectional strife to our great injury; Who can desire another contention between the sections: Virginia wants peace. What would be the productive power of the State, if we drive the colored man from our borders ? It is the labor, in large measure, on which our every industry is dependent. We can substitute no other labor i " ' ^ iacLOr liVQur productive power, c.. ,: \j^.. .. ,\,-^ V education an.d kindness its prodi t and thus, enla^f th' > .nd [Whijj, January 22n(l, '85.] New Virginia. 1. When it was said of old that all things have become new, e declaration was not more true then than it is to-day in irginia. It was not true then, as it is not now, except in the nse that a new order of things had begun and that the time .d arrived for old things to pass away. It was important then r the announcement to be made, comprehended and con- rmed to ; and it is no less important here and now. We ust awake to the new situation; we must accept it ; and we ust adapt ourselves to the changed demands that press upon . from all sides ; for of all evils, perhaps, that is*greatest lere individuals cannot or will not accommodate themselves fresh conditions and circumstances — refuse to take advan- ge of them, — and foolishly attempt to put the new wine into e old bottles. The Virginia we have now is not the Virginia our fathers lew. It has been divided, and a new State has been created )on the ravished soil. Slavery, with all its concomitants, has Lssed away. The colored people have been made citizens. great war has devastated and subdued us ; and many moot lestions that were once alive amone us have been slain in Lttle or are mortally wounded. A great public system of se education for all the people has been instituted, A nearer )proach to personal equality, not only in civil and political fairs, but in our material concerns, has been suddenly made, affrage is free, and government by the people has super- ded the old system of rule by county families and their de- mdents. Taxation is equal and uniform. The old patri- chal agriculture has disappeared. The former system of large farms and great land-holders is rapidly yidding to a wide division of our territory into small independent holdings. Our immense and varied resources and our many advantages of position have attracted attention, capital, and enterprise. Hundreds of new channels have been opened for industry; railroads traverse the State in all directions ; our ports are growing with a fast expanding commerce ; mining and manu- factures are building new cities ; and on every hand we hear and see evidence of a diversified employment, development and progress that assure us that the dawn of a new day is here, and that this is no time for any of us to sleep, or idle, or obstruct. We cannot and should not live in the past, nor for the past. We must live and act in the present, for the magnificent future that is to arise upon the ruins of what was. Yet it is not forbidden to any Virginian to remember the past, its pleasures, virtues, glories. Even in the ashes of much that was evil, we are still allowed to see with a pride not un- mingled with regret the glow of the "wonted fires that once illuminated the Old Dominion with a light like "To the glory that was Greece, To the grandeur that was Rome." Neither Greece nor Rome had more devoted patriots, abler statesmen, more skillful generals, braver heroes, or more noble, refined and virtuous men and women. And over all was the glamour of the graces, hospitalities, generosities and sweet courtesies of a life that was hardly ever known before, and which the world will never see again. But these are memories to solace, cheer and spur us, — not to lull us into a dream of things that were, but which have gone glimmer- ing forever. 2. Above all we must not quarrel and fight among the grav of our heroic age. It is the curse of controversy — of ; controversy, no matter how sacred — that it almost invariab leads to personal crimination and recrimination. The Scri tures themselves are full of the sad evidences of this. Is the no remedy ? Must brethren ever fall to aspersing each oth< whenever they differ ? Must shipwrecked men become savae cannibals and devour each other ? Our case in New Virgin (the Old Dominion no more forever !) imperatively calls for remedy, if one can be found. We were as men in the sam boat. We are as the same men cast away upon a strange shore. Surely it is only necessary to fully realize our situa- tion and its exigencies for us to Tviach friendly co-operation, if not complete harmony. The curse becomes a shame when mutual strife and reciprocal abuse still continue after it is manifest that the common safety depends upon the wisest counsels, the best direction, the bravest energy, and not upon passion and prejudice. Nay, it is the madness of the moon, when, in such emergencies, the calm and honest discussion of ways and means for deliverance is forgotten in fierce personal denunciation, whether arising out of jealousy and hate, or other cause. Who are the men in New Virginia who have persistently ignored present facts and clung only to past memories ? Who are they who have consulted passion and prejudice, instead of right and reason ? Admit that all of us are patriots, with the best intentions, — who are the misguided citizens among us who, from the first catastrophe to this hour, have dealt with our condition as if it were practically unchanged ; who have closed their eyes to the most manifest truths ; who have shut their ears to the most momentous occurrences ; who have subordinated accomplished events to exploded opinions ; who would have their way and their will by any means and at all costs ; who have grasped power as an end and not as a means ; who have finally succeeded, by ancient devices, in pursuing a circle which brings us again between Scylla and Charybdis, where wreck once more confronts us ; and who, through it all, have met argument with vituperation, reason with wrath, and right with might and wrong ? Who are these honorable men ? We shall appeal to a candid world on the facts ; and we shall show that these honorable men, no matter by what mo- tives impelled, have made vast mistakes and have perpe- trated the most grievous injustices. In doing this we shall let one man's career alone testify against them and their course, — for, although scarcely less wrong has been done others by the honorable men whom we arraign; he represents conspicuously a great cause attacked in his person ; and his case will best illustrate how personal abuse has sought at once to destroy a beneficent movement and its most eminent exponent, — selected for this sacrifice because he was and is the able chieftain of the people. Yet we should not condescend to do this, if it were not an attested fact of history that the best causes have suffered at least temporary defeat or damage through the unmerited obloquy poured upon their leaders, who themselves too unwisely treated with silent scorn the 4 wretched calumnies directed at them, — conscious of integrity and over-confident of fina^ vindication. But with whatever propriety and wisdom the private man can silently and nobly bear these assaults upon his personal record, it is a mistake in any great public leader — a mistake for him, his cause, his party, and his country. Woe to all these when their enemies write their histories ! Woe to the people whose Tribunes are thus allowed to be slaughtered ! We are not writing either a history or a biography, but simply a series of sketches ; yet we shall be throughout sure of our facts and defiant of contradiction. We shall present together in rapid outline the career of the greatest living Vir- ginian and the development of the grand Liberal movement in this State of which this Virginian is the most prominent representative. In other men it has always been a theme of applause that they were superior to circumstances and were able to rise to the highest positions from the humblest beginning ; but in the case of William Mahone, his enemies have sought to make it a reproach against him that he rose from the ranks of the people and was not born with a silver spoon in his mouth. Nay, they have even sought to degrade his parentage, — as- persing the dead to befoul the living ! Yet these attempts have only aroused indignant contempt in all honorable minds, — especially when it is well known that William Ma- hone's family, on both sides, was as respectable as any in the State, and far superior in character, standing, and circum- stances to the families of many of the very men who thus attack him. On both sides his family came from sterling stocks, and his ancestors held various military and civic posts with honor, in both war and peace. The Mahone family itself is of Irish extraction ; but its first representatives settled in Virginia at an early date, and its members were always known for force of character and high integrity. William Mahone himself was born near Monroe, Southampton county, where, and at other places in the county, his father was engaged in the mercantile business, and where his excellent mother was much esteemed for her many virtues. It is true that they were not wealthy. Young Mahone soon exhibited qualities that attracted attention to him as a boy of great promise. Gentlemen of the town and county and guests at the hotel which his father 5 subsequently kept at Jerusalem, in Southampton, were struck by his talents. He had only ordinary school advantages, sup- plemented by the home instructions of his parents, both per- sons of no common capacity. His own aspirations for a higher education were seconded by the gentlemen who had observed and admired his precocious development, and his father's con- sent was obtained for a course at the Virginia Military Insti- tute, Lexington, provided he could be appointed a State stu- dent there. At that period it was no easy thing to secure such an appointment. It was almost as difficult as to be ap- pointed to West Point. The fact that William Mahone suc- ceeded in his hopes, proves that his father had no little po- litical influence to engage in his son's behalf the potent re- commendations that brought the scholarship within reach. At Lexington, notwithstanding much foolish invention to the contrary, young Mahone was diligent in his studies, obedient to regulations, and made rapid advances in that training which taught him to lead and comm.and. No better proof can be given of his excellent conduct at the Institute and the fine abilities he evinced there than the constant re- spect and admiration always entertained for him by the offi- cers, professors, visitors, and students who knew him during his student life, and who have maintained the warmest per- sonal friendship with him to this day, no matter how much they may have differed, or may still differ, in politics. Yet his detractors even pervert his attendance at the Insti- tute, as a State student, as something to his discredit. What think their relatives and friends ? It is even urged that by accepting this scholarship he assumed some personal and political obligation to serve for life certain" men and their party ! It was a monstrous thing when something like this was said of Lee and other eallant Confederates who had been educated at West Point at Federal charge ; but this sugges- tion against Mahone is still more monstrous , for never man served Virginia better than he has done in war and in peace. More than that, — the only obligation he assumed to the State as her student was to teach school for a term of years after his graduation ; and this he fulfilled with scrupulous fidelity and success, at Rappahannock Academy and elsewhere. Be- sides, whatever charge his education was to the State has been since fully requited by his direct contributions to the Institute. But it was upon the conclusion of his schoolmaster's career that he entered upon the chief pursuit of his life as a civu engineer and railroad man ; and long before the war began, he had repaid many fold to the State all that he had cost her, by locating, surveying and constructing new lines of railroad upon her soil. Hon. John S. Barbour claims much for his connection with the Orange and Alexandria railroad ; but Mahone helped to survey that line and superintended much of its construction, with his usual ability and energy. His fertility of resource and his indefatigable resolution, however, were first tested in his survey, location, and construction of the line of railroad connecting Norfolk and Petersburg. The story has been often told, and we refer to it here only to say that the swampy, boggy, quick-sandy, tangled, and otherwise difficult nature of much of the region to be traversed, made it so almost impassible that many declared that no firm road- bed could be secured. But the man equal to the occasion was there, and he triumphed over all obstacles with a pluck that never wavered, and an ingenuity that never failed. In spite of everything he constructed the road with remarkable dispatch and skill, and where it was said that no line could be established without wide detours, he built the firmest and straightest railroad in the State, making a schedule time theretofore unknown in the South. Not only was this so, but he made his road, its equipments, accommodations, and ad- ministration so complete and admirable in all particulars, that he was at once recognized by all competent railroad men as a prodigy in all the qualities desirable in railroad construction and management. He was soon made president of the com- pany ; and then he conceived the great project of a continu- ous line of Southern roads from Norfolk to the Mississippi river and on to the Pacific ocean. Here let us pause a moment to look at Norfolk as she was at that date, notwithstanding her many natural advantages. Henry A. Wise it was, we believe, who said that her com- merce was confined to a few market carts, with a wharfage hardly sufficient to accommodate a half-dozen fishing boats. She was a decayed and decaying town, her property de- preciating in value, grass in her streets, and her population fast decreasing. But Mahone had already saved her ! He breathed into her nostrils a new life, and she sprang to ac- tivity and vigor again. Now glance at her crowded and ex- tensive wharves ; her hurrying trains ; her thronging streets ; her expanding limits ; her growing enterprise ; her vast ex- ports, especially of cotton, most of which is handled by Nor- folk capital and shipped directly to Europe ; her cotton com- press ; her increasing manufactures ; her thrift on every hand ; and her people strong, happy, and proud of a pros- perous present and a glorious future ! Of course all this marvelous transformation did not come at once from the new line to Petersburg ; but it was the re- sult of the great work thus begun and continued by Mahone — work and results to be mentioned more in detail later on. Here we see the benficent genius of New Virginia in its first wonderful benefactions, to be extended to the whole State and people, and only to be stayed or marred by Virginia's evil genius — Bourbonism ! [Whig, January 26th, '85.] 5- New Virginia was to be born, but made ; and long and hard were to be the pangs of the parturition — a parturition only to be accomplished in the death of Old Virginia. Bourbonism arose in the path of progress with a drawn sword ! The people of Virginia cried "Peace !" but the voice of Bourbonism was for war — and war it was, with Virginia the principal arena of the terrible and protracted strife. Ed- ucated at a military institution, already a Major of State militia, and full of the soldierly instinct, William Mahone — although he had so fully identified himself with the march of progress and development, and foresaw his greatest victories on the fields of peace — did not hesitate to be among the first to offer his services to the State when the fatal die was cast ; for to Virginia he had dedicated himself for life, no matter to what duty she should call him. He was made Colonel of the Sixth Virginia Regiment, and he soon had it well armed, well equipped, well drilled, and full of confidence in a commander whose sleepless vigilance and strict discip- line, attempered always with justice and kindness, inspired his men with no less affection than respect. He was soon made a Brigadier-General by the Confederate Government, and '-Mahone's Brigade" became as famous in the army, as it will remain in history, as "Stonewall Jackson's Brigade." Indeed, there was great similarity in the military characteris- tics of the men — the difference being that in Jackson's tem- perament was a Puritanic element which is lacking in Mahone, while Mahone possesses an administrative genius, to which Jackson had no claims. But they were both equally the idols of their men, and each inspired a confidence and begat an 8 elan that rushed with anthusiasm to 4eath or victory. Serv- ing at Norfolk and then at Drewry's Bluff, in command of the defences of James River, Mahone was with Lee every- where except at Sharpsburg, being at that time absent in con- sequence of the wound he received at the Second Battle, of Manassas. From Seven Pines to Appomattox Court-house, he was one of Lee's most trusted Generals, and, when Jack- son fell at Chancellorsville, he at once took the fallen hero's place in Lee's regard — as was shown at the Battle of the Wilderness, where Mahone was chosen to lead the flank movement which broke Grant's lines. Hill had recommended him for promotion before that, and now Longstreet united his voice to that of Hill's. But West Pointism and redtapeism kept him down as long as they could. How he was regard- ed and spoken of by those with whom he served, may be judged from the following extract from an official comnuni- cation of Major-General R. H. Anderson to General Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector-General, at Richmond, dated at camp near Fredericksburg, March 30, 1863: "I have the honor to recommend Brigadier-General William Mahone for promotion to the grade of Major-General. Dur- ing the past eight months, except for a short period, when he was insapacitated by a wound, he has commanded a brigade of my division, and in that position has shown great skill and untiring activity, quick perception, energetic execution, and other qualities of a siiperior general officer. He has had the advantage of a military education, and is a thorough disci- plinarian. He conducted his brigade into action at the Second Manassas with conspicuous gallantry, and was wounded in that battle. His activity and skill were noticed in my report of the part taken by my division in the Battle of Fredericks- burg." The truth of this graphic sketch of Mahone is striking, and is recognized by every one who knows him now, or ever did know him. He was made Major-General, at last. It was on the demand of Lee that he was commissioned a Major-General at the conclusion of the world famous "Battle of the Crater" at Petersburg, July 30, 1864, where he com- manded the attackingf force, — and malice has soug^ht to de- prive him even of the laurels he won there "in the jaws of hell." Upon the mine which exploded that fateful day General Grant and the Federal Government had based great hopes. It was known throughout the North that some tremendous stroke was soon to be made that was expected to shatter Lee's army and blow the Confederacy to the moon. There was a tremor of anxious suspense throughout the Federal hosts at home and in the field. The volcanic explosion came, and the Federal troops, ready for it, rushed forward to take every advantage of the confusion, ruin and death they had wrought. But Mahone was promptly on the scene, cool and self-possessed, — the man who never failed to be equal to the occasion, whether in the Senate, or on the field of carnage. His eye at a glance took in the situation, and that unerring and instantaneous faculty of knowing what needs to be done and how to do it, showed him how to turn back even this dis- aster in heavy recoil upon those who had wrought it. Prompt- ly and decisively he gave his orders, and his men sprang for- ward with the cheers of assured victory at his voice and presence. We need not tell the story further, except to say that he saved Petersburg, Lee's army and the Confederacy itself, — at least for a time; and so foiled and stunned the enemy that it was not until the next year that Federal hope and courage revived. It made Mahone the hero of both armies and sent his name illustrious through the world. His- torians have exhausted their eloquence on the theme ; Elder has painted the scene grandly ; and Hope has fixed its glory in immortal verse. And yet, as we have said, detraction has attempted even here to assail him ! His indignant old brigade, who led the repulsing column under his eye, marshalled again, through all its grades, to repel this attack upon him; and in terms as strong as testimony can fix facts and crush falsehoods, it has forever placed Mahone above the reach of post-bellum rivalry, jealousy and calumny in his Confederate record; — a record bright with victory, and never darkened by defeat, where the- event depended on him and the forces he controlled. He always triumphed where he fought, no matter how dastards and incompetents elsewhere threw away the day. Says Colonel W. H. Stuart, who commanded the Sixty-first Virginia regiment, of Mahone's old brigade in the Crater fight : t ''The whole movement was tmdcr his (Mahone's) immediate and personal direction, and to him above all, save the brave men who bore the muskets, belongs the honor and credit of recapturing the Confederate lines in front of Petersburg, on the 30th of July, 1864." lO We all know Colonel Stuart as a gallant soldier and chiv- alric gentleman, and nobody can doubt his honor or veracity ; and to the same effect have testified the members of "the Ma- hone Brigade Association" — the surviving heroes of a daunt- less band who have steadfastly disdained, in peace as well as in war, to be known as other than "Mahone's Brigade" no matter what other officer may have afterwards been their Brigadier. And Hope, of Norfolk, sans reproche, sans peur, he has more than once attuned his harp to vaunt the praises of Mahone and his men. We wish that we could lay our hands on others of his tributes, but we are glad to reproduce the following, which appears in his fine Memorial Poem, read before the Board of Visitors, faculty and cadets of the Vir- ginia Military Institute, on the 4th of July, 1870: The city's clocks are on the stroke of five, Cocks crow in distant farm-yards. All is well ! None dream that presently two hosts shall strive Upon that spot, as though some dev'lish spell Had called up demons from the depths of hell. • A sudden flame ! A muffled roar, and — then An awful silence for one moment comes again. Oh ! there is wreck of bastion and redoubt ! And sudden death for soldiers in their sleep ! Then hid in smoke, with wild, triumphant shout, The storming columns through the sulphur sweep, To take the lines it is not theirs to keep. But would you see that wild, impetuous rush ? Go, mark the canvass lit by Elder's magic brush ! Apollo shoots his blazing arrows down ! Two Armies now are struggling for the prize ; Each fights as a brave king would for his crown. Red in his blood full many a hero lies; White faces stare up blindly at the skies. In JacksorC s stirrups, through the war-cloud dun. Here comes Mahone ! Thank God ! the Crater fight is won ! Write down his name in letters of red gold ! Sing it in ballads, which shall never cease ! Till time shall end the story will be told ; Horv he took fame in fee, and not by lease, — Ho7i> great he was in war, how great in peace / But poor the picture of this humble line Beside the marble cut by gifted Valentine ! V. To the last Mahone was there. He was the Ney of the re- treat from Petersburg ; and at Appomattox Court-house he and Field alone had unbroken commands, well in hand, ready 1 1 at any moment, on command, to rush against all odds, with the same cheerful faith they felt when they began their ca- reer in 1 86 1. The rest of the army, with the exception named, was a broken mob of stragglers, or a mass of de- moralized fugitives. But if Jackson's brigade stood like a stone wall at the First Manassas, Mahone's division stood like a stone wall at Appomattox — to the end ; and then fell only at the command of Lee and Mahone ! In the final confer- ence before surrendering, Mahone was one of the only two general officers consulted by Lee or called to the solemn council. It was finished ! But Mahone only sheathed the sword he had drawn for Virginia when hope had fled and when Lee set him the example. In that awful hour, where were these honorable men who now attack Mahone so fiercely ? May we, without offence, inquire where were But, no ! Let it pass. Enough that Mahone was present and accounted for — first in the field and the last to quit it. It is a proud record for Virginia ; and shame on the un- hallowed hand that would dare profane it with his envious touch ! Lee afterwards, at Lexington, at his own table, on a public occasion, when asked whom he would have recommended as his successor, had he resigned, as he had confessed he had thought of doing on account of the growing infirmities of age, — replied : "Mahone !" The Great Captain's certificate is worth more than all that political spite and personal hate can invent, or distort, or de- stroy. The Bourbonism that brought on the war, true to its evil nature, would now strike down the man who was all the truer to Virginia because he was always the foe of Bourbon- ism. [Whig, January 29th, '85.] 8, General Mahone surrendered in good faith at Appomattox. He accepted the situation, and at once resolutely set about to make the best of it for Virginia and the whole country. During the latter part of the war he had been elected to the State Senate as a public spirited citizen, and he had repre- sented his constituents in that body when active operations against the enemy did not call him to the field ; but he had never been a politician, nor an office-seeker. As before the war he had devoted himself to forwarding the material pros- 12 perity of his State, so now, when the war was ended, he re- sumed his oriofinal career with unabated vio^or. His own road and its western connecting Hnks to Bristol, Tennessee, were almost reduced to mere road-beds. The rails were broken and worn-out ; the ties were rotten ; the rolling stock was a wreck ; and at many points war had utterly, destroyed depots, engines, cars, workshops, rails and ties — leaving nothing but the bare earth. But Mahone was not a man to be dismayed or baffled by difficulties ; and, obtaining military consent, he took possession of his line and quickly refitted it. He was shortly made president of the three different roads which then connected Norfolk and Bristol ; and with his usual energy and dispatch he soon had them all in such workin'e condition as circumstances allowed. But there were great difficulties in restoring the line and operating it successfully, divided as it was into three portions, owned and controlled by three different companies ; and, as a necessary condition of complete success, and to make it a firm link in the Southern transcontinental line which he pro- jected, he directed his efforts to a consolidation of his com- panies and roads when reconstruction had rehabilitated the State. Rival railroad interests in and out of the State com- bined against him ; the personal enemies that so decided and resolute a character is sure to make arose to confront him on every hand ; but he had also made many strong friends, and his cause was Virginia's. It was a long and hard fight ; but he won against all odds; and he then made his consolidated- line, under the title of the Atlantic, Mississippi and Ohio rail- road, the finest one in all points south of the Potomac. Nay, even before he had accomplished consolidation, he had intro- duced many improvements theretofore unknown anywhere in railroad management, and in the accurate keeping of the separate accounts of connecting, but distinct roads. His acute, active and original mind never saw a defect or a diffi- culty that it was not prompt to adequately supply a remedy. He infused his own spirit into all his subordinates. He re- cognized the fact that railroads were public works for the benefit of the State and people, and all his assistants and employes zealously seconded his efforts to supply every ac- commodation and facility that could promote comfort, ease, certainty and dispatch, as well as moderate rates for freight and passengers. The people were not slow to respond to his inducements ; and, especially after consolidation had given his plans full sway, they poured their products into his depots for transportation — assured of quick deliveries and profitable returns, where before delays, losses, costs and charges had deterred the producer from shipping, or had swallowed up his shipments. 9, It is to General Mahone that we are indebted for the intro- duction into New Virginia and the South of the policy of ac- tual consolidation, which he first carried to full success with the East and West lines running between Norfolk and Bristol — thus uniting and unifying the control and management, the interests and designs, of the several lines, and promoting the cheapness, convenience and dispatch of all transportation and travel between Norfolk and Bristol and from any point be- tween either terminus. He thus fixed, as far as he could, the policy of the State in aiding to build those roads — a policy endorsed by George Washington — to establish lines of com- munication for traffic and travel, connecting the Mississippi Valley and the Great West with the \irginia Seaboard, — and thus utilize our magnificent harbors and promote the growth of great cities upon them. In doing this, General Mahone did not sacrifice the people of Virginia along the line to the de- mands of through business ; but he actually reduced the local rates of freight and transportation ; provided full facilities at all depots for the receipt and delivery of all products, and the reception, care, comfort and landing of all passengers ; im- proved the road from end to end in all its parts, and furnished it fully with the best equipments ; reformed its service through- out, insomuch that from the highest official to the humblest servant of the company, all were intent to give the largest and most agreeable accommodations at the smallest cost and trouble to the public ; and he introduced and established the system, theretofore unknown in Virginia and the South, of through bills of lading, with pro rata charges, from any depot on his consolidated line to any market in America, or in Europe (for he had made connections with an Ocean steam- ship line at Norfolk), the company assuming all responsibility for safe and prompt delivery, without costs of commissions for reshipping through agents at Lynchburg, Norfolk, &c., and without any greater trouble to the shipper for the longest dis- tance than for the shorter. Never before consolidation was it possible for a cattleman in the Southwest to ship a train- load of cattle at his home depot on a through bill of lading to Liverpool, without further cost or trouble to him between the point of shipment and that of delivery. And so with coal, iron, &c., and so was it with chickens, eggs, butter, fruit, &c., H which never before had been able to reach a market without more charges, trouble and loss of time than the returns would cover. But consolidation made even the old woman's dried fruit a source of reliable income, and her poultry-yard a mine of wealth ; for at any depot along the line, at a fixed and reasonable charge, she could ship direct to any accessible market in America or Europe and realize the highest prices prevailing anywhere. lO. Thus he was the author of the Southern consolidation of railroads, whereby the costs and complications of maintaining and running them are vastly reduced, with corresponding great gains to the public in greater convenience, greater dis- patch, better responsibility and smaller charges. And in do- ing this he also made his whole consolidated line the best, not only in Virginia, but South of the Potomac, in every particu- lar. This was confessed. And his example led to the con- solidation of other roads in Virginia and throughout the South. General Mahone's system of through shipments, too, soon forced all the lines in Virginia to follow suit, to the great ac- commodation and saving for the people. Further, the great and manifold improvements which he made everywhere so visible in the equipment and conduct of his road stimulated, imitation, where it did not force full emulation ; thus in every way promoting and advancing the development of railroads as public institutions dedicated to the service and benefit of the people. He instituted, too, a system and bureau of liabilities and losses between his road and connecting lines, by land and water, which enabled shippers at once to receive pay for all lost and damaged or miscarried goods, without suit or trouble — the loss and liability to be properly fixed or appor- tioned by the bureau afterwards, as between the corporationsx concerned, — an institution which has since been adopted by the railways of the whole country. In this and in many other particulars he advanced the whole art and science of trans- portation, to the advantage of the world, as well as to Virginia. And what is now the condition of his consolidated line, newly dubbed the Norfolk and Western railroad, compared with what it was when, as the Atlantic, Mis^^issippi and Ohio railroad, it passed out of the hands of General Mahone ? What do experts say ? What do shippers along the line say ? What do the passengers say ? What are the way charges for freight now as compared with what they were as fixed by 15 General Mahone? But, above all, we ask what do all con- cerned say as to all these things when comparison is made between what tliey were when General Mahone took charge of the several roads and consolidated them, and what they were when General Mahone surrendered the line to the Re- ceivers ? But it is strangely accounted an offence on the part of General Mahone that he was offered and accepted a salary of $25,000 rf year for his services as president of the Atlan- tic, Mississippi and Ohio railroad. In General Mahone's case the salary was vcted him by the company, and it came out of the; pockets of the stockholders, who appreciated Gen- eral Mahone's great services and took this way to indicate their recognition of his capacity and fidelity. Not only had he done great things for the company, but for the State and people ; and to-day, with all the misfortunes that have be- fallen it, and all the mismanagement that has come over it, it is acknowledged to be the best and most important line of railroad possessed by Virginia. General Mahone got big pay, perhaps ; but he did big things that entitled him to it ; and when his company fell into embarrassments he volun- tarily relinquished ;^5,ooo a year of his salary. 11. General Mahone had had a bitter fight to achieve consoli- dation, and he administered his road, from first to last, with special fidelity to Virginia and the East and West policy which the most sagacious Virginians have concurred in advocating as the only proper one to develop our resources and the ad- vantages of our position. The cities, companies and indi- viduals most interested in diverting his line from this policy had been his fiercest opponents in consolidation ; and now they eagerly sought an opportunity to thwart him, or to drive him from his position. Even Richmond joined in this con- spiracy, although under his management this city received greatly better service from his line than ever before or since. Fairly connecting and prorating with all Northern lines and cities, he resolutely declined to make his road a mere feeder for other lines, or to allow its freights, by unjust discrimina- tions against Virginia cities, to be dumped into Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York. He repudiated the system which souofht to make Virfdnia a mere convenient road-bed, as It were, for foreign transportation, and her cities mere way- stations for the commerce of termdni outside our borders. i6 Steadily pushing and defending his patriotic poHcy, he ex- tended his Western and Southern connections until a flood- tide of freights poured along his line to all our cities, and especially Norfolk, its Atlantic terminus. At first there was neither capital nor enterprise in our borders to take advan- tage of the golden opportunities thus afforded by Mahone's untiring diligence and dauntless resolution ; but Norfolk soon aroused ; and whereas at first the cotton, &c., broueht to the port were only reshipped to ports further North? there to be sent to Europe, Norfolk capital and enterprise gradually grew equal to the occasion, until now, when Norfolk is the second or third cotton shipping port in America, local hands control three-fourths of the immense shipment, — shipping it direct to Europe, with great profit to the city and the Commonwealth. The impetus thus given to the revival and growth of our principal port is sure to create a great city by the sea, where but lately there was only a fishing-harbor, rapidly decaying, and sustained almost altogether by the proximity of a navy- yard and naval station. Yet Norfolk is only one of the many striking evidences of the beneficent workings of Mahone's railroad policy. All the State, from Bristol to Norfolk, and for long distances on both sides of the road, has been awakened and encouraged to an activity and a thrift unknown before ; and all the cities, towns, and stations along the line have flourished and expanded prosperously under the benign influences which had theitr origin at the hand of the man, who, not pausing to weep or rave at the grave of old Virginia, manfully welcomed New Virginia and cheerfully responded to her demands upon him. New cities even to-day are rising in our former wildernesses — evoked by the spirit and policy of which Mahone is the conspicuous prophet and exponent. 12_ The enemies of Mahone and Virginia at last found their opportunity. His consolidated company had been obliged to borrow money in England to repair the ravages of war and to put the road into first-class working order. One Collinson had been employed as the English financial agent of the com- pany. During the monetary crisis of 1873 the receipts of the line fell off, and, in common with other railroad companies and the whole business of the country, the Atlantic, Missis- sippi & Ohio Railroad Company found itself confronted by I? unexpected difficulties and unable to meet the accruing; in- terest on its bonds. Collinson visited Virginia and fully in- vestigated the road and its affairs, — professing to be fully satisfied that the embarrassment was only temporary and could be easily tided over. Indeed, he had in his hands bonds of the company which he was under promise to negotiate, and whose neofotiation would have rescued Mahone and his road from all trouble. But Collinson fell into the hands of the enemies of Mahone and the Virginia policy, and he was per- suaded to betray his trust. He at once pretended that he was the agent of the foreign bondholders and not of the com- pany ; he declined to fulfill his engagements to the company; and soon he, backed by the bondholders whom he had alarmed, was instituting suits to foreclose the mortgage, given to secure the bonds, and to take the line out of the hands of General Mahone. At once all the personal enemies of the great apostle of New Virginia — all the opponents of the Virginia policy he so stoutly represented — all the cities and corpora- tions interested in diverting the Atlantic, Mississippi and Ohio railroad from its natural and proper purposes — all rallied eagerly to Collinson and his Northern allies to destroy at once a man and a policy which they alike feared and hated. Menaced by difficulties common to the whole country, arising out of circumstances over which he had no control, Mahone could have easily mastered the situation and secured his road from the spoilers. But he was betrayed by the English agent of the company ; Northern railroad power and influence com- bined ap^ainst him ; and here in Virginia, Bourbonism zeal- ously lent all the aid it could to the enemies of Virginia, her chief enterprise and her foremost man. Not he, but the com- bination against him, is responsible for the results. But for that combination (vile and unnatural), he would have tri- umphed over all temporary troubles and carried out his great 'project to the shores of the Pacific ; and if the line from Nor- folk to Bristol is in alien hands, under outside control, not Mahone's fault, but his enemies'. 13. The combination was too strong for General Mahone — backed as it was by every Bourbon-Funder and broker in- fluence of the land. Yet, when the decree for receivers was agreed to by him, in the hope that thus the company might work out of its difiiculties, he declined to become one of the i8 receivers (though urged to do so), as he could not consent to be a beneficiary of adverse action against his corporation and thus seem at least, to consent to that action for his own aggrandizement. He named and recommended two gentle- men as receivers, — but his recommendation was afterwards ignored and men appointed who, instead of relieving the com- pany, as its revenues, if properly applied, enabled them to do (as the reports show), only co-operated with the enemies of General Mahone and of the company to force a foreclosure and sale of the line. Yet let it be remembered to General Mahone's honor that never did he consent to the decree for receivers until it was agreed that it should be inserted in the bill that the surplus earnings of the road should be first ap- plied to the payment of arrears due for labor, materials and supplies and then to the payment of the money borrowed from the banks — making, however, no provision, nor stipula- tion, for the payment of the money due to himself. Single-handed and alone, at his own expense, General Ma- hone for years fought the bondholders' ring against the sale of the road, aided by the best legal talent in and out of the State in resisting the proceedings before the Federal court ; and when, at last, overcome by the plotters in and out of the State, a decree of foreclosure and sale was granted, he used his best exertions to form a company to buy the road, or to advance the money to redeem it. He thought he had suc- ceeded in this ; but before the day of sale arrived the arrange- ment (for reasons not necessary to detail) fell through. Still steadfast to his great enterprise. General Mahone, as President of the company, did not neglect his trust, and in the last moments preceding the sale, he still had sufficient power and influence, as President, backed by the people of Virginia, to make terms with the purchasers. And what were those terms ? That the purchasers should maintain the consolidated line from Norfolk to Bristol, as an unbroken, continuous line, to be always kept faithfully to the policy which guided the State in consenting and contributing to their construction ; — in other words that this great line, which owed so much to him, should not be diverted and subordinated to the benefit of other States, cities, and peoples, but should be operated for- ever for the chief behoof of Virginia, her cities and her peo- ple. The next stipulation was that all the old stockholders should have in the new company the same number of shares of stock as they held in the old organization ; that is, that they should be put precisely upon the same footing in the new company as in the old, with the same quantity of stock of the same grade. That all claims for material, supplies and labor should be recognized and paid in full, one-half in money ancj the other half in stock — which agreement was more than ful- filled by the payment of all these claims in cash. It was con- ditioned that the purchasers should pay the State ^500,000 in cash for her claim against the line. And finally, when the road went to the block, he had secured even its bondholders — all of them; English and American — to the full face value of their bonds, with all accrued interest ; the English bondholders thus receiving par and accrued interest at 7 per cent, for bonds upon which they had paid only 69 cents on the dollar ! and the home bondholder an unclouded security for his claim. It has since been said in court by the representatives of the purchasers of the Atlantic, Mississippi and Ohio railroad that those terms, imposed on them by General Mahone in con- sideration of his good-will and that of his company, cost the purchasers no less than one million and a quarter of dollars above the sum for which they bought the road at sale under the decree. That was a great work, done by a great man, in a great emergency. It shows what devotion and capacity can accom- plish, when unfaithfulness and weakness and incapacity would have cowered in utter helplessness. And it was all done when the road was in the hands of receivers, and when the court had pronounced a decree of sale zvhich extinguished forever every right and power of the company and its president ; every interest and claim of the stockholders ; every demand of all who had furnished material, supplies and labor ; and every possible lien of the State. Under the decree of sale the pur- chasers took the property clear of all debts and liabilities pre- viously incurred, and the purchase-money itself went only to the mortofaee creditors. Yet General Mahone saved the State, the stockholders, and the claimants for materials, sup- plies and labor from the wreck — all, aye, all, receiving full value for their demands, although the court had utterly ex- tinguished these as against the purchasers of the road. [Whig, January 31st, '85.] Comparisons are odious, no doubt ; but still they are some- times forced upon us, — as now between General Mahone and Hon. John S. Barbour, each State Chairman of his party. We cannot compare their war records, for Mr. Barbour has none, 20 as far as we know ;• but they have both been Presidents of railroads, with poHcies aiid results as different as the direc- tions of their respective lines — Mahone's line being an East and West one for Virginia, and Barbour's a mere feeder and tributary to Baltimore and other outside cities. We have seen what Mahone and his road have done for Virginia and her people ; but we defy anybody to show what Barbour and his road have done for us, beyond using our soil for road-bed and depots, and our old field pines for fuel for his locomo- tives. Even Alexandria has gone from bad to worse under his railroad policy, although it is the Northern terminus of his road, and a port which once enjoyed a large and lucrative commerce. Baltimore, perhaps, can point to benefits due to Barbour and the V^irginia Midland ; but there are no such benefits in Virginia, for the road, under Mr. Barbour, has been but a link in connections operated against Virginia interests. Both men have ceased to be Presidents of their roads, and for like causes. Both lines fell into bankruptcy; but whereas General Mahone declined to be a Receiver of his road, and was in no wise acceptable to the conspirators who attacked it, him and Virginia, Mr. Barbour readily became the Receiver of his line, with the approval of the combination against its company. Declining to share the fate of the company of which he was the trusted chief officer, he went over to the enemy and accepted office at their hands ! And yet, as Re- ceiver, he was true to the enemy of the company, and false to the stockholders, and the Virginia Midland was sold under decree of court. In that decree, or outside of it, did Mr. Barbour protect his stockholders as General Mahone did by an independent contract ? What say you, stockholders of the Virginia Midland ? No ! They and their interests perished in the collapse ! Were the claims of those who supplied the road with materials and supplies provided for in the decree, or by Mr. Barbour in an independent contract? No! They lost their money and their claims are worthless ! Were the demands of the laborers and employes in arrears secured by Mr. Barbour in the decree or otherwise ? No ! And the families of hundreds of poor men underwent much suffering because the money due these men from the Virginia Midland was not paid them nor secured in any manner. Their claims are as worthless as Confederate money. We have said elsewhere that General Mahone, in the contract with the purchasers of the Atlantic, Mississippi and Ohio road, saved to the State t\\^/ull value of her claims on the Atlantic, Mississippi and Ohio Company; and we here repeat the assertion ; for, after consolidation was affected, a Legislative 21 Committee (Walter H. Taylor, chairman), appointed to ascer- tain the true value of the State's demand against the com- panics consolidated, at the time of conso/idatio7t, reported that these demands, at their market value, did not aosreo-ate a sum exceeding- ^426,128.05 ; and it was for that reason that the sum of ^500,000 was fixed upon as that the purchasers of the road should pay the State for her claims, with interest. The sum so ascertained by legislative valuation was agreed to be paid, was paid, and subsequently, at General Mahone's suggestion (which was accepted as a wise and just one), $400,000 of the sum was appropriated by the General Assembly to repay the free schools a portion of the amount robbed from them by the Bourbons under the operation of the tax-coupons, and the remaining ;^ 100,000 was appropri- ated to establish a colored Normal school. We all know how Bourbon obstruction, through Bourbon courts, long kept this money from its beneficent purposes ; but the right prevailed and the money is being properly applied at last amidst the applause of the people. Can Mr. Barbour point to anything- in his railroad or pub- lic record that entitles him to popular recognition, applause and gratitude ? General Mahone's public benefactions, or the movements and actions, civil and military, in which he has borne a great part for Virginia, will fill a volume in their mere enumeration ; while Barbour cannot fill a title-page with his deeds in behalf of Virginia, and then the list will be false. Look at their roads ; the one Virginia's greatest and most valuable internal improvement ; the other a curse to the State, whose soil only serves as a road-bed for a traffic and travel wholly directed for the benefit of other States and cities. Look at Alexandria, the northern terminus of the Virginia Midland on the Potomac — a decayed port, — a di- lapidated city, almost a ruin, inviting only owls as immigrants and inhabitants. Look, then, to Norfolk, on the Elizabeth — the most prosperous and growing city on the Southern At- lantic coast, whose receipts in cotton alone now reach annual- ly almost a million bales. Before Mahone took the consoli- dated roads in hand, Norfolk's trade was chiefly in fish, brought to market in one-horse carts. Mark the change from a fish market to a great commercial port — and Mahone's hand and genius did it ! Alexandria, on the contrary, was once a promising city, thrifty, with a trade which promised to de- velop into great things. But Barbour and his road brought desolation to the city on the Potomac, and her crumbling ruins are Barbour's monument! And let it be remembered that this Midland road was projected by Alexandria for her benefit, and that for it she went into heavy debt. She lia sold out her interest in the line, and all she has to show fo her investment is a deserted market-house. 15- While we desire to accord General Mahone his just dues we are not unconscious that he is fallible, and that h( has made numerous mistakes. Among these (as has beer shown) was his selection of John Collinson as the Englisl financial agent of the Atlantic, Mississippi and Ohio Railroac Company. Another was in bringing Hon. John Goode, Jr. from his rustic obscurity to Norfolk, giving him employment raising him to notice and backing him with influence for po- litical preferment. It is true that when he was sent to the Legislature from Norfolk, he exerted himself in behalf d Consolidation ; but when that was accomplished he claimed and received from the Norfolk Railroad Co., $1,500 for hi.' services in that regard ! Oh, unselfish and immaculate pa- triot ! No wonder he succeeded in going to Congress three times in succession from a district notoriously having anc casting a large majority against him. No wonder he turnec to tear the hand that had succored and nurtured him, wher he had found that thrift would follow fawning in another di rection. We note these mistakes, not wantonly, but because through such mistakes it has happened that conspicuous among the men who to-day are arrayed against Mahone are many oi \\\s pj'-oteges, who, but for him, would never have been in po- sition to assail him. It has been truly said that most mer can pardon injuries, but that few men can forgive a benefit and even gratitude itself has been defined as "a lively sense of favors to come !" A man of affairs for many years, in peace and war, and always a power, it has been General Mahone's fortune tc deal with many men, and always most generously. Ever his enemies recognize his magnanimity ; for some of his mos virulent and pestilent revilers and pursuers are persons whc only maintain their position before the public through his for bearance. Quick to recognize capacity, he has always ex tended to it a friendly and helping hand ; and, steadfast t( friendships with a fidelity that never wavers, he has always had too proud and independent a spirit to seek to conciliat< ^hat he accounted meanness and treachery ; and least of all as he ever yielded anything- to threats of desertion and op- iQsition, or to attitudes and movements bearing that con- truction. And thus it is that self-seeking and greedy am- lition, grown ravenous under his too profuse and open hand, as turned upon him whenever it has believed itself able 3 make a bargain with his rivals in politics or ra'lroad con- erns. Mr. Collinson and Mr. Goode are not the only individuals v'hom we shall cite as instances of General Mahone's mis- aken judgment; but as we proceed, we shall have occasion o refer to even more conspicuous examples ot men who have k^axed fat on Mahone's bounty or favor, only to sell them- elves to Bourbonism and kick at their benefactor. Whig, February 4th, 1885. 16. Vested Wrong and entrenched error are nowhere and at io time easily dislodged. Holding every fortress of power, ind possessing every weapon of defence and offence, they ire attacked under ever}^ circumstance of difficulty, while hey enjoy and employ every means of discomforture to ;rush or repel their assailants. Truth indeed is mighty, and ight is strong ; but they often have a long and doubtful bat- le against the combination of vice and virtue, intelligence ind ignorance, prejudice and passion, which is always sure o rally to the established and ancient order of things, no natter what it may be ; for even religion and infidelity stand ihoulder to shoulder (as all the world's history has shown) o protect and preserve the system under which they have issured positions or interests or relations that they do not vish to have disturbed, or put to any hazard. They all want o be let alone, like the evil spirits whom Christ cast out of :he possessed men who wandered among the tombs ; and vhen driven to desperation, there is no recourse to which hey will not resort to save themselves. Bourbonism has signally illustrated these truths in its con- ;est against the regeneration which ushers in New Virginia, rhe war of arms had hardly ended when it resumed the )ld ante-bellum political contest, as if nothing had happened, except new aggravations to spur it to the encounter. The irbitrament of war had settled no issue of right or policy, in Bourbon view; nor had surrender and peace bound Bour- 24 bonism to anything. The South had been overpowered, de- I vastated, decimated, and her slaves had been freed. That was all; furnishing- Bourbonism new motives for wrath and vengeance, and no reason for a new departure in political faith and practice. Permitted to do so by President Lincoln, Bourbonism convened a Leo-islature under the Alexandria or Pierpoint State Administration, and, in utter contempt of our situation, of all the facts and o( the people (who were not consulted), actually attempted to assume, and in form did as- sume, the whole debt of Old Virginia, and proceeded to com- pound and fund the accumulated interest on it — laying a tax, meanwhile, to meet these extraordinary obligations, of only fourteen cents in the hundred dollars, — when this levy was insufficient to pay the current expenses of the Government! So oblivious was Bourbonism of the changed conditions amidst which It existed, that it actually forgot the fact that its Legislature was convened under the Alexandria Government and Constitution, and that this Constitution not only recog- nized the separate and independent existence of West Vir- ginia, but directed that our debt should be first adjusted with that State before we undertook to assume and pay any of it. The utter inability of this Bourbon Legislature to understand the situation and accommodate itself to it, was further shown in its appointment of a Commission to negotiate for the return of West Virginia to her old status and allegiance as a part of this State ! Yet there were men who saw that we were in a New Vir- ginia, under revolutionized circumstances that demanded the recognition of a new dispensation in our civil and political life. They saw, too, that the demand was imperative, and that the surrender at Appomattox was a false pretense if they did not yield to it in good faith. Among these men was General Mahone. He acquiesced in the inevitable, and showed by all his acts that the past was gone for him for- ever, except as a memory. He cheerfully and zealously co- operated with the Federal authorities, civil and military, to set Virginia on her feet in the new path now opened before her ; and it was not long before he was consulted in all the steps looking to the political and material restoration of the Com- monwealth. After Congress had revoked President Lincoln's authorization of the Alexandria Government among us, and made Virginia "Military District No. i," it was to General Mahone that the Federal authorities chiefly turned for advice in working toward reconstruction ; and he made all the use his opportunities afforded him to obtain favors for us from our conquerors and rulers. 25 1*7. It was not until 1869 that he was enabled, in a most pro- nounced and public way, to show at once his power and his patriotism. The reconstruction acts had been passed ; a State Convention, dominated by hate and suspicion, rather than by wisdom and tolerance, had framed a Constitution containing several obnoxious and proscriptive features. Under this Constitution, and with it, if adopted, was to be chosen a Legislature, Governor, and an entire State Govern- ment, preparatory to the readmission of Virginia into the Union. The Government at Washington was exceedingly solicitous that a State Government should be chosen which, while it would be really satisfactory to Virginia, should not be inimical to the Federal administration, nor faithless to the obligations of reconstruction. General Wilcox, commanding at Lynchburg, was authorized to lay the matter before General Mahone, and ask his co-operation. He plainly told that offi- cer that he saw no way in which he could be of service unless upon some compromise with the Constitution which the Con- vention had framed; but that, in hope of a possibility of some such compromise, he would consult with influential and repre- sentative gentlemen of all parties in all sections of the State and get ready for action. He did so, and with great success in the end aimed at. Meanwhile, the irreconcilable Bourbon element had nomi- nated a ticket with Colonel Withers for Governor, upon a Bourbon platform ; and it had also improvised a "Committee of Nine" to proceed to Washington and use its influence with President Grant to have the most objectionable features of the Constitution submitted to a separate vote. What was the amount of influence of this purblind committeee with the President may be judged from the fact that on its arrival in Washington it was actually guilty of the supreme folly of placing itself under the patronage, advice, and direction of General B. F. Butler — probably the most obnoxious person in the United States to General Grant at that date ! But notwithstanding this indiscreet committee, the President, for reasons already indicated in the application to General Ma- hone for counsel and assistance, did apply to Congress for authority to submit the proscriptive features of the State Constitution to a separate vote of our people, and he was accordingly so authorized. This gave General Mahone his opportunity ; and he was prepared for it. The Federal authorities and the Republicans in the secret of the New Movement (as it was afterwards called) urged that steps should be taken to control in its interests the regular State Convention, called by the ultra and Radical Republicans ; . but to this General Mahone wisely- objected, not merely on the ground that liberal Republicans were too weak to achieve anything substantial in a contest with such elements in that Convention, but because it was best for the success of the compromise movement that the Radicals should go as far to one extreme as the Bourbons had gone in the other. At a meeting in the city of Richmond for consultation, at which General Wilcox, General Mahone, Franklin Stearns and George R. Smith were present, it was determined that the Liberal candidate for Governor should be at once selected and be made Governor by military appointment, to increase his chances of success and to lessen those of Wells, then military Governor and the choice of "the party of hate," as the ultra Radicals were then called, A number of orentlemen were suggested as available, — among them one or more who had served on the "Committee of Nine ; but General Wilcox declared emphatically that no man who was of that committee would be acceptable to General Grant and his administration, — another proof of how much influence that famous squad had in determininor the fate of Virofinia and Virginians ! Other names were suggested without reaching a decision, when General Wilcox said that it seemed that there was no available man in Virginia for the occasion. At this General Mahone said the man was present with them, — and he named Mr. Franklin Stearns. Mr. Stearns was surprised and over- whelmed, and protested his inability and unfitness. He was no statesman, no politician, no speaker, he declared ; but after General Mahone assured him that he would be assisted in every way by men of the highest capacity and greatest ex- perience, he consented to accept the appointment and the sequences to which it was to be initiative. The order remov- ing Wells and appointing Mr, Stearns Governor was actually made out and signed, to be announced next day, when Colonel Alexander Sharpe (then Postmaster of Richmond, and a brother-in-law of President Grant) and the Bond at that time in power and politics here, got wind of the matter, and reached Washington just in time to obtain a peremptory telegram from the President forbidding the removal of Wells. 18. Subsequently, on account of Mr. Stearns' reluctance to enter the field, Gilbert C. Walker, of Norfolk, was pitched upon as the man to bear the banner of the New Movement. A former Democrat, he had identified himself with the Re- pubHcan party, and had engaged in various enterprises in Virginia. Of fine presence, a good speaker and popular in his manners, he was a liberal, fully in sympathy with the compromise scheme which General Mahone had been selected to engineer. The Radical Convention met, and went at once to the extremes it expected to reach. It nominated Wells for Governor and a colored man for Lieutenant-Governor, upon a platform which breathed defiance to Bourbonism and advocated the Constitution as a whole, and especially its pro- scriptive provisions. In the body, however, were a number erf liberal Republicans who dissented from the immoderate action taken, and who, in accordance with the preconcerted Wilcox- Mahone programme, bolted from its ranks. The re- sult of this bolt was the nomination of Gilbert C. Walker, for Governor, John F. Lewis, for Lieutenant-Governor, and James C. Taylor, for Attorney-General, as True Republicans, upon a liberal platform, which declared against the proscriptive por- tions of the Constitution to be submitted to popular vote in July 1869. Thus there were three tickets in the field : the Radical, the Bourbon, and the Liberal. With his usual skill and energy, General Mahone soon pushed the Liberal ticket to the front. At Lynchburg, in a public meeting hastily called to consider the situation as affected by the New Movement, Hon. Thos. S. Bocock at once turned the tide in favor of the Walker ticket by his earnest declaration that although he did not know Walker, he was ready and willing to support any man endorsed by General Mahone. Leading men and organs of both parties all over the State rapidly pronounced in favor of the compromise thus offered, and the people rallied to it with fervor. It soon became evident that the movement would be a success, and the more reasonable Bourbons began to con- sider the propriety of withdrawing their ticket and coalescing with the supporters of Walker, Lewis, and Taylor. Not- withstanding the objections of the implacable, this was finally brought about in a conference held in the city of Richmond, and the control of the joint forces was at once placed in the hands of General Mahone. He planned the campaign ; he secured^ rators ; he made appointments ; he furnished the funds. At a critical period in the canvass, when certain lo- cal influences in some of the counties threatened disaster, it was through General Mahone's personal influence and ex- ertions that Beverly Douglass and others took the stump and overcame all obstacles. 28 It was a great triumph and a great good. General Mahone had seen and taken advantage of the only chance of escape for Virginia from the evils of the carpet-bag rule, which had afflicted all the other Southern States. By separating the more moderate and liberal Republicans from the Radicals was the only hope of defeating the party of hate, of expur- gating the proscriptive Constitution and saving large num- bers of our most worthy citizens from disfranchisement and ineligibility to office. In a square fight between the Bour- bons and the Radicals, and the Federal and military influ- ences would have been with the latter and they would have triumphed. Let the thoughtful Virginian consider for a mo- ment what would have come upon us in that Radical victory of carpet-baggers, with the State Government restored under an unexpurgating Constitution; our people largely dis- franchised, and the party of hate entrenched in every de- partment of our Government. As it was, the Liberal move- ment elected all the officers of State, a majority of each branch of the Legislature, and expunged from the Constitu- tion every vestige of proscription. And to General Mahone are due the chief thanks and credit for all these blessings, as well as for others that immediately ensued thereupon, — for as soon as Walker was declared elected. General Mahone and another pentleman hurried to New York and Pot Horace Greely to go to Long Branch to see President Grant, upon whom he prevailed to have Wells at once removed and Walker appointed in his stead, until Virginia was duly read- mitted to the Union by Congress. The Bourbon ingrates have attempted to deny or belittle General Mahone's agency in these affairs of 1869 ; but in the last public discussion (1880) of the new movement and its master spirit, Colonel Frank G. Ruffin, Mr. Franklin Stearns, and Dr. G. K. Gilmer (who know of what they speak) wrote letters which appeared in the Richmond Dispatch, from which we take the following extracts : Colonel Ruffin : "General Mahone took command of the combined forces and organized the victory over Wells and the 'party of hate,' which enfranchised the people of Virginia. Here again I speak, as a witness ; for in that canvass I was a vol- unteer aid, upon the staff of the Richmond Enquirer, and witnessed the manoeuvres which flanked the enemy and gave us the day." Mr. Stearns: "After the ball was put in motion, it was managed by 29 some of the ablest men in Virginia, and no man did more than General Mahone." Dk. Gilmer : "And now a word as to General Mahone. It surprises me that anyone should dispute his agency in this affair. He could not have done what the Republicans did ; but it is due to the truth to say that the Republicans could have done nothing without him. The Committee of Nine were not known in the case. General Mahone was the power behind the throne which was greater than the throne, and so ac- knowledged, at least by those; of us on the inside." [WhiK, February Ith, 1S.S5.J 19- In the New Movement, the Bourbons had had their first experience in falling in behind Mahone, after opposing him as long as they could, or dared. They were to have much of this experience in many subsequent cases, always, how- ever, with the same sinister and treacherous design in their affected acquiescence that they speedily revealed with re- spect to the Liberal movement of 1869. As soon as it was known that Walker was elected and the Constitution adopted, with its proscriptive features stricken out, Hon. Raleigh T. Daniel, then Bourbon State Chairman, amidst the ill-conceal- ed snickers of all Bourbondom, telegraphed a message to President Grant, ironically congratulating him on the success of his policy in Virginia — the Bourbon commander and his followers, who had remained discretely in the rear during the fight, rushing to the front to secure the spoils in the moment of victory. They had stooped to conquer. But construction was not complete, and for some time, in view of this important fact, Bourbonism restrained itself and pursued the line of the New Movement, as projected by General Mahone and his Liberal associates, with some show of good faith. The amendments to the Federal Constitution, abolishing slavery and redefining the civil and political rights of citizens, were ratilied ; the reconstruction acts were ac- cepted ; and care was taken to elect to the United States Senate men who were not objectionable to the Government at Washington. One of these vSenators was Lieutenant- Governor Lewis, of Rockingham ; the other, Judge Johnston, of Washington county. Mr. Lewis had always been a stead- 30 fast Union man, and was then, as now, an outspoken Repub- lican, with liberal views and generous impulses. Judge John- ston had been put upon the bench by the F'ederal Military Government ; and when apprised of his election to the Sen- ate, he wrote a letter to Governor Walker, in which he heart- ily concurred in the constitutional amendments, favored equal rights and free education for all the people, and pronounced warmly for an honest support of the administration of Pres- dent Grant. It goes without saying that General Mahone was no mere looker-on in these proceedings. He was an acknowledged power, in the full flush of success and popular applause, and Bourbonism, no matter how unwillingly, had to defer to his counsel and suggestions, both as to men and measures. Abandoning the name of Democrats, the Bourbons called themselves Conservatives — a name they clung to until 1880, when John W. Daniel, in their State Convention, christened them anew as Democrats by resolution. Long before that, however, they had thrown off the mask, and were openly bent upon reactionary measures to restore Bourbon policy and ascendancy as far as possible. Reconstruction having been happily accomplished, largely through his instrumentality, as we have seen, General Mahone bent his energies to the consolidation of his railroads, to their renovation and re-equipment, and to the development of their capacity in the restoration of material prosperity to Virginia. Yet he still kept his eye on the general course of public affairs ; and when the judiciary was reorganized under the new Constitution, his potent influence and wise judgment had much to do with the selection of the men. He it was who secured Waller R. Staples' nomination and election to the Supreme Bench — believing that thereby he gave to the State a judge at once liberal, learned and able ; and the sequel showed that he was not mistaken ; for as long as Judge Staples remained in office, he was conspicuous for the qualities attributed to him. Yet he is now a foremost Bourbon, stump- ing the State against "Mahone and Mahoneism," although to the very last moment of his official life he clung to Mahone and besought him and Mahoneism to save him. It is true that Judge Staples, in his present partisan attitude, affects to avoid all personal attacks upon General Mahone ; but he only affects this — being really one of the bitterest denouncers of the record, policy and principles of the man who wsls-Ais friend in every hour of his need. And the offence of Judge Staples is the more flagrant, not merely because Mahone's hand put him upon the Supreme Bench and was willing to 31 retain him there. — but because Mahone had been willi push him for the first Virginia vacancy that occurred i United States Senate and to back him for the Conser- nomination for Governor in 1873. In both these latter c Judge Staples and his friends had sought General Mah aid, and he had cheerfully assented ; but after all arrc ments had been made and success assured in each, J Staples mysteriously withdrew from the candidacy for rea best known to himself. General Mahone's part neverthe was as worthy of recollection and grateful requital as if candidacy in each instance had been carried to nomina and election. 20_ The Legislature elected in 1 869 consisted of about one- third Liberals, one-third Bourbons, and one-third Radicals. On most measures the Bourbons co-operated with the Liberals, — and thus the Radicals were foiled at every point. But there was one notable exception to the co-operation we have mentioned. The two most important general acts of this Legislature were the Free School bill (passed in 1870) and the Funding bill (passed in 1871). The Bourbons now claim credit for passing the former, when the legislative jour- nals show that it was supported, without regard to party, by Liberals, Radicals and Bourbons — and by all in obedience to the Constitution they had sworn to support, — a Constitution framed by Republicans. This instrument explicitly declares : "The General Assembly shall provide by law, at its first session under this Constitution, a uniform system of public free schools, and for its gradual, equal, and full introduction into all the counties ol the State, by the year 1876, or as much earlier as practicable." The notable exception to the usual co-operation of the Bourbons with the Liberals occurred on the passage of the second bill we have named — the Funding bill of 1871. That bill, almost repeating the folly of the Bourbon Legislature of i866-'7, actually assumed the whole debt of the old State of Virginia, merely deferring one-third of it to await a settle- ment with West Virginia, — which State, it was now discov- ered, had arisen into being to remain. The lolly uf i866-'7 was wholly repeated in fixing the aggregate of this debt : the principal and simple interest to i866-'7 was treated as a new principal, upon which compound interest was calculated to J.S7I. — the whole amount thus found being capitalized as a 3^ principal, for further compound interest. Instead of finding West Virginia's third at what it was wheri she ceased to pay taxes to this State, or became a recognized State iti the tjniort herself, this third was computed as of 1 8 70-' 71, without credit^ ing this State with a dollar of the millions she had paid, or t3thei"wise redeemed, of the principal and interest ! But we heed not discuss that nefarious iHeasure in Virginia now, for we are all practically agreed that it was a gross blunder,' if not a crime. The Liberals opposed it vigorously, arid it wmild have been defeated but for a coalition of the Bourbons and Radicals of both houses in its support. It was charged that bribery and corruption were busy in securing this result, and all the facts point in that direction. The Radical leaders afterwards explained that their action was guided by a wish to divide the Conservative party, and it certainly tended to that and brought it about in the end. An analysis of the votes on these measures show that the large majority of those who voted /or the Free School bill voted against this mischievous and fraudulent Funding bill ; while it also shows that the large majority of those who voted against the Free School bill voted for the Funding bill : Significant facts, revealing the real aninuis of the voters, and indicating the future line upon which they would separate. The Funding bill was a pet measure of Governor Walker's, while General Mahone declined to support it and wrote let- ters to his friends in the Leo-islature warnino- them to beware of it. Jonas Walker, a brother of the Governor, was a prin- cipal lobbyist for the bill, and was doubtless largely interested in it. General Bradley T. Johnson (who soon became the leader of the Bourbon faction in the State, and remained so until he returned to Maryland) was another conspicuous friend of the measure, together with other prominent Bourbons and Radicals. It was said at the time that the Bourbon patronage of this baleful bill was the first instalment of the price for which Governor Walker abandoned his Republicanism, even in its Liberal form, and went over to Bourbonism. Certain it is that he then entered upon cordial relations with the Bour- bon faction which rapidly led him into an estrangement from General Mahone and all other Liberals, and made him a favorite exponent and representative of Bourbonism. He is now an ultra Democrat in his native State, New York ; and he is another example of General Mahone's ill-confided trust and betrayed confidence. However, Walker served the great immediate purpose for which Mahone had chosen and elevated him, and that is enough to vindicate the selection, no matter if the man did prove false afterwards to his public professions, as well as to his personal obligations. Even the Bourbons finally threw him over in disgust. In the very next year (1872) the people elected a Legisla- ture so strongly opposed to the Funding bill that a bill was passed, almost unanimously, repealing the tax-receivable coupon feature of that measure ; but this repeal was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, of Appeals, with re- spect to the bonds already issued under the Funding bill — Judge Staples dissenting. In 1873, chiefly through the hearty support of General Mahone, General James L. Kemper was made the Conservative nominee for Governor ; and his elec- tion was secured largely by the active, diligent and liberal efforts which General Mahone made in his behalf. The late Judge Meredith, long chairman of the State Conservative Committee, and well known for his high character and ability, repeatedly eulogized General Mahone as a public man who performed while others were promising, and who paid while others were asking what they were to receive. He testified that his committee never appealed to General Mahone in vain for help ; and that from and including 1869 to 1877, the com- mittee felt relieved of all care and responsibility whenever and wherever the General put his hand to the work. General Kemper came to office full of professions in favor of a readjustment of the debt, and a liberal policy in politics. His messages elaborately paraded these professions, and he labored with diligence and success to demonstrate the utterly inaccurate data upon which Governor Walker had urged the passage of the Funding bill. So liberal was he, indeed, that a scheme was set on foot (with his understood approval) to nominate a ticket in 1 876 with Grant for President and Kemper for Vice-President. But all this resulted in nothing but an abortive conference with a lot of brokers, and a quarrel with the Federal administration for sending troops to Peters- burg, at the request of Judge Hughes, to protect Republicans and other voters from Bourbon intimidation in that city. Kemper rapidly succumbed to the influences and blandish- ments of Bourbonism, and before his term expired he had turned his back on Liberalism and become a Bourbon of the Bourbons. 21. Meanwhile the Liberals in and out of the Legislature steadily opposed the execution of the Funding bill and clam- ored for Readjustment. The people invariably elected Legisla- 34 tures in favor of Readjustment, but always enoiig'h of the representatives were bullied, cajoled or boiioht b)- the Bour- bons and brokers to prevent any effective steps to be taken in the desired direction. General Mahone's political and personal friends were nearly all identified with this Liberal opposition to the Funding bill, against which he had himself warned some of his legislative correspondents before it be- came a law. But his railroad had oot into financial straits consequent on the crisis of 1873; his and its enemies, do- mestic and foreign, had combined against him ; and he was thus restrained from taking that active part in political affairs which he desired and to which the people invoketi him. In 1877, however, his railroad difficulties had reached a stage in which he was largely relieved of their burden. The ravages of the tax-coupons had begun to tell most disastrously against free education by intercepting or diverting its funds and closing its schools. The people were aroused to a de- termination to have relief in some way, and they eagerly called upon Mahone to leaci them. Mis letter of 1877, in which he emphatically declared for a Readjustment of our public debt, as an act of equity, as well as of imperative ne- cessity, marked another era in our deliverance and the pro- gress of New Virginia. The Richmond Dispatch had got wind of this letter, and, with its usual tactics, sought to antici- pate and break the force of it by a loud profession for itself and faction of being heartily in favor of everything General Mahone proposed and urged. The editorial appeared in Richmond the day the letter was published in Petersburg. But the Dispatch soon veered from its position under Bour- bon and broker duress, and thus gave an initial instance, since frequently repeated, not only of how it can look one way and row another, but of how little reliance can be placed upon it as an exponent of the real views and secret pur- poses of Bourbonism. The Dispatch is again for Readjust- ment to-day (so it says) ; but all the years from and including 1877 to and including 1883 rise up in testimony against it as one of the fiercest and most dangerous enemies of our debt settlement. Falsus ift uno, falsus in omnibus : as applicable to the faction as to its principal organ. The people rallied to General Mahone as their leader, and in the Conservative Convention of 1877 he was the strongest candidate for the nomination for Governor, receiving the highest number of votes cast for any candidate, until his name was withdrawn. Before the Convention met he was urged not to allow his name to go before that body, and to run as an independent candidate before the people, for it was fore- 35 seen that the weaker candidates would combine against him in the Convention, It was urged upon him, too, to consent for the withdrawal of his friends from the Convention after it had assembled. But he would consent to neither, — de- termined to give the Bourbon elements in the party every opportunity to learn and obey the will of the people before he took an independent stand to carry out that will. The Convention adopted a platform in favor of a Readjustment on the basis of the State's revenues, without an increase of taxes — substantially what the people and (ieneral Mahone demanded, if carried out in good faith. Among the candidates before the Convention was Colonel F. W. M. Holliday, of Winchester. He had written a letter, which was circulated in his favor, pledging himself to abide by the will of the people as to the debt, and declaring it a matter for legislative determination, and not for Executive inter- ference. His friends in the Convention, too, made similar pledges in his behalf. Seeing it unlikely that he himself could secure the nomination in face of the combination against him, General Mahone had his name withdrawn, and advised his supporters to rally to Holliday, who thereupon was nomi- nated. Walker, of Pulaski, was nominated for Lieutenant- Covernor. In the canvass that followed, General Mahone faithfully supported the nominees, — although Walker took the stump against Readjustment and denounced it as repudiation and highway robbery. Colonel Holliday made no canvass. Being elected his inaugural address reiterated the views as to the clebt which he had expressed in the letter heretofore re- ferred to. The Legislature, fresh from the people, was largely in favor of Readjustment. Yet, in face of his repeated pledges. Governor Holliday vetoed the Barbour bill (a tem- porary appropriation bill intended to prepare the way for Readjustment), and subsequently vetoed the first Riddle- berger Readjustment bill — doing so, too, in terms outrage- ously insolent and insulting. In all this he was backed by the Bourbons and their press. It was evident that the Conservative party had only be- come a machine to defeat the will of the people and to for- ward the purposes of Bourbonism. Patience and patriotism had done their best to secure a just settlement of the debt, to save the free schools, and to deliver the State from fast accumulating financial difficulties on every score, without sun- dering the Conservative organization and its supporters. But now patience had ceased to be a virtue, and patriotism demanded that Bourbons and Bourbonism should no longer be trusted. It was under these circumstances that (General Mahone and his Liberal coadjutors determined to form anew organization that should be truly responsive to the popular will. [Whig, February lOtli, 1884.] 22, The taxes had been raised from forty cents to fifty cents on the one hundred dollars for the specific purpose of meet- ing the ininimum requirement of the Constitution for the sup- port of the free schools ; yet, notwithstanding the Constitution and the laws passed in pursuance thereof in 1870, the tax-cou- pons of the Funding bill of 1871, were allowed to intercept and absorb the school tax- — the annual average of this inter- ception being over ^167,000, with a steady increase every year. One-half the schools were closed, and the remainder were open for only two or three months in the year, with a constantly decreasing attendance. Beginning with ^1,816,- 000 cash in the Treasury, our arrearages under the Funding bill averaged a million of dollars a year. Although the Bour- bons dared not directly increase the rate of taxation for the avowed purpose of meeting the outrageous impositions of the Funding bill, they increased assessments beyond value ; they busily sought and invented "new subjects" of taxation (as Daniel's stamp-tax) — as if all taxes did not press upon the people ; and they did not scruple, meanwhile, to rob the Sinking Fund, the Literary Fund, the School-tax, the col- leges, the asylums, and all our public institutions, to put mon- ey into the pockets of our coupon-scalping brokers and larg- er (chiefly Bourbon) tax-payers. The poll-tax itself, allowed by the Constitution only as a source of revenue for the schools, was curiously and treacherously pervented into a qualification of the suffrage, and employed, through the reg- istrars of voters, the assessors and collectors of taxes, to dis- franchise many thousands of voters. Our jails were filled with lunatics who could not be accommodated in the asylums, whose appropriations were not paid and whose enlargement was stayed. Everything, public and private, wofully felt and suffered under the depression and oppression of a policy which depleted all our vital forces. Enterprise of every kind* languished, and, instead of capital and labor coming to us to help in our development and progress, these fled from us as- if Virginia were an infected region — our own people migra- ting by thousands to other States and to the Territories. J/ The Bourbons, meanwhile, not only refused to Readjust the debt which was so cruelly and unjusdy crushing us, but uni- ted to support Governor Holliday in his vetoes of the various measures passed by the Legislature to protect and relieve the schools — John W. Daniel substantially declaring, with re- spect to one of these, that he would rather put the torch to the school-houses than pass it. Governor Holliday himself, in one of his messages, said that education was "a luxury," and that free education was a disgarce if obtained through public money that he held ought to pay coupons. The Bour- ban press applauded these acts and declaraUons, and denounc- ed all the friends of readjustment as repudiators and thieves. In the midst of all this loud talk in behalf of honesty^nd honor, even Bourbon Doctors of Divinity, as the records "of the Au- ditor of Public Accounts show, were purchasing coupons at 70 and 80 cents in the dollar and paying their taxes with them ; thus at once defrauding the State, the schools, and the creditors ! Late in 1878 the Bourbons, inspired and led by General Bradley T. Johnson and Mr. William L. Royall, secredy or- ganized a political movement, outside and independent of the Conservative party, alledged to be in behalf of the "Public Credit." When the organization was complete, it issued an address which became notorious as "the address of the 30" — that being the number of signers to the original issue of the precious document. It invited all men, of all pardes and colors, to unite with the organization for the support of the Funding bill and to increase taxation to pay the coupons. Among the signers were nine Doctors of Divinity, all of whom, except two, (as the official records prove) were paying their taxes in coupons. The State organization announced was a State Committee of which General Williams C. Wickham chairman of the Republican State Execudve Committee, was a member, together with other Republicans and prominent Bourbons. Colonel Robert Beverly, a member of the State Conservative Committee and an ultra Bourbon, was Chair- man, and Mr. William L. Royall was Secretary, of this Com- mittee. It at once sent out circulars to preachers, Bourbon parUzans and Brokers' men all over the State, urgincr them to aid this holy alliance in behalf of a job to rob Virginia and her people ; and with the circulars were blanks intended to enroll and pledge all those who could be led to sign it to a hearty support of the new factions, its men and measures. This was a most extraordinary scheme in all its parts ; but considered with respect to its attempt to prostitute religion and the pulpit to the designs of the Bourbon faction and a broker's sordid, forcible and dishonest job, It was monstrous. The Whig attacked it vigorously from the first, and with a proper indignation that did not measure its words ; and al- most immediately the swelling thing collapsed, leaving only a bad odor behind it, while its inventors, promoters and their accomplices speedily abandoned it in confusion, if not in hu- miliation and shame. 23- Confronted by all these things, General Mahone and the Liberal leaders in and out of the Legislature were not un- concerned or idle speculators. He and they consulted and agreed upon a course to be dependent upon events as they should disclose themselves. When the legislative session of 1878 — '9 opened, the Bourbons announced that they were ready to readjust, and that representatives of the bondhold- ers would concur in a new and fair settlement based upon the revenues of the State, without an increase of taxation. It soon appeared that Hon. Hugh McCulloch, associated with other financiers, and representing two syndicates of brokers, one American and the other British, was the author and manager of. the new scheme, which was embodied in a bill that became notorious as "the McCulloch bill." We need not go into the details of a measure with which all Virginians are so familiar. Suffice it to say that McCulloch & Co., were forced to deny in writing that they represented the bond- holders, and in the preamble of the bill itself they were care- ful to speak only for the syndicates of brokers, and to pledge these only to efforts to induce the bondholders to fund under their scheme. The funding was taken wholly out of the con- trol of the State, and given to the syndicates as long as they chose to keep it, upon terms which made them masters of the finances of Virginia and of all the holders of bonds of every description. Instead of bringing relief, it was really a worse measure than the Funding bill. The tax-receivable coupon feature was retained ; the bonds and coupons, formerly pay- able in currency at Richmond, were made payable in gold, or sterling funds, at London, at the option of the bondholder ; the bonds and coupons, formerly taxed, were made forever untaxable ; and the rate of interest was fixed at 3 per cent, for ten years, 4 per cent, for twenty years, and 5 per cent, for ten years — equivalent to the old rate of 6 per cent., and 39 more, when coupled with payment In gold and the exemption from all taxation. The most monstrous provision, however, was that known as the "Allen Amendment," which directed the Auditor, on the demand of the syndicates or bondholders, whenever any default in the semi-annual interest occurred, to issue tax-receivable certificates, redeemable every six months, to be sold as low as 75 cents in the dollar, to meet such de- fault. As it was certain (as the event proved) that default would happen every six months, this provision (if carried into effect) made our bankruptcy and ruin inevitable by a forced system of borrowing money at 665( per cent, per annum to meet accrued and unpaid interest ! Think of the financial policy which would borrow money at the rate of sixty-six and two-thirds per-cent. to pay six per cent, on an exaggerated debt ! Of course the Liberals and Readjusters in the Legislature opposed this measure ; and early in 1879 they held a con- ference at which they resolved to call a State Convention to organize resistance to this bill and to bring about a real and adequate Readjustment. The call was accordingly made for a convention to meet in this city in the last days of February, 1879, and General Mahone framed that call. Pending these proceedings, General Mahone was called upon by a distinguished member of the Legislature and leader of the McCulloch scheme, to prepare some plan whereby the control of the Atlantic, Mississippi & Ohio road could be saved to the State. He complied, and the scheme he formulated was submitted to a conference of members from both branches of the General Assemby, selected and assembled by General John Echols. The scheme submitted by General Mahone was approved. Its practicability and its constitutionality were thoroughly ex- amined by the ablest men in and outside the Legislature. It was approved by the Attorney General of the State— General Field — and other distinguished lawyers, as in no wise con- flicting with the Constitution of the State — as an admissable legislative act. It was now openly suggested to General Mahone, that in the event of the success of the scheme he should be re-instated to the control of the road ; but, correctly suspecting the un- derlying motive which had prompted the leaders in this sud- denly conceived concern for the interests of the Common- wealth and the people in this great property, declared that under no circumstances likely to arise would he ever consent to resume the presidency of the road. Organized opposition to the McCulloch scheme, then pend- 40 ing before the Legislature, was foreshadowed. The Conven- tion at Mozart Hall had been projected. General Mahone's opposition to the McCulloch scheme, if possible, was to be silenced. The Convention at Mozart Hall assembled and the suspected motive was speedily revealed when General Ma- hone, on invitation, there made his able 5 irge, he was defeated by the people, who elected Capt. John I. Wise over him by 5,000 majority, and sent to Washington ix Congressmen out of ten (Wise. Mayo, Libber, Hooper, *aul and Bowen), to reinforce their Senators at the other nd of the capitoL Mahone was again the Bourbon issue, and again was Ma- one triumphant. [Whiis:, February 25th, 1885.J Hon. A. M. Keiley, Chairman of the Bourbon State Com- littee, opened the campaign of 1883 by a call for a State Convention of his party, although there were no State nor 'ederal officers to be chosen that year. In this call he offi- ially invoked and proclaimed the color-line, in open pursuance f the policy which had been practiced by his faction and rged by its organs ever since February, 1879, when Bour- lon agents sought to discredit the first Readjuster State Con- ention by procuring the attendance of bogus colored dele- ates. It is evident that Mr. Keiley made this proclamation if war on the colored people in response to urgent Bourbon iressure, and in hope to retain his position. It was in vain, ,s far as he was concerned ; but it was indicative of what was come. The Convention met in Lynchburg, and its whole proceed- ngs were in the nature of an apotheosis of fraud and force — oreshadowing the character of the campaign to follow. With olemn hypocrisy, these Bourbons made perfervid, but no less >erfidious professions that they recanted their opposition to Readjustment and what they had called "Repudiation" and highway robbery;" that they were devoted to the equal rights .nd free suffrage they had fought so bitterly; that they were he authors, benefactors and champions of the free schools hey had sought to destroy ; that they were the true and only riends of the negro, whom they had used as a partizan mgaboo in all former campaigns, and whose slaughter they low meditated ; and that thenceforth and forever they would acquiesce" in and support the Readjuster legislation on the 5tate Debt, and let their former self-styled ''honor aitd hojtesty' ihift for themselves. They even went so far as to promise he colored people that not only would their equal civil and )olitical rights and privileges be sacredly guarded, but that, f Bourbonism came to power, the colored schools should be put 56 1 wholly and exclusively under 'o/o:-ed control. All this was the ■ fraud. The preparations for force and violence followed close on its heels. The too conscientious and shrinking, Keiley was summarily and insultingly removed, with not a. word ot recog-nition for past services, nor any courteous reference to him or his existence, to soften his overthrow. Most of his committee were ejected in like manner. It was obvious that a more resolute and unscrupulous administra- tion was required by the faction ; and. accordingly, the men suited to this requirement were selected for the new State Committee. Formerly the Bourbon convention had left the choice of its chairman to the committee ; but now Mr. John S. Barbour was designated by the Convention as State Chair- man. Not only so, — but. whereas therefore the State Com- mittee had chosen its Executive Committee, Mr. Barbour ap- peared in open convention and actually stipulated, as a neces- sary condition to his acceptance of the position offered him, that he should be invested with full authority to name the Executive Committee, — and the Convention at once acceded to his demand ! Not content with the ordinary powers of a State Chair- man, Mr. Barbour asked for ancl obtained not only extraor- danary, but unlimited powers ; not content with a committee chosen, like himself, to meet an emergency, he insisted on selecting his own tools for the work before him ; and he thus became, not only the Boss, but the Dictator of his faction. It is plain that such a Dictatorship was not an accident, nor unadvisedly created and conferred. It was the deliberate and necessary preparation for what was to be done. Fraud, if need be, was to be reinforced by violence,- outrage, blood and terror. The Convention had hardly adjourned, in fact, before the Bourbon organs all along the Virginia Midland railroad (of which Mr. Barbour was then President) and its connections began to declare what was expected. It was proclaimed that victory for Bourbonism was to be achieved at all hazards and all costs^as Barbour himself also affirmed later in his official proclamations. It was truculently threat- ened that if the election should result in returning a Liberal and Republican Legislature, an armed Boui^bon force would take possession of the Capitol and seat only whom it chose. Everywhere and in every way it was plain that a campaign had begun, in which Bourbonism and its tools would stick at nothing to regain power. They hoisted both the black flag and the bloody shirt ; and soon, from all sections of the State, came in accounts of Bourbon intimidation and turbulence. Mr. Barbour himself, as far as possible, conducted a dark- 57 lantern and secret service canipaig^n. He organized a com- plete system of espionage, proscription, intimidation, bribery and corruption, which descended to the minutest details of the life and concerns of the humblest citizens of all parties and colors, who were enrolled {imknown to the^itselves) in squads of ten under chosen pimps, whose business it was to ingrati- ate themselves into the confidence of their unsuspecting vic- tims and betray them by any means, from false and lying representations to threats of civil or cri*tTiinal suits, notices to remove from houses and lands, discharges from employment, exposures of personal and family scandals, and offers of aid in the nature of bribery and down-right purchase. One of the secret circulars setting forth this system, and its mode of operations, was obtained and published. In addition, Mr. Barbour and his assistants sent secret agents, of both colors, throughout the State to spread the falsest stories and to cir- culate the basest documents, signed or purporting to be signed and vouched for, by the names of gentlemen of standing. The chief of these documents were in the shape of "letters from Danville," Some of these got into the public prints, and it was seen at once by everyone that they were campaign fictions, deliberately concocted and employed to inflame pas- sion and prejudice and incite bull-dozing and violence. 30. As election-day approached, the bullying and aggressive temper of the Bourbons made itself more and more manifest in record and deed. Republicans and Readjusters were threatened and assaulted in all directions, singly and in their public gatherings. The issues of principle and policy were ignored, and the negro was made the pretext for a brutal and intolerant dragonnade of which the white Republicans and Readjusters were the real objects. The infamous document, known as "the Danville Circular," signed by men, some of whom said they had nc^ver read it. while others of them ad- mitted under oath that they knew it was not true, but signed it as a mere political dodge, — this miserable invention of a desperate and unscrupulous faction was secretly printed, and designed for secret circulation by the tens of thousands in all the white districts of the Commonwealth ; but a copy of it ^SQ.2.'^^di at Alexandria (Barbour's party headquarters) from its custodians, and fell into Liberal hands; and General Ma- hone, as State Chair-man of the Liberal party, did everything 5^ possible, by letter, circular, mail, messenger and telegraph, to head off and counteract the insidious poison thus prepared for distribution among the people ;. and he succeeded by his extraordinary energy and activity, zealously aided by others, in almost wholly defeating this scandalous and shameful sneak-game and trickery. So far all was well for the Liberal movement, notwithstand- ing the treachery and violence it had to confront on every hand. All the laws of the land — all the laws of civilized war- fare — had been broken and outraged to baffle, weaken and defeat it ; yet It was still secure of victory, as both its friends and enemies agreed. But a last recourse was left to Barbour and to Bourbonism; and to that they did not hesitate to re- sort. All through the week preceding the election the State was rife with rumors of deeds of violence committed by the Bourbons and their bravoes. There was, among all, a con- stantly-recurring fruit of a mob and massacre, which was always located at Danville. The thing was in the air. Nor in the air alone : for consignments of- guns and pistols had gone in that direction for days and weeks before, — to arm Bourbons against the Liberals and Republicans who only prayed for peace and the freedom they cordially accorded other men. In the streets of Richmond men talked of the expectancy of a row and riot in Danville. On the 2nd of November the Richmond Dispatch (leading Bourbon organ) referred to this street talk and rebuked it as dangerous and hurtful. In remote counties the same talk was going on, and it was said that troops had been ordered to Southside Vir- ginia. All this was before the fatal Saturday, November 3, 1883, when the bloody massacre at Danville occurred. It had been foretold in Alexandria — in Madison— -in Essex — in Salem — in Rockingham — in Richmond. How did 'w. happen that all these anticipations and forebodings were prophetic ? Because the Bourbon campaign had prepared men's minds and had shaped the course of events for just this sort of culminating outrage, if not for a State-wide m.assacre. It was the result to which all that Barbour and Bourbonism had said and done logically and inevitably led to. But the accurate details of what was to happen, and where and when, could not have been foreknown as they were, had not an actual plot been devised and intimations of it sent in advance to trusty agents. Why the telegram which was sent from Danville on Monday following the massacre, and day before election, to all parts of the Southwest, ''we are standing in our doors, 2uith sJiot-gu?is in hand, defending ou^' wives and children from an orgcmized mob of negroes, 7iozv paradi^ig the streets P' when 59 a colored man was not to be seen in the streets of Danville on that day — on the contrary an armed force of white men were parading the streets on that very day. Why were cou- riers in waitingalong- the railway lines traversing the white sec- tion of the State to take out into the interior counties the exciting, exaggerated, false accounts of the massacre, if it were not anticipated? It is not necessary to recount the Danville story. Enough to say that its accomplishment was accompanied by every evidence of premeditated design, as the same design was so fully foreshadowed by what preceded the horrible butchery, as well as by what followed it. Every appliance and means was ready to take every advantage of the enormity for par- tizan effect. There was all the appearance of an organized and forewarned readiness, awaiting the expected signal. When the signal came on that baleful Saturday, it took no Bourbon partizan by surprise ; it grieved no Bourbon heart; but, while Bourbonism exulted in the explosion of its political dynamite at Danville, the shock dismayed the people and left them a prey to the devices of the wicked conspirators. The deed was base enough ; but Bourbon baseness, by preconcert among its tools, charged the crime upon its victims, and shouted through the State a false and mock heroic call to arms for defence against the negroes who (with thousands of white Republicans) w^ere cowering in terror or flying in panic from the dread execution of a plot which Virginia Bourbons had learned to form from the examples given in South Caro- lina, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana. 31. I^ was an armed and. offensive campaign on the part of the Bourbons against the unarmed and peaceful Republicans. Yet it was only this last assault at Danville, and the base use made of it to mislead and terrorize the people, that succeeded in demoralizing a portion of the Liberal voters. Thanks to the Liberal movement, free suffrage had been re-established in 1882, as far as law and Constitution could accomplish it ; and it was to meet and dispense the large reserve that would now come to the Liberal side at the polls that Bourbonism resorted to enormities that had never been known in this Commonwealth before. The foul play succeeded, — but not without showing that Liberalism had taken root and would grow despite all efforts to destroy it. It had begun in 1876 6o with 82,000 votes, in 1883, Danville notwithstanding, it polled 127,000; a gain of 14,000 votes over 1 881, and of 45,000 since 1879; and in 1884, it polled 141,000 votes by Bourbon count — after such barefaced frauds as were practiced in Charlotte, Southampton, Halifax, and sundry other counties and cities of the State, Charlotte and Halifax giving a fraud- ulent majority for Daniel and Cleveland of fifteen hundred, where there are full that number more of colored than white voters. With all its violence and fraud, Bourbonism managed to count itself in by a majority of only 17,000 in 1883 — a num- ber much less than that which would have been added to the Liberal poll had "a free ballot, a full vote and a fair count" prevailed. It is worthy of special note that in this most remarkable campaign the Bourbon policy was to eliminate from it, as far as possible and as far as Bourbons were concerned, every issue except the false one of color. Even "anything to beat Mahone," which had failed in every State and Congres- sional contest since and including 1879, was subordinated, if not abandoned, in behalf of an exclusive devotion to this ex- ploiting of the negro as a scare-crow. It is true that the color- line had been drawn by Bourbonism in all former contests ; but this was the first time it was rallied to exclusively and marked in blood. In point of fact, instead of fighting Ma- hone chiefly, as theretofore, the Bourbons practically con- fessed themselves defeated by him on every real issue, and pretended to surrender to the Liberal movement, professing (as we have seen) to defer to and acquiesce in the poularp will which had so unmistakably and unshakenly resisted all their former attacks on "Mahone and Mahoneism." "Ma- honeism" was Readjustment of the State debt; implacable war on the tax-coupons ; redemption and development of free education ; reduction of taxes ; restoration of free suf- frage ; impartial administration of the laws and government ; and a return in good faith to American citizenship and to the Union ; — and to this "Mahoneism" Bourbonism humiliated it- self ; this "Mahoneismi" it adopted as its confession of faith, — renouncing its former creed ; and to this "Mahoneism," if not to Mahone, it publicly yielded ! Yes: yielded as it did in 1869; with this difference ; that in 1869 the Bourbons sur- rendered directly to Mahone and accepted him as their com- mander ; whereas in 1883 they surrendered (or pretended to surrender) to his great cause, and thereby sought, with devil- ish auxiliary inventions, to depose him from command and grasp power for themselves over a deceived and betrayed -\- -;' temporary success being partially achieved only irco'^ii a resort to murder most foul. But it would be a very dishonest and incomplete retrospect f thi,» period, of Bourbon profession of repentance, follow- i immediately by the most flagrant exhibitions of utter ourboii depravity, if attention were not given to a marked id sio-nificant feature attending- the Danville Massacre and ourbon blood-bought triumph of three days later. As soon 5 it was sent abroad from Danville that the butchery there id occurred, according to programme, the bonds and cou- Dns of the Funding bill of 1871 and of the McCulloch bill ipidly rose here, at Baltimore and everywhere. On Monday ley still went ; ana^ //its, mark ! when the Bourbons had [edged themselves to Readjustment, and when they were Lisily representing that the Massacre at Danville was caused Y a negro rising, which threatened to spread all over the State id endanger the lives of all the white population — to rend le State with an internecine war of races ! How was it that face of all this apparent cause for a panic in Virginia se- irities, the money markets took it all, if not serenely, at ast with an excitement based in a new-born faith in the due of these securities ? How was it that the financial re- dts were as curiously at variance with the proclaimed situa- Dn ? Simply decause the money markets (always well-in- rmed) knew better. 7/iey knew how much value to attach • the forced Bourbon profession of '"acquiescence" in the iddleberger settlement ; /key knew what the Danville Massacre meant ; and when, on the 6th of November, the ynchburg "acquiescence" and the Danville Massacre bore eir full fruition in a Bourbon victory at the bulldozed and rrorized polls, the brokers emphasized their entire appre- ition of Bourbonism and its pledges to the people by run- ng up the tax-coupons to the highest notch ! Behold Bourbons and Bourbonism, as certified to by their ost intimate friends and associates (the brokers), who know em best ! [Whig, March 'iiid, '85.] 32. The election by massacre, however, had not given the Durbons the necessary two-thirds majority in both branches the Legislature to make them independent of the Execu- te. They had such majority in neither branch ; and at once. 62 by unparalleled proceedings against constituent and repr sentative right, they set about creating the majorities th( needed. Four Republican Senators, whose term of foi years had not expired, but who had accepted Federal ( State appointments incompatible with their Legislative fun tions, resigned in the interval between the election and tl meeting of the General Assembly. As it was not only h right, but his duty to do, the Governor issued writs for speci elections in all these cases, and Republicans were chosen every instance. The Bourbons declined to recognize the; elections, and ordered new elections through the President ( the Senate. Again, in every case, were the Republican Sei ators returned, and by increased votes. But delays were no interposed to keep the four seats vacant ; and in two of tl cases a third election was ordered, on false pretexts trumpe up for the occasion. Yet for a third time were the same R' publicans elected, and with majorities still increased. Aft( a protracted period two of the twice elected Senators wei seated ; but in the case of the Senator from the Norfolk di: trict, though thrice elected, he was not permitted to take h seat until the session was about to close. The fourth Repul lican Senator was utterly ousted, and a Bourbon sympathize put in the seac, although he himself did not claim to ha\ been elected ! In two other cases. Republican Senators were unseated | the flimsiest grounds, and their Bourbon contestants installe Mr, E. W. Hubard, of Buckingham, was one of the Repubi cans thus unrighteously deprived of his representative right: but, a vacancy from his county having been declared in ti House of Delegates by the Bourbons of that body, he % came a candidate for the position, and was elected, — the vk precinct whose vote was thrown out to unseat him, as a Senate no2v voting unanimously for him, — Democrats, Republicar Readjusters, Bourbons, Funders, whites and blacks, c'?// votii for him in a concurrent rebuke of the outrage perpetrated I the Bourbon Senate ! In this way the Senate usurped ai violently seized the power of a two-thirds majority, which t people had not yielded to them even though terrorized a demoralized largely by the massacre at Danville, and attendant villanies. In the House like tactics were pursued by the Bourboi The seats of Republicans were kept vacant upon pretend and unsustained contests. In some of these (notably w respect to the delegates from Norfolk city) new elections w< ordered; yet in every new election the Republicans w sent back with greater majorities — evincing the indign; 63 oeojple c. the infamous course taken by BoLir- ijnism to grasp unlimited and ungranted authority. In other ^ses, well fearing the people, the Bourbon contestants were ^ated, when all the evidence showed that these men were Dt elected, and that the Republican contestees were entitled I their places, not only upon the returns, but by all prece- n-nts. The two-thirds majority for Bourbonism here, how- ler, as in the Senate, was to be secured, no matter through lat iniquities, and it was done. At a caucus, which included >t only the Bourbon legislators, but various Bourbon leaders, ajor John W. Daniel is reported to have exclaimed, when it as objected that neither laws nor precedents would sustain e policy determined on : "7/" the laws are against us, so uck the worse for the lazvs ; a?id if the precedents are against ;, let us make ?iew ones!'' Such was the spirit and temper of Bourbonism, Suffice it say that not less than seventeen Republican and Readjus- r legislators were thus robbed of their representative ca- icity, and their constituents foully outraged, to give the 3urbons the power in both branches of the General Assem- / that they had resolved upon. ^,' ^^v^.. (Of course the creatures of the Danville Massacre, rein- Vced by the creatures of the methods we have so briefly 'td incompletely adverted to, were ready for all vile work ; 'd they entered upon it with eager zeal. Executive pre- gative was ruthlessly invaded ; the judiciary was threatened i;d attacked ; costly and partizan investigations were set on 3t against the management of nearly all our institutions ; ificials in every department were unscrupulously accused and raigned ; and, by every device that legislative appliances 'd Bourbon malice could employ, it was sought to continue lid increase the reign of intimidation which the preceding I'mpaign had established. The Bourbon role was that of the jilly and bulldozer, and he was the ablest and best Bourbon lo excelled in that contemptible role. Men bearing the times of gentlemen did not shrink from making public exhi- Itions of themselves in the halls of legislation that would ..ve better become the miserable pimps of the lowest brothel, jtnd yet their affected crusade against the malfeasance and ! rruption they pretended to exist in the administration they itacked resulted only in their own discomfiture and the de- 64 pletion of the public Treasury. With two exceptions, all our officers were vindicated, and these two resigned to escape the partizan malignity aroused againstthem. In every case the investigations, instituted to condemn the Readjuster and Rep- ublican management of our affairs and institutions, resulted in practical approval of that administration, and, in many cases, of high laudation. And these results, mark, were in spite of Bourbon conspiracy to traduce and blacken, and with committees se- lected to accomplish this purpose. All the same, Bourbonism was not to be foiled ; and it rapidly proceeded to restore the old Bourbon regime and mismanagement everywhere, "Ma- hone and Mahoneism" had selected good men and instituted good measures, as far as human judgment and foresight could do so ; but these were to be all overthrown for a return of the old dogs to their vomit and of the old hogs to their wallow- ing in the mire. The Bourbons found over one million and a half of dollars in the Treasury when they came into legislative control in December, 1883, ^'"'^ ^^^Y ^-t once proceeded to squander it; treasurers, sheriffs and other defaulting officers, with their sureties, indebted to the State in large sums, were "relieved", in shoals ; Readjustment was undermined by pretended acts! in its aid, so that suits multiplied against the Commonwealth and its officers, and coupons again began to absorb our reve- nues and rob our free schools ; an unconstitutional attempt was made to restrict civil and political rights by declaring it a misdemeanor for certain officers to take part in politics — in; direct antagonism to that principle of Civil Service Reform ! which insists upon the political independence of the public officers ; unjust claims against the State were allowed and paid ; a most shameful gerrymander of the State for Congres-- sional representation was accomplished, and that, too, by eva- ; sions of the plain mandates of the Constitution, and by un-; worthy collusion ; blundering of commission and omission] occurred in all their hasty and evil acts, although they had in- their body many of the alleged "best people" and "bestj lawyers ;" the appointment of the assessors of lands for' taxes was taken from the county courts, was denied to the people, and it was sought to place it in the hands of a parti- ^ zan Auditor, when the outrage was only arrested by the! popular outcry against it ; extravagant provisions were ni'"'^' ' to employ extra counsel for the State ; the graves of the f ; and the stranger were given to the ghouls of dissection ; der the pretexts of giving them new charters to towns cities, the most important rights of local government wer vaded; the appointment of school trustees was placed i | 65 hands of partizan electoral uoards, lo give complete control of the free schools to Bourbon partizans ; and a scheme was adopted, by unconstitutional means, to place the ballot, ballot- boxes and election returns in the hands of Bourbon tools, selected by partizan boards elected by the Bourbon legisla- tors. In this enumeration only a tithe of the mislegislation done and attempted is glanced at. v3^Xl^ The Election-bill, passed by these Bourbon usurpers, even attempted to revive and re-impose the abolished freehold qualification for office : and thus, happily, insured its own de- feat as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of Appeals. But notwithstanding this Legislature had already extended the regular session thirty days to accomplish its mischievous work, the Bourbons combined and made such a constitutional demand upon the Governor to call an extra legislative ses- sion, — which demand was complied with. In this unnecessary session, demanded chiefly for the purpose of another attempt to take possession of our ballots and elections, and to thus effect, if possible, the complete and perpetual mastery of the people by Bourbonism, great costs were imposed upon, our Treasury and much other wicked legislation was enacted. The bill to usurp entire Bourbon grasp of our registrations and elections was re-enacted, with the freehold qualification omitted, but retainino- all its other nefarious features ; and an illegal and unconstitutional effort was made to give it force and effect by the election of the Electoral Boards, provided for in the bill, dy joint resolutitm, — a wholl)' unwarranted method, rendered doubly vicious, null and void, by the utter failure to present the joint resolution to the Governor, as the Constitution explicitly prescribes. Nevertheless, diese boards have met and proceeded to the appointment of registrars, judges and commissioners of election. &c.; and it yet remains to be seen if this scheme to overturn popular government and establish a faction as our rulers forever is to be allowed. The Supreme Court of Appeals is relied upon to vindicate the Constitution and save the liberties of the masses ; J^ut it this fail, the resort is to an indignant and resolute self-assertion of the people, whose wrath and majesty can make even the minions of Bourbonism quail in guilty fear and shrink from the dirty work committed to them. When this outrageousnieasure was pending in the legisla- 66 tive extra session, after its veto, General Mahone, as Chair- man of the Republican State Committee, hurried to Richmond and devised means to defeat its passage. If the loyal Repub- lican and Readjuster members of the House opposed to the bill were all in their seats when it came up, at any time, it would be almost impossible to pass it, — because they num- bered ^:^, and the Bourbons could not obtain a two-thirds ma- jority over that number ; but, to make assurance double sure, another member of the House, opposed to the bill, had agreed to make the adverse vote on the bill 34, if his vote was needed. But, although General Mahone, by letter, telegram and special messengers made everyexertiontoget the needed members in place and keep them there, he failed, — yet through no lack of duty or effort on his part. Some of the members, too, were sick, or otherwise compulsorily absent. And thus in spite of all that patriotic zeal and energy could do, the outrage, as far as legislative usurpation could accom- plish it, was done. There are very many important issues between Bourbon- ism and the people ; there are very many wrongs done upon the people, or attempted, by Bourbonism, which cry aloud for vengeance and reparation ; and there are very many things which may be deferred for final settlement without irreparable damage; but this election bill embodies the paramount issue, attemps the grossest wrong, and it must be now met, defeated, avenged, and made forever impossible by an uprising of a people jealous of their rights and determined not to accept the shackles prepared for them. The fundamental right of rights is here at stake, and all is lost if the people surrender it to Bourbonism, or again trust Bourbons after this supreme at- tempt to enslave and degrade them. [Whig, March 7, 1885.] 35- The year 1884 marked another era in the evolution of New Virginia and in the progress of the Liberal Movement. The Republican party of the State had had only a nominal exist- ence since 1873, and its skeleton of organization was only maintained to control the Federal patronage in our bounds and to make a feeble and futile parade in Presidential years. It had run no State ticket since 1873. In our Legislature it mustered a force entirely impotent for any good purpose. It had indeed carried the State for Grant in 1872 by a very small (^1 majority, consequent on the dissatisfaction of the Conserva- tives with the Democratic nomination of Greeley ; but in 1876 the State went for the Democratic Presidential ticket by a majority of 45,000. It was said, indeed (and subsequent oc- currences gave credibility and probability to the statement), that the Republican and Bourbon machine-men in Virginia had come to a cordial and happy compromise, under which it was desirable to have the Republican State party as small as possible. This bargain was to the effect that the Bourbons should control the State and its officers, and that the Republi- can bosses should have the disposition of the Federal patron- age coming to Virginia, as long as the Republican National party maintained its ascendancy — which these bosses looked upon as a perpetual endowment, for their benefit, without the slightest desert or exertion on th'^^'r part. It was, therefore, the most natural thing in the world that these Republican bosses, of a close corporation holding a munificent monopoly, should look with great disfavor upon the Liberal Movement, which threatened to disturb the happy status quo. In fact, they met it with a virulence of hate, de- nunciation and opposition which exceeded even that of the Bourbon bosses ; and there was at once a hearty alliance en- tered into between these high contracting parties for mutual offence and defence against the startling new departure, aimed immediately at the organization of the people on fresh lines and important living issues. Although the Readjusters, led by Mahone, arose in revolt against Bourbonism and its rule, these Radical bosses, in conjunction with their Bourbon allies, even induced President Hayes and his Republican adminis- tration to throw the weight of their power and influence, in the most extraordinary way, against the revolt and in favor of Bourbon supremacy ! Yet the masses of the Republicans in Virginia instinctively comprehended the situation. They saw their opportunity, and they eagerly seized it, despite the machinations of their treacherous bosses, backed by a Federal administration and President that had been so egregously duped into aiding Bourbon ascendancy. They, like the masses of the Conservative party, abandoned their bosses and rallied with renewed hope and zeal to the banner of New Virginia which Mahone had unfurled for revolution and re- form in our affairs and politics. The old Republican leaders, who had joined Mahone in 1869, again united with him to re- new the struggle of that year and carry it to full and perma- nent victory, if possible. It is safe to say that, notwithstand- ing the treason of the Republican State machine and its minions, at least four-fifths of the Republican voters of the 68 State Hocked joyfully and resolutely to Mahone from the first, and have faithfully stood by him and his cause to this hour. Inevitably, by its own impulse, as well as by the adverse course of Bourbonism, the new movement tended to Re- publicanism. While the State debt was the original issue, other issues equally important grew out of that necessarily and as consequences of the attitudes of the contending forces. The tax-coupons of the funding robberies of Bourbonism de- spoiled the free schools, and threatened them with destruction ; and hence popular education became a ward of the new party, to save that great cause from the attacks which Bourbonism, no less from its nature than from its hnancial policy, was vigorously making against it. The Readjuster party, too, on its first advent, had proclaimed its mission as one of the peo- ple, by the people, for the people, without regard to race, color or former party affiliations, against the bosses of all other local parties ; and hence it demanded free suffrage, not only as a matter of right, but as a matter of self-preservative policy, against the poll-tax qualification which Bourbonism had imposed and insisted on maintaining. Around these main differences gathered many minor ones, all combining to widen the breach that had been made by the original revolt. With the entrance of Gen. Mahone into the Federal Senate, and the beginning of Garfield's wiser and more manly ad- ministration, new ties had been formed between National Re- publicanism and the Liberalism of New Virginia. Bourbonism in both branches of Congress had declared war against this Liberalism and its great leader ; for well did every Bourbon at Washington recognize in this movement, so skillfully and vigorously pushed, an alarming menace to his faction's supre- macy in even the remotest and most downtrodden region of the South. The Republicans, on the other hand, saw in the movement a means to dissolve and liberalize the Solid South, and they came with generous succor and aid in its behalf. Meanwhile, here, although the Republican voters were almost a unit for Readjustment and its men and measures, the dis- carded bosses only die more openly and violently co-operated against it with Bourbonism. They even attempted to put up State tickets, when they had no voters to support it, except a handful, whom they could deceive or coerce. They put up bogus Republican candidates in all the Congressional districts to weaken and divide the Republican vote and help the Bour- bons to victory. Failing in these devices, and having been utterly disowned and disbanded by the Republican party and its State Convention in 1881, they actually rallied openly, and 69 by published proclamation, to the Bourbon standard and its candidates ! They were expelled ; they were deserters ; and in that year of 1881 they turned their backs upon the Repub- lican party and became Bourbons I In 1882 the State Republican and Readjuster committees formally coalesced and united in calling district conventions for Congressional nominations ; and their action was ratified and sustained by their constituents. 3e. By torce ol these and other circumstances the Readjuster- Coalition party, even previous to 1884, ^^^^ become, not only thoroughly «;z/?'- Bourbon and ^7?r their relative abilities, but when pens — Skilled by a touch to deepen scandal's tints With all the high mendacity of hints, . While mingling truth with falsehood, sneers with smiles, A thread of candor with a web of wiles — .ttempt to write down an honorable man, it will produce dis- :ord, strife and heart-burnings, that will take years to heal." The last declaration of the letter, at least, was prophetic ! Ve are now in the midst of the discord, strife and heart- )urnings, thus caused, and thus predicted. 41. In a letter to Major Alfred R. Courtney, dated June 29, 1877, General Mahone, with reference to the diversion of the school-funds under Bourbon mis-legislation and mal-adminis- tration, said : "If in a position to determine such questions, I would let the very wheels of government stand still before I would be : the instrument, or the quiet observer, of so cruel a wrong to ' the children of the State, so manifest a breach of trust, so i palpable a disregard of the organic law, aud so gross a viola- tion of the will of the people, as the perversion or conver- - sion of the public-school fund to any other purpose than that for which it was created. It flows now in that channel which . gives fertility to the minds upon whose training rests the fu- ture of the Commonwealth ; could I speak by authority, not one cent of it should ever cro to a use less sacred." And now look what has occurred under this resolute decla- ration ot the great enemy of the tax-coupons and the great friend of the free schools. In 1871 (the first year of our free educational system), there were 2,278 white schools; 769 colored schools ; 3,047 white and colored schools ; 92,1 1 2 white scholars ; 38,976 colored scholars ; 131,088 white and colored scholars ; 2.580 white teachers ; ^ 504 colored teachers ; :• 3*084 white and colored teachers. ^ But after eight years of Bourbon animosity and misrule the system had decreased in all parts, and was in a steady down- ward course to utter ruin. The following table shows the falling off in the schools, scholars and teachers in eight years — without mentioning the decrease in the length of the school term : 1879. 1,816 white schools; 675 colored schools; 2,491 schools for both colors; 72,306 white scholars ; 35,768 colored scholars ; 108,074 scholars of both colors; 2,089 white teachers ; 415 colored teachers ; 2,504 teachers of both colors. But mark the bright record which followed — illustrating "the ways of Mahoneism," and the results of "Mahone's methods !" 8i There were, the in first )(:ar df Keadjuster rule, 1880. 3,598 white schools : 1,256 colored schools ; 4,854 schools for both colors ; 152,136 white scholars; 68,600 colored scholars ; 220,736 scholars of both colors ; 4,088 white teachers ; 785 colored teachers: 4,873 teachers of both colors. The gain, thus, in one year, was 2,363 schools, of which 1,782 were white, and 581 were colored; 112,662 scholars, of whom 79,830 were white, and 32,832 were colored ; and 2,369 teachers, of whom 1,999 were white, and 370 were colored. But this great increase cannot be fairly estimated unless we again look back and see what a reversal of the ebb-tide it was — an ebb-tide swiftly carrying our public school system to ex- tinction. The following table illustrates how Bourbonism and Funderism operated upon the schools : 1871 1874 1879 Schools 3i047 3.902 2,491 Graded Schools ... 70 155 128 Pupils 131,088 T 73,875 108,074 Teachers .... 3,084 3.962 2,504 Expenditures .$587,472.39 $1,004,990.02 $511,902.53 Colored Teachers . . 504 490 41 5 Colored Schools . . 769 994 675 Colored Pupils . ..38,976 ' 52,086 35768 At the very first bound, after Bourbonism and Funderism were checked, the schools, as we see, sprang forward to g^reater success than they had ever attained before, at any period. The following tables show the increase of schools and pupils since 1880; 1879 1881 /;/ crease . Number of schools 2,491 ^^Z'^'^ 2,891 Number of pupils .... 108,074 239,046 '130,972 The increase here is 768 colored schools and 2,123 white schools ; 41,191 colored pupils and 89,781 white pupils. 1879 1882 Increase. Number of schools .... 2,491 5.5^7 3«o96 Number of pupils 108,074 257,362 149,288 This increase of schools consists of 2.246 white schools and 82 850 colored ones ; and this ina^ease of pupils comprises 99,7-28 white and 49,560 colored pupils. 1879 1883 ht crease. Number or schools .... 2,491 5.974 ZA^Z Number of pupils . . . 108,074 268,360 160,286 Here is an increase of 3,483 schools, of which 2,443 were white and 946 were colored; and an increase of 160,286 pupils, of which 105,106 were white and 55,180 were colored. 1879 1884 hicrease. Number of schools .... 2,491 6,356 3.856 Number of pupils 108,074 288,030 179.9^5 Thus, since 1879 (the last year of Funder- Bourbon domi- nation), our free shools have grown 3,865 greater in number — or more than double the number they ever reached pre- vious to 1880, and the number of pupils has increased 179,956 over the number of 1879. Of the increase in schools, 2,672 are white, and 1,192 are colored; of the increase in pupils, 112,414 are white, and 67,542 are colored. We need not dwell upon these figures. They speak elor quently tur themselves ; and they furnish a record of honoi and desert for those who redeemed our schools from Bour- bon-Funder and coupon-scalping hate and pillage, that neec only be kept before the people to teach them who are theii friends and who their enemies, and the enemis of their children [Whig, March 28th, '85.] The enemies of General Mahone have represented him a5 the King Stork of our politics ; but it is sure that his Bour bon predecessors in the United States Senate hardly rose tc the dignity of Kings Log — being generally regarded as men bumps on logs. They did nothing but make themselves or namental and draw their salaries. They neither preventec nor accomplished anything for our State or people ; and th( same may be said of our Bourbon Representatives in th( Lower House of Congress. All these Bourbon states men either lacked the capacity or the disposition to labor fo.' Virginia and Virginians. The most diligent, distinguishec and useful one among them was Hon. John T. Harris ; anc all he did was to distribute seeds and official reports in hi; district to his constituents. S3 General Mahone at least chanoed all this. He brousfht activity in place of supineness ; he took Virginia from the hostile attitude toward the Federal Government, in which Bourbonism placed her, and restored her to her ancient rela- tions to the National administration ; from a mere cipher in the affairs of the country, he made her once more a potent jnit in the Union ; and whereas the Virginia Bourbons in the Senate and House spent all their little force in fomenting sectional jealousies and animosities and lauding a Virginia :hat no longer existed, he became the champion of New Vir- ginia, and vindicated her and her people with commanding ;ongue and presence, as well as with heroic courage. The V^irginia Bourbons had either joined or silently acquiesced n the Congressional war of brokerdom against Virginia ; :hey had concurred in the denunciation of her people for re- sorting to Readjustment to protect the State Treasury from 'obbery and our free schools from destruction, or they had sat, mumchance, in treacherous cowardice before the slander- ers ; but Mahone at once rushed into the breach, with all the kvratb of indignant patriotism, and overthrew or repelled all :he Goliaths of Brokerdom and Bourbonism that dared ma- ign this Commonwealth or its citizens. He was at once placed upon important committees, — being iiade chairman of more than one of them ; and he, for Vir- 2^inia, became a power in the land. He at once put this power to the best of uses. Besides reforming the civil ser- ncG in Virginia in all its departments, for the good of the 5tate as well as of the Nation, so that this service should be n the hands of servants of the people instead of the minions 3f an insolent class, he diligently sought to obtain for us a fair share of the Federal patronage at Washington and else- ivhere, then engrossed by men only nominally Virginians, and falsely charged to her. In this direction he has succeeded in securing at least two hundred changes, and thus placing in positions of honor, power and trust, real citizens of Virginia, representing nearly all the counties of the State, many of which counties /tad never before received a Federal appoint- ment. He broke up (and, let us hope, forever) the system of confining all allotments of patronage to certain favored lo- calities in the State ; and, as far as he was able, he saw to it that our citizens of every section should have a fair show at Washington. He caused to be established in our bounds six hundred miles of new postal routes. He caused the mail service to be increased on a large number of old routes — an increase equivalent to an aggre- • 84 g-ate of two hundred miles more new 7'outes ; and, besides, he had the weekly mails on many rotites changed to semi- weekly, tri-weekly, or daily. He caused three hundred and forty-seven new post-offices to be established amonfr us, to the oreat accommodation ol all the people. He secured the increase of the Protective Tariff on qui iron-ores, which has been the immediate cause of the great movement in the development of our iron resources and re lated interests. His was the potent hand that obtained the present decrease in the internal tax on our tobacco, whereby our greatest sta- ple and most prolific source of cash income has been rescued from a ruinous depression, thus removing two and a hall millions of dollars tax to which this industry was subjected. He also obtained the following appropriations for public buildings in various parts of the State : At Harrisonburg $ 65,00c At Abingdon 62,00c At Lynchburg 150,00c At Richmond 150,00c Total, $352,ooc Besides, he was active and influential in obtaining over two hundred thousand dollars for our rivers and harbors. Not only was he the power that secured these appropria- tions, but his watchful care saw to it, in the last moments o! the recent session, that the appropriations for public buildings were inserted in the Sundry Civil Bill, from which Randall in vain sought to strike them in the House. And this money thus obtained by General Mahone, will not only adorn oui cities and conduce to the better administration of public affairs among us, but it will give employment to many laborers anc mechanics, and add ^552,000 to our circulating medium, tc the benefit of all of us, directly or indirectly. Besides, in committee, on the floor of the .Senate, at the White House, in the departments, he has wrought vigorously for Virginia in all matters and on all questions affecting her or her inhabitants, and with great affect always, either to pre-[ vent evil or to accomplish good. On all National questions he has been steadfastly in favor of American right, honor and interest ; and, in the recent organization of the Senate, his great force and capacity were fitly recognized by placing him on the Committee on Appropriations — a most important com! mittee, his appointment to which is no less an honor to Vir- ginia than to him and the RepubHcan party of the State. What a contrast his activity and its results present to that idle indifference in practical affairs which had characterized all previous Representatives and Senators in Congress from Virginia. And when we make the contrast between his work and the loafing of all recent Bourbons from Virginia, the ex- hibit is so striking that it amazes all beholders that Virginia can still submit to send a Bourbon to Congress under any device of fraud or pressure of force. Not only was he the power that secured these appropria- tions, but his watchful care saw to it, in the last moments of the recent session, that they were inserted in the Sundry Civil bill, from which Randall in vain sought to strike them in the House. And this money, thus obtained by General Ma- hone, will not only adorn our cities and conduce to the better administration of public affairs among us, but it will give em- ployment to many laborers and mechanics, and add ^552,000 to our circulating medium, to the benefit of all of us, directly or indirectly. A Virginian, addressing the Whig, well says : "Why should Virginians 'hold up the hands' of General Mahone ? 1. Because he has advocated a new era in the history of Virginia. 2. Because he bas been' consistent in his advocacy of an equitable settlement of the public debt, and in the present condition thereof, all eyes are turned to him, even his enemies admitting that the original advocates of the settlement can better care for its protection than those who maligned the Riddleberg-er bill. 3. Because he despises the opprobrium of those who char- acterized Readjustment as "highway robbery" — who, whilst crying stop, thief, appropriated the fruits of his larceny, and now descant upon the delightful fragrance of that which, afore- time, they pronounced a "stench in the nostrils of the people." 4. Because he has despised the futile efforts at ostracism of those brainless creatures who affect to cast obloquy upon men at the very time they are scheming to break the force of their power by wholesale adoption of principles which all Bourbondom denounced as the bane of the Com- monwealth. 5. Because he has successfully fought the battle of manhood suffrage. 6. Because, under his leadership, the whipping-post, that 'brutal emblem of barbarous practice, has been abolished. 86 7- Because, under his advocacy, the public schools were not regarded "a luxury to be dispensed with," doubling- their num- ber, increasing their efficiency, and delivering the teacher from the merciless grasp of the curbstone broker. 8. Because, in his development of the internal improve- ments of Virginia, by lines East and West, he has sought to make her cities the termini of inter-State commerce., rather than way-stations upon the highways of foreign capital. 9. Because, recognizing the fact that the war is over, he insists upon the restoration of those cordial relations without which the sections can never attain true prosperity and power. 10. Because he has advocated the same measure of political freedom to county school superintendents that is accorded to treasurers, clerks, sheriffs, and Commonwealth's attorney's, and has insisted that the holding of office, of any nature what- soever, so far from disqualifying the incumbent, imposes upon him the double necessity of giving manly and untrammeled utterance to sentiment. 11. Because the "counting out" process of the Legislature has, in all its enormity, been exposed by him, and the atten- tion of the State so directed to the conspirators that the placing of a single member (Bourbon) upon the State ticket would defeat it by twenty thousand majority. 1 2. Because there is not a Bourbon of slightest prominence who does not regard himself peculiarly blessed in not being a member of the present Legislature, and who does not, in his secret heart, mock at the members thereof who aspire to fu- ture political promotion. 13. Because he excites the apprehensions and engenders the bitterness of the enemies of Virginia, and in the supreme hour of her peril has ever stood in the "fore-front of the battle," illustrating the splendors of her renown, and erecting, as imperishable memorials, the monuments of his victories upon the downfall of her foes. 14. Because, as the leader of a host, 140,000 strong, his forces are being massed in phalanx, to be hurled against the demoralized squadrons of an army in full retreat from the calamities that their own imbecility has visited upon the peo- ple ; and because his great qualities as a leader are attracting the attention of men all over the Commonwealth who have true desire for deliverance from those who love the bondholder rather than the schools and the children of the State. 15. Because, in the National council chambers, he has been the peer of the noblest, and has guarded with jealous eye all that appertains to the interest of Virginia ; because to the Nation he has shown the hypocrisy of a party that, pretending 87 , to brand him with the stigma of icpudiation, is now unblush- ingly advocating the doctrines of the repudiator. 1 6. Because "all men everywhere" recognize in General Mahone a man who has the "courage of his convictions'^ and are disgusted with the silly twaddle that Mahoneism and Ma- hone are no longer to rule in Virginia. 17. Because, whether with patronage or without it, he is ever a terror to the Bourbon heart ; whether in the arms of victory or in the jaws of defeat, he is an inspiration to his friends and a malediction to his foes ; whether amidst the proudest of Virginia's peerless names, or amidst the humblest of her devoted sons, he is still the "buckler of our faith," the "high tower of our defence," the "bulwark of our strength," and the great mountain top from whose serene outlook we can view the final overthrow of the scheming Bourbons who struggle in the dim mists of obscurity at its base. Mahone! Mahone ! ! Mahone ! ! ! Long live Mahone to cheer his friends, to defeat his enemies, and to point the Old Common- wealth to new paths of prosperity and power." Besides, in committee, on the floor of the Senate, at the White House, in the departments, he has wrought vigorously for Virginia in all matters and on all questions affecting her or her inhabitants, and with great effect always, either to pre- vent evil or to accomplish good. On all National questions he has been steadfastly in favor of American right, honor and interest ; and, in the recent reorganization of the Senate, his great force and capacity were fitly recognized by placing him on the Committee on Appropriations — a most important committee, his appointment to which is no less an honor to Virginia than to him and the Republican party in this State. What a contrast his activity and its results present to that idle indifference in practical affairs which had characterized all previous Representatives and Senators in Congress from Virginia ! And when we make the contrast between his work and the loafing of all recent Bourbons from Virginia, the ex- hibit is so striking that it amazes all beholders that Virginia can still submit to send a Bourbon to Congress under any device of fraud or pressure of force. 43, The Readjustment of the State Debt, secured under General Mahone's direction and skillful leadership, saved to Virginia, in round numbers, 5^13,000,000 of the principal of the unjust 88 claims which the Bourbons and Funclr rs aorreed to allow and so strenuously upheld, as they still uphold them by their folly and treachery. That Readjustment also saved to Virginia over ^35,000,000 of interest improvidently and unfairly allowed under the pre- tended settlements made by the Bourbons in 1871 and 1879, making a total saving on the debt, principal and interest, of ' over $48,000,000. That Readjustment also scotched, if it did not kill, the tax- coupons ; and, at any rate, saved the public free schools from robbery and destruction. That Readjustment led to the reduction of our onerous rate of taxes — ten cents on the $100. That Readjustment enabled us to reduce the excessive assessment of real estate for taxes several millions of dollars. That Readjustment enabled us at once to pay promptly all current appropriations and dues in arrear to our charitable and educational institutions. That Readjustment enabled us to appropriate and pay $25,000 quarterly toward the $1,520,000 arrears to the school- fund, accumulated under Bourbon misrule. That Readjustment enabled us to reserve for the schools in their respective counties the whole annual sum of school-taxes due them, less only the costs of assessment and collection. That Readjustment enabled us to build an adequate asylum for our colored insane. That Readjustment enabled us to establish an efficient sinking-fund for the rapid extinction of the debt. That Readjustment saved the State from the necessity of temporary loans and other shifts unworthy of a great Com- monwealth. And that Readjustment, as devised and administered by its authors, freed the State from a degrading subjection to brokers and other coupon-scalpers; filled our former empty treasury; and gave the State full means to meet all legitimate demands upon her. By his own private and independent action, when a Federal Court had seized and condemned to be sold for the benefit oi foreign bondholders the Atlantic. Mississippi and Ohio rail- road. General Mahone saved to the State $500,000 for her in- terest in that line, which otherwise would have been com- pletely lost under the action of the bondholders and the court. Of this sum, by the active exertions of General Mahone, against the solid opposition of Bourbons and brokers, $400,000 was set apart to the free schools and $100,000 to the building of a colored Normal Institute. * S9 These are only examples of the multitudinous direct mate- rial benefits coming to Virginia through or by General Ma- hone, or as results of his energy, skill and forecast. Even the Bourbons have done what they have, of good or ill, through the means provided by the policy and administration of Readjustment by Readjusters and Republicans. The Farm- ville Female College itself was originally projected by Dr. W. R. Vaughan, a Readjuster ; and by him, aided by the Whig and other Readjuster influences, it got a firm foothold on pub- lic legislative consideration and favor. Yet, with respect to that institution, as well as the Southwestern Asylum and other public enterprises in which Bourbons and Republicans united, nothing could have been done but for Readjustment ; for, otherwise, the Treasury would have been empty, and the ac- cursed tax-coupon would have still preyed upon our vitals. And if now that coupon has renewed its strength and venom, Bourbon mislegislation is responsible for it. But beyond our pubhc administration, our Liberalism and Readjustment combined to attract useful and pj'oduc five capi- tal among us precisely in the ratio that it repelled speculative and destructive capital from us. The political New Virginia of 1879 had hardly been heralded to the world before men, money and enterprise rushed into our borders to develop our magnificent stores of mineral and other wealth, and give us a material New Virginia. It was all, really, like the wonderful work of magic — the recognized magician, Mahone ! [AVhig, May 4th. ISS.i.l Almost an entirely new generation has come upon the scene since i86o-'65. It "knows not Joseph." The feelings and opinions and judgments of the men of the times that tried men's souls are largely forgotten, and in their place we have the angry invective and the base calumny born of personal jealousies and partizan strifes. As, near a century ago. Washington and his heroic compeers were the victims ot un- restrained and fierce abuse, which forgot truth and justice in the bitterness of political differences, — so now the heroes whom the people less than a score of years ago held in highest [reverence and esteem for matchless services in peace and war, land credited with the purest public devotion and the highest 90 ability, are pursued with relentless and unscrupulous depreci- ation and slander ; — not that they are less worthy ; not that they have done anything inconsistent with their past record of patriotic consecration to the best interests of the State and people ; but merely because they have ventured to pursue a line of policy not approved by certain prominent and influ- ential elements among us, arid because their success clashed with the ambitious and arrogant claims of these elements. Under these circumstances ; amidst this din and confusion of irritation and wrath ; we cannot see men in their true character, color and proportions, as they were formerly seen by their fellow-citizens, and as they will be seen again and forever by a posterity removed from the conditions that now prevail. Those who have come upon the stage since i865-'70. and whose views of men and things have been controlled to large extent by the ruling cries and passions of these recent days, are not in a position to clearly see and estimate those, who, still refusing to abandon the service of the dear Virginia to which they have dedicated their lives, are subjected to all the unjust and heated vituperation and misrepresentation that personal and political antagonism can devise. Even the glorious past of these devoted servants of the Common- wealth is smirched with unholy and sacrilegious hands ; their present motives are misconstrued ; and their future designs are painted in abhorrent colors. For these reasons, it is well to recur to the period when these causes which disturb judgment and provoke passion did not exist, and when our heroes and statesmen were recogniz- ed at their real worth by a people full of gratitude and ad- miration, who had not yet been taught to distrust and malign th eir best friends and most valiant champions. Especially is th is well with respect to the brilliant and no less practical man — Mahone ! — who, having stood by Old Virginia to the last, was the first to spring to the front to raise New Virginia from the dust and lead her on the path to power, peace and prosperity. Virginia's Poet, Hope, of Norfolk, but voiced the common heart when he sang of Mahone : "His name itself a history ? Yes, and none May halt me here. In war and peace It challenges the full rays of the sun ; And when the passions of our day seall cease^ ' Twill sta7id undying, for atl time displayed. Itself a battle-flag It is the voice of the past prophesying the future above and despite the petty spites of the hour. Young men ! it was the award of your fathers, as it will be the reverent as- cription of your children 1 But we shall let Hope, the poet, historian and prophet speak in full, commending his words as more worthy the at- tention of New Virginia than the foul abuse inspired by envy, malice and all uncharitableness — remembering that, do and say and think as you will, New Virginia has yet had but one hero and statesman — William Mahone ! A METRICAL ADDRESS. Recited ou the AnniTersary of the Battle of the Crater, before the Surviving Officers and Men of Mahone's Brigade. BY CAPTAIN JAMES BARRON HOPE. In pace decus, in bello praesidium. — Tacitus. Quis Martem tunica tectum adatnaniina Digne Scripserit? aut pulvere Troico Nigrum Merionen, aut ope Palladis Tydiden superis parem. — Horace. Avec plus d^ art encore et plus de barbaric, Dans des antres profonds on a su renfermer Des foudres souterrains , tout prets a s' allumer. Sous un chemin trompeur, ou, volant au carnage, Le soldat valeureux se fle a son courage, On voii en un instant des abymes ouverts, De nois torrens de soufre epandus dans ies airs Des bataillons entiers par ce nouveau tonnerre EmporteSy dechires, engloutis sou la terre. — Voltaire. — The most precious tears are those with which Heaven bedews the unhurried head of a soldier. — Goldsmith. I. Your arms are stacked, your splendid colors furled, Your drums are still, aside your trumpets laid, But your dumb muskets once spoke to the world — And the world listened to Mahone's Brigade. I^ike waving plume upon Bellona's crest, Or comet in red majesty arrayed, Or Persia's flame transported to the West, Shall shine the glory of Mahone's Brigade ! Not once, in all those years so dark and grim Your columns from the path of duty strayed ; No craven act made your escutcheon dim — 'Twas burnished with your blood, Mahone's Brigade ! 92 Not once on post, on march, in camp, or field, Was your brave Leader's trust in you betrayed, And never yet has Old Virginia's shield Suffered dishonor through Mahone's Brigade ! Who has forgotten at the deadly Mine How our great Captain of great Captains bade Your General to retake the captured line? How it was done you know, Mahone's Brigade ! Who has forgotten how th' undying dead, And you, yourselves, won that for which Lee prayed ?' Who has forgotten how th' Immortal said : That "Heroes" swept that field, Mahone's Brigade? From the far right, beneath the "stars and bars," You marched amain to Bushrod Johnson's aid, And when you charged — an arrow shot by Mars Went forward in your rush^ Mahone's Brigade !; In front stood Death. Such task as yours before By mortal man has rarely been essayed ! There you defeated Burnside's boasted corps, And did an x\rmy's work, Mahone's Brigade !' And those who led you, field, or line, or staff", Showed they were fit for more than mere parade ^ Their motto : "Victory or an epitaph," And well they did their part, Mahone's Brigade \ 11. Were mine the gift to coin my heart of hearts, In living words fit tribute should be paid To all the heroes whose enacted parts Gave fame immortal to Mahone's Brigade. But he who bore the musket is the man Whose figure should for future time be made — Cleft from a rock by some new Thorwaldsen — The Private Soldier of Mahone's Brigade ! His was that sense of duty only felt By souls heroic. In the modest shade He lived, or fell ; but his. Fame's Starry Belt — ,^ His, Fame's own Galaxy, Mahone's Brigade ! And in that Belt — all luminous with stars, Unnamed and woven in a wondrous braid — A blaze of glory in the sky of Mars — Your orbs are thickly set, Mahone's Brigade ! The Private Soldier is the man who comes From mart, or plain, or grange, or sylvan glade, To answer calls of trumpets and of drums — So came the Soldier of Mahone's Brigade ! His messmate, hunger ; comrades, heat and cold ; His decorations, death or wounds, conveyed To the brave patriot in ways manifold, — But yet he flinched not in Mahone's Brigade ! When needing bread. Fate gave him but a stone ; , Ragged, he answered when the trumpets brayed ; Barefoot he marched, or died without a groan ; True to his battle-flag, Mahone's Brigade. Could some Supreme Intelligence proclaim. Arise from all the pomp of rank and grade, War's truest heroes, oft we'd hear some name Unmentioned by the world, Mahone's Brigade. And yet, they have a name, enriched with thanks And tears and homage — which shall never fade — Their name is simply this : Men of the Ranks — The Knights without their spurs — Mahone's Brigade ! And though unbelted and without their spurs, To them is due Fame's splendid accolade ; And theirs the story which to-day still stirs The pulses of your hearts, Mahone's Brigade. Men of the Ranks, step proudly to the front I 'Twas yours unknown through sheeted flame to wade In the red battle's fierce and deadly brunt ; Yours be full laurers in Mahone's Brigade ! III. For those who fell be yours the sacred trust To see forgetfulness, shall not invade The spots made holy by their noble dust ; Green keep them in your hearts, Mahone's Brigade ! O keep them green with patriotic tears ! Forget not, now war's fever is allayed, Those valiant men, who, in the vanished years, Kept step with you in ranks, Mahone's Brigade ! Each circling year, in the sweet month of May, Your countrywoman — matron and fair maid — Still pay their tribute to the Soldier's clay, And strew his grave with flow'rs, Mahone's Brigade ! Join in the task, with retrospective eye ] Men's mem'ries should not perish 'neath the spade ; Pay homage to the dead, whose dying cry Was for the Commonwealth, Mahone's Brigade ! Raise up, O State ! a shaft to pierce the sky, To him, the Private, who was but afraid To fail in his full duty — not to die ; And on its base engrave, "Mahone's Brigade !" IV. Now that the work of blood and tears is done, Whether of stern assault, or sudden raid, Yours is a record second yet to none — None takes your right in line, Mahone's Brigade ! Now that we've lost, as was fore-doomed, the day — Now that the good by ill hath been outweighed — 94 Let us plant olives on the rugged way, Once proudly trodden by Mahone's Brigade. And when some far-stretched future folds the past, To us so recent, in its purple shade. High up, as if on some "tall Admiral's mast," Shall fly your battle-flags, Mahone's Brigade. V. Each battle -flag shall float abroad and fling A radiance round, as from a new-lit star ; Or light the air about, as when a King Flashes in armor in his royal car ; And Fame's own vestibule I see inlaid With their proud images, Mahone's Brigade. Your battle-flags shall fly throughout all time. By History's self exultingly unfurled ; And stately prose, and loud-resounding rhyme. Nobler than mine, shall tell to all the world How dauntless moved, and how all undismayed. Through good and ill stood Mahone's Brigade. O glorious flags ! No victory could stain Your tattered folds with one unworthy deed ! O glorious flags ! No country shall again Fly nobler symbols in its hour of need ! Success stained not, nor could defeat degrade ; Spotless they float to-day, Mahone's Brigade ! Immortal flags, upon Time's breezes flung ! Seen by the mind in forests, or in marts. Cherished in visions, praised from tongue to tongue. Wrapped with the very fibres of your hearts ! And gazing on them, none may dare upbraid Your Leader, or your men, Mahone's Brigade. VI. That splendid Leader's name is yours, and he Flesh of your flesh, himself bone of your bone. His simple name maketh a history. Which stands, itself grand, glorious and alone ! Or, 'tis a trophy, splendidly arrayed. With all your battle-flags, Mahone's Brigade ! His name itself a history ? Yes ! and none May halt me here. In war and peace It challenges the full rays of the sun ; And when the passions of our day shall cease, 'Twill stand undying, for all time displayed, Itself a battle-flag, Mahone's Brigade ! He rose successor of that mighty man V/ho was the "right arm" of immortal Lee; Whose genius put defeat beneath a ban ; Who swept the field as tempest sweeps the sea ; Who fought full hard, and yet full harder prayed. You knew that man full well, Mahone's Brigade ! 95 And here that great man's shadow claims a plarc'; Within my mind I see his image rise, With Cromwell's will and Havelock's Christian grace As daring as the Swede, as Frederick wise ; Swift as Napoleon ere his hopes decayed ; You knew the hero well, Mahone's Brigade ! And when he fell his fall shook all the land, As falling oak shakes mountain side and glen ; But soon men saw his good sword in the hand Of one, himself born leader among men, — Of him who led you through the fusilade, The storm of shot and shell, Mahone Brigade ! Immortal Lee, who triumphed o'er despair. Greater than all the heroes I have named, Whose life has made a Westminster where'er His name is spoken ; he, so wise and famed, Gave Jackson's duties unto him whose blade Was lightning to your storms, Mahone's Brigade ! Ere Jackson fell Mahone shone day by day, A burnished lance amid that crop of spears, — None rose above him in that grand array ; And Lee, who stood Last of the Cavaliers, Knew he had found of War's stupendous trade A Master at your head, Mahone's Brigade ! O, Countrymen ! I see the coming days When he, above all hinderances and lets Shall stand an Epic form, lit by the rays Of Fame's eternal sun that never sets ! The first great Chapter of his life is made, And spoken in two words — "Mahone's Brigade !" O, Countrymen ! I see historic brass Leap from the furnace in a blazing tide ; I see it through strange transformations pass Into a form of energy and pride ; Beneath our Capitol's majestic shade In bronze I see Mahone — Mahone's Brigade ! O Countrymen ! When dust has gone to dust, Still shall he live in story and in rhyme ; Then History's self shall multiply his bust, And he defy the silent Conquerer, Time. My song is sung : My prophecy is made — The State will make it good, Mahone's Brigade ! [CONFIDENTIAL. Petersburg, Va., 1st July, 1887. Dear Sir : We must have more efficiency, more systematic aud efficient work in our party org-anization, if we would win in the all-important election we are to have this fall for nineteen mem- bers of the Senate and a full House of Delegates. I shall not stop here to discuss with you the gi-eat interests involved in the result of that election, I need not tell you that on it depends the future of the Republican pai-ty in this State, for years beyond any hope in which we may indulg-e. The eye of the Republican party of the Nation is hopefully turned to Virginia and the election before us. If we win, and we ought to win, and will, if only we put forth that effort which party duty and devotion to Republican principles demand that we should make, no where in all the Union %vill the party of any State com- mand more conspicuous consideration at the hands of the Na- tional party, than our party here in Virginia. Let us now elect a majority on joint ballot of the Legislature, and our influence in the Senate of the United States will be at once restored, and the electoral vote of the State next year will be made certain for the Republican Presidential ticket of that year. Let us elect that majority of the Legislature and put a stop to the wild par- tizan career and the wi-eck of State affairs, which have charac- terized their administration by the Democratic managers for the last four years. Let us elect that Legislature, and remove the peril to which the Free School System of the State is now ex- posed, and again empty the jails of the insane and make place for them in our asylums. Let us elect that Legislature, and give to the people a fair and non-partizan election law, so that every voter may, unhindered, exercise the right of suffrage, and be confident that his ballot will be honestly counted as cast. Let us elect the next Legislature, and by final settlement of the Pub- lic Debt on a basis that will discharge alike our duty to the jjublic creditor and to the people, and bring back to the State the good name which she has heretofore enjoyed at home and abroad; in- vite settlers and investments within our borders. Let us elect the next Legislature, and bring back that frugal administration of the State g'overnment which cost under Rejiublican rule eight hun- dred and two thousand dollars, and now under Democratic con- trol exceeds one million three hundrecl thousand dollars, or an increase of half a million annually ; in itself, this increase, equal to one half of all the taxes derived fi'om real estate. Let us elect the next Legislature, and spare the people of that inevitable and severe increase of taxation, which must follow a continuance of the policy of the Democratic managers. To do this, to elect the next Legislature, it behooves us to leave no- thing to chance, to avoid the risk of over-confidence and the . danger of a multiplicity of aspirants for Legislative honors, for we must know that our opponents are in this contest to win, re- gardless of means or methods. They feel that they are already and justly condemned by an overwhelming judgment of the masses, and that their only hope to regain control at the Capitol of the State, is by attempt to deceive, delude and cheat the peo- ple. If we are to win in this election — and we must — there must be systematic organization by precincts, and a thorough canvass of voters ; ' the doubtfuls and the stay-at-homes must have special attention. Out of every one hundred voters, sixty are iDronounced and go to the polls anyhow and vote the ticket of their party. This class need only passing attention. They attend the court-greens. The second class, composed of twenty out of every hundred, are never decided in their political faith and purpose. They do not attend public speaking generally, and are waiting for in- formation. This is the class that should be closely and attentive- ly canvassed especially by the candidate for the Legislature. This is the class to whom suitable political documents should be carefully distributed ; they are the doubtfuls. The remainder of 3 the one liuudred — twenty voters — are tlie stay-at-homes. They know but little of what is going on, politically, other than that which is told them, and they do not go to the polls unless carried. These latter classes, making fully forty per cent, of the vote at every precinct, decide the election. The party that delivers that vote, wins. It is the vote that demands most attention and involves largely the cost of elections — where expenditures are made for results. We must not only know where that vote is, hut we must know precisely the per- sons who compose it at each precinct and the post-office of each such voter. A little labor and system will procure that information. You need at the start a copy of the Registration Roll. Go over to the Registrar's house and get him to give you a copy. You want merely the names of the voters and these to be desig- nated white or colored, as the case may be. If the Registrar will not himself copy the roll, get him to allow you to take a copy of it. If he will not allow you to take a copy, and will only copy it himself for you for pay, then pay him a reasonable fee for the copy, and if you like send the bill to me. If he will do neither, then go to the clerk's office and from the assessor's book make a roll of all the persons, white and colored, assessed for the head tax, and you have a roll for all practical purposes. But I shall suppose, either out of civility or for reasonable pay, that you will get the roll fi-om the Registrar. Now this has taken but the part of a day of your time. Take this roll with you to the Clerk's office, and there quietly and to yourself compare the poll-book of your precinct for the last election, with the roll. On it check off every name that you tind on the poll book. Then and there you will see who of the reg- istered voters did not vote at your last election, and you will be surprised at the number ; and if you will multiply that number by the number of precincts in your county, you will see what an important vote that class of the voting population composes. They are the stay-at-homes, and you want to designate each one of these. Where the man is a Democrat, S. D. — stay-at-home Democrat ; and where he is a Republican, S. R. — stay-at-home Republican. Now, then, here is another day given to the cause. Then take your roll home and go over it, designating each voter as you may know his politics, as follows: Each pro- nounced Democrat, P. D. ; each pronounced Republican, P. R. ; each doubtful Democrat, D. D., and each doubtful Republican, D. R. This completes your roll if you should personally know each voter and his politics, but most likely there will be a man here and there on the roll whom you do not know, and cannot classify. You want to make an abstract list of all such, and as you meet Republican friends, enquire of them as to these per- sons, and in a little while you will find out about all of them and will be able to classify and designate the last man of those whom you did not know in going over your roll. Here then, and now, you have a complete roll of all your voters, and you know how each man stands; you know how many pronounced Democrats and how many pronounced Republicans there are at your precinct, and that such vote will be certainly cast on either side. You will know who are and how many doubtful Democrats there are, and you will know who are and how many doubtful Republi- cans there are at your precinct. Of these doubtful Democrats and doubtful Republicans, you want to make off a list giving the post-office of each, and send that list in to me, that I may send such persons reading matter. Here, in all this work, not more than two days of you time has been taken — one in getting a copy of the Registered roll of voters, and the other in going to Clerk's office and in checking off on that roll all the names you find on the last poll-book of yoiir precinct. I know you will not consider this amount of time and the labor imposed too much for you to give, for I am quite sure you spend ten times more in every canvass. In this case your time and your work possesses you of information essential to success — information which you never had before, and which no other man in your county has. You know what vote you have in the precinct, and what vote you can deUver. You are ready for intelligent work. You are ready for an effective canvass. You know what voters to see and whom your candidate should see, when he comes to the precinct. 5 The candidate, when he comes to your precmct, should first come to see yon and go over your roll, and you should have ready for him a list of the D. D.'s, the D. R.'s, and the S. D.'s, and these are the voters whom he should personally canvass — go to see each man, all the D. D.'s, S. D.'s and D. R.'s — before he leaves the bounds of your precinct. When he goes from your precinct he should go straightway to the precinct chairman or other per- son hke yourself, who has done up his precinct as you have yours, and proceed to canvass that precinct as he did yours, and so on throughout the county. Thus you will observe that can- didates waste no time on pronounced voters — men who are go- ing to the poles and vote their party ticket anyhow — but his time and effort is spent where it ought to be, on that class of voters who, if doubtful or stay-at-home Democrats, may be per- suaded to vote for him, and if hesitating Republicans, may be enthused arfd enlisted. Now, as to the stay-at-home Republicans, you want to do this — and be sure to do this, — That is, select a trusty man who lives nearest one, two or three of these stay-at-home Republicans, give him their names and have it understood with him, that he is, on the morning of the election, with his wagon, cart or buggy to call by for these stay-at-home voters, take them up and bring them on to the polls early. Give another trusty man a certain number living nearest to him to call for and bring to the polls. And so on until you have all these stay-at-home Repub- licans parcelled out among active, earnest RepubHcans — such Re- publicans as you know will go after these voters and bring them to the polls. Do this, and you will surprise yourself and the enemy as well, at the increased vote you poll. At convenient times during the canvass, when you can spare a day or an afternoon, go yourself and see as many of the D. D.'s, D. R.'s and S. D.'s as you can, and so proceed until you yourself have' seen or canvassed the last one of these three classes. Do these things, and you will not have spent more time in the canvass than you usually give, but the result of your work will gratify you, and insure victory where, if left to chance, you may be sadly disap- pointed in the result. Do these things, and I tell you no such canvass for effectiveness has been or will ever be made in your county. It is the only safe-guard we have against the opppsi tion's use of money and their methods. Will you kindly do me the favor to consider this plan of or ganization an carry it out, a or vour precinc t, and tell me if you will •2. ^ ^ 'I "o ->• ^ ?> V-- Yours truly, WM. MAHONE. O ^ % ^ ^ %* Si ^ rj) t ;!ij»>'. -^v. THE Election Laws, AND INSTRUCTIONS AS TO VOTING AND ELECTION RETURNS. 1. Warn every Republican voter, on all occasions and rerywhere, to be on the lookout for all sorts of Bourbon icks and deceptions, and especially such as are likely to be •acticed just before and on election day. 2. Caution our people to pay no attention to any posters ■ statements, which the Bourbons may circulate at the polls ;fore, or on the day of election, as in the case of the Dan- lie Circular and false reports put out in respect to the Dan- lie massacre. 3. Treat all posters, circulars, or reports, which may i put out on eve of election as false, and the invention of e opposition, and take pains so to advise our voters quickly. 4. Look out for bogus Republican tickets — tickets Jaded Republican, but bearing the name of the Democratic iftdidate. 5. Precinct Chairmen will organize a strong committee, losen of the most active, vigilant and resolute men of the 'ecinct, to attend th^ poll on day of election. The members this committee should be carefully selected now at the Lrliest day, and each member notified of his selection. The •mmittee so formed should assemble at the poll — be there 1 the ground fifteen minutes before the poll is opened, and is committee should at no time, during the day, leave the >11. The poll is due to be opened at sunrise and closed only at sunset. No suspension or recess is admissible under the la^ The sun rises on Tuesday, the 8th of November next, at fort four minutes past six and sets at four minutes past five. Tl duty of this committee will be, in every proper way to pr mote and protect the interests of the party. Among oth things this committee should see that the poll is opened ar organized according to the requirements of the Election La^ To see that the poll is opened at sunrise, except where noi of the Judges of Election are on hand, and then, as provid( by the law — that all the officers of election, take and subscril the oath required by the law, and in the form prescribed, ai that the officer administering the oath subscribe to the for prescribed. To see that no recess is taken during the day by the office of election ; no suspension of the poll ; that the box is at i time during the day opened, but all the while kept in full vie of the voter; that our voters are not subject to any improp delay or hindrance in voting, or that they are intimidated tampered with. This committee should see that a full supply of tickets on hand and the supply is kept and carefully issued to chosen ticket holders, by a most trusty member of the col mittee ; that ticket holders are faithful in the discharge of th duty; and, finally, that the returns made of the poll are the form prescribed by law — no omissions of acts or form quired, no commission of acts not specifically authorized the law,— and some two chosen members of the commiti should accompany the person charged with the delivery the returns to the clerk's office of the city or county, all 1 way to such place of delivery, that no violation of the law that respect may possibly occur. 6. The ticket holders, with an ample supply of tick( must be sure to be at the polls, at every voting place, bef( sunrise on election day, and there remain during the wh day, not leaving the polls until the vote is canvassed and result ascertained and announced. If the result announc by the Judges shall not conform to your record, kept as he' after prescribed, then and there demand correction. The check upon the poll should be kept in the follow i manner: Two reliable, resolute white men should be n chosen to hold a check on the poll. They must be at the ^ when it is opened, and remain there in sight of the box c tinuously all day, till the poll is closed. One of these wit' roll of the Republican voters in hand — should look at e? Republican ballot as the voter comes up to hand his ballot' the Judge of Election receiving ballots, he must be in positj keep his eye upon the ballot from the time he examines it, I cried by the Judge of Election, and then opposite the .me of the voter, on his roll, check by prefixing the figure for the first Republican ballot so received; opposite the .me of the voter casting the second Republican ballot, he II place the figure 2; opposite the third voter casting a Re- iblican ballot, the figure 3, and so on ; so that he will not ily be able to know precisely the certain persons who »ted the Republican ticket, but the last figure or figures he aces opposite the name of the last Republican ballot cast, 11 give the number of Republican ballots in the box — plus ly that may be cast by persons who will desire that it shall )t be known how they voted. This check on the box — this cord of Republican ballots known to have been voted, may : in this way recorded, if preferred; that is to say, let the epublican voter have two Republican tickets, on the back of le of these tickets let the voter write his name and hand at ballot to the man in charge of the check, who will string e same, while the voter presents the other ticket to the ;dge of Election in charge of the box. This check is the important duty of one of the two so cho- :n white men, and the work he is asked to do is not only iportant to forbid cheating, but to go into mty contest over \e returns. The other of the two men so chosen to guard the polls, ill keep a tally of the votes as cried at the polls. For the first Dte cried and taken by the Judge of Election, he will score le figure I ; when the second vote is cried and received he ill score the figure 2; when the third is cried and scored he ill score the figure 3; and so on — without regard to whether le ballot is Republican or Democratic. Here then, his last ;ore will represent the entire number of ballots cried and ^ceived. This tally and the roll kept by his associate, com- lete a check upon the box. The one, when the polls are losed, can announce so many ballots cast all told, the other lat of the total number — there are so many certain Republican allots. If the result, which the Judges shall subsequently nnounce, does not fairly conform to the figures given by our vo friends, who have kept the count and check as just de- :ribed, then and there let them and the body of voters pres- nt demand correction. These two chosen guards of our par- k's mterests at the polls, should promptly report any variance 'ith their count, and any irregularities affecting the result, to ur Candidate for the Legislature, and forward a full report f the same to the undersigned at Petersburg, Va. Let this e done at once — on the night of election. The one of these two men checking the roll of Republican voters should kee his eye on the Roll and promptly send off for such voters i are not up in time. This sending for lag-^ing voters mu; not be put off too late. They are generally known an should be sent for early in the forenoon. 7. Every Republican voter should get his tickets froi the Republican ticket holder, and before handing the tick( to the Judge of Election to be deposited in the ballot-box, li should exhibit it to the Republican book-holder and see thi his name Is checked by him on the roll he has, or he shoul put his name on the back of a duplicate ticket and hand thi ticket to the book-holder to be strung. This precaution necessary, in order that a complete list of Republicans votin on election day may be had for future use in the event < fraud at the polls, or a contest. Frequently during the da; at leas't once every hour, the Precinct Chairman should asce: tain from the book-holder the number of Republican vote cast, and he should proclaim aloud, in the presence of th Judges of Election and voters at the polls: I know that r least (here state the number) votes have been cast at thi precinct for the Republican ticket. 8. Immediately upon receipt of this circular, Precinc Chairmen will ascertain, whether or not the Registration boo of his precinct is in possession of the Registrar, and on Mor day night, November 7th, the day before the election, he wil in company with a discreet and intelligent Republican, vis the Registrar of his precinct and ascertain from him whethe or not the Registration book is in his possession ; if not, fin out where it is ; and, if the Registrar should state that he hs turned it over to one of the Judges of Election, ascertain th name of the Judge of Election to whom he has delivered th book. [ It is very important at voting precincts, whether the Repul licans are in a majority, that every precaution should be takel to have the Registration books at the polls before sunrise 01 the morning of the election, and Precinct chairmen will adoj such measures as may be proper and necessary to prever the destruction or loss of the Registration books. 9. Where there is no Registration book on hand at th polls, under the law the Judges of Election are required t open the poll and proceed with the election and to receiv the ballot of every person who shall, on presenting the sam swear that he is a registered voter of the precinct, and th Judges shall so record his name. No condition can be n quired by the Judges on such oath, the man desiring to vot is entitled to have his ballot received and counted as cas he following is the oath which the voter takes and which it the duty of one of the Judges of Election to administer. "You do solemnly swear [or affirm] that you are a citizen f the United States, that you are 2 1 years old, and that you ive resided in this State for twelve months, and in this coun- r [city or town] for three months next preceeding this elec- on, and that you are not disqualified from voting by the Con- :itution or laws of this State ; that your name is [here insert le name given], and that in such name you were duly regis- ired as a voter of this election district, and that you are ow an actual resident of the same, and that you are the lentical person you represent yourself to be, and that you ave not voted in this election, at this or any polling place, o help you God." Every Republican voter of the precinct should attend the oils, and if there are no Registration books there, apply to le Judges of Election to administer to him the foregoing ath, and if they should fail to do so, or fail to permit him to ast his vote, then let him endorse his name on the back of le ballot he tendered to the Judges of Election, and hand it to ur book keeper, who will string the same, and at the same me note the fact opposite the voter's name on his roll. Lfter the poll is closed, the person stringing and taking ac- ount of ballots so tendered and refused, should make a roll f the persons refused the right to vote shall certify to the fact bat the foregoing named voters of the precinct where there was o Registration book on hand — in conformity with the law — ten- .ered the annexed ballots, offering to take the oath required y law in such case, and that the ballots of the aforenamed lersons were refused. Make oath to the statement and have uch persons to join in subscribing to such statement as can do o. Deliver the same to your candidate for the Legislature, ,nd at the same time forward a copy to the undersigned. Re- member it is an old trick of the Bourbon managers, and es- (ecially at precincts where we have majorities, to lose the J-egistration book the night before election or to have their Registrar go off with the book and hide. But you can pro- eed with the election for all that, just as I have described. The law as to the appointment of Judges of Election, is as ollows : "It shall be the duty of the Electoral Board of each city and 'county, at some time prior to the first day of March in each 'year, to select and appoint three competent male citizens 'who shall be qualified voters, for each voting place in their 'respective counties and cities, who, when so elected and ap- pointed, shall constitute the judges of election for all elections "to be held in their respective districts, precincts or wards, foi "the term of one year, dating from their appointment, and "which said judges shall have power to appoint two clerks foi "each place of voting at such election, to whom shall be ad- "ministered by the judges, or either of them* the same oath as "that taken by the said judges. Whenever it is possible to dc "so, the persons so selected and appointed as judges of elec- "tion, shall be chosen for each voting place from persons known "to belong to different political parties, and each one of whom "shall be able to read and write. The members of any Elec- "toral Board who shall wilfully fail to comply with this require- "ment, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction "thereof shall be fined not less than one hundred or more than "five hundred dollars. But no election shall be deemed invalid "when the citizens appointed as judges shall not belong tc "different political parties, or who shall not possess the above "qualifications." 10. In case where the appointed judges of election fail tc attend — this is the law : "And should any judge of election fail to attend at an) place of voting for one hour after the time prescribed by la\N for opening the polls at such election, it shall be lawful for iht judge or judges in attendance to select from among the by- standers one or more persons possessing the qualifications o judges of election, who shall act as judge or judges of sucl election, and who shall have all the powers and authority o judges appointed by said electoral board ; provided, however that if the judge or judges present have information that the absent judge or judges will not attend, he or they need no wait for the expiration of an hour or any other time. Shoulc all the judges appointed for any place of voting fail to attenc at the place of voting for one hour after the time prescribed b} law for opening the polls at such election, it shall be the duty of any justice of the peace of the district in which the election is held, who shall be applied to for that purpose, O] the mayor, if the election is in any election district in a towi or city, to appoint three judges of election for such electior district, who shall possess the same qualifications and hav( the same powers as judges appointed by said electoral board Should no judges of election be appointed for any county city or place of voting therein^ or if appointed they neglec or refuse to act for one hour after the time prescribed by Ian for ope7iing the polls at such election, it shall be lawful for aw^ three lawful voters of the district, who shall be present and wil ling to act, upon taking the oath prescribed for judges ofelec tion, to proceed to hold, conduct and certify the election in th manner provided in this act, and for that purpose shall have ill the powers and authority of judges appointed by said elec- toral board y It is an old trick of the Bourbon managers, sometimes to lave one or more of their Judges absent at sunrise, when the 3oll should be opened. This is for delay and to tire voters. If :hey have one Judge on hand, he will put off opening ;he poll — waiting for the other Judge or Judges to come, rhe object will be to fatigue our voters, and the hope is that ;ome will go home, or to consume so much of the day that dl cannot vote. Sometimes no one of the Judges will appear, n the hope that no one will know how to proceed and the Doli may not be opened at all. But here you have the law vhich marks out the way to proceed. Be sure, at the pre- :incts where they have the Judges of Election and we the najority of the voters, that they do not refuse, on some pre- :ext, to open the polls. In such a case follow the Election _>aws, which authorizes any three voters of the precinct, who nay be present and willing to act, upon taking fhe oath of )ffice [which oath may be administered by any person present luthorized to administer an oath ; but in the absence of any iuch person, then the said persons, acting as Judges of Elec- ion, may administer to each other and to the clerks the oath )rescribed by law, which is as follows : "I, A. B., judge [or :lerk] of the election [as the case may be], do solemnly swear "or affirm] that I will perform the duties of judge [or clerk] )f the election [as the case may be] according to law and to the )est of my ability ; and that I will studiously endeavor to )revent fraud, deceit, and abuse in conducting this election. 50 help me God."] prescribed for Judges of Election, to per- brm all the duties and have all the power of Judges appoint- ed by the proper courts, such as appointing and swearing the :lerks of election, making returns, &c. ; and this should be )ut in writing and set forth in the returns. The fact of the ippointment being made, and the oath taken, shall be noted )y the clerk at the foot of the abstract of votes made and lertified to on the poll-books, and should be in substance as ollows : . There being no person present to open the polls (or who /ould open the polls) at one hour after sunrise to-day, we \.. B., C. D., and E. F., three competent voters of the pre- inct, who were present and willing to act, proceeded, (after )eing first duly sworn to open the polls and to hold, conduct, 8 and certify the said election and we appointed A. B., and C D., as clerks of election. Given under our hands this 8th November, 1887. j I I Judges Attest : 1 Clerks Do not forget that the Judges of Election must not proceecj to conduct the election before appointing two clerks of elec tion for each voting precinct — both of whom should be dul) sworn before entering upon the discharge of their duty. | 11. Take care that no Judge of Election, who is not prej sent at the opening of the polls, and before a ballot is de-' posited, comes in and acts afterwards. All the Judges o Election and Clerks of Election must be sworn in at the sami time, and before a ballot is received and deposited. The following is the law upon this point, which be carefu) to see is strictly observed : "No person shall act as a Judge or Clerk of any Election who is a candidate for any office to be filled at such election And before any Judge or Clerk of Election enters upon the performance of any of the duties imposed upon him by this act, he shall take and subscribe an oath in the following form, to-wit: I, A. B., Judge [or Clerk] of the Election [as the case may be], do solemnly swear [or affirm] that I will per- form the duties of Judge [or Clerk] of the Election [as the case may be] according to law and the best of my ability ; and that I will studiously endeavor to prevent fraud, deceit, and abuse in conducting this Election. So help me God. If there is no one present authorized to administer oaths, then the Judges of Election, may administer to each other and to the Clerks the oath above provided." 12. Remember that under the Election Laws it is the duty of Judges of Election to open the polls in all Districts, Coun ties. Corporations and Townships, at each place of voting that is prescribed by law, and that the polls shall be opened at' each voting place at sunrise on the day of Election and closed at sunset on the same day. 13. Take care that no recess is taken, and the ballot-box left alone, or in the custody of any one, except the Judges and Clerks of Election, and that the box is not opened on any pretext whatever, during the whole day of election. The of- rs of Election are required to remain at the polls all day, I the ballot-box must not be removed from the place where ballots are received, and the box must not be shaken dur- the day. The box must be so placed as to be in plain . open view of the voters from the outside. When the box been stuffed the attempt will be made to shake the box ; IS to separate the ballots that have been put in — one or re tissue ballots inside of a larger one, or several tissue bal- together — because the law is that where one ballot is found de of another both shall be destroyed. 4. The box must not be left in the polling place alone ing the day, or after the polls are closed. It is against law to take recess during the day, or, after the polls are ;ed, to adjourn for supper, or to do anything else until the ots are counted, classified, and the returns are made up, ballots and polling books separately sealed. Let every cinct chairman take with him to the polls a piece of red ing wax. ; is a favorite trick of the Bourbon managers to take a iss for dinner, and after the polls are closed to adjourn for per, leaving the box in the house where the election has n conducted and where some fellow secreted with a pass duplicate key to the box comes out and puts in as many nocratic ballots, and takes out a like number of Republi- ballots, as he thinks necessary. ^e sure that all the Judges and Clerks of the polls are duly >rn, as prescribed in the foregoing law, before any ballot sceived and deposited in the ballot-box, and that ih^ forms subscribed. Vatch carefully the ballot-box all day ; see that it is not ned at any time during the day, and be careful to note any gularity on the part of the Judges and Clerks of Election, h as counting the ballots in the ballot-box before the poll losed, and comparing the ballots with the poll-books. The . must not be opened during the day and not until the ges come to count and make up the returns. 5. Who can vote : "Every male citizen of the United tes, twenty-one years old, who shall have been a resident his State for twelve months, and of the county, city or n in which he shall offer to vote, three months next pre- !ng any election, and who shall be a registered voter in, a resident of the election district in which he shall offer ote, shall be entitled to vote for members of the General ambly, and all officers elected by the people; provided no officer, soldier, seaman, or marine, of the United States / or navy, shall be considered a resident of this State by lO reason of being stationed therein : and provided also, that t\ following persons shall be excluded from voting : First. Idiots and lunatics. Second. Persons convicted of bribery in any election, en bezzlement of public funds, treason, felony, or petit larcen Third. No person who, while a resident of this State, ha since the adoption of the present Constitution of this Stat fought a duel with deadly weapon, sent or accepted a chs[ lenge to fight a duel with a deadly weapon, either within < beyond the boundaries of this State, or knowingly convey( a challenge, or aided or assisted in any manner in fighting i duel, shall be allowed to vote, unless the disabilities incurre thereby shall have been removed by the General Assemb by a two-thirds vote." I i6. The following is the law as to the opening of t polls, which read carefully and see that it is strictly followe and if it is not, note in what particular the Judges of Electi< fail to comply with the law : ' "The Judges of Election, or one of them, immediately t fore proclamation is made of the opening of the polls, sh;| open the ballot-boxes m the presence of the people thk assembled, and turn them upside down, so as to empty th(\ of everything that is in thejn, and then lock them, and the k'j thereof shall be delivered to one of the said Judges, and ssl boxes shall not be opened except for the purpose of countit the ballots therein, at the close of the 'polls, and one of t Judges shall forthwith proclaim that the polls are open." 17. Remember that it is the duty of the Judge of El< tion to whom any ballot is delivered, upon receipts therd pronounce in a loud voice the name of the person from wh( the ballot is received ; and, if the name of the person is fou on the Registration book, and there being no objection ma^ the said Judge shall, without opening said ballot, (except ascertain whether it is a single ballot) deposit the same in { ballot-box; whereupon the name of the elector shall be che(| ed on the Registration book by one of the Judges, and ent ed by the Clerk of Election on the poll-books, and correq 1 numbered, in accordance with the number of electors therd J fore recorded. ' 10 18. Do not forget that at County Voting Precincts, ^B in all cities and towns containing less than two thousand \ habitants, any registered voter who has changed his place! V residence from one voting District to another, if he has a <\ tificate showing that he was duly registered in the forti is District, and that his name has, since his removal, been e7'(Mi from the Registration Books of said voting District, can vlic 1 1 n election day in the voting District in which he resides, and is the duty of the Registrar, if present, or one of the Judges f Election, upon the production of said certificate, to enter is name on the Registration books, on election day, and to sceive and deposit his ballot. ig. How votes are challenged. The law on this sub- set is as follows : *'Any elector may, and it shall ue the duty of the Judges of Election to challenge the vote of any person who may be nown or suspected not to be a duly qualified voter. When any person is so challenged, the Judges shall explain ) him the qualifications of an elector, and may examine him s to his qualifications, and if the person insists thai he is quai- led, and the challenge is not withdrawn, one of the Judges ball tender to him the following oath: "You do solemnly wear [or affirm] that you are a citizen of the United States, lat you are twenty-one years old, and that you have resided I this State for twelve months, and in this county [city or )wn] for three months next preceding this election, and that ou are not disqualified from voting by the Constitution or Lws of this State ; that your name is [here insert the name iven], and that in such name you are duly registered as a oter of this election District, and that you are now an actual ssident of the same, and that you are the identical person ou represent yourself to be, and that you have not voted in lis election, at this or any polling place. So help you God." Lnd if he refuses to take such oath, his vote shall be rejected; ^ however, he does take the oath when tendered, his vote shall ? received; provided that after such oath shall have been iken, the Judges may, nevertheless, refuse to permit such erson to vote, if they be satisfied, from record evidence of leir own knowledge, or other legal testimony adduced be- )re them, that he is not a legal voter ; and they are hereby uthorized to administer the necessary oaths or afifirmations 3 all witnesses brought before them to testify to the qualifi- ations of a person offering to vote. Whenever any person's ote shall be received, after having taken the oath prescribed 1 this section, it shall be the duty of the Clerks of the Elec- [on to write on the poll-books at the end of such person's ame the word '"sworn." Many Republican votes (ire lost on election day, because of be failure of the Judges of Election to observe the forego- ig law as to challenging votes. If the person challenged in- ists that he is a qualified voter, and is willing to take the oath Tescribed in the law (above quoted) it is the duty of the udges of Election to receive and disposit his ballot in the 12 ballot-box, and it is the duty of the Clerks of Election to wr on the poll-books, at the end of the person's name, the woj "sworn." Should the Judges of Election still refuse to allow any R publican to vote, who desired to take such oath and to vo the fact must be noted opposite such voter's name on the r of Republican voters kept by the appointed man to check tl roll of our voters and, the ballot which he would have vot' with his name on the back must be preserved by our booj holder and he should promptly report the names of all su Republican voters to our candidate for the Legislature and al to the undersigned. 20. The following is the law as to how the polls are closl and the vote canvassed : "As soon as the polls are finally closed (of which closir proclamation shall be made by the Judges fifteen minut previously thereto), the Judges shall immediately proceed canvass the vote given at such election, and the said canvaj shall be continued without adjournment until completed, and t. result thereof declared. The canvass shall commence by tai ing out of the box the ballots unopened (except so far as i ascertain whether each ballot is single), and counting the san-, to ascertain whether the number of ballots corresponds wii the number of names on the poll-books; and if two or moi separate ballots are found so folded together as to preser the appearance of a single ballot, they shall be laid asic until the count of the ballots is completed. Then, if on comparison of the said count with the number of names electors on the poll-books, it appears that the two ballots thi folded together were cast by the same elector, they shall I destroyed. If the ballots in the ballot-box are still found exceed the number of the names on the poll-books, then th whole of the ballots shall be replaced in the ballot-box, an after the same shall be well shaken, the conductor, or one ( the Judges of the Election, being blind-folded, shall dra therefrom a sufficient number of ballots to reduce the sam to a number equal to the number of names of electors on th poll-books. The number of ballots thus being made to agre with the number of names on the poll-books, the books sha be signed by the judges and attested by the Clerks, and th number of names thereon shall be set down in words an figures at the foot of the list of electors on the poll-book: and over the signature of the Judges and attestations of th Clerks, in the manner and form prescribed, provided tha whenever the number of ballots is reduced by the destructio of fraudulent ballots, below the number of names of electoi >n the poll-books, the cause of such reduction shall be stated it the foot of the list of electors on the poll -books, before the igning and attesting the same by the Judges and Clerks espectively." 21. The following is the form of poll-books and certificate »f Judges and Clerks of Election, prescribed by law, and re- erred to in the foregoing section from the Election Laws, viz: The following poll-books shall be kept by the Judges and "lerks of Election : Poll-books of the election held in the county of , n the township of [city or town], in the year one housand eight hundred and . A. B., C. D., and E. *., judges, and G. H. and J. K., clerks of said election, were espectively sworn [or affirmed] as the law directs, previous o their entering on the duties of their respective offices. JV-umbe?' and names of electors. L. B. ID. No. 1 No. 2 E. F. G. H. No. 3 No. 4 It is hereby certified that the number of electors at this election mounts to . Attest : ^'^'^loierks. Judgt Va7nes of persons voted for, and for what office ; containing the num- her of votes given for each candidate. Governor. Lieutenant Governor. Eepresenta- tives in Congress. Kepresentatives in State Legislature. Senate. House of Delegates. V 1 5 2 c 1 D . . . .1 E 1 F 1 G 1 H . .1 J 1 K 1 We hereby certify that A. had votes for Governor, and B. lad votes for Governor ; that C. had votes for Lieuten- ant-Governor ; that D. had votes for the Senate, district, ■nd E. votes for the Senate, — district ; F. votes or the House of Delegates, and G. •ates — (as the case may be). ^■1^-^V Clerks. ^■;} votes for the House Dele- A. B.,) C. D., >• Judges. E. F.J i6 returns. If any are defective remember that the law, Acts of Assembly 1874, page 45*^, provides, ''That if it shah appear to any Board of Election Commissioners, in de terminmg the persons who have 7'eceived the greatest number of votes for the several officers voted for in snch election, that irregularities or informalities occur in the returns of the fudges or Clerks of Election which can be cured by amending or correcting the same, it shall be the duty of said Board of Commissioners immediately to summons the said fudges and Cle?^ks, or such of them as may be requisite, to appear before said Board on some day not exceeding five days from the date of the summons, for the purpose of amending such returns, so that the sa^ne may conform to law. The sum- mons may be executed by any Sheriff, Constable, or Township Collector, or any qualified voter, who shall receive for service a compensation of fifty cents for each person summoned, to be paid by the township in which the said Judges or Clerks resided Remember that not less than three Commissioners can act. No return is valid without it is signed by at least three; and those acting must be sworn in before the Clerk of the County or Corporation Court. Where there are only two Commis- sioners present, or where there is but one, the two or the one may swear in to act as Commissioner any voter of the county at hand. See that the return made up by the County Board of Commissioners is made precisely in the form provided by the Election Law, and that it is duly subscribed by at least three Commissioners, and attested by the signature of the Clerk of the County or Corporation Court, and certified under his official seal. When any return from any precinct, or any ballots are thrown out by the County or City Board of Commissioners to the wrong and injury of our Republican ticket, have the facts stated fully on the face of the returns, forward to Rich- mond, and such statement subscribed by one or as many of Commissioners as will subscribe to such exception or excep- tions. Too much attention cannot be given here to this matter. The Commissioners may adjourn from time to time until their duties are completed, within five days of their first meet- ing. WILLIAM MAHONE. Chairman State Committee. Petersburg, Va., September 2gth, 188'^ S'^. HOUSE DOC. No. VIII. FINAL REPORT rOINT COMMITTE CONFER AVITH THE COMMISSION OF COUNCIL OF FOREIGN BONDHOLDERS. Resolved by the Senate (the House of Delegates concurring), That a joint com- ittee, conyisting of three members of the Senate and five of the House, be ipointed by the presiding officers of ifie respective houses, who shall be charged th the duty : First, of meeting with a Commission from the Council of Foreign mdholders and ascertaining what amount of the bonds of Virginia is owned or ntrolled by said Council of Foreign Bondholders ; Second, to demonstrate to said )mmission the inability of the people of the State to bear a greater burden of xation, and also to show what are«the reyenues and the necessary expenditures the government, and the available revenues for the payment of interest, and to int out to them that which addresses itself to their interest, as well as to the terest of the State. By a subsequent joint resolution the President of the Senate and Speaker of the ouse of Delegates were added to the committee. Immediately after the adjournment of tlie General Assembly on the 6th of April, e joint committee organized for business, and proceeded to ascertain from the est reliable sources the exact amount of the public debt and the status of each iss of that de])t ; the amount of revenue received into the treasury under the ■esent rate of taxation ; the amount necessary for the support of the government, .e maintenance of her educational interests, her eleemosynary institutions, and le care of her disabled soldiers, and the amount of revenue which might be ade available for the payment of interest. On tlie 29th of April, Sir Edward Thornton, G. C. B., and Mr. S. N. Braithwaite •esented their credentials from the Council of Foreign Bondholders, which duly credited them as a Commission of said Council. 2 House Doc. No. 8. By the authority granted tlie joint committee by the General Assembly, a stenographer was employed, who kept a faithful record of all that was said on either side. Your committee desire to express their profound regret that they have been unable to secure a settlement of the debt of the State upon terms which would be satisfactory to both the State and her creditors. Each member of the committee, animated by earnest desire to reach such a result, seemed willing to lay aside all prepossessions and prejudices, to consider carefully all propositions submitted, and to determine everj' question upon its merits. But anxious as the committee were to settle forever this vexatious matter, they were not willing to do so at the sacrifice of our educational interests, the crippling of our eleemosynary institutions, and the neglect of our disabled soldiers, which the acceptance of the propositions submitted to us would virtually require; hence, when upon our declining to accept the terms proposed by the Commission of the Council of Foreign Bondholders, they informed us that we had their ultimatum, their last word, and that they were unwilling to continue negotiations except upon that basis. This declaration on their part necessarily terminated negotiations. The Committee believe they demonstrated to the Commission the insufficiency of our available assets to pay annually the amount of interest which they de- manded, and that their demands could only be complied with by increasing the burdens of taxation upon the already too heavily burdened tax-payers. In reply to this, the Commission rejected our estimates of receipts and disburse- ments, claiming that our receipts were greater than we had shown them* to be (thus discrediting our statements, which were made from thoroughly reliable ofliicial documents), and that our appropriations to educational purposes, to our asylums for the insane, and for our disabled soldiers, were excessive ; that these appropriations ought to be reduced, and the amounts saved by the reduction ap- plied to the payment of interest due the bondholders, the great body of whom are citizens of England. The Committee could not accept the arguments of the Commission as .sound or their conclusions as just. In a republic where the people are sovereign — where power originates with and rests in the j^eople, wheie all men are equal before the law, and where the poorest may vie with the richest for the highest places of honor or profit, education is one of its main bulwarks. Hence, self preservation and duty, interest, and philan- throphy demand that educational facilities shall be placed in the reach of all. Nothing but the hardness of the times, the poverty of tax-payers, and the scarcity of money justifies us in adhering, as we are doing, to the minimum suni dedicated to public free schools by the constitution, and we shall hail with pleas ure the dawn of such prosperity as will justify largely increased appropriations for educational purposes. The commission also suggested a reduction in appi-opriatious to insane asylums; overlooking or ignoring the fact that outside of the provision made for this uihii tunate class in the several institutions of the State, hundreds of these iinui demented creatures are languishing in the uncomfortable jails of the varioui- counties, deprived of proper medical skill and trained nurses. It was shown to the commission that the per cajjita expenditure in tlie asylunii- compared most favorably with that of other States. Rather than decrease the appropriations, your Committee wished the condition of the State would permit larger donations to caring for these unfortunates. House Doc. No. 8. 3 Another subject of expense complained of, was what they call the extravaj^ant provision for maimed and disabled soldiers of the State. Re-opening Negotiations. Upon being notified that the Joint Committee had resolved to report to the Gen- eral Assembly the failure and termination of negotiations, the Commission requested ;he Joint Committee to re-open negotiations, and submitted another proposition, iN'hich they termed their "minimum." This proposition was, in the opinion of the foint Committee, but little if any better than the one which they had rejected, ind was promj^tly declined. With the declination of this last proposition of the I!ommission, the Joint Committee submitted to them a counter proposition. Upon receiving it, the Commission asked a suspension of proceedings until they ;ould receive instructions from the Council of Foreign Bondholders. This request vas granted. At the expiration of four days they informed the Joint Committee hat they were instructed to adhere to their last proposition. Neither side having any other proposition to submit, the Joint Committee nformed the Commission that they regarded all negotiations as finally ended, and vould make their final report to the General Assembly as soon as it could be com- jleted. The committee hereto append in consecutive order a statement showing the jomparative condition of Virginia financially in 1859-60 and 1886, the estimate nade by the Commission upon which their first proposition was based, and con- fining substantially their proposition; the reply of the committee to that propo- lition; the second proposition made by the Commission, and the reply of the lommittee thereto ; the third proposition of the Commission, which they termed .heir " ultimatum," their "last words," and the response of the committee thereto ; ihe last proposition submitted by the Commission, which -they termed their "mini- num "; the reply thereto by the committee, and the final communication from he Commission. And that the General Assembly may be full}- apprised of all that passed between he joint committee and the Commission of the Council of Foreign Bondholders, .he full stenographic report is also hereto appended in its consecutive orde-r. Statenieiit sliowitig the eomparntirc va/aen in 1860 and 188(). "I860." ^''alue of property as shown by the Auditor's report of 1859-50... .$1,043,965,928 36 Assets of the State being her interest in public works 35,357,469 82 )f this sum $10,057,884 65 was productive, yielding an annual dividend of ()3],775 08 Dhe receipts of revenue at that time amounted to 4,.306,671 63 ^nd the disbursements 4,222,449 65 " 1886." Values of property, asses-sed for taxation, as shown by the Au- ditor's report of 1886 1340,760,906 23 \s.eriod of their currency, and to run for a period to be ai-ranged. 4. That the principal of the new bonds and of the consols and ten-forties, be redeemable at the option of the State either by purchase or drawings by ballot, and in the latter case — (a.) As to the 3 per cent, bonds, by payment of 75 per cent, of their face value. (b.) As to the 2^ per cent, bonds, by payment of 63 per cent, of their face v&lue. 5. That after the expiration of five years, an accumulative sinking fund of J per cent, per annum, to be increased after a further period of five years to 1 per cent, per annum, on the amount of consols, ten-forties, and new bonds be provided for redemption by drawings at 75 and 63 per cent., respectivelj^, as above mentioned, 6. That the arrear interest on the unfunded debt from 1885 up to July 1, 1887, inclusive, be funded under the Riddleberger act at the rate of 50 cents on the dollar. 7. It is desirable, as well in the interests of the State as of the bondholders, that the bonds held by the commissioners of the sinking fund and by the board of public works be cancelled. 8. By the above proposal, the tax-receivable coupon bondholders would imme- diately on redemption (even assuming that the whole of the overdue coupons were funded into new bonds and no part discharged by a cash payment of 50 cents on the dollar), absolutely surrender the capital sum of upwards of $8,000,000^ and pending redemption, would surrender a sum of upwards of .$400,000 per annum in interest, as compared with the amount now paj'able under the terms of the bonds, without reckoning in any way the increased rates payable on the ten-forty bonds from January 1, 1889. The total capital of the whole debt to be provided for by the State would thus be brought to about 123,000,000, or $2,000,000 below the limit of $25,000,000 required by the terms of the resolution of the joint com- mittee of the 9th of May, if the bonds held by the sinking fund and board of public works be cancelled. The State may, by re-establishing her credit, confidently look to being able, after a very few years, to raise a new loan, if desiring to do so, sufficient to redeem the 3 per cent, and 22 per cent, bonds at the reduced rates, on terms which, from a financial point of view, will give a further benefit to the State. 9. The details for carrying out this arrangement, if accepted, will be the subject of discussion and negotiation with the joint committee, with every desire on our part to meet in every possible way the legitimate requirements of the State, whilst conserving the bondholders' interest. EDWARD THORNTON, S. N. BRAITHWAITE. Richmond, May 11, 1887. House Doc. No. 8. The Ldf^t Proposition of the Comnmaion TahniaU'd from the Preccdhuj Memuramlum. Consols $14,230,000 Coupons and interest on consols and ten-forties 4,424,000 Less 25 percent 1,106,000 3,318,000 17,548,000 Ten-forties. > 7,390,000 Other securities to be funded in Riddlebergers 2,950,000 Riddlebergers in hands of i:)ubHe and literarv fund 4,320,000 7,270,000 $32,208,000 Interest on $24,994,450 00 at 3 per cent 749,833 50 Interest on $7,390,000 at 2^ per cent 184,750 00 $934,583 50 RICHMOND, VA., May 12, 1887. Mr Ed'd Tiiorntox, 7,773 42, exclusive of the bonds held by ) commissioners of the sinking fund, board of public works, and those held by ! United States. Co show how inaccurate and misleading the partial statement is, in contrast ;h it, we present below the correct result of the final proposition made to this, nmittee : 12 House Doc. No. 8. s g &5 ^ s « Sq 1^ ^,1 o o --H C -H PQO -t< ■3i o 00 Ol (M 1- 00 CD 0-5_ 3 ^Oh ii^ S C -t of t^"co~ cd' S «4-S r-H (M a •75 «»■ a: IC J-, .-1 i-H oq c (M (^ 00 oi (M cr OC lO (M 1- O ^r. m CC -t -r 00^ 00 MPS ? 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Your committee would have unhesitatingly accepted such a proposition as tL suggested in the circular, had it represented the whole debt, and had the comm sionera been authorized to speak for all classes of the debt. CHARLES E. STUART, Chairman. ^/ [CONFIDENTIAL.] Eepublican State Executiye CoMMrrTEE. Peteesbueg, Va., November 4, 1887. Dear Sir: It is well understood that the Democratic manager^ mean to resort to any and every device whereby to secure the retvirns for their candidates, especially in close counties ; there- fore I urge that 3'ou be in attendance on the County Board of Canvassers, at the Clerk's office of the county, Thursday, the 10th day of November, and have with you a good lawj^er — to see that the retTuns are canvassed and made up in conformity with the law. In case there has been any fraud or irregularity at any pre- cinct, that can be reasonably established, whereby the election is turned against you and the returns awarded to the Democratic candidate, or in case the Board of County Canvassers throw out the returns from anj precinct, by which 3^our competitor is giv- en the certificate of election — then in either case, cause your lav.yer to prepare, at once, a notice of contest, and serve same on your competitor — and proceed diligently according to law, to get up your case and have it ready to go before the House of Delegates on the very first day of the session of the Legislature. r>Ieauwhile i^lea.se advise me of the case, and give me the grounds of contest. Yours truly, WILLIAM MAHONE, Chairiiian. Republican S'i'ATi'^ Executive Committee. Peteesbuhg, Va., September 2Gtli, 1887. Deak Mr. Morton : Yours of the 23rd instant is received. I am sorry that any of our Eepublican friends shonld be dis- satisfied with the action of the Republican Convention which met at Jetersville on the day of September. That Convention was composed of Deleg'ates selected by and from the body of the people. The Republican voters of each precinct in the counties assembled at their respective polling- places on the same day and at the same hour — and thus the Re- publican voters of the two counties were left free to meet and to select their own delegate. The Convention was fully attended, and as I am advised by Messrs. Gills and Wilson, respectively. Chairmen of the Party in Amelia and Nottoway, it was fairly conducted. W. H. Ash was nominated and his nomination made unani- mous. No gTounds of exception to such action of the Conven- tion have been submitted to this Committee. In view, therefore, of these facts, W. H. Ash is by this Com- mittee recognized as the fairly authorized candidate of the Re- publican party for the House of Delegates from the counties of Amelia and Nottoway, and all true Republicans ought to give him an active and hearty support. Yours truly, WM. MAHONE, Glmirman State Executive Committee. J. M. Morton, Esq., Burkeville, Va. S3. IlEPUBLIt'AN State Exeputive Committee. Petersbuhg, Ya., 5tli Octobor, 1SS7. Tlio matter of the Republican Convention wliicli assembled at Cumberland Cyourt-Louse on the 29tli day of August, 1887, to nominate a candidate to represent the 30tli Senatorial District, composed of the counties of Amelia, Cumberland and Prince Edward, in the Senate of Yirginia, having been brought to the attention of this Committee — this is to say : I. That it appears to the satisfaction of this Committee that there is no warrant for interposing any exceptions to the conclu- sion reached by that Convention. That whatever objection may have been taken to some of the preliminary proceedings of the Convention, the fact remains that N. M. Griggs, of Prince Ed- ward, received a majority of the votes cast by the undisputed, delegates of the Convention. II. That N. M. Griggs, in the judgment of the Committee, is the regular candidate and nominee of the Republican party for the 30tli Senatorial District, and is entitled to the open, ac- tive and earnest support of every true Republican in the coun- ties of Amelia, Cumberland and Prince Edward, and this Com- mittee urges that he be given such support. WM. MAHONE, Chairman State Executive Committee. — . E. / Eepublican State Executive Co]\imittee. Peteksbuhg, Ya., 5tli October, 1887. The matter of the Repubhcan Convention which assemblcl at ( Inmberhind Conrt-liOTise on the 29th day of Angust, 1887, to nominate a candidate to represent the 80th Senatorial District, composed of the counties of Amelia, Cumberland and Prince Edward, in the Senate of Virginia, having- been l)rought to tlie attention of this Committee — this is to say : I. That it appears to the satisfaction of this Committee that there is no warrant for interposing any exceptions to the conclu- sion reached by that Convention. That whatever objection may have been taken to some of the preliminary proceedings of the Convention, the fact remains that N. M. Griggs, of Prince Ed- ward, received a majority of the votes cast by the undisputed delegates of the Convention. II. That N. M. Griggs, in the judgment of the Committee, is the regular candidate and nominee of the Republican party for the 30th Senatorial District, and is entitled to the open, ac- tive and earnest support of every true Republican in the coun- ties of Amelia, Cumberland and Prince Edward, and this Coiii- mittee urges that he be given such support. WM. MAHONE, ChRirman State Executive Committee. m 1A moMjy^ ^u^un^^ ic o. PiEPUBLICAN S'j-ATE Executive Committee. Petersbuiui, Ya., November 3, 1887. I urn tliis moment advised that it is proposed ])y the Democratic managers to flood the white counties with a garbled statement of a speech made at Cumberland C. H., by Caesar Perkins, which will represent Perkins as saying, that the negro had his foot on the white man's neck, and the way to keep it there was to vote the Republican ticket. I am credibly advised that there is not one word of truth in this statement. I know C.TBsar Perkins personally and well, and a more con- servative, prudent and respectful colored man is not to be found in the State. Look out for this Democratic fraud and nail it. WM. MAHONE, Cliairraai) . TO THE VOTERS OF BOTH — ^0. mi f MM, SmORO AND im GEORG rtThnlTrl: '^fr^ ^"^ '*='?°" f Congress, I worked hard jet a bill through Congress, for the purpose of dredginc. out ^^offTn d-T '^' '^'■^'i "T^^' '""^'^ ^""^"^ "P *e Creek and ry off to distant ports the large amount of wood, ties, timber ber and country produce, by which we all could get a fair price what we have for sale-for instance $5 and $6 for wood 80 c « c. for ties §,5 to J20 for timber, and other things in propor- '7'to ^n'dn 1 rn^"T~'''°°'^ ^^'-5°- 35 ct to 40 c. for , 7 to 10 dollars for lumber, &c mrharnnil^ ''"''''■ ' '^"^">'/«' '^e chairman of the River hl.^l I , ^^""^ '° P"' '^°"" ^'°-°°° to extend and carry he work By his request, I called on the Hon. John S Bar r, and asked him to be so kind as to join the Hon. Wm Ma- 'dTf ^r T *.' ^°^'^ ^"'^ '="^°''^« '^^ bill, as it was pro- -d if they endorsed it, it would be all right. After receiving quite roughly, and saying that he had no time and did not want !,r"l?rfi ~Tl "^ ''/'^' "°' ^""^ ■^'""'«"^' ™'k from where hi;;r.nH ^P?'""'u'°-° '° ^'="- M^f^-^ne-s room and M.uT • ^° "'■''. *•= committee, i immediately went to . Mahone s roon, and reported to Capt. Rogers that the Hon. endorse Zk-II P™™"""^ ^°. "*=" ^"^ &° ^^i* Gen. Mahone endorse the bill. After waiting some time, and he failino- to ) his promise, I gave the papers to the Hon. Wm. Mahone he immediately carried them in and endorsed them, and they f^l^f S"?*^'""?P|"'°P"'^''"S"^" "™"^^"d dollars («io,'^ for the dredging of Aquia Creek. ^^ Now I would ask the voters, which of these two men, the Hon S^Barbour or the Hon. Wm. Mahone, was their friend, and Harl-or Pll °^'"°^,'-^"= friends had not killed the River down tL/ r ^'° I T"','' ''^^" ''^^ "'" ^"■°°° to spend up down that Creek this last season, and would no>v be enjoyini advanced prices on your wood, ties, timber, &c., instead o" uinous price,s you are now selling at-not enough to keep vvives and children from suffering for bread ^ As the election is now close at hand, stop like wise men, re- )te for — ,5 c. and 2UIA. 7 m E mWEim DEET FEINTED BY OEDEE OF THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES. AjN^ act To ascertain and declare Virginia's equitable share of the debt created before and actucdly existing at the time of the partition of her territory and resources ^ and to provide for the issuance of bonds covering the same, and the regular ' and prompt payment of interest thereon. Approved February 14, 1882. Whereas to the end which this act comprehends, a full statement of :he debt is essential; and whereas the following has been carefully made ip from the records of the second auditor's office of the state, it is con- idently submitted as presenting a true state of the account between the State and her creditors — the account is as follows: 1—1 I— I o I— H PQ o GO o o c o oi o O :^J o O 00 CO 0_>.0 i-H co'oo^TjT 1^ CO oi Oi lO c-i CU (V bfj lo c iJj '-0 s M o "E c X2 =3 ^ S o .^j ^ JO c; ■a 5 c3 bS)^ C h Eb •'^ CS ^ ^n rO ^QQ "5 u o ^ CO -o o o !«J a5 ^ c g S -" = C ^ ^ S 3 S S g — o - C O; 1- ^ S 'a "D *-J= 5 > o ^^ :g§S ^-5' OJ 4= TS '-a 5 _ C O CO -kj -^- ^ OJJiO f^ S g §!>^ ' > 3 '^ c: o = i^ ai c„ R, ;z:; ci oj r' „ O " - S o ,o^ OS ■" O rt O t- r-H 02 rH oi t~ S 03 ^ I" ^ si S g ^ » 5 ^' S o o G 3 - "-^ dD ^ t^ 'T - o "O O 2 a. s- sh o «« "^ o^ 5 o • r- X >" C C - CO J •" C 00 '^ . — rH o C *J *^ . c ^ f K o S '"' .2 a; o, ^ O S 3^ CI, ^ ^ =+-( OJ a; f^ "■ oT „ *^ r- -SpC »=::; g2 P t. C a> c OS — 'y 5 -^ ^^ ^ ^ nO 3 S^ ^ OJ S ? •S 5? "= 5^ MQa3 q CO CO CO CO ,-1 iO_ O Oi o oi 5 ^^ © OJ :S Pi a +^ 3 5--^ U3 -fcJ -*J +J 5 OJ ^ S ■,; ■« .S -2 ^ °^ ^ ^ C ^ tn 2-.2 ^ -03 g^~c -00^ " 01 O 03 22 "« > 'en ®.2 '^ g p. a) -" o "J5 -►^ 2^ u ® - ^ o <^== *-' a, 3 o CO J2 O *j CT< aj o i ^ ^^ H CO 00 CO O CO 00 1.0 CO CO t^ •5^ J^ a; ;-. '^ a W) "o _CrT3 'M aj Oi CC (M ^ r-i ^ (M^ 0^ 00 co" t- I— 1 71 00 <» J= CO t^ 1>^ S--^ J3 "" cT co~ te, 1] 1st, lia, t ring "3 !M c ^- : 4 f T, ^ 0?" X ; -c c>-2 CO ■*^ 3: Hi _^ © i-j : ^^oi x s; ears since itate nacc 3 jo > aj : :i 2 a^ : , -^ fe • t- "J '^ St ^'S '5 CO 03 ^ : §1^ : ^ ^£-^0 s' ■^§2 : a? '^ i> r3 bJj^ S : S^5-So5 C oi ^ OT a^ • !-i s tH : 33 00 .y ?^ d 2 -^^ : 33 .^j3 'r' «5 S ^^ ^5 see: — --^ • ^ -XJ . ? CO CO , : 00 CO ^ -»5 33 ■* 5r; t><^ be i-( r-l 1:3 _« "^ 2 £ c C „ - c^ »0 •" «4-« 0) 3 t4-. *J -M t3 CO CO CO .S ^■5^ CJ X! -^ .^ .. c'S rds of ount 0: ly out resour contri <0 c "5 '7* cj -^ Ct* -thi am sive and and 02 tfs^ ^ III ^^ p hP Hh4 '^ CO CO ^ 05 ^ a; &, o Qj ja bCp ■u S ''^ - O r- CO 'rj ^ .^ «j >2'« t^ ■* CO ■^^^^ CD O Tt* CO 00 CO o CO 00 CO ^ -00 Cj o CO 3 rd 2-0 « oj a o _o ^m- a; "" to '"' '1 C i=l ^ a> o DO ^ H^ H CO t^ as CO CO lO CO t- CO (M lO 00 CO Tfl CO odoo" O 1—1 o o ^ as 3 c i-s Si H as a> ^rg bi} O .5 ,o ^ 0) o k1 -^ s o C^ P^ •6i8I 'jsq -ra909(J ut SJ9U0ISS [ UI -inoo putij S u I j( u I s £q P91[90U«Q CO -Ttl O_co_ cc'r-f -* as CO ^ .-I 00 00 t^ Oi o cTof 00 o T-H CC' CO CD 03 a> . o -r -^ "^ ^ O -X) 2 e-S £^ * fi ^ ?i c5 ^ o3 > !^ > -s 5 ssx: . I c 3 00 03 rH p H Pi >> s o 03 "^ 2^ o;^ 00 CM c P 03 - !- C3 03 00 — X! '-< Ci o o^ c-f ■o CO 13 ^ 5^^ 03 iC CO/ 3 33 £ P-tl-H 6 And whereas by this account it appears that Virginia owes hci creditors, as of the fii'st July, eighteen hundred and eighty-two, includ ing the bonds held by the Literary fund and arrears of interest thereoi: cast to such date, twenty-one million, thirty-five thousand, three hundreci and seventy seven dollars and fifteen cents; and that she may cause to b; issued her own bonds for the same, and provide for the certain paymeni of interest thei*eon; that is for her equitable share of the bonds knowi as consols, and here designated as class A, and whereof t.here are oul standing fourteen million three hundred and sixtj^-nine thousand nin hundred and seventj^-four dollars and eightj'-one cents; and for he equitable share of the bonds known as ten-forties, and here designated a class B, and whereof there are outstanding eight million five hundret and seventeen thousand six hundred doUars; and for her equitable shar of the bonds known as peeler, and here designated as class C, ani whereof there are outstanding two million three hundred and ninety four thousand three hundred and five dollars and twelve cents; and fo her equitable share of the interest thereon, designated as class D, an( whereof there is now in arrears nine hundred and twenty-eight thousani eight hundred and eighty-seven dollars and forty-five cents, and countei to the first of July, eighteen hundred and eighty-two, makes the amoun of such interest then to be in arrears, one million, seventy -two thousand five hundred and forty-five dollars and. seventy five cents; and for he equitable share of the bonds known as unfunded bonds — dollar au' sterling — here designated as class B, and whereof there are now out standing, computed at two-thirds, three million seven hundred and sev enty-thi-ee thousand four hundred and ninety-three dollars and sixty eight cents; and for her equitable share of the interest thereon now ii arrears, two million six hundred and thirty-six thousand four hundrei and forty-four dollars and thirty-four cents, and counted to the first c July, eighteen hundred and eighty-two, making as of that date (tw hundred and twenty-six thousand four hundred and nine dollars an^ sixty -two cents more) the sum of two million eight hundred and sixty two thousand eight hundred and fifty-three dollars and ninety six cents and here designated as class F ; and for her equitable share of the bond held by the commissioners of the Literary fund, whereof there are on million four hundred and twenty-eight thousand two hundred and forty five dollars and twenty-five cents; and whereas the rate of interes which any people can safely undertake to pay must be determined by tb measure of their productive resources; and whereas these have Ion been burdened by a rate of taxation which is conceded to be as high a can be endured; and whereas the means of prompt and certain paymer should be apparent to the creditor, wdiile the people have assurance fo the support of government and the maintenance of their schools, a required by the constitution; and whereas the net revenues of the stat* remaining and so derived, after providing for the proper and graduf liquidation of the balance of the money's heretofore diverted from th public free school fund, after liquidating gradually^ the arrearages to th Literary fund, and leaving some small margin for the immediate an subsequent exigencies, which are, and are likely to be demanded by th public welfai'e — notably in respect of the humane institutions now inadt quate to the proper accommodation of that unfortunate class of ever population — do not wai'rant the assumption of a larger rate of interes than three per centum upon the full amount of Virginia's equitabl bare of the debt of the old and entire state, as the same is ascertained nd now formally declared by the foregoing account; therefore, 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Virginia, That the board f commissioners of the sinking fund of the state, be, and they are iCreby empowered and directed to create bonds, registered and coupon, such extent as may be necessary to comply with the provisions of his act. 2. The said bonds shall be dated Jul}' tirst, eighteen hundred and eight}'- wo, and be payable at the office of the treasurer of the state on the rst day of Jul}', nineteen hundred and thirty-two: provided that the state lay, at any time and from time to time, after July first, nineteen hun- red, redeem any part of the sanitr, principal and interest, at par. In ase of such redemption before maturity, the bonds to be paid shall be etermined by said board of commissioners, and notice of the bonds so elected to be paid, shall be given in a newspaper published at Eich- jond, New York, and London, England, when interest from and after tinet}- daj^s from the date of such publication in London, shall cease pon the bonds so designated to be paid. 3. The form of the bond shall be as follows, to-wit: The commonwealth of Virginia acknowledges herself indebted to (in the case of a coupon bond to the bearer, and in the ase of a registered bond, inserting the name of the person or corpora- ion) in the sum of dollars, which she promises to pay in lawful lonc}' of the United States at the office of the treasurer of the state, iichmond, Virginia, on the first day of July, nineteen hundred and hirty-two, with the option of payment at par, principal, and interest, efore maturity, at any time after July first, nineteen hundred; and iterest at the office of the treasurer of the state, in such lawful money, n the first days of January and July, at the rate of three per centum ,er annum UHtil paid (according to the tenor of the annexed coupons, 1 the case of coupon bonds). In testimony whereof, witness the signature of the treasurer and the ounter-signature of the second auditor, hereto affixed according to law. , Treasurer. , Second Auditor. 4. The form of coupon for coupon bonds shall be as follows, to-wit: . No. (of bond). i The commonwealth of Virginia will pay to bearer dollars, 1 lawful money of the United States, at the office of the treasurer, Richmond, Virginia, on the first day of January and July, alternately — ae first coupon to be payable Januarj^ first eighteen hundred and eighty- ibree. ; , Treasurer. , $ . Each coupon to be impressed on the back with its number, in the order jf maturity, from one forward. j 5. The said board of commissioners are authorized to issue such bonds, [1 denominations of five hundred and one thousand dollai'S, as may je necessary to carrj^ out the provisions of this act, each denomina- tion to be of different tint: provided that registered bonds may be (isued of any denomination, multiple of one hundred; all registered ,onds to be of the same tint; and they are authorized and directed to ,sue such bonds, registered or coupon, in exchange for the outstanding 8 evidences of debt hereinbefore enumerated, including the bonds held by the literary fund, as follows, that is to say: (a) For her equitable share of class A, at the rate of fifty-three pei centum; that is to say, fifty-three dollars of the bonds authorized undei this act, (principal and accrued interest, at par, from the preceding perioc of maturity to the date of exchange,) are to be given for every one hun- dred dollars, face, principal and accrued interest from the preceding semi-annual period of maturity to the date of exchange of such evidences of debt, and for any interest which may be past due and unpaid upor the same, funded bonds issued under this act may be given, dollar foi dollar. (b) For her equitable share of class B, at the rate of sixty per cen tum, reckoning and accounting for any interest, as jDrovided in the cas( of class A. (c) For her equitable share of class C, at the rate of sixty-nine pei cenUim, reckoning any current interest, at the date of exchange, as ir the cases of classes A and B, and accounting for the same as provided in class D. (d) For her equitable shai*e of class D, at the rate of eighty pei centum. (e) For her equitable share of class E, at the rate of sixty-nine pei centum, reckoning any current interest, at the date of exchange, ai in the cases of classes A, B, and C, and 'accounting for the same as pro vided in class F. (/) For her equitable share of class F, at the rate of sixtj^-thi-ee pe: centum. (g) For her equitable share of the bonds of the Literary fund, as ii the case' of class C; her equitable share of the arrearages of interest— thi'ee hundred and seventy-nine thousand two hundred seventy dollars— to be paid in money. 6. For all balances of such indebtedness, constituting West Yirginia'i share of the old debt, principal and interest, in the settlement of Vir ginia's equitable share as aforesaid, the said board of sinking fund com missioners shall issue a certificate, as follows : No. . The commonwealth of Yirginia has this day discharged hei equitable share of the (registered or coupon, as the case may be) bon for dollars, held by , dated the day of , an numbered , leaving a balance of dollars, with intei-es from , to be accounted for by the state of West Virginia, withou recourse upon this commonwealth. . Done at the capitol of the state of Virginia, this day of eighteen . , Second Auditor. , Treasurer. 7. The said board of commissioners are empowered to issue for an^^ fractional part of one hundred dollars of the indebtedness funded unde this act, the following certificate: Fractional Certificate. -Register No. . Transaction No. . This certificate entitles the holder hereof to the sum of dollar? fundable at its face in the bonds of the commonwealth of Virginir authorized by an act approved day of , eighteen hundrej 9 and eighty-two, when presented with certificates of like tenor or in conjunction with other evidences of debt fundable under said act in amounts of one hundred dollars and multiples thereof Done at the capitol of Virginia, this day of , eighteen hundred and eighty . -, Second Auditor. Treasurer. The certificates so issued, shall be registered by the second auditor in a register kept for that specific purpose, giving the date and number of the transaction to which it relates, the amount of the same, and the name of the person or corporation to whom it was issued; and as such certificates are refunded, the same shall be canceled and preserved as herein provided in respect to the evidences of debt refunded. 8. AH the bonds and certificates of debt and evidences of past-due and unpaid interest taken in under the provisions of this act, shall be can- celed by the treasurer in the presence of the board of commissioners of the sinking fund as the same are acquired, and b}- the treasurer the same shall be carefully preserved until such time as the General Assem- bly may otherwise direct. A schedule of the bonds, certificates and other evidences of debt so canceled, from time to time, shall be certified by said board and filed with the treasurer for preservation. 9. All the coupons and registered bonds and fractional certificates issued under this act, shall be'separately registered by the second audi- tor in books kept for the specific purpose; and in each case giving the date, number and amount of the obligations issued, and the name of the person or corporation to whom issued, and the date, number, amount and description of the bond, bonds or indebtedness surrendered. 10. The plates from which the bonds and fractional certificates author- ized by this act, are printed, shall be the property of the commonwealth, and shall remain in the keeping of the said board of commissioners of the sinking fund. 11. In the year eighteen hundred and ninety, and annually thereafter until all the bonds issued under and by authority of this act are paid, there shall be set apart of the revenue collected from the property of the state each year, two and one-quarter per centum upon the bonds at the time outstanding, which shall be paid into the treasury to the credit of the sinking fund; and the commissioners of the said sinking fund shall, annually or oftener, apply the same to the redemption or purchase (at a rate not above par) of the bonds issued under this act, and the bonds so redeemed shall be canceled by the said board, and the same registered b}^ the second auditor in a book to be kept for the purpose, giving the number, the date of issue, the character, the amount, and the owner at the time of purchase of the bonds so redeemed and canceled; and in case no such purchase of bonds can be maoe, then the amount which can be redeemed shall be called in by lot, as provided in section two of this act. 12. Executors, administrators and others acting as fiduciaries, may exchange any state bonds held by them as provided, for bonds issued under this act, when so authorized by the court having jurisdiction m the premises, and the same, when so made, shall be considered a lawful investment. 13. The treasurer of the commonwealth is authorized and directed to pay the interest on the bonds issued under this act, as the same shall 10 become due and payable, out of any money in the treasury not other- wise appropriated. 14. All necessary expenses incurred in the execution of this act, shall be paid out of any money in the treasury not otherwise approjjriated, on the warrants of the auditor of public accounts drawn upon the treasurer, on the order of the board of sinking fund commissioners. 15. That from and after the passage of this act, no bonds, certificates, or other evidences of indebtedness, shall be issued for any portion of the debt of this state, nor shall any interest be paid upon any pai't or por- tion of said debt, except as hereinbefore provided. 16. This act shall be in force from its passage. Kmmber 11. * THE AMERICAN PROTECTIVE TARIFF LEAGUE, 23 West Twenty-third Street, New York, THE VITAL QUESTION. s^. SHALL AMERICAN INDUSTRIES BE ABANDONED, AND AMERICAN MARKETS BE SURRENDERED? It is proposed by the advocates of free trade to reduce the revenue of the Government one hundred million dollars, by lowering the barriers between the cheap labor of Europe and the well-paid labor of the United States. Labor has made America, and owns it. Any changes in our fiscal policy must be made with a view to pro- tecting and stimulating the labor of this country. The removal of one hundred millions of customs duties would have the opposite effect. It cannot be done without reducing the wages )f labor to the low level of foreign wages, and without the destruction of flourishing industries, which now give plenty and comfort to millions of house- holds. // would make the three millions of men 7iow employed in manufactures competing producers instead of buyers of food, and thus bring ruin upon our farmers. The people must decide how this reduction of revenue shall be made. The American policy of protection must either be sustained or abolished. There can be no compromise. A part of the pro- tected labor of the country cannot be selected for destruction, and a part left. The policy which has promoted our metal industries, and given us cheap iron and steel, and that has established textile mills and given us cheap clothing, has likewise developed our mines and increased our flocks. It has also, in the words of J efierson, p/a^eu the manufacturer by the side of our farmers, and given them tht incalculable benefits of home markets. TARIFF, OR WAR TAXES ? The real question the country has to face is : Shall the revenue be reduced by lowering the license which foreigners have to pay for the privilege of American markets, or shall it be reduced by abolishing internal taxes, which originated in ivar, and have never been levied in this country except for 7var purposes ? Free-traders demand that $100,000,000 revenue. shall come off the customs duties on " necessities." How is this reduction to be dis- tributed ? FREE RAW MATERIALS. First. They demand "free raw materials." What are these articles ? How much will the revenue be reduced ? How will the removal of duties now imposed affect American labor.'' These are fair questions, and must be answered fairly. The chief items on the list of raw materials are flax, flax-seed, wool, coal and iron ore. Take every dollar of the present duty off these articles, and you reduce the revenue less than $10,000,000. In many States the flax and kindred industries are of vast im- portance. To destroy our wool industry, by admitting wool free, would materially lessen the income of over one million American farmers. In five years it would destroy the sheep industry of the United States, which now yields 300,000,000 pounds of wool, and, by diminishing the number of sheep, it would increase the price' of mutton as a food. Transfer the mining of coal to Nova Scotia, and of iron ore to Spain and Cuba, and hundreds of thousands of American miners would be compelled to crowd into other occupations or starve. CRUDE MANUFACTURES. Second. The customs duties would also have to be removed from crude manufactures. What are these articles ? How much will the revenue be reduced ? How will the removal of these duties affect American labor ? The list includes many chemical products, pig-iron, scrap-iron, salt, lumber and a number of minor articles required for advanced manufactures. The revenue thus taken off would be less than fe8 ooo ooo If all raw materials and all crude manufactures were )ui on the free list, as proposed, the total reduction of revenue vould be less than $18,000,000. Under a protective tariff our chemical industries have flourished, md the number employed has increased from 6,000 in i860, to preb- Lbly 40,000 in 1887. In this time every product has been cheapened. , Under the protective tariff, the production of pig-iron has increased over six-fold. The cost to the cojiswner has steadily declined. To put pig-iron on the free list would deprive of employment vast num- bers of the half million people engaged in our metal industries, and 4ower the wages of those remaining to the level of the foreign wages. Once in the history of the country— 1808 to 18 13— we tried free salt with most ruinous results. The works were abandoned, foreign prices were advanced, and when the war of 181 2 broke out the foreign supply was cut off altogether. In i860 we produced 13,000,000 bushels of salt, and the price was eicrhteen cents per bushel. We now produce 40,000,000 bushels, and the price is less than half what it was at the beginning of the protec- tive period. ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^g^ But after putting raw materials and crude manufactures on the free list, and ruining industries which distribute hundreds of millions of dollars among our working-people, for the sake of reducing the duties $18,000,000, the tariff reformers must get rid of $82,000,000 more revenue in some other way. How is this to be done ? Experience has shown that revenues are not reduced by cutting down tariff duties. As the barriers against an influx of foreign products are lowered, importations and revenues increase. Proof of this is found in our experience under the tariff reductions of 1883. The only sure way to reduce tariff revenues is to place imported articles on the free list, which is really the aim of those who now so vigorously assail our protective policy from the ambush of a Treasury surplus. Will they strike down the woolen industry ? The wool manufac- turers of the United States have invested more than a hundred millions of dollars, give employment to thousands of operatives, among whom they annually distribute in wages more than twenty-five millions of dollars, and are the only consumers of the domestic wool clip, for which they pay our farmers about $60,000,000 every year. >;-ayjyigg!es?<- Wil the blow, then, fall on the silk manufacturers, who employ a^ capual exceeding $35,000,000, and pay annually mo're than fi teen^ milhons of dollars to more than 30,000 operatives ? American silks' made and used in this country last year, kept at ;.Ja!;Z 2 own people more than thirty millions of dollars, which, but for pro- tection, would have been sent to Europe for foreign silks Or shall the steel and iron industries-the most important of all our manufactures-be paralyzed? When the country depended ecS of r".' ""'r^r' ^°°^^' ^^''^'^^ ^"^ the numberSs nece sit es of the shop, the farm and the household, prices were h'erior Shair: 'T^^ T' ''' '''''''' '''^''^' -- vastly inferior. Shall the hundreds of millions of dollars now invested m these industries remain unproductive, and the army of workmen now employed stand idle until necessity forces them to accept the luTtlrfffi 'fh ^^^r'^'" ^-^o...s-. contingency against which our tariff is the only barrier ? * But upon all importations of woolens, silks, iron and steel, in 1886 '\ we collected less than $56,000,000 revenue. In order, the efore to ' make up the sum of $8.,ooo,ooo required.to be taken f;om the dudes 1 on manufactured articles, it will be necessary to reduce the duties to ^ the extent of more than $26,000,000 on other protected industries In the same year, 1886, there was collected about $25,000,000 i from cotton manufactures, earthenware and china, gL and btLTiily rd lop^"^ "^^""^^^"^^^ °^ '-''-- --' ^-' --^^. ' Shall protection on all these articles be removed, with the result- ^ mg embarrassment to those now employed in their production at the demand of a free trade propaganda which makes the presence of ! a surplus in the Treasury the pretext for transferring the ...:, /^.. i blood of American industries to men beyond the sea, jealous of our \ growing strength, envious of our accumulating wealth, and chagrined ' at our prowess and independence .? '■■ Shall these enemies of American enterprise and progress succeed m their efforts to wreck our industries, throw hundreds of thousands of our workingmen out of employment, and reduce the earnings of those who can obtain work to the dead level of European wages? THE FRUITS OF PROTECTION. The wealth of the United States in 1S60 was sixteen thou- sand million dollars, one-half of which was destroyed during the Civil War In June, 1887, our wealth touched the imperial figures of sixty thousand millions, earning seven millions each day. In i860 the wealth of the United States was $415 per capita; m 1887, $1,000 per capita In these years of protection the United States has earned over one-half of the sum added to the world's wealth during that time We nearly equal Great Britain in production of iron, and excel her in the production of steel. In i860 manufactures in the United States amounted to $1,800,000,000 ; in 1887 to $7,000,000,000. Our total industries now amount to $11,000,000,000. The vVestern States manufactured nearly as much m 1887 as the whole country in i860 The Southern States alone now make 10 per cent, more pig- iron than was made in the United States in i860. The annual pro- duct of the United States exceeds that of England by more than one-half, and our trade is double that of England. England has increased her commerce less than six times since i860 ; the United States has increased her commerce more than six times. While Eng- land has increased her export trade four times, the exports of the United States have increased eight times. In these years, /r.;;. the third producing power, we have risen to the first. Up to x86o the en- tire exports of the United States were $9,000,000,000 ; since taen they have amounted to $14,000,000,000. Protection has practically created many great industries smce 1860-crockery, silk, steel rails, etc.— employing countless laborers, and distributing thousands of -millions of money among our people. From no steel rails produced in 1867, we have risen to 1,764,000 tons produced in 1886, cheapening the cost of rails, enabling us to increase our railroads from 30,000 miles to 135,000, and reducuig cost of transportation to less than half what it is in England We have now more miles of railroad than all Europe, with rolling-stock worth nine times the merchant marine of England, and our inland trade is twenty times greater than her foreign commerce ■ Protection, by creating home markets, has increased the value of our farms from $6,645,046,007 in i860, to $10,192,006 776 m 1880. It has in the same time increased our farm products from $1,675,- 724,972 to $3,726,321,422. Of this vast increase less than one-tenth has been exported, more than nine-tenths have been consumed at home. The want of an adequate home market for our wheat has put our wheat growers at the mercy of half-civilized India. The only remedy is to diminish production or increase the home market. Protection has maintained the high standard of wages in the j;^5T*wr'/>'.T-,!S(»i;gr?^w«fc:i*'* United States. They are double those of England. If the Ameri- can laborer would live as English laborers do, he could save 37 per cent, of his wages. They save only 2 per cent, of their wages. American people should not, and will not, submit to the low stan- dard of wages prevailing in other countries. They decrease the pur- chasing power and the consuming power of the people. Free trade in England meant cheap bread, and has ruined her farmers. Free trade in this country means cheap labor, diminished power to consume, low prices for farm products, and in the end ruin for our farmers. Protection has increased the savings of our people. There is deposited in the savings-banks of the State of New York alone $506,000,000, which is $100,000,000 more than the entire accumula- tions in the savings-banks of England in four centuries. Protection has diversified as well as created industries. It has opened new and fruitful fields for the employment of women. It has enriched and educated our people, and qualified them for the duties of freemen. High wages have made happy homes arid good citizens. There never was on this earth a people so free, so prosper- ous, and with such splendid possibilities, as the sixty millions that dwell in this Republic. Shall the protective policy which has accom- plished this be overthrown ? WAR TAXES. The abolition of internal taxes on tobacco and spirits used in arts and manufactures, etc., with such changes in the present tariff as may be made judiciously in the interest of American labor and industries, would be more than sufficient to satisfy the need for a reduction of revenue. Internal taxes on our own industries serve to perpetuate monopolies and enrich the few. They are finally paid chiefly by our working-people in the increased cost of tobacco medicines, and numberless articles of comfort and luxury in daily use, in the manufacture of which alcohol is indispensable, while tariff duties are chiefly paid by foreigners for the right to sell in our markets. They excite dangerous hostility to our own government among our own people, and deprive the States of an important source of local revenue. They finally encourage the use of inferior and dangerous substitutes for alcohol in the manufacture of all articles in which it is an essential ingredient. The issue is now squarely presented : Shall we have Free Trade, or shall we reduce the War Taxes .? ^ PERTINENT QUESTIONS BY ROBERT P. PORTER- HAVE NEVER BEEN ANSWERED. Why an official report recently published by the London Daily Telegraph shows that 30 per cent, of the children of British workmen in London go to school every morning without a mouthful of food ? Why halfpenny (one cent) dinners for school children failed in Birmingham and other industrial centres, because the children could not procure money to pay for them ? Why thousands of men are constantly walking the streets of the great industrial centres without food or work ? 4Vhy more than 1,000,000 in a population of 35,000,000 are out of work under free trade ? Why does John Bright admit that under free trade the English farmer has lost in recent years $1,000,000,000 ? Why does Joseph Arch admit that in fifteen years 800,000 persons have given up the cultivation of the soil ? V/hy have the number of persons engaged in the gainful occupation in England decreased in fifteen years from 14,786,875 to 11,187,564 ? Why does Mr. Hoyle say that the forty-second report of the Registrar-General shows that ' ' one out of about every seven of our population end their days as paupers ? " And, turning to Ireland, why did one in every four of the inhabitants of Connaught (population, 800,000) apply in 1886 for Poor Law Relief? Why does the reports of the British Postmaster-General show that in 1875 artisans and laborers constituted 22 84-100 per cent, of the depositors in Postal^ Savings- Banks, and in 1882 only 17 8-10 per cent. ? Why do women working at the forge and anvil the whole week making nails only earn $2.15 ? Why does the current rate of wages for the common laborer rarely exceed 50 cents per day ? Why does Mr. Chamberlain say : " Never before was the misery of the very poor more intense, or the conditions of their daily life more hopeless or more depraved, " if free trade has been successful ? Why has the cost of pauperism and crime under free trade increased from $30,000,000 in 1840 to $82,000,000 in 18S1 ? Why did Mr. Cobden receive during his lifetime $1,000,000 cash (see Motley's Life of Cobden) from the manufacturers of Manchester in payment for his services to bring about free trade, if it was a grand principle calculated to benefit the workingmen of all countries, and not a means to cut down the wages of labor and increase the profits of monopolists ? Why does one iron and coal firm in the North of England control the annual output of more tons of iron ore than the total annual output of the entire Lake Superior regions if free trade does not create monopolies ? , Why has the number employed in the five principal textile industries declined from 919,817 in 1861 to 883,303 in 1886 in England, and the number so employed doubled in the same period in the United States ? Why has the silk industry practically gone to the wall ? Why has the linen industry declined in England in the last twenty years and increased 300 per cent, in protective Germany ? Why have the number of workmen employed in the iron and steel industries in Germany increased since the return to protection 40 per cent., the wages paid 57 per cent, and the average paid to each workman 17.4 per cent. ? Why are these facts substantially true in many other industries in Germany ? Why has Germany increased her exports of manufactured goods under protection when free- traders said she would ruin her export trade by returning to protection ? Why do the official reports of British consuls inform us that the German Empire has been so benefited by protection that it is in the atmosphere ; that it is the strongest of the government's policies ? If protection has been so ruinous to the LTnited States, why have we, in twenty-five years of it, increased our population 20,000,000 ? Doubled the population of our cities? Increased our coal product from 14,000,000 tons to 100,000,000 tons ? Increased our iron-ore output from goo,coo tons to 9,000,000 tons? Increased the number employed in our metal industries from 53,000 to 350,000? Increased the number employed in our wood industries from 130,000 persons to 350,000 persons ? The number employed in our woolen industries, from 60,000 to 160,000? Robbed England of 55,- 000,000 customers in the cotton industry ? Employ 35,000 instead of 12,000 in the pottery, stoneware and glass industries? Employ 30,000 instead of 6,000 in the chemical industry? Increased our railway mileage from 30,000 to 130,000 miles ? Increased the number of our farms from 2,000,000 to 4,000,000 ? And their value from $6,000,000,000 to $10,000,000,000 ? Our production of cereals, from 1,230,000,000 bushels to nearly 3,000,000,000 bushels? Our live-stock, from $1,000,000,000 to more than $2,000,000,000 ? Our flocks, from 22,000,000 to upward of 50,000,000 ? Our wool products, from 60,000,000 pounds to 350,000,000 pounds ? The number of persons engaged in gainful occupations, from 12,500,000 to 17,500,000 ? And our aggregate of wealth to such figures that it makes Americans dizzy to contemplate the totals, and fills the advocates of British free trade with envy, hatred and other wrongful passions in trying to explain that which isn't ? Why are the wages of the la- borer higher here than in any other country ? Why do a greater percentage of workingmen own their homes ? Why do their children go to school well fed and well clothed? Why is labor re- spected and the workingman supported in every legitimate endeavor to better his condition ? Why do a greater percentage of workmen become masters here than in any other country in tlie worlti ? Why do the intelligent American wage-earners, as a rule, support protection with their voles, and defeat free-traders like Hurd and Morrison ? Because it is the winning cause and the cause of the American people. All of which is respectfully submitted. Defenders of American Industry. GEORGE WASHINGTON. Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too much conse- quence not to insure a continuance of their efforts in every vi'ay which shall appear eligible. — Last Animal Address, December, iyg6. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. Every manufacturer encouraged in our country makes part of a market for provisions within ourselves, and saves so much money to the country as must otherwise be exported to pay for the manufactures he supplies. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. An extensive domestic market for the surplus produce of the soil is of the first consequence. It is, of all things, that which most effectually conduces to a flourishing state of agriculture. — Report on Mamifactures, Dec. j, i/gi. THOMAS JEFFERSON. We must now place our manufacturers by the side of the agriculturist. . . . Experience has taught me that manufactures are now as necessary to our independence as to our comfort. — Letter to Benj . Austin, iSid. JAMES MADISON. It will be worthy the just and provident care of Congress to make such further alterations in the tariff as will more especially protect and foster the several branches of manufacture which have been recently instituted and extended by the laudable exertions of our citizens. — Special Message,' May 2j, i8og. JAMES MONROE. Our manufactures require the systematic and fostering care of the gov- ernment. . . . Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials. — First Iiiaiigiiral Address, March j, iSiJ. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. The great interests of an agricultural, commercial and manufacturing nation are so linked in union together that no permanent cause of prosperity to one of them can operate without extending its influence to the others. — Fourth Annual Message. JOHN G. CALHOUN. When our manufactures are grown to a certain proportion, as they will under the fostering care of the government, . . . the farmer will find a ready market for his surplus produce, and, what is of almost equal conse- quence, a certain and cheap supply for all his wants. ANDREW JACKSON. Upon- the success of our manufactures, as the handmaid of agriculture and commerce, depends in a great measure the independence of our country, and none can feel more sensibly than I do the necessity of encouraging them, — Letter to Col. Patterson, May ly, iSsj. o "^iS-R-E-E-O-Hi^ Hon. JOHN S. WISE. OR VIRQINIA, At the Sixth Annual Banquet of the Young Republicans of Philadelphia, on Monday Evening, April ii, 1887, in response to the Toast — "The Campaign of 1888: Past defeat will spur youthful ambition to greater and victorious efforts." Mr. President and Gentlemen : — Owing to the absence of the distinguished gentleman who was assigned to the preceding toast, the Hon. John Sherman, of Ohio, my position has been advanced ; a circumstance which I regret, not only as placing me in a position of undue prominence, but because I felt that we had much to expect from his pi-esence and counsel at our gathering. The toast assigned to me is one which might well stimulate the Young Republican to his ablest effort ; for, besides the natural rest- lessness we must all feel at the unforeseen accident which placed our party in the position of defeat, the times are so propitious and the omens of the future so encouraging, that there is scarce a feeling of doubt among us of our ability to restore the Republican [xirt)' H) power in the approaching National contest. Before I proceed, however, to discuss the present and the future of the Republican party, I trust I may be allowed briefly to notice the remark of ouv friejid who has preceded me (Mr. Warwick), implying that my early education had involved some teaching of hatred or antagonism to the Union. Permit me to say to the gentleman that such an idea is natural to one whose youth makes him unfamiliar with the circumstances surrounding me in V^irginia twenty-six years ago. It is true that Virginia seceded. It is true that, with father and brothers, I fought in an humble way for Virginia in her struggle against the Union, and that in common with my people I cast my lot with the Confederacy. Yet, anomalous as the statement may seem, I was reared in a household where love of the Union was taught as a duty second only to the love of God and my native State. My father, like thousands of other Virginians, yielded to seces- sion only as a last resort ; and, }'ielding against his conviction, still protested that the true policy of the Southern States, if they had cause for war at all, was to fight in the Union, under the flag. Virginia never sought to secede from the Union in the fierce spirit of antagonism to it which marked the course of some of the other States. Virginians for well nigh a century had been taught to feel that it was their father's house, built by the hands of our best and noblest, and endowed by a splendid gift of Virginia's territory ; that it was their citadel of strength and the ark of their safety- And, while the rush of events bore them onward to taking sides against the Union, and, having so decided, Virginia became the bulwark, the battle-ground, and the backbone of the Confederacy, yet the struggle which preceded her depart- ure was one of agony and doubt as to her true duty ; and the step, when taken, was more in sorrow than in anger. I say all this in no apologetic spirit, because I know that our people did what they believed was right, and, having decided on their course, were willing to accept its consequences uncomplainingly ; but I mention this simply as the announce- ment of a truth, and as explaining how, now that the vexed questions of the war are forever at rest, I may lay claim to a love of the Union as the result of every teaching of my youth. I feel, too, that I may speak freely in the presence of my fellow-citizens of Pliiladelphia ; for, besides the ties of Republicanism, I may also rely upon those of blood and kinship. My mother was a Philadelphian ; her father, the Hon. John Sergeant, of this city, whose name I bear, was candidate for the Vice-Presidency upon the ticket with Henry Clay when he first announced the doctrines of the American Sy.stem of Protection — that idea which i.s to-day the corner-stone of Republican principles. Under the.se circumstances I feel confident I shall have your .sympathy at the outset, and your indulgence for the crude and undigested presentation I shall make of our party affairs and pro.spects. In a post-prandial speech it is impossible to do more than sketch in outline the positions of the two great National parties, or to elaborate any line of policy which ours should pursue, even if so young a Republican as myself were bold enough to attempt advice to the veterans here assembled. I shall content myself, therefore, with a few general observations, and then speak with you of affairs pertaining to the party pro.spects in my own section. For while such a course is more or less provincial, I think we should all speak of the things we understand best. In the nature of the case, our views of current political events take their color and impress by the locality from which we come. What to you may seem most important, may not make any great impression upon my section, and vice versa. At the same time, the things which are operating in favor of our party there, though they be not so potential here, must be cheering to Republicans everywhere ; and the knowledge of what they are will enable our leadters so to frame our general policy as to add to the strength and power of the Republican party in the South, which, in my judgment, is the most promising field for its missionary work. Speaking of our outlook generally, I feel that I am uttering the sound judgment of the thoughtful of all parties when I say that our prospects of success in the next Presidential election are most flattering. If I were asked to state the one thing which is doing most to restore public confidence in the Republican party of this country and put it back into power,, I would answer, unhesitatingly, tliat our best campaign docu- ment in the next contest will be the record of the Democratic party itself TWO YEARS OF BLUNDERS. Two years ago it took possession of the Government Within that brief period it has not only failed to redeem every pledge it had given, but as to most of them it has positively evidenced its purpose to repudiate them. It has blundered in every attempt at successful administra- tion, and oftentimes made the Government ridiculous at home and abroad. It has failed in every effort it has made to formulate a platform or a policy upon which its warring and discordant factions could agree. It has permitted, so far as our section is concerned, the defeat of all the leading measures to which it was committed before it was restored to power ; and it is to-day torn and lacerated in several States by factional struggles, which will, as I think, inevitably result in turning them over to the Republicans. It has come into its estate like a spendthrift heir, whose only hope of living now lies in escaping, on any pretext, from tlie reckless promises he scattered right and left while his estate was in expectancy — whose every act of prudence in possession of his property is at the sacrifice of his faitli when he was a pauper seeking aid. Like Prince Hal of old, it finds it highly scandalous to surround the throne with the Coventry companions of its days of wait- ing ; but, unlike King Henry, it will find that it cannot get along without them, because they are Democracy, and without them it is nothing. Two years of power yet remain to it, in which, judging by the past, we may look for other blunders and evidences of inefficiency. BROKEN PROMISES. In my own State, the Democratic party is decidedly better known, after two years' trial, for the things promised and unperformed, than for any brilliant redemption of pledges. INTERNAL REVENUE. For example, the Democratic party presented itself for many years as the champion and advocate of the repeal of the Internal Revenue System. It is an onerous tax ; one the method of collecting which is more offensive to the tax-payer than any other tax that can be put upon him. The poor country farmer who sees his neighbor trading off his grain and other products without restraint, feels it to be a great hardship upon him that he cannot dispose of his tobacco in the same way. The poor mountaineer, whose means of transportation are very limited, and whose apple orchard on a cleared patch of mountain-side is worthless to him unless he can distill his fruit before it rots, feels that the complicated machinery and severe penalties of the Revenue Law are great hardships upon him. These most obnoxious taxes were war taxes, levied originally from necessity ; but the time when they were necessary has passed, for we do not need taxes now from both Internal Revenue and Tariff, and our policy is to rai.se revenue by impost duties, and thus, through the Tariff, protect our manufacturers. The revenues collected at present yield a surplus, which, until they came into power, caused our friends, the Democrats, a great deal of solicitude. The abolition of these Internal Revenue taxes, at least upon tobacco and fruit brandies, would greatly relieve that surplus ; greatly relieve the people who have to pay them, and greatly relieve the Government ; for it is a tax, the expense of collect- ing which is heavy. It would be in the direct line of Republican policy, which by a tariff tax accomplishes the double object of revenue and protection. However, although this repeal would, I doubt not, have been effected before now by the Republicans, for the reasons above named, had they remained in power, it had not been in 1884 when the Presi- dential campaign came on, and denunciation of the Repub- lican party for the continuance of the Internal Revenue taxes, and as responsible for the system of spies, agents and collectors under the law, was a favorite and very effective method of attack among the Democrats. I recall particularly one doughty Democratic Congressman from Virginia, whose district, lying along the North Carolina Hne amidst the mountains, was much interested in this repeal of the Internal Revenue Law. At all places and times when- ever he spoke, the burden of his speech was denunciation of the " bung suckers " of the Internal Revenue, who, as he insisted, were sent out by the Republican party to harass and torture his constituents. Following this blood-curdling denunciation invariably came a bewitching picture of the peace, security and happiness which would ensue upon Democratic success, when, according to the orator, the Internal Revenue would be repealed. Under this stimulus his constituents elected him along with Mr. Cleveland, by a majority of 2,400 votes in 1884. The sequel, however, was rather disastrous. He had wrought up the imaginations of his constituents, who were not very careful readers of newspapers and statutes, to the belief that the election of Cleveland and the accession of the Democracy to power was ipso facto a repeal of the Internal Revenue Laws. As soon as the news of the election spread abroad, his constituents, taking him literally, conceived that they had a perfect right to begin distilling. Every old still and worm in the mountains was dragged from its hiding- place, and burnished up amidst merry-making and festivities ; the whole horizon was smoky with the busy work of distilling, in the confident assurance that it was all right. The situation soon became embarrassing to our Congress- man ; doubly embarassing from the fact that not only were these innocent folk to be arrested, but because, having " turned the rascals out," it was not a Republican who was to arrest them, but an Internal Revenue Collector appointed by Mr. Cleveland and himself The arrests were made, how- ever. The fees for such serxices are what makes the office of Internal Revenue Collector valuable to Democratic col- lectors, and enables Democratic Congressmen, in bestowing the office, to revv^ard the faithful. In due time the Federal Court assembled. A great throng of culprits and a " cloud of witnesses around " made it a busier scene than had ever been witnessed at a pre\'ious term of the Court. Fees, fees, fees, were plentiful ; fees for the Democratic Marshal ; fees for the Democratic United States Attorney ; fees for the Democratic posse ; fees for the Dem- ocratic Revenue Collector. It was a singularly happy time for all the Democrats present e.xcept the prisoners. Moved by the extraordinary spectacle of so many violators of the Revenue Law, the Judge, a Republican (for thank God they have not yet gotten control of the Judiciary), began to inquire the meaning of so large a criminal docket. It was not long before first one prisoner and then another arose and stated that he had violated the law and engaged in distilling as charged ; but one after another insisted in perfect good faith and earnestness that he believed, from the representations made to him in the Presidential canvass, that by the election of a Democratic President the law was repealed. This state- ment was so universally made by the accused, and so honestly 8 persisted in, that it was thought unwise to punish a whole community for a mistake made through ignorance and encouraged by those who should have taught them better, and the offenders were dismissed with a warning that the law had not been repealed and against violating it again. When the election in 1 886 came around, our Congressman was again a Democratic candidate. You may imagine that those good people voted the Democratic ticket again. If you do. you were never more mistaken in your life. It was in vain he sought to explain to his constituents that he had not deceived them. Many looked upon him as the direct author of their arrest. Others held him responsible as having appointed the revenue collector who arrested them. All demanded to know how it was that after having so denounced the Republicans for the Internal Revenue laws, the Democrats had been in power two years and the law was still in force with Democrats carrying it out. His assurance, which he doubtless gave them in good faith, that he had done all in his power to get the law repealed, only made the matter worse. He was beaten by 3,600 votes in the same district which had elected him two years before by a majority of 2,400, and I am inclined to think that district will remain Republican. His constituents had become suffici- ently educated by their bitter experience to learn that his individual views were nothing unless they were in accord with those of the majority of his part}-, and that the majority of his party were opposed to him upon the repeal of the Internal Revenue laws. They have learned, what you and I know, that the pretence of any Democratic candidate that he favors the repeal of the Internal Revenue, the passage of the Blair Educational Bill, a Protective Tariff or any other meas- ure, is virtually a false pretence in the light of what he does when he goes to Congress ; because he at once submits himself to a Democratic caucus, the majority of which he knows to be opposed to every one of these measures, and agrees to be bound by its action, knowing it will force him to violate the pledges upon all these questions which wore made to his constituents at home. Now, let us see. In the Presidential election of 1S84 there was not, I think, a Democratic candidate for Congress in Virginia, except, perhaps, Mr. Tucker, who was not pledged to a repeal of the Internal Revenue Law. There was not a Democratic candidate for Congress from Virginia at that election, except Mr. Tucker, who was not pledged to support the Blair Educational Bill. This Blair Educational Bill is a matter of great concern to us. We have a much larger per cent, of illiteracy than you have. We are very poor and unable to vote State money to educational purposes. We feel that this money would be a God-send to our people, and that it is but right that the Government, after having invested the negroes with freedom and franchise, and imposed upon us the duty of their educa- tion, should aid us in the task. This is. perhaps, only a secondary issue with you here, but it is a question of prime importance with us, and no man could be elected to Congress on either ticket in any district of Virginia, in my opinion, if he avowed his opposition to the Blair Educational Bill. Again ; we have Democrats in Virginia who call them- selves Tariff Democrats, and run before the people as if, w4ien they went to Congress, they could be Democrats and at the same time help the Tariff cause. Our people are yearly becoming more and more of Tariff people. Formerly agriculture was our chief dependence, but the change in our system of labor ; the construction of cross- country lines of railway, which bring the products of the virgin West to our doors cheaper than we can raise them ; and the discovery of vast, inexhaustible and very rich mineral deposits in Virginia of late years, has turned the attention of a great many of our people towards the develop- ment of our mineral resources. Looking north to their Pennsylvania neighbors ; seeing how similarly blessed with lO you we are ; beholding the teeming prosperity which pro- tection has brought to you, our people are yearly realizing that they must abandon their old theories and look to a tariff as their true hope if they wish to have your affluence. I can point you out county after county in Virginia inhabited almost exclusively by white people, nearly all of whom were in the Confederate army, and in'which, ten years ago, there was not to be found fifty white Republicans, yet which now give handsome Republican majorities under the Tariff influence. Up to the time the Democracy came into power there was no way of demonstrating to our people that the Democratic party could not, and would not, advocate such measures as the repeal of the Internal Revenue, the passage of the Blair Educational Bill, and a Protective Tariff Individual Demo- crats, aspiring to office, would pledge themselves to their support, and there being no responsibility upon the party while it remained in the minority, it was easy to conceal the truth. But to-day things are changed. The Democratic party,, as a party in power, is forced to take ground on all these questions, and it has done so in such a way that no individual aspirant can set up his views as those of his party and deceive the people any longer. Our people have seen their Democratic Representatives go to Washington pretending to favor the repeal of the Internal Revenue Laws, the Blair Educational Bill, the Tariff and the like, and do what ? Why the first thing such an one does is to enter a Democratic caucus, knowing that a majority of that caucus is opposed to every one of these measures, and that it will elect a Speaker who is opposed to them. He knows that all legislation in Congress is controlled by and framed by the leading com- mittees. He knows that the Speaker will appoint those committees from the free-trade, anti-repeal of Internal Revenue and anti-Blair Bill members of the House. He knows that those committees will bury in committee-room every measure 1 1 of this sort, and that that Speaker will refuse recognition' to every one who may seek to call up those measures for consideration. Yet with a full knowledge of all this, these men first pledge themselves to their constituents that they are Tariff men, or Blair Educational men, or repeal of Internal Revenue men, and then pledge themselves to abide by the action of a Democratic caucus, knowing it will nominate and elect a Democratic Speaker opposed to them, and that the action of both caucus and Speaker will annul their pledges to their constituents. Look at the practical operation of all this in Virginia. Several of our Democratic Congressmen were nois}' Tariff men. Several professed enthusiasm for the repeal of the Internal Revenue Law. All of them claimed to be friends of the Blair Educational Bill. Yet, when Congress met, they all voted for Mr. Carlisle, a free-trader, knowing his position, knowing he would appoint committees who would stab to death the measures they professed to advocate before the people, knowing that, with him as Speaker and with the committees he would apppoint, none of these measures could succeed. And he did not disappoint them. On the Committee of Ways and Means, the committee having charge of all bills relating to a repeal of the Internal Revenue Laws and Tariff, Mr. Carlisle placed Mr. W. C. P. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, a free-trader, who, instead of advocating a repeal of the Internal Revenue Laws, proclaimed that it was a war tax, and that the war is not yet ended, and will not be until the interest on the war debt and the pensions due the Federal soldiers are all paid, and that it should not be repealed until these are paid. He also advocated a repeal of a number of tariff duties. This was consistent in Mr. Breckenridge. In order to re- duce tariff duties according to the theory of free-trade Democracy, Internal Revenue duties must be kept up. And besides all this, Mr. Breckenridge and Mr. Carlisle and Mr. Morrison represent the large whiskey dealers who are willing 12 to pay the Internal Revenue taxes for the monopoly they enjoy, and do not want that law repealed, because it will bring too many small dealers in competition with them. The Blair Educational Bill fared no better. It was com- mitted to the tender mercies of the Judiciary Committee, presided over by Mr. Randolph Tucker, its sworn enemy, and there it died. So of many others. Now, fellow citizens, with such a record of Democracy, I think you will see that it will be hard for candidates hereafter to claim to be Democrats, and at the same time friends of a repeal of Internal Revenue, or of the tariff, or of the Blair Educational Bill. If a man says " I am a Democrat, and yet a tariff man," or favors repeal of Internal Revenue or the passage of the Blair Educational Bill, he will be told that that is impossible. If he says the party did not kill these measures but the committees, sensible people will ask who appointed the committees. When he admits that Mr. Car- lisle appointed the committees, he will be asked who elected Mr. Carlisle. And when he confesses that he did, he will be forced also to confess that his party is opposed to what he pretends to favor ; that he is in the minority ; and that although he professes to be for the measures, he votes in fact against them in the men he chooses in caucus, and unless he does so must leave his party. Our people see all this. They realize it ; and they are fast abandoning the name of Democracy for the substance of what they want, no matter what is the name of the party. DISAPPOINTED OFFICE SEEKERS. Another influence which has operated strongly against the Democracy in our State has been the disappointments attend- ing the disposals of patronage. Mr. Cleveland has shown very little judgment or experience in his selections. He has ignored many of his most useful supporters, and appointed 13 people in the most capricious way. In one instance he ap- pointed a person to one of the best positions in the State, not because he had any quahfications or fitness, or had done any work for the party, but because he was connected with a preacher in Buffalo who had sustained Cleveland's character when the scandal about him was agitated. You may imagine how several well-qualified applicants who had the strongest political endorsement felt when Mr. Cleveland gave the prize as a vicarious atonement to his Buffalo friend, to a man nobody had thought of HYPOCRISY OF CIVIL SERVICE PROFESSIONS. The pretence that this administration has regarded any of its pledges about Civil Service, so far as Virginia is concerned, is absurd. It has slain Republican office-holders wherever found, with very few exceptions, and has seemed to take par- ticular delight in "bouncing" the appointees of our gallant little Senator Mahone. Of this I have no complaint to make. If they can find it consistent with the honesty of their pro- fessions, I am glad to see the work go £>n. Office-holders, even under one's own party, are, as a class, indifferent party workers. When they hold office under the opposite party, they are worthless utterly. Kvery time a Republican head rolls into the Democratic basket, I feel that we have another earnest worker set free. Virginia Republicans are accus- tomed to take care of themselves, and we neither ask from nor show quarter to the Democracy. NOT OFFICES ENOUGH TO GO AROUND. The chief source of trouble with the Democrats with us is, that after taking all the offices they have not half enough to go around. Their followers were like Artemus Ward — they- were all for the " Old Flag and an Appropriation." V H The Virginia Democracy after Cleveland's election reminded me very much of the negroes just after the close of the war. It vi^as said of the darkies that they all expected " forty acres and a mule." I am sure that the average expectation of the Vireinia Democrat when he heard of Cleveland's election was not near so modest. The Freedman's Bureau, seeing that the " contrabands " would not work while waiting for their forty acres and a mule, established several soup houses in our midst, and that thin pea soup which was bountifully supplied to the expectant darkies for some time, " without money and without price," was his nearest realization of his dream of reward. The luck of the Virginia Democrat after all his great expectations was not as general. For some time there" was a perfect hegira of the faithful to Washington. The tin-bucket brigade paraded for " soup " and all were enlisted. But verily " Many were called and few were chosen." Where one was lucky, a thousand failed.' Where one drew his full rations, a thousand are sitting wearily by the dusty road-side gazing sadly into tlieir empty tins, perhaps concluding reluctantly that, after all, in view of many things that were promised and which have not happened, Democratic triumph is not as great an affair as they expected. Another thing which has operated against them in local affairs is the utter inefficiency of our State government. I believe they all admit, or at least know, that the present administration was seated by the most bare-faced frauds practiced in the count, by which I was robbed of the returns of election as Governor of Virginia. The gentleman addressed me as Governor. I have no doubt I am Governor of Virginia, but there is a slight cloud upon my title. I ran splendidly and stopped ahead, but a gentleman astride his uncle's saddle kept on riding after sun- down and never stopped until he had ridden as far as was necessary. Still, I do not care to enter upon the details of that matter, for his " little brief authority " has given the party who occupies my seat such intense enjoyment that I would not have the heart to dislodge him if I could. Nor do I suppose that any qualm of conscience disturbs those who perpetrated the outrage. It is the imbecility of those they have selected, their unfitness for the position, their inability to manage the difficult problems with which they are con- fronted, or even to keep the party together, which is causing the thoughtful among them great apprehension and uneasiness. SOMERSAULT ON COLOR QUESTION. Another thing which will place them at great disadvantage all through the South is the attitude of the administration upon the question of the colored people. They cannot draw the color line as they have done in the past, and this has been one of their most powerful weapons. Verily, when I contrast their present attitude with that they occupied in our State and all through the South, even as late as 1883-4, 1 am forced to the reflection that the Democratic party is one whose record and behavior is full of strange contradictions. It canriot be said of it in the language of Hudibras that it Compounds for sins it is inclined to By damning those it has no mind to, for it is a very common thing with our friends, the Democrats, to denounce bitterly the course of its adversaries, and then, unblushingly, do the very thing it has denounced. In passing, I may refer to the course of the Virginia Bourbons in regard to the debt question. Seven years ago, when that question was first agitated, the denunciation of the attitude of the Re- adjuster by the Bourbon press throughout Virginia was simply outrageous ; yet I am sure that in their newspaper literature within the last two years we may find editorials going a bow-shot beyond anything contended for by the Re- adjusters in the early days of the agitation. Indeed, I have sometimes suspected that the editorials now appearing as leading Democratic doctrine were appropriated bodily, if not in words, from the verj'- articles which they had denounced. i6 But it was not this thought about their change upon the debt question which prompted my first remark above. I spoke of their very peculiar record upon the question of the colored vote. There is not a man in the South, Democrat or Republican, who has not within the last five years heard Democratic speakers, great and small, put the stress of their opposition to the Republican party upon the point that it was composed mainly of the negro vote. They have pre- sented in every form, from calm persuasive presentation to fiery denunciatory invective, the question whether the white people of the South, the Anglo-Saxon race, could afford to ally themselves with the Republican party, whose leading tenet, as they contended, was the equality of the African race with the Caucasian. They have insisted that the success of Re- publicanism necessarily involved taking the Government out of the hands of the wealth, the intelligence of the country, and placing it under the control of irresponsible negroes, who were unfit for the exercise of suffrage much less the management of the Government. It was in vain that we pointed out the folly of any such pretension. It was in vain we sought to divert attention from this bug-a-boo and direct it toward the real issues between the parties ; for our enemies were cunning enough to know that this play upon race pre- judice is one of the strongest and most effective grounds of their strength in the South. Time and again have I stood in the presence of my fellow citizens at home and sought to direct their attention toward issues of tariff; issues of finance or of currency ; to discuss with them questions of public education ; questions involving the power of the Government as to appropriations for internal improvements ; questions, upon the repeal of the Internal Revenue Law ; questions as to the great cardinal difference in constitutional construction between the two parties, and the like. Oftentimes ha\'e I seen an audience half persuaded that the Republican part}' is right and the Democracy wrong. I would seem to have made a deep impression upon them, until some cunning 17 adversary, knowing the strength of the race question, would parry all of these issues by admitting that I might be right or might be wrong upon each and every one or all of them, yet insisting that paramount to all these, and of vastly more im- portance to the people, was the question of the supremacy of the white race. These appeals to prejudice were almost always pointed by the illustration, which was on the tongue of every Democratic speaker, of Frederick Douglas acting as Marshal of the District of Columbia. The audience would be asked whether their white blood did not boil at the spectacle of a negro introducing visitors to the President of the United States, etc., etc., etc. The people were schooled and exhorted to be impatient for the arriv^al of the day on which they might rebuke, with their votes, a party who would perpetrate upon them and their race so gross an outrage. The appeal was fiercely made and cunningly pressed. It struck home to feelings which were hard of control, and I have but too often felt its power and effectiveness, absurd as it was. We all know how easy it is to convince the judg- ment, and yet how next to impossible it is to overcome a prejudice. I forbear from recalling the bitterness of the past few years which has raged in my State upon this very score of race prejudice. I forbear to depict the vituperation, the insult, the falsehood, the frauds, the outrages, the blood- shed, the murder, that have found their excuse and justifica- tion under the plea that Republicanism meant negro rule, and Democracy the triumph of the white man's party. The story is a sad commentary upon the manhood and civilization of our people, and, alas, too well known to need recital ! I would that it were forgotten, and if it were, I would be the last, for the sake of my State and my people, their good name and fame in the future, to revive it. WHITE MAN'.'< party. Yet what do we behold now in the hour of the triumph of the so-called white man's party ? One of the earliest acts of I Mr. Cleveland's administration was the selection of a colored man for an important office in the capital of the Nation. He was not a resident of the district in which he was chosen. He was not a man like Douglas, who had acquired a National reputation or was a representative of his race. He was an obscure local politician, selected upon the confession of Mr. Cleveland himself, as an overture to other negroes to vote the Democratic ticket, and placed, against the wishes of the citizens of the District of Columbia, in a position in which they w^ere necessarily brought in daily contact with him. Nay, more, he was placed in a position in which he not only controlled the appointment and work of white men but of white women also, and patronizingly placed the widows of white Democrats alongside of " colored ladies," remarking, as he did so, in a condescending tone, that he was resolved there should be no discrimination against white ladies on account of their color. In this connection I publish the following extract from the Alexandria Gazette of December 20, 1886:— The widow of the late now holds a position as copyist in the office of Matthews, the colored Register of Deeds in this city. She interested in her behalf. He asked Marshal Wilson, of the District of Columbia, to use his influence to get Mrs. an office, and the Marshal complied to the extent of asking Matthews to give her a place among some colored women whom he employs as copyists, and with that request Matthews was kind enough to comply. Now, if this had been done by a Republican official, what would not have been said by the Democrats ? Well may I say, contemplating the serenity with which it is regarded by the Democrats : — Oh ! he sits high in the peoples' hearts, And that which would appear offence in us His countenance, like richest Alchemy, Converts to virtue and to worthiness. But this does not complete the record of this white man's party. I pass over the amusing correspondence between Mr. 19 Cleveland and the United States Senate touching the appoint- ment of this man Matthews. It is interesting, however, as showing that Mr. Cleveland had no other purpose in his selection than to make fair weather with the colored vote ; a vote which, as nobody knows better than Mr. Cleveland, if it had been honestly counted, would have defeated his election. The District of Columbia is filled with Democrats in every way qualified to discharge the duties of the office of Register of Wills. It is peculiarly an office which should be given to residents of the District, for, situated as they are, deprived of political power and representation in other ways, it was but fair that they should have had the few offices pertaining to the administration of their own local affairs. Above all this, the demand for local self-government has been a leading tenet of the latter-day Democracy, and the complaint that they have been subjected to the control of imported carpet- baggers has been a leading count in the Democratic indict- ments against the Republican party. Yet, ignoring all these things, defying them, setting them at naught, Mr. Cleveland has not been content with the appointment of one negro to rule over his supporters, among the " best people " of Wash- ington, but has chosen a second when Matthews was rejected, this time securing a tonsorial artist, from Boston, in the person of the Honorable Mr. Trotter. In what esteem Mr. Trotter is held by his Democratic brethern and sisters may best be inferred from the following extract clipped from the administration organ, the WasJwigton Post, of Tuesday March 29, 1887:— There was a slight improvement in Mr. Trotter's condition yesterday afternoon, his complexion being better and his pulse beating more regularly than for several days. At a late hour last night no further change was perceptible, but his wife and brother-in-law were more hopeful than at any time since their arrival. About 10 o'clock yesterday morning Mr. Trotter was presented with a beautiful bouquet of exquisite cut flowers, with a dainty card, on which was neatly written, " Compliments of Mrs. Daniel S. Lamont." 20 It seems that Mr. Trotter was indisposed. It seems that his " complexion " was clouded, not only by nature, but by disease, and rare exotics have been sent to him from the Presidential green-house by the dainty hand of the wife of the President's private secretary in tender solicitude for his welfare. Mr. Trotter doubtless had the good manners and good breed- ing to call at the White House in person, upon his recovery, and spend a few minutes socially with the ladies who had remembered him in the hour of his sickness. And this is a specimen of the good faith and truthfulness of those who represented the triumph of Democracy as the triumph of the white man's party, and the triumph of Republicanism as the triumph of negro domination. Apace with these performances, we find the present Gov- ernor of Virginia holding his seat upon the false pretence that he received 1,5 10 majority in the county of Halifax on a return of 3,910 votes for him, when the whole white voting population is but 3,054, and the black voting population is 3,814, and the further false pretence that he received a majority of 630 in the county of Charlotte on a return of 1,653 votes for him, when the whole white voting population is but 1,390, and the black voting population is 2,055, and similar majorities in a number of counties which I will enumerate later on — a pretence as transparent as it is false to every man who knows that in the two counties above named there are really several hundred white Republicans and not fifty blacks who are Democrats ; and that the votes returned for him, by which these pretended majorities are manufactured, mount into the thousands over and above the whole white voting population of those counties. In Halifax the returns show 850 more than the whole white, and in Charlotte, 254. Taking their cue from these performances of their leaders, the Democratic editors are beginning to chime in chorus in favor of propiti- ating the negroes. I quote the following from the State newspaper, the same newspaper which, a few years ago, ridi- culing a Republican State Convention, published a picture I 21 representing Republicanism by a white man with a bucket of whitewash whitewashing a negro, saying " Just hold still, my man! A few more applications of this lovely whitewash and the last remaining point of difference between us will be entirely removed " — a paper with some local notoriety as a fierce whooper-up of the " Anglo-Saxon " cry in the past. It now sings in a new key, as follows : — There was a time in Virginia when it was only necessary for Demo- cratic politicians to draw the color line at the polls to win success. That time has passed. * * * It must be proved to the colored people that the white Democrats of Virginia and of the South are not their enemies. "■' * * Let the colored almshouses be placed in charge of trustworthy colored people ; let their schools be conducted, wherever the colored people wish it, by colored men and women ; let the colored people be encouraged to depend upon the best men of their own race to fill the places of honor and trust that are properly within their natural sphere, etc., etc. Richmond State, March 9, 1887. Curiously enough, at that same time that this new-born friendship is arising for the colored voter in certain Demo- cratic quarters, we behold outcroppings of the old spirit here and there. The telegraph informs us that in Democratic Alabama the views of the orthodox are so strict tliat a respectable delega- tion of colored men desiring to pay respect to Senator Sherman while he was visiting Birmingham lately, were denied admission to his hotel in Birmingham ; and from Democratic Mississippi we get advices that the white military companies there refuse to participate in the National drill because negro companies are to be admitted. We are not yet advised as to the present condition of Democratic senti- ment in Copiah and Danville on the negro question, but in the light of these other changes we may all be prepared to hear at any time that they are now posing as the best and truest friends he has, the gentlest and tenderest of his keepers. If these current and contradictory facts prove nothing else, they demonstrate at least the wonderful versatility and 22 incongruity of the elements making- up the hotch-pot known as latter-day Democracy. Now, fellow-citizens, at some length I have elaborated the latter-day record of Democracy upon the negro question ; not that Ipropose to arraign them or denounce them, if they in good faith have repented of their wrongs to the negro in the past, and intend to do him justice in the future, but that I may show you the hollowness and insincerity in their denunciations of the Republicans ; in order that I may show you that they are as anxious to propitiate the negro vote and obtain it as ever the Republicans were or could be; and that I may show you that the race question is one which has nothing to do with the determination by any man as to whether he will be a Re- publican or Democrat. Neither Republicanism nor Democ- racy can force or affect the question of social equality between the races. Neither the one party nor the other is the cham- pion or advocate of anything pertaining to that question. Neither the one party nor the other can afford permanently to antagonize either of the races which make up the sum of our body politic. WHY THEV ARE NOW COURTING THE NEGRO VOTE, The solicitude of the Democratic party for the support of the negro voter now springs from the consciousness that the white people of the South, who have so long been trammeled by prejudice, are breaking away in great masses from their blind following of Bourbonism, and have ceased to be fright- ened by the race cry. It means that they have discovered the truth that unless they can recruit their thinned ranks from the negro race they are irretrievably lost ; for the greatest calamity that ever befell this latter-day Democracy was the day when by accident it came into power, and was called upon to redeem a few of its outstanding pledges, and was at last forced to show to every hitelligent follower it had how false and delusive was everything to which it laid claim when there was no opportunity tO' test its sincerity. 23 GROWTH OF REPUBLICANISM IN VIRGINIA. And now a word as to the growth of RepubHcanism in Virginia under the influences I have named. I know there is a widespread impression that Southern Repubhcans are principally colored people, and it is as to that I wish to say a few words. . At the last election we carried seven of ten Congres- sional Districts of Virginia against the nominees of the Dem- \-^ ocrats, and scored the largest Republican majority cast by any State in the Union, except Pennsylvania. This was done, too, in the face of an outrageous electoral commission law which puts the whole counting power in the hands of Bour- bon partisans. Lest it be claimed that this was accidental, and due to Democratic apathy in an off-year, I \\'ill not rely upon the returns of that election, but take those of 1885 to show you how Republicanism is growing among the white people. When I say white people, far be it from me to dis- parage the loyalty, the constancy, and the devotion of the colored Republicans of the South. I could not if I would frame my tongue to speak aught but kindness of the colored race. Although their own freedom was the stake for which they saw us contending, they were true to their masters throughout the war. Although their freedom came to them as a clap of thunder from a clear sky, they accepted it in humility and gentleness, without marring it by any show of violence against, or even exultation over, those who had held them in bondage. Yet, gentle and faithful as they have been, in every relation, to those with whom their lot was cast, they have been equally true and unfaltering in their political allegi- ance to the party which struck the shackles from their limbs, and bade them cease to be chattels, and look up to the sun- light as freemen. Yes ; they are Republicans whose loyalty may well set an example to every man whose feet are falter- ing. The cajolement of their old masters has never shaken their faith. Money has never had power to buy them. Fraud in counting their votes has never stopped them from doing 24 their duty in casting them. Violence and murder has never de- terred them from voting, and, to-day, they are the truest, most unquestioning, and most unselfish voters, in this Repubhc. They are not Democrats. They never will be. Democracy never has done anything for them. It never can do a thou- sandth part of what Republicanism has already done for them. They know it. They feel it. They believe it. And no ar- gument is necessary to convince them, and none can deter them, save that of force, from paying their debt of gratitude, which they cheerfully acknowledge, to the Republican party, whenever the opportunity is afforded. SOME ASTONISHING FIGURES. But as to the white vote in the South, I know the impres- sion prevails that it is chiefly Democratic, and that even among our Republican friends in the North ; the persistent misrepresentation of the Democrats has created that impres- sion. The white voting population of Virginia is 205,000 ; the black, 128,000. As giving you some idea of what pro- portion of our white voters are Republicans, I will show you the following table from sixteen counties of Virginia : — Males of Voting Age, as Gubernatorial Vote stated in Census of 1880. in Election ot 188.'). White. Black. Rep. Dem. •Alleghany 1,074 39' 9^5 723 Bland 1,034 43 530 519 Buchanan 1,036 5 393 412 Floyd 2,421 224 1.395 868 Highland i ,044 86 507 504 Montgomery 2,664 7^8 1,428 '.398 Page 1,973 224 1,255 m66 Rockingham 5,871 644 2,950 2,937 Russell 2,593 221 1,408 ',390 Scott 3,231 129 1,732 1,485 Tazewell 2,253 337 1,971 1,042 Lee 2,826 140 1,303 1,440 Shenandoah 4,019 226 2,011 2,104 Stafford ..,. 1,323 351 859 670 Wise 1,496 17 595 666 Wythe 2,512 565 1,473 1. 531 Totals 37.370 4.381 20,735 18,855 25 You will observe at a glance that these sixteen counties contain nearly one-fifth of the white population of Virginia, and less than one-twentieth of the blacks, the proportion of whites to blacks being about nine to one. I may also add that from these sections came the flower of that Confederate army which made the name of Lee's Infantry immortal. From these counties came the troops of Stonewall Jackson and Pickett ; and three of them — Rockingham, Shenandoah and Page — were known in ante-bellum days and long after- wards as the " Tenth Legion " of Virginia Democracy. You will also observe that the vote cast was very full, being 39,590 out of a voting population of 41,750. And yet the Republican majority in these counties was 1880. So that if every colored voter voted and cast his vote for the Republican candidates, the white vote was nearly evenly divided between the two parties. If any one doubts whether the Repub- lican party is growing among the white voters in Virginia, let him glance at the following tabulated statement of the votes cast for Republican candidates in these same sixteen counties in the successive elections of 1876, 1880 and 1885 : — SIXTEEN THOUSAND GAIN IN SIXTEEN COUNTIES. 1876. 1880. 1885. Hayes. Garfield. Wise. Alleghany 146 146 925 Bland 60 60 530 Buchanan 2 33 393 Floyd 440 345 1-395 Highland 50 75 507 Montgomery 810 601 1,428 Page 139 149 1.255 Rockingham 508 690 2,950 Russell 117 190 1,408 Scott 531 519 1.732 Tazewell 148 148 1,971 Lee 290 267 1,303 Shenandoah 265 350 2,01 1 Stafford 234 268 859 Wise 138 126 595 Wythe 430 382 1,473 Totals 4.308 4.349 20,735 26 From the foregoing it will be seen that whereas the vote cast in 1876 for Hayes, and in 1880 for Garfield, were less than the colored voting population, the Republican vote cast in 1885 shows a gain of 16,000 in sixteen counties, which must represent a gain in the white vote. As illustrative of the methods by which the State of Virginia was carried by the Democrats, I present to you the following tabulated Statement of the voting population of five counties and the votes returned from them :— Males of Voting Age, as Gubernatorial Vote stated in Census of 1880. in Election of 1885. White. Black. Dem. Rep. Charlotte 1,390 2,055 '.653 1,023 Halifax 3,054 3,814 3,910 2,407 Isle of Wight 1,438 1,078 1,534 999 King and Queen 998 1,092 1,003 904 Southampton 1,768 2,147 1-938 1.801 Totals 8,648 10,186 10,038 7,134 You will observe that the total voting population of these counties is 18,834, and the vote returned as cast was 17,172. You will also observe that the black voting population ex- ceeds the white by 1,538, and yet, according to the returns, the Democratic vote cast exceeded the whole white voting population by 1,390, while the whole Republican vote returned was 3,05 2 less than the black voting population. In the county of Halifax, where we certainly have several hundred white Republicans, — and there are not fifty colored Democrats in the county, — the vote returned for Fitzhugh Lee is 856 more than the whole white voting population of the county, and the Re- publican vote returned is 1,307 less than the black voting population. A similar criticism applies to Charlotte and Southampton. The truth of such returns, which I refer to as mere specimen bricks, may be judged when I add that in 1882, when I ran for Congressman-at-large from Virginia, against a man for whom the ballot-stuffers did not care to cheat, my majorities in these three counties aggregated l,8ii, as against 2,280 returned against me to seat General Lee. It 27 was by such means that our State was carried for the Demo- crats. The tales which came to me from poor colored friends who saw these false returns made before their eyes, and were yet powerless to prevent them, were piteous. Loyal and de- voted as they'are, they are nevertheless an element of weak- ness to our party ; for, whereas, in sections where the blacks are few the whites arc not afraid of the race question, and vote with us and protect the count, in the sections where the blacks predominate, the white aie deterred by the race cry from joining us. We have no white men to protect the polls and guard the count, and thus it is that false majorities, man- ufactured by the Bourbons in certain black counties, overcome our real majorities elsewhere. We have no redress. An appeal would only lie to a Legislature with a Democratic majority, packed by the very process of which we complain. From the Senatorial district composed of Charlotte and Mecklenburg, which have a majority of 1,700 colored voters, we have a Democratic Senator. A statement of these facts without comment is, I think, a sufficient argument with any man who knows that the colored voters are not Democrats. Notwithstanding all these embarrassments and discourage- ments the Republican party is steadily growing in Virginia, and will win in the next election. Do you ask me why ? I will tell you, and when I express my judgment, I only mean to say the things which I hear on every hand from men who in the past have not been Republicans, but are now resolving to abandon the Democracy. WHY VIRGINIANS ARE BECOMING REPUBLICANS. Within the past six months I have shaken hands with more Virginians who declare that they have voted their last Dem- ocratic ticket than I ever saw before. Even Richmond, the citadel of Bourbonism, is tottering in its allegiance, and may be ranked as Republican yet. If it does go Republican, — if 28 I can come to your next banquet with that scalp dangling at our belt, — then indeed may I lay claim to be called a chief in your wigwam. I am sure that I speak within bounds when I say that ten years ago there were not exceeding ten thousand white Republicans in Virginia. I am equally confident that the white Republican vote of Virginia to-day is not less than 60,000 to 70,000 out of 205,000, and that it is increasing every year. I will not charge this increase of our vote simply to the lack of leadership among our opponents, or to their bad political record. That is not only a dangerous negative reliance for any political party and disagreeable method of statement, but would not do justice to the merits of the Re- publican principles and record as positively and actively contributing to these results. The influences and prejudices which operated against the Republican party years ago were strong and natural. The record of the Republican party as the adversary of every position taken by our people before and during the war necessarily antagonized them. Its attitude upon slavery, secession, the prosecution of the war, emanci- pation, extension of suffrage and reconstruction, all con- tributed, while those were living issues, to drive the Southern people in mass into the Democratic party without reference to their antecedent views upon Democracy. There are many men who are not, and never have been, believers in Demo- cratic principles, and yet have been for many years voting with the Democratic party, not from any affirmative agreement with its principles, but, on the contrary, with views on Federal questions antagonistic in every way to Democratic theories ; men driven there originally by the stress of the circumstances above referred to, and never yet grown bold enough to leave it altogether, although feeling that they are entirely out of accord with its sentiments. Besides this element, which is large, there is another. Young men who feel that the changed condition of things as they existed before the question of secession was decided, 29 before slavery was abolished, and before final and practical decision of the many vexed theories and doctrines of States' Rights, justify a recast of political views and their adaptation to facts as they are. They care nothing for theories of things as they were. They feel that the time has come when they may discard alliance with a party that is not entitled to the allegiance of their convictions, without disloyalty to their past record as Confederates, or to the memory of their dead cause and comrades. Year by year, as the issues on which they fought the Re- publican party, fade into the past ; year by year, as the pre- judices of that conflict die away ; year by year, as it becomes more apparent that the Republican party of to-day is the party advocating a broad, liberal, sensible, generous construction of Federal power, while the Democratic party is little better than the Nullification party of Calhoun — the. Democratic party in Virginia is losing strength among the white voters, both old .and young. Among the old because some remember that even Virginia Democracy in the past was not of that type which looked with constant jealousy and distrust upon Federal power, and others recognize the resemblance between the American system of their old leader, Henry Clay, and the Republican platform of to-day on tariff, finance and internal improvements. Among the young, because, without any tra- ditional trammels of party to hold them longer to Democracy or early prejudices to repel them from Republicanism, they are fast realizing that the principles of Democracy, if a party so discordant and heterogeneous may be said to have princi- ples, are narrow, visionary, jealous and antagonistic alike to the altered necessities of our particular section, and to the growth and prosperity of our nation as realized under the application of Republican principles during Republican rule. The average Democratic principle of to-day is a reminiscence and a theory totally inapplicable to facts fixed by the events of the past twenty-five years. It is the announcement as an impossibility of something so often proved possible that it 30 has become commonplace. It warns against things as dan- gerous that have been proved beneficial until they are as household comforts. It counsels inaction and inertia against policies, through some vague fear of disaster, as if speaking of experiment, in the face of active Republican tests, which have long since demonstrated them to be blessings, and shown that the danger pointed out is a mere megrim of Democratic dyspepsia. They feel that Democracy plans nothing, that it creates nothing ; that it is a party of no polarity of thought or action ; no unity of design ; no homogenity of the elements compos- ing it. That it is a mere denial and obstruction. I do not state the case thus strongly to be offensive to any one, but to express a conviction — a conviction based upon a careful study and observation of the Democratic record, and a comparison of it with the robust, aggressive, progressive career of Republicanism for a quarter of a century, with its wonderful brain and brawn, which sent this country bounding forward on a career of growth and prosperity without a parallel in history. Ofttimes that career has been pressed forward against every conviction of my brain and heart. Ofttimes it has trampled upon my most cherished traditions. Aye, some- times it has ground me and mine pitilessly beneath its car- wheels in torture and agony. But it has ever gone, with a giant intellect there was no mistaking, and an awful earnest- ness there was no resisting, upward, onward, forward in the race of civilization and progress. Our people feel all this most keenly. Every comparison between the principles of the two parties brings it out in stronger light. Every comparison of their two careers makes the contrast more startling. WILL YOU FIGHT FOR THE SOUTH ? The tide is steadily and strongly setting in, in the South, toward Republicanism, and it is for you to determine whether 31 Virginia and other Southern States are worth fighting for, or whether in the future as in the past you will stake all upon New York. I will not tire you with the threadbare old story of a New South. There is no New South, but there are many new^ conditions in the Old South, all favorable to the advancement and growth of liberal ideas, which is the same thing as the growth of Republicanism. North Carolina and Tennessee are in much the same con- dition politically as Virginia, and show every inclination to break away from Bourbonism if they but receive proper at- tention and encouragement. In Alabama, with its wonderful growth of manufacturing and its city of 40,000, w^hich has -Sprung up in a night like Jonah's gourd, there is a new-born zeal for protection most promising for our party. As to Indiana, it was always Republican at heart. Nothing but the personal popularity of Mr. Hendricks kept it in the Democratic column. He is dead — Mr. McDonald has been slaughtered in the house of his friends, and Mr. Cleveland has managed the distribution of the Democratic patronage so badly that all these things conspire to make Indiana reason- ably sure for us in 1888. The Democracy of West Virginia is also divided. When their Legislature adjourned, refusing to re-elect Senator Cam- den, they killed the goose that laid the golden egg. With the loss of Standard Oil money the very meagre majority of Democracy in West Virginia is gone. Here in Penn.sylvania they are threatening to dri\'e Mr. Randall out of their party and into ours. A very sensible thing to do ; for Mr. Randall's views on tariff are entirely in conflict with his party, and can never prevail with Democracy. I ma}^ say of him, as I would not of many others of them, that we would be glad to have him. Even in New York, the fair spot where Free-trade and Mugwumpry do their best "nest-hiding" for Democracy, there is a deep-seated feeling that all is not right. The 32 "Stalwarts," that noble band of brothers, with heavy jaws and flowing moustaches, with short hair and cigar stumps to match ; with spring-bottom pants and box-toed shoes ; that striking style of men who have fixed the type of Democratic statesmen ; the Stalwarts, who for a quarter of a century have looked forward to a National victory for the Democracy as opening fresh pastures of " boodle " — these Stalwarts, who are the life, body and soul of New York Democracy ; who know not the meaning of any sentiment, and look on their trade of " practical politics " as synonymous with public plunder, — these great, good and wise statesmen, I say, are groaning under a deep sense of wrong. They feel that their labors were in vain when they behold a king in power " who knows not Joseph." They realize that while they have borne the heat and burden of the battle, the fruits of the victory are poured into the lap, and the garlands of triumph entwine the mutton-chop side locks, of George William Curtis and his brother Mugwumps, while they are not only slighted and ignored, but Cleveland, their own creature, wishing to become respectable, is ashamed of them. Now, with all these encouraging signs, I respectfully sub- mit to you whether it will not be wise in the Republican party not to " put all its eggs in one basket " in the next National campaign ; whether it is not the part of prudence not to de- vote all our energies and campaign funds or stake all our chances upon New York. New York is naturally antagonistic to the tariff idea. It is controlled by the City of New York with all its free-trade interests and predilections. We may be able to gain it to our support by a liberal and generous advocacy of a system of coast defences. The Democrats seem unwilling to do this, and yet the lack of it is a shame and reproach to our country. We stand exposed to-day on our whole coast line and the lakes to utter annihilation. Meanwhile, however, and until we can regain New York by this or some such overture, is it not the part of wisdom, with such an opening in the South as I 33 have pointed out to you, to seek, by a generous attitude and earnest exertion, to gain the support of the several Southern States named and Indiana ? WHO SHALL THE STANDARD BEARER BE? As for Virginia, I feel confident you may count upon her for the Republicans. We are not Republicans favoring any particular man, or with grudges against any individual. One advantage, at least, of our youth in Republicanism is, that we are not burdened with any of the old feuds or resentments of past differences in the party. We are not for any man or set of men, but for the cause, whoever may be its candidate. All that we ask is, that a great party, with great principles and a great future, be not ham-strung or sacrificed by the ambitions or resentments of individuals. The Republican party has hosts of men within its ranks fit for any office within the gift of the people. If any person suggested is obnoxious to any respectable body of true Republicans, and they honestly feel that they cannot conscientiously support him, then let us pay a decent respect to the convictions of the minority, and, from the splendid array of great names at our disposal, select one against whom no murmur can be raised. Thus may harmony be fostered, energy stimulated, and victory brought back to the Republican camp. KICK OUT MUGWUMPS. I do not say this to propitiate Mugwumps, for I believe the sooner we are rid of all such the better for all concerned. A great drawback to our party in Virginia in the past has been from the mischief of certain Mugwumps of our own. There are a few men — a very few — among us who call them- selves Republicans at home, and yet vote with and work for the Democratic party on all occasions. When they come 34 North they assume to be Repubhcans, to criticise our party, and create the impression that it is divided by dissensions. These people pretend that their object is the good of the party. Their real grievance is, that they have no following and no influence at home, and are jealous of those who have. They, in most cases, are men who were leaders when the Republican party was in a pitiable minority, on the principle that " among the blind, the one-eyed are kings." Now, that it is recruited and they are no longer recognized, they vote with the Democrats through spite, and pretend to deplore the degeneracy of the party, when the fact is that it is in a thousand times better condition than when they led it to defeat and found balm for themselves in fat Federal offices. To all such, I beg you to turn a deaf ear. Our party is singularly united and prosperous. They are mere mischief- makers, such as you doubtless have here. Do not, I beg you, do us or yourselves the injustice of listening to such false clamor. Pass them on and commend them to those whom our friend Dolliver of Iowa describes as the " political sopranos of Beacon Hill, who, with a copy of Emmerson's poems under one arm, and an account of the latest mill of John L. Sullivan under the other, sit serenely basking in the sunlight of Civil Service Reform." Let the Southern sore- head mingle his \yhinings with those of his Northern congener, the Mugwump, while we, who love our party, are battling for its return to power, and with its return, a return of that pros- perity and thrift which make the record of Republicanism glorious. REPUBLICANISM IS NOT DEAD. In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I am not one of those who believe that the career of the Republican party, with its splendid record of great men and great deeds, extending over a quarter of a century, was ended by a single defeat. I can- not believe that the people of this country have forgotten its services to the Nation in war and peace so quickly, or that j:) they will adhere to the nondescript party now in power when they contrast what Republicanism was with what Democracy is. What is the story on which the Republican party lays claim to a return to popular confidence ? I omit its early history as a war party, leaving that to others who can tell it more appropriately and sympathise with it as I do not. It is its record as a party of peace which won my allegiance, and appeals to my people. We recognize it as the party which in peace claims ample power to build up the places laid waste by war ; as the party which holds that a Nation with power to free millions in war, has power in peace to educate them and fit them for the enjoyment of the citizenship it has be- stowed ; as the party which insists that the Nation has power to adopt and enforce a liberal system of National improve- ments ; as the party which has given us, in lieu of a fluctuating and uncertain currency, different in every State, a splendid Banking System, the envy of all nations, and a paper cur- rency preferable to gold or silver, and uniform throughout the land ; as a party which has redeemed every pledge of the Government financially, and brought back specie payments, until Government securities are far above par; as a party that, under a wise and judicious system of tariff, has pro- tected American labor and dignified American industry until our manufactures and exports have multiplied tenfold — aye, a hundredfold — beyond anything realized under Democracy, until the laboring men of this land are happier than anywhere else on the Globe, and until the growth of America in wealth, population and intelligence is the wonder of the world. These are but a few of its many triumphs. Time forbids that I should longer dwell upon them. To him who is still a Democrat, I can only say : Point me to a single thing done or proposed by the Democracy to compare with these or any of them. Nay, I say to him further : The Democracy, true to its obstructive record, op- posed and resisted every one of these things as they arose, and is yet unwilling, even in the face of the results of such as have been accomplished, to admit their merit or their benefit. When we contrast the present commercial and financial condition of this country with what it was under Republican rule, can any sane man doubt that the people will do the same and return to the Republican party as the sheet-anchor of their safety and hope of their prosperity? Others may doubt it. I do not. I believe that our party will rise from its temporary disaster strengthened and purified by adversity to enter upon even a wiser, abler, more glorious career than that of the past ; and that another quarter of a century of power lies before it, filled with untold wealth and blessings for the American people, and triumphs greater than any yet achieved. I am sometimes asked if I never feel that I am fighting against the traditions of my family and my people, when I oppose this latter-day Democracy, and support the Republi- can party. I do not. I do not recognize the Democracy as the legitimate successor of any political organiztion exist- ing in the days of secession and slavery. My father, whose name is often brought up to me as if to reproach me for not belonging to the Bourbons, lived long enough, thank Heaven, to spurn and denounce Bourbonism as unworthy of the name of Democracy. He said of them that they had " outscalla- waged the scallawaggers and outcarpetbagged the carpetbag- gers," and so say I. When I behold a party that nominated Horace Greely ; that boasts in every procession in the North, " we whipped the rebels and the Republicans got the credit for it ;" that has as its leader here Governor Curtin ; that has promoted Gen. Rosecrans, and was supported by Henry Ward Beecher, I can most assuredly oppose it without feeling that I am dis- loyal to the memory of the Confederate dead, or to any sentiment or tradition of my people ; especially as that party represents no principle with which I agree, and nothing which will benefit the people with whom my lot in life is cast. It is true they fly the flag of Democracy, but I look upon it as the false colors of a pirate craft. That Republicanism can be sunk by a single broadside from such a crew I do not believe. But if I be wrong, if the day of victory for Republican- ism has passed and gone, if we are to be the vanquished in the struggle, then may I be seen on our sinking ship, powder- begrimed and battle-scarred, amid the last flashing of her guns as she sinks beneath the waves, proudly dying for prin- ciples which we know are right. With a heart full of thanks for your generous welcome, I bid you God-speed and good-night. f% COMMUNICATION FKOJI THE AUDITOR OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTS IN COMPLIANCE WITH A RESOLUTION OP^ TIIP: 8J:NATE OF APRIL 2, 187f), SHOW- ING THE COST OF MAINTAINING THE GOVERNMENT FOR THE YEARS 1877, 1878 AND 1879, TOGETHER WITH ESTIMATE OF WHAT SAID EXPENSES WILL PROBABLY BE FOR 1880. COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA, Office of the Auditor of Public Accounts, Richmond, August ], 1879. To tilt Hoaorabk James A. Waxker, Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia^ President of the Sen&te : .;'^' ,' Dear Sir : In compliance with a resolution of the Senate agreed to April 2, 1879, in the words and tigures following — '•Resolved, That the auditor of public accounts be requested to pi*epare a state- ment showing the cost of maintaining the state government for the years 1877, 1878 and 1879, together with an estimate of what said expenses will probably be for tlie year 1880, and that one thousand C()i»ies of said statement be prijited for tlie use of the Senate" — I beg leave to submit hereAvith : No. 1. A statement showing the amount of warrants drawn upon the treasury from the 1st October, 1877, to the 30th September, 1878, inclusive. No. 2. An estimate of probable charges upon the treasury during the fiscal year connnencing October 1, 1878, and ending September 30, 1879. No. 3. A statement of the probable expenses of government for the fiscal year commencing October 1, 1879, and ending September 30, 1880. I am, very respectfully, WM. F. TAYLOR, Auditor of Public Accounts. ^0. I. 1 ! STATEMENT Showing the Amount of Warrants Drawn upon the Treasury from the \st of October^ 1877, to the 30th of September, 1878, inclusive. Agricultural Commissioner, contingent expenses of $2,995 50l Artificial limbs 15,100 00 Attorney-General's office, rent of 333 33, Auditor's office, contingent expenses of 2,410-45 Board of Public Works, contingent exi^enses of 9-t^T SQi Boundary line, Virginia and Marjdand .' 5,500 00 Bound;ia'y line, Virginia and West Virginia 350 00 Civil contingent expenses 7,301 43- Civil prosecutions 1,806 28 Collectors' commissions 86 68 Contingent exi)enses of courts 45,534 7{f' Criminal charges 152,979 80 Deaf, Dumb and Blind Institution, Staunton 35,000 00^ Debt, public, expense of funding the 120 25 Debt, public, interest on the 1,305,055 25 Delinquent lands, sale of 43 37 De Tubeuf lands 117 12 Escheated lands 10 00 Fish Commissioners ! 2,950 00 General Assembly 123,519 00^ General account of revenue ; 48,262 So General appropriation 56,851 83 Grattan's Reports 3,248 70 Historical papers, preservation of 729 00 Immigration fund 1,263 25 Literary fund 241,000 00 Lunatics, expenses of 33,809 67 Lunatic Asylum, Central, Richmond (colored) -M^Q,. 78 Lvmatic Asylum, Eastern, Williamsburg (white) 46,244 03 Lunatic Asylum, Western, Staunton (white) 50,830 20 Medical College of Virginia, Richmond 1,500 00 Military contingent expenses 83-56- Militia, officers of 133 33 Moffett registers 32,190 08 Officers, of government 124,019 25 Oyster fund 3 66 Penitentiaiy, criminal charges 8,900 72 Penitentiary, exterior guard 12,948 00 Penitentiary, interior guard 3,240 00 Penitentiary, house expenses 19,793 34 Penitentiary, officer's of 8,675 18 Penitentiary, for the purchase of raw matex'ial 7,500 00 Pensions Printed records Public printing Public warehouse Kailroad Commissioner, contingent expenses of Register of the Land Office, contingent expenses of Registration, expenses of Reporter of the Court of Appeals Second Auditor's office, contingent expenses of Superintendent of Public Buildings, contingent expenses of Secretary of the Commonwealth, contingent expenses of the office of the. Temporary loans Treasury office, contingent expenses of Treasury office, temporary clerk in University of Virginia University bonds Vaccine agent Virginia Military Institute Virginia Agricultural and Mechanical College "Warrants on account of over-paj'ments of revenue %-0O 5,300 57 19,213 71 79 00 433 56 49 70 5,009 92 l,Go3 27 267 97 73 75 240 00 388.467 54 107 70 1,103 73 23,750 00 180 00 688 00 25,000 00 10,833 34 64,777 25 Total $2,997,067 09 REOAPITULATIOX. ^/^O^T^Z^n Total amount of disbursements on general account , $2,997,067 09 Deduct amount paid as interest on tiie ijublic debt.... $1,305,055 25 Deduct amount paid Second Auditor for public free — school purposes (litei'ary fund) 241,000 00 •** ^ •> Deduct amount paid for temporary loans, principal, discount, interest, &c Deduct amount paid for artificial limbs. .»»...^ Deduct amount paid for Agricultural Commissioner.. Deduct amount paid for Agricultural and ^Mechanical College Deduct amount paid for boundary lines ^educt amount paid for boundary lines, lithograph- ing plates, &c Deduct amount paid for Clay statue repairs Delinquent lands, sale of De Tubeuf lands Fines refunded Escheated lands Fish commissioners Historical papers, preservation of Immigration fund Moftett registers Messenger in Auditor's office.'. 388,467 54 15,100.00 2,995 50 10,833 34 5,850 00 20 00 308 63 43 37 117 12 135 00 10 00 2,950 00 729 00 1,263 25 .32,190 08 491 04 4 Public warehouse 10,775 71 Eailroad Coininissioner, contingent expenses of, sal- ary of, salarj^ of clerk, &c 5,000 00 Treasurer's office, purchase of safe for the 500 00 Treasurer's office, commission to examine 223 25 Warrants on account G4,777 25 $2,088,835 33 '• Balance constituting the oi-dinary disbursements $908,231 76; Add to the above balance of $908,231 76 : the appropriation for the Agrlcultiu-al Commissioner, which is now a permanent office; the sum was onlj^ deducted above so as to make a comparison with the previous year, when the office did not exist 2,995 00 Makes the ordinary expenses $911,22(5 76 But deduct from this sura the amount included in the above item of "general ai^propriation " on account of the support of convicts hired to the James River and Kanawha Canal Company 34,153 24 And the actual expense of government for the fiscal year 1877-78, is $877,073 52 /L % ^0. II. ESTIMATE of Probable Charges vpon Uie Tieasuri/ dKriiig the Fiscal Year Commencing October 1, 1878, and Ending September 30, 1879. [The actual charges are given to July 1, 1879, and for the remaining three months the esti- mate is made.] Agricultural Commissioner, clerk, &q - $3^00 00 " "'* Attorney-General's office, rent, fuel, &.c. 650 00 ">•" Auditor's office, postage on books, blanks, &(• 3,000 00 * Artiticial limbs, appropriation to be paid after August 15,000 00 '""^ Board of Public Works, secretary, expenses of, itc 1,070 00 '' Boundary lines, Virginia and Maryland and Virginia and "West Vir- ginia 350 00 Civil contingent fund 10,000 00 - Civil prosecutions -500 00 f— O Collectors' commissions - 500 00' -O Capitol, repairs to 1,000 00 Contingent expenses of courts 40,000 00 v'' Criminal charges ^ 90,000 00 ^ Dawson fund, interest for schools in Albemarle county 2,052 00 ^ Deaf, Dumb and Blind Institution 30,000 00 > Of this sum there was paid on account of arrearages for 1877-78 810.000 00 For the year 1878-79 27,500 00 Leaving a balance of $2,500 00 (which it is estimatetl W\\\ be paid prior to October 1, 1879). Debt, public, expenses of funding, &c ^ • 202 00 - (''■ Tliis sum is paid under the act of March 30, 1871. What will be paid under the act of March 28, 1879, will have to be iirovided for by futTU'e legislation. Debt, public, interest on, underact of March 31, 1871 1,367,513 31 Of this sum, $1,168,766.79 lias been paid to July 1, 1879, and it is "^ estimated that to October 1, 1879, coupons, &c., will be received amounting to 6198,746. .52, the amount paid in July, August and September, 1878. )ebt, public, interest on, under act of March 28, 1879 70,000 00 Of this sum, $35,000 has been paid, and it is estimated that $35,000 will be required to October 1, 1879. i)ermquent lands, sale of Escheated lands Msh Commissioner for propagation, hatching-liouse, &c reneral Assembly, regular session 1878-79, and extra session of 1879 45 00 10 00 5,000 00 120,310 53 General account of revenue 50,000 00 General appropriation 56,851 83 This includes $42,405.29 for support of convicts hired to the James River and Kanawha Canal Company. Grattan's Reports, printing 29th volume — 3,500 OS Historical papers, preservation of 166 00 Hollywood cemetery fence, repairs of 250 00 Literary fund, public free schools 300,000 00 Of this sum, $286,000 has "been paid, and it is estimated that $14,000 will be paid by October 1, 1879. Lunatics, expenses of, in jails, &e -— SO.OOO 0^ Lunatic Asylum, Central (colored), Richmond : Amount paid arrearages of 1877-78 $10,298 38 Amount paid for 1878-79 17,100 00 Amount paid for conveying lunatics, &c 637 35 Estimated amount to be paid to October 1, 1879 5,000 00 33,035 IS This will leave a balance on account of the appropriation ($35,000) sy for the year 1878-79, due October 1, 1879, of $12,262.65. Lunatic Asylum, Eastern (white), Williamsburg : Amount paid arrearages of 1877-78 $35,000 00 Amount paid for 1878-79 15,000 00 Amount paid for conveying lunatics, &c 1,004 65 . Amount paid building account, act March 10, 1876.... 5,000 00 Estimated amount to be paid to October 1, 1879 5,000 00 o-JUtOO*-^ This will leave a balance on account of the appropriation ($40,000) 'u^ for the year 1878-79, due October 1, 1879, of $18,995.35, and a balance on account of the appropriation ($30,000) for building purposes, under the act of March 10, 1876, of $25,000. Lunatic Asylum, Western (white), Staunton : Amount paid arrearages of 1877-78 $30,000 00 Amount paid for 1878-79 10,000 00 Amount paid for conveying lunatics, &c 3,037 92 Amount paid building account, act March 10, 1876.... 10,000 00 Estimated amount to be paid to October 1, 1879 5.000 00 -587037 a This will leave a balance on accoimt of the appi'opriation ($40,000) for the year 1878-79, due October 1, 1879, of $21,962.08, and a balance on account of the appropriation ($31,000) ^or building purposes, under the act of March 10, 1876, of $21,000. I Medical College of Virginia, at Richmond 4,500-0 Military contingent expenses -iOO^ Militia, officers of, Adjutant-General's salary 100 Moft'ett registers, commissions to assessors, &c 10,000 0| OtHcers of government 100,000 0; Oyster fund 50 Penitentiary, criminal charges, conveying convicts, &c 5,000 Penitentiary, interior guard 3,000 Penitentiary, exterior guard Penitentiary, otiicers of Penitentiary, house expenses Penitentiary, raw material Pensions, killed at Haider's Ferry, John Brown raid Printed records Public printing Eegister of Land Otliice, contingent expenses, &c Kegistration, expenses of Reporter to tlie Court of Appeals Second Auditor's office, contingent expenses of Superintendent of Public Buildings, contingent exj^enses of Secretary- of the Comraonwealth, contingent expenses of Treasurer's office, contingent expenses of Treasurer's office, temporaiy clerk in Temporary loans and interest thereon This includes all indebtedness to banks, ttc, and lias been paid. University of Virginia : Amount paid arrearages of 1877-78 $fi,2.)0 00 Amount paid for 1878-79 10,000 00 Estimated amount to be paid to October 1, 1879 5,000 00 -. l%000-00 -/--^ "^ 7,000 00 ^ ' 15,000 00 v^ 10,000 00 v^ 96 00 V- 5,000 GO V 20,000 00 i 50 GO «-. 5,000 00 \-.^ l,50G-«0 v-=t- l-5G-0O^w_ .450 00*-^- 200 00 \^'- l,2li0-00 .- 104,000 00 Tins will leave a balance on account of the ai)propriation (830,000) for 1878-79, due October 1, 1879, of $15,000. University bonds, interest on Vaecine agent Virginia Military Institute Of this sum the regular appropriation (815,000) has been paid, and 85,000 of the appropriation under the act of March 17, 1876, leaving a balance of $5,000, which it is estimated Avill be paid prior to October 1, 1879. fV^arrants on account — this sum is composed of all warrants issued on account of over-imyments of revenue •21,250 00 135 00 675 00 v-' 25,000 00, 39,533 16 Total estimated disbursements 1878-79 82,801,013 13 EECAPITULATION. Total amount of disbursements 82,801,013 13 Deduct amount paid — Artificial limbs $15,000 00 Joundary lines 350 00 IfJapitol. repairs to 1,000 00 ll|i)awson fund, interest on 2,052 00 --"" P{')ebt, interest on 1,367,513 31 ..... fipebt, interest on 70,000 00 Dpelinquent land sales 45 00 flscheats 10 00 4''ish commissioner 5,000 00 General appropriation, convicts on ciiual 42,405 29 Historical papers 166 00 Ilollywooil fence 250 00 Literarj^ fnud 300,000 00 Eastern Lunatic As3dum building 5,000 00 Western Lunatic Asylum building 10,000 00 Mottett registers 10,000 00 Temporary loans 164.000 00 Warrants on account 39,533 16 Total ordinary disbursements, expense of government, estimated for 1878-79 If the Moffett register item Ls not deducted, it is / S77-^^/ ' No. in. STATEMEXT of the Probable Expenses of Government for the Fiscal Year Commencing October 1, 1879, and Ending September 30, 1880. Agricnltnral Commissioner Attorney-Generars office Auditor's office, contingent expenses of Board of Public Works Civil contino;ent fund QiyW prosecutions * Collectors' commissions Contingent expenses of courts Criminal charges Deaf, Dumb and Blind Institution Debt, expenses of funding, etc General Assembly .• Genei'al account of revenue ., Grattan's Keports Lunatics, expenses of in Jails, &c Lunatic Asylum, Central, Richmond Lunatic Asylum, Eastern, Williamsburg Lxinatic Asjdum, Western, Staunton Medical College of Virginia, Richmond Militarj- contingent expenses , ■ Militia, officers of Officers of government Oyster fund i Penitentiarj', criminal charges Penitentiary, interior guard Penitentiarj', exterior guard Penitentiary, officers of Penitentiary, house expenses Penitentiary, raw material Pensions Printed records Public printing Register of Land Office, contingent expenses of Registration, expenses of ,. .; Reporter to Court of Appeals Second Auditor's office, contingent expenses of Superintendent of Public Buildings, contingent expenses of. Secretary of the Commonwealth, contingent expenses of Treasm-er's office, contingent expenses of Treasurer's office, temporary clerk in University of Virginia L^niversitv of Virginia, interest on bonds 2 a $2,900 00 650 00 3,000 00 '1,070 "OO lO^QOO 00 ' 500 00 ■' .oOO 00 40,000 00 If r. 90,000 00 30,000 00 20-2 00 60,000 00 50,000 00 3,500 00 ^ ^f - 30,000 00 3 .\ ^ 35,000 00 40,000 00 40,000 00 1,500 00 100 00 100 00 100,000 00 50 00 5,000 00 3,000 00 12,000 00 7,000 00 15,000 00 10,000 00 ' 96 00 5,000 00 20,000 00 50 00 5,000 00 1,500 00 150 00 75 00 450 00 200 00 1,200 00 30,000 00 120 00 iX^ t (■ 10 Vaccine agent 675 00 Vu-ginia Military Institute 25,000 00 Total ordinaiy disbursements, expense of government, estimated for 1S79-S0 §680,588 00 If the Moffett register item 810,000 00 Is added, it will make the expense 6690,588 00 Balance due Central Lunatic Asylum 612,262 65 Balance due Eastern Lunatic Asylum, support 18,995 35 Balance due Eastern Lunatic Asylum, building 25,000 00 Balance due Western Lunatic Asylum, support 21,962 03 Balance due Western Lunatic Asylum, buUding 21,000 00 Balance due University of Virginia 15,000 00 Estimated balance due institutions October 1, 1879 $114,220 08 It wUl be observed that nothing is said in this estimate of the amount that wUl be due the literary fund. This amount will be contingent upon the assessments of the commissioners of the revenue, and can only be ascertained when their boolis ai"e m. The calculations will then be made as provided in the " Henkel bill," and reported to the Superintendent of Public Schools. It is confidently expected that the revenues will be abundantly sufficient to pay the expenses shown in the esti- mate, and pay as weU wliatever may be found to be due to the schools. WM. F. TAYLOR, Auditor of Public Accounts, Office of the Auditor of Public Accounts, Eichmcmd, Va., August 1, 1879. )yU\ . C^A 7^ ^I^^'^^Q 7/ 7 '^r\^>^ "y^^ T Petersburg, 2iid July, 1887. Dear Sir : The time is uearing wlien tlie call sliould be made for Senatorial Couveutious, and I wisli to liave the sense of the County Chairmen of the counties composing each district, as to the time and place most fitting for the Convention in your Sena- torial District. Will you kindly give me your best judgment as to these two points ? I have also to advise that the meetings which appoint dele- gates to the Senatorial Convention, also appoint delegates to the Convention for the nomination of a Candidate for the House of Delegates ; and to this effect, it is suggested that you sujjple- ment the call for the appointment of Delegates to Senatorial Convention, by hand-bills, etc. The call for Senatorial C^onvention will be sent you as soon as I get the information here asked for. Yours triUy, WM. MAHONE, Chdinnan. 1^^ #^ VZ V CI THIS IS THE RESOLUTION Tr'icl'ed hi on the Ilicksford Convention, and lohich the Democratic papers and kick- ers are making a great ado about. You want to look out for it, as tlie same trick may be tried on your ConveDtion. I mean, to pass this resolution : The Republicans of Greensville and Sus- sex Counties, in convention assembled, de- siring' most earnestly tliat harmony and g'ood-will may obtain in the party ranks, and that thereby victorj^ may be secured in the State, and believing that all individual interests should yield to considerations of party unity, do hereby Resolve, 1st. That every Eepublican has the in- disputs ble right to aspire to any position in the gift of the party ; that every post of honor is oj^en to all Republicans alike ; and to the people alone belongs the prerogative of awarding the fruits of victory. 2ud. That it is the will of this Conven- tion that our Nominee for the House of Delegates be not pledged to any one of the aspirants for the LT. S. Senate, but that he shall be left free to support and vote in the Legislature for any Republican candidate for that office, it being our instructions to said Nominee that he shall so vote as may . seem best for the interest of the State, and of the Republican party, of which he is the representative. VZ Y ^L- £2 CO £c -1-3 = ^Z-^^^ cc o3 c S-i 13 >^^ 5 3 s rt.2 >. g :S 3 O g ii a; . — . o ^>' :te .J3 33 -r 3 3 ^-3 -.2 g ^' "-S ^ ^ .2 °3-- P .^ rx, a -5 o 3 o a. -3 > CO O O 1-^ o o o s CO .22 fcJO CD s CO be CO 03 > •— • •^ "^3 3 .-J ~ -l-J t. 3 ^4-( C3 CK I/} OJ c 3 9 3" "jo ■^ a, 2 3 ^ ^ SI 1- 'So 1 o 2 CO > 5 32 2 -S 3^, £ S _c « 3 J6 g =^2 >-.— c ^ oi-3 ."3 ^ cc r„ - :^ 2 ^.-i i<^ i^ ->^ :*; p 2 be "3 o a o S3 _2 "3 3 CO s a; Cl, 5 J OJ ,» ^ _G rT-; >.j s_ .xr <- c3 3 6- a ^ __cn a o3 -C ^ -g a; ■^ ^ CJ s O 'S •- " ^-, '- C rfi CD c G ^ ' «^-^ _o S -^ a^ bt 3 'H. "w 1 ^ S •K ^<-' oi •- -«-> ^ 1 s .2 'S > -3 0) 3J 'S o3 0^ a s o o CD g -g ^J :^ _ CO £ g ;^ ^ -c "t; .22 t- CJ 2 "^ Ebns q CL, r^ OS -a .2 o "+3 S a; s s a CD J2i c/3 Sh ■1) C3 ^ ^ '> o a; ^ 1^ ^-1 ^ a; -U3 .>; VZ Y 1^^^^^ Negro's Progress Since 1865 1 3 leading Negroes of the coun- forth as well as South, are ask- r a special place in the World's nbian Fair, to be held in Chi- in 1893, and they ought to have ^heir progress since 1865 en- them to it. In that year, as hnaha Bee tells us, there were Nef^ro attorneys, three JSegro cians, two editors and $12,000 1 of taxable property among all Negroes of America. There no colleges, no high schools, no 5 and no church property. It jnty six years, seven years less I generation, since 1865, but to- he Negroes of this country pay on $264,000,000 worth of per- and real property There are hysicians, and 654 of these are e graduates. They have seven es, seventeen academies and •nine high schools, all under the e of Negro teachers Three of 3ven college presidents were \. There are 995 college-bred ) ministers and 247 Negro men ouug women in European capi- studying foreign languages to 1 here as teachers. A bank in nond, Va., with $500,000 capi- owned and conducted by black and they are loaning money to former masters. Of course a deal of this is due to the help e white people of the South. , nevertheless speaks trumpet- led for the race, for its eager- ;o rise out of untoward condi- and elevate itself to the common of civilization. The Negroes , to have the space they ask for B great fair that they may put :hibition some of the results of amazing and very gratifj'ing ess. — Memphis CommerciaU THEOLD DOMINION Steamship Company. PETERSBURG AND NEW YORK. This Line now comprises seven Islt^b ron Steamships, namely: Guyandotte, 'LD DOMINIOX, ElCHMOND, ROANOKE, ENECA, WYANOKE AND ATLANTA. A Steamer leaves City Point for New ork every Tuesday and Friday nights, mnecting with 6 o'clock train from etersburg. One leaves Norfolk for New York rect every evening except Friday and mday, connecting with train leaving !tersburg at 9:40 A. m. B^"Eates of passage are low. JOHN M. WEST, Agent. Dn *mT PETERSBtTRG Jr-9i rll AND NORFOLK STEAM -BOAT LINE. The only all-water route to Norfolk, Id Point Comfort, Newport News and imes River Landings. AMES RIVER BY DAYLIGHT. The Steamer S. A. McCALL, leaves etersburg at 6 A. M. every Tuesday, hursday and S?iturday, connecting at orfolk with Baltimore and Cape harles steamers. Fa 1*6 through to orfolk $1.25; to Claremont 75 cents, legant Meals on steamer, only 50c. reight received daily for all stations 1 A. & D. R. R., S., S. & S. R. R.: oanoke River and all Eastern North wdliua Points. RAYMOND MANCHA, Pres't. PETERSBURG, VA. 7Z < .. last tribuLe pcCu^JJ'?uo^Ili.lC'^^a tiiuitaai re) iresenting t)ie majesty of constitutional law and the rights and immunities of the people ; invej^ted with the power to annul and overthrow auction of the legislature and execu- tive. Chief Justice Waite, of all his illustrious predecessors in a tribunal unlike any in the world in the exalted cliaracter of its duties and responsibilities, was to receive a homage sel- dom paid, but never more deserved. Mrs. Cleveland and the l;dies of the cabinet ap- peared in the executive gallery shortly before the services commenced. The front row had been specially reserved for them, and many eyes were turned in that dii'ection as they entered and took their seats. There was but little conversation, and the hum and buzz oftentimes so apparent were scarcely audible. Thei'e was a full attend- ance of members, but none of the customary bustle and agitation. A few minutes before noon the Senate of 'the United States was formally announced and at the tap of tlie Speaker's gavel the Rep- resentatives I'ose to receive the Senators. With measured st'^ps they followed tiieir ser- g'eant-at-arms, auil silently dropped into the seats reserved for t.iem. Follovvmg closely came the members of the diplomatic corps, not in glittering regalia, not with the jewels of their decorations and o)-ders flashing on their bosoms, not in silk and velvet, but in plain black. Upon all official occasions, Vv^hether of society or grief it has always been the custom of the diploaiatic corps to a.ppear in court costmnes, and the departure from custom was recognized as a touching testimonial. The raemoers of the Chinese legation a\>- peared in the regulation offic.al mourning of the Chinese Empire. Their mourning robes were of dark purple and blue. Aroimd the red caps donating their i-ank were bi'oad black bands, covering all but the top of the cap, and on their hands they \vore black gloves. Then came the members of the Court of Claiiais, the members of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia and the District Commissioners. In a mmvite more the President and his cabinet came in at the main entrance and proceeded down the aisle to the seats re- served in front of the Speaker's chair for them. The President walked alone. Behind him came the membei's of the cabinet — first Secretary Bayard, and then the others, two by two. The President wore dark trousers and a Prince Albert coat of black. His hasids were encase;! in dark yellow gloves. Secre- tary Baj ard, v/ho sat next to the Pi'esident, had his hands bare, but carried in one of them a pair of gloves of the same shade as the President's. Secretaries F'airchild and Endicott wore black kid gloves; Attorney- General Garland, black cotton; Secretary W hitney, very light yellow gloves, which he soon removed, and Postmaster-General Dick- uison and Secretary Vilas, dark gloves of un- dressed kid. In a moment the members of the joint committee appointed by the Senate and House appeared, under the escort of Assistant Sergeaat-at-Arms Chaistie, of --"--^^ L i W. G. Colmery, cashier of the Crystal^ I Springs (Miss.) Bank, committed suicide b;^- i shooting himself; a social disagreement wa ■ the cause. Mrs. John Garlich, of Cincinnati, was crushed to death in a store elevator, from which she tried to step out while it was moving. The sudden melting of six inches of snov and heavy rains caused the overflow of the several streams near Detroit, Mich. Sixty bridges have been washed away. J. W. Hill, a wealthy contractor of Tren- ton, Mo., playfully pointed a shotgun at Miss Sarah Brown, who was visiting his sister. The weapon exploded, killing Miss Brown. At Kearney, Neb., Albert J. Murrish, a farmer, fired one pistol shot, which instantly killed his wife and hiied man, Thomas j Patterson. He at once surrendered himself to the Sheriff. Three little children of T. S. Richardson, a farmer, living near Macon, Ga., were burned to death during the absence of their parents from home, in a playhouse that had been made for them of rails, thatched with straw, which one of them set on firo with a lighted match. Great damage was done to wheat and fruits throughout Illinois by sleet. Two school children were killed in Vicks- burg. Miss., by a bank caving in on them. Several were injured. Over nine hundred convicts are idle at Auburn, N. Y., Prison in consequence of the exhaustion of the appropriation. Timotiiy Dodge was fatally shot, near Cooperstown, N. Y., without provocation, i by a ruffian named Smith, in a saloon. There are grave fears for the safety of the Iowa crops on account of the "freeze" that has prevailed in the state lor a week. Two Workuien at Sticknoy's factory, near. Ashiord, N. Y., were blown to atoms by the explosion of a large quan ity of gunpowder. ileville. Dak., is snowed in and no help can reach there. The people are without fuel or food, and it is feared they will perish. Bertha Wise, a cook in a Pittsburg restau- rant, was instantly killed by Frjuk Liiddell. Liudell was shooting rats aud a stray bullet struck the girl. Mrs. Sessums, wife of a commercial trav- eler, accuses her husband, with whom she did not live, of poisoning their five children, at Houston, Texas. Captain W. W. Peabody, general manager of th.o Baltimore and Ohio Railway west of the Ohio river, fell on the ice at his home in Madisonville, Ohio, and was very badly in- jure!. Tho United States District Attorney at El Paso. Texas, has begu.u suit against a smelting works company in that place for importing laborers from the Mexican side of the Rio Grande. Knights of labor in the employ of Charles Mullin, the largest manufacturer of morocco leather at Wilmington, Del., demand that he discharge non-union men. He refuses and a strike is threatened. The Detroit police have locked ud Howard. ABOLITION INTERNAL EEYENUE. AGRICULTURVL PJiODUCTS SHOULD BE LAST RKSORT FOR REVENUE r.Y .\XY FORM OF TAXATION. TOBAOCO -FEUIT DISTILLATIONS. REBATE OF DUTIES PAID OX IMPORTED INGREDIENTS USED IN THE MANUFACTURE OF TOBACCO EXPORTED. SUEPLUS -REDUCTION OF TAXES DEMANDED. SPEECH HOK WILLIAM MAHONE, SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, Friday, January- 28, 1887. WASHINGTON. 1887. (.•i' S P E E (J U OF HON. WILLIAM M A H N E THE TOBACCO TAX. Mr. MAHONE said: Mr. President: I present the proceedings of tlie Tobacco Associa- - tiou of Lyuchburfj;, Va., urging the abolition of the tax on tobacco. I also present a similar petition of manufacturers of tobacco at Rich- mond; a like petition of the Tobacco Board of Trade of Farmville, Va. I also present a similar petition of the South Boston (Virginia) Tobacco Board of Trade, and also the proceedings of the Tobacco Association of the city of Petersb'^irg, Va. In moving the reference of these petitions to the Committee on Finance, I wish to call the attention of that committee and of the Sen- ate briefly to the subject to which they relate. Mr. President, on the 14th day of December, 1885, I introduced here two bills relating to the laws affecting the manufacture of tobacco — one, (S. 470,) repealing section 3151 of the Revised Statutes, which sub- jected tobacco manufactured for export to the perfunctory performance of inspection and the burden of a fee that, till lately, was collected at the rate of ten (10) cents per package. This fee, which did not in lact nor constructively either go into or come out of the Treasury, composed the salary of the inspector. It was the mere perquisite of an un.salaried office. It in no manner touched the subject of revenue, and yet this bill wa.s reported to the Senate adversely and so stands upon the Calendar now, and was .so re- ported, as I am advised, because it was lield to be a revenue measxire. The other of these two bills, (S. 477,) provided for a drawback of duties paid upon all imported ingredients used in the manufacture of tobacco exported. This bill was likewise so reported to the Senate and for the same reason. Meanwhile, a bill covering the same object as thai; described in iSeuate bill 476 came to the Senate from the House of Eepreseutatives, and it is now a law. Likewise a bill (H. E. 2522) of similar import as that of Senate bill 477 passed the House, and is yet with the Finance Committee of this body. On the third day of August, 18SG, I introduced and the Senate re- ferred to the Finance Committee an amendment to House bill 87^8, which that committee held and still holds under consideration, repeal- ing the internal-revenue laws so far as they apply to tobacco. It is conceded, Mr. President, that to the House of Representatives belongs the constitutional right of originating revenue measures — all bills touching the sourcesof taxation— imposing, increasing, diminish- ing, or repealing income derived from any form of taxation. House bill 2522, to which I have referred, sent here for the action of the Senate and remaining with the Finance Committee of this body, is by fair, legitimate interpretation a revenue measure, and must be so regarded by the Finance Committee of the Senate, under its own rul- ing—by its own deliberate judgment in respect to Senate bills 47(> and 477. If to abolish an office which neither put in nor took out of the public Treasury a dollar, can be considered as a revenue measure, and the Finance Committee of the Senate report adversely upon a bill to reluiid duties paid upon imported materials used in manufactures for export, because of the conceded prerogative of the House of Representntives to originate revenue measures, House bill 2522, it must be admitted, is a measure, open here in this body to such amendment as a majority of the Senate by virtue of its constitutional authority shall see lit to im- pose. It is, therefore, Mr. President, I hold that the Senate is in possession of a desired opportunity to deal directly and practically with a subject which concerns the pretended if not manifest solicitude of all parties— certainly the great body of the people. We have here, Mr. President, an opportunity to reduce taxes and to arrest the unnecesary accumulations of the money of the people in the national Treasury. It is admitted— by the end of the current year, when there will be no longer any portion of the public debt redeemable for some j'ears to follow — there conies au annual surplus in the Treas- uiy — more money than is needed for the expenses of the Government — of ninety millions. Whatever the arithmetical process by which that statement of the Administration is disputed, distinguished leaders of opposing political parlies and the President of the United States are all agreed that the income of the Government is in excess of current expenses, supple- mented, if you please, by any expenditure for betterments, which may l)e in the reason of any possible legislation, whether for coast defenses, Na\ y, or other objects. The people in every State of the Union, and everywhere in all of the States, are educated to this belief and are inspired with the anxious iftpe that practical etfect will be given, and by this sitting of the Na- tional Legislature, to such j udgment, by an outright reduction of taxes. They expect, and they have a right to expect, that such action will be taken as will preclude the withdrawal from circulation and the con- gregation of so large an excess of the needed currency of the country in the vaults of the national Treasury. They sorely need, and are weary of the promise of, a reduction of burdens long and patiently endured. They will not be content with any play of political parties for future •stakes of power which shall longer postpone a reduction of burdens, when the needs of the Government no longer require the imposition of taxes that maybe safely removed. They will hold to account, and justly, those who may be responsible for any inaction which shall leave to proceed that retirement to the vaults of the Treasury and idleness such accumulating sums of money of the country, and for the disastrous consequences to every industrial interests, which such inaction must superinduce. A policy which can not tail to paralyze industrial development, narrow the employments of labor, and harden the times for the masses of the people. No attempt by inaction or failure on this question to meet the popular expectation as the means of compelling an abandonment of the successful policy ofa tariff for the protection of American products, whether of the field, forest, the mine, the forge, or the factory, and for the welfare of the laboring classes of our own country, will, permit me to suggest, be approved. G Our tax-payers have borne with irritating impatience the imposition and burden of internal taxes. The occasion comes by a hurtful accu- mulation in the Treasury, when they may be removed and some meas- ure of relief extended. The Constitutional iuliibition which has forbidden legislative action on the part of the Senate is no longer in the way. Hence, Mr. President, with no thought or lack of the highest and most profound consideration for the P'iuance Committee of this body, or for any member of it, I venture upon these remarks more in tlie way of a reminder than for the purpose of compelling the action of that committee upon the subject. All of us, Mr. President, well know that no system of taxation is more distasteful, more irritating and uneven in its application thafe that of an excise tax — and the fields of agriculture should be the last resort — however wisely discriminating may be the objects chosen for its application. What industry, Mr. President, and that an agricultural product, more or less common to the fields of every State in the Union, is so severely emliarrassed, incumbered, and harassed as is the growth of and the trade in tobacco '? Under our internal-revenue laws the grower of tobacco is forbidden to barter, or to market^or to manufacture his own crop, and so envi- roned by pains, penalties, and taxes is the distillation of the fruit of the citizen of scanty resources, whose only means of providing clothing and table groceries for his family may depend upon such conversion of fruit otherwise valueless and unmarketable. The time, Mr. President, has gone by when the pretext to any ac- ceptability may be used for imposing proscriptive laws and burdens upon tobacco as a luxury. ''Bread or tobacco," said the philosopher Locke, "may be neglected, but reason at first recommends their trial, and custom makes them pleasant." It has long since ceased to be the nature-imposed narcotic of any race of people. In one form and another its use among men is too nigh universal at home and elsewhere for either of such classifications. Taking the average population of the United States, for ten years pre- ceding 1881, at forty-five (45) millions, the annual average consump- tion here and for that period is estimated at five (5) pounds per capita, while the average for the whole world is stated at seventy (70) ouuces, equal to an aggregate consumption of more than two and three-quarter billion (2,750,000,000) tons. Neither coffee nor tea is classed among the staples of life, and is no more essential to the comfort of man than tobacco. Upon these stimu- lants the consumer no longer pays any tax, and yet the consumption of colfee in the United States, per capita, is not double that of tobacco, and of tea only one-fifth. If tobacco is an enemy to the human firaily, obnoxious to " the gen- eral welfare," why not otherwise, as the Constitution may be turned, hinder yet more severely its cultivation here, and its importation into the country. If a luxury, why so embargo its productions and the trade it creates as to place its use beyond the reach and enjo^'meut of the masses? If neither, and its cultivation and value are of respectable concern to the fields of industry, the commerce and wealth of the country, why not liberate the plant and the product, and allow them to proceed with their increasing contributions to wealth and employments? Mr. President, tobacco enters too largely into our agricultural and man- utacturing interests, and furnishes too many of our people employment and the means of sustenance; it gives activityto too much capital, and composes too large a share of the commerce, wealth, and exports of the nation, relatively small as these may be, to be classified as a narcotic or a luxury, or to be treated as an alien interest. We must not forget, Mr. President, that its cultivation in 1885 oc- cupied an acreage of seven hundred and sixty-two thousand two hun- dred and fifty (7(52,250 1 acres of American soil, yielding a crop of five hundred and sixty-two million seven hundred and thirty-six thousand (562,736,000) pounds, which added forty-three million two hundred and sixty-five thousand five hundred and ninety-eight dollars ($43,- 265,598) to our wealth, and gave employment to over twohundred thou- sand (200,000) of our population — equal to about three and one-third (3J) per cent, of the persons over ten (10) years of age employed in ag- riculture. Until the year 1840 Virginia, where the formal cultivation of the plant in our colonial year of 1607 was introduced, led in this agricultural product, furnishing from her own fields fully one-third of the national 8 crop. Since then her eldest and esteemed daughter, Kentucky, has lield that distinction, and yet one hundred and forty thousand (140,000) acres of Virginia's cultivated lands are now devoted to the growth of tobacco, and of the two hundred and fifty-five thousand (255,000) of her population above the age of ten (10) years engaged in agriculture, forty-seven thousand (47,000), or about eighteen (18) percent., are em- ployed ia that agricultural pursuit. In measuriug the interests which are concerned in the growth and manufacture of tobacco and the commerce it generates, we must remem- ber there were in the year 1880 five hundred and eight thousand (508,000) taxed dealers engaged in the trade, and in the manufacture of chewing tobacco, snufi", cigars, cigarettes, and in stemming seven thousand six hundred and seventy-four (7,674) e.stablishments, where the capital invested was thirty-nine million nine hundred and ninety- five thousand two hundred and ninety-two dollars ($39,995,292), and eighty -seven thousand five hundred and eighty-seven (87,587) j^ersons found desirable employment, and for wages twenty-five million fifty-four thousand four hundred and fifty-seven dollars ($25,054,457) were paid; where the value of materials converted into other forms of commerce was .sixty-five million three hundred and eighty-four thousand four hundred and seven dollars ($65,384,407), and the value of the product was one hundred and eighteen million eight hundred and seventy thou- sand one hundred and sixty-six dollars ($118,870,166). The manufacture of tobacco, as did its culture, had its crude begin- ning in Virginia as early as the year 1732. It has now become an important industry to at legist twenty of the States, and its culture is common to all. Virginia losing the lead in the field, occupies it in the line of the manufactured product. She manufactures the equivalent in quantity of five-eighths (f) other own crop, going to Kentucky, Ohio, and North Carolina for a part of the forty-eight million five hundred thousand (48,- 500,000) pounds her factories consume. Her proportion of the capital invested in the manufacture oftobacco is nine and one-half (9^) per cent, of all. Her share of the employment given to labor on this account is sixteen and one-half (16 J ) per cent. , and her proportion of wages paid is thirty (30) ; and her measure of our exportations of manufactured to- bacco is full eighty-five (85) per cent, of that furnished by all the States. 9 The plant is t!ie staple of a large section of that State, the dependence of a conspicuous portion of her population in field and tiictory. Its growth and manufacture enter largely into the trade, commerce, and wealth of the Commonwealth. As a factor in our export trade, tobacco bears no insignificant part. In the twenty- three years last gone by it has brought into the country six hundred aud forty-three million dollars ($613,000,000) of foreign gold, and to-day represents full seventy (70) per cent, of the merchan- dise balance to our credit on account of that trade. It brings into the country now thirty and a half millions gold — equal to the amount derived from our exportation of corn and sixty (60) per cent, of that derived from our exportation of wheat — and thirty-three (;>;]) per cent, of the value of our exportatious of wheat and flour. Once set at liberty and relieved of the espionage and the restraining laws and burdens which hinder and repress development, as I trustit may now be the judgment of the Senate it shall be, and placed upon an even footing with other agricultural products, this important in- dustry, Mr. President, will t;ike new life and go on widening the ave- nues of employment for labor, and add fresh fields to the cultivated acreage of the nation. It will go onto multiply our manufacturing interests and to increase its contributions to the wealth of the coun- try. Surely, Mr. President, tobacco aud fruit distillations have contrib- uted their full share of the tribute to the exigency on account of which they have now for twenty-three (23) years been held under duress and burden. In that period tobacco has contributed directly to the National Treas- ury seven hundred and seventeen millions eight hundred aud seventy- three thousand three hundred aud forty-three dollars and eight cents ($717,873,343.03), and of this imposing sum Virginia paid ninety mil- lions seven hundred and six thousand one hundred and seventy-seven dollars and thirty-nine cents ($90,706,177.39), equal for the twenty- three (23) years of the imposed burden to an annual contribution on her part, and from this single industry, of four millions three hundred and seventy-eight thousand nine hundred and sixty-four dollars ($4,- 378,964) or the equivalent of one dollar and twenty-five cents ($1.25) 10 on the one hnndred dollars (§100) assessed value of the real and per- sonal property of her people. In the same period fruit distillations contributed twenty-one mil- lions thirty-seven thousand five hundred and eighty-four dollars and eighty-seven cents ($21,037,584.87), of which Virginia's share was two million two hundred and twenty thousand five hundred and thirty -six dollars and eighty-one cents ($2,220,536.81), or an average of ninety-si.^ thousand five hundred and forty-four dollars ($96,541) per annum, equal to twenty-eight (28) cents on the one hundred dollars ($100) of the assessed value of the real and personal property of the Commnu- wealth. Mr. President, there is no longer any occasion for continuing the burden and bondage under which these two agricultural products have been sorely oppressed. The revenue derived from these sources of an exigency tax is not needed either to pay debts, provide for the common defense, or for the general welfare. The income of the Government from other sources is yet sufficient, and in excess by many millions of any probable de- mand for these three several purposes for which Congress is empowered to levy taxes. It appears an arbitrary exercise of the constitutional power, as cer- tain it is repugnant to the spirit which governed the formation of the Constitution, to impose an excise tax as a mere means of revenue when no exigency exists — when it is estimated by the administrative head of the Government that we are to have at the end of the current fiscal year a surplus over and above all demands full ninety millions of dol- lars ($90,000,000), not counting thirty- two millions ($32,000,000) of fractional silver. Mr. President, it is agreed in all quarters and by both political par- ties that this excess of revenue ought to be arrested; and to what sub- ject can you apply the remedy more fittingly — with equal justice and with the hope of larger public approbation and better results than to the important agricultural product of tobacco? If it has manfully borne burdens and will bear them longer, if you please, why continue them when the Government is not needing the tribute exacted of this industry and so largely drawn from the great body of the people — that class of consumers least able to bear the tax 11 yoii impose on an article they will and must have — if, as a luxury, it may be said it is a nature-imposed necessity with them lor all that?. If it is the consumer who pays the tax entire, the greater is the reason, in this case, for its removal. It is relief which will be more directly and sensibly felt by the working classes of the country than any other which may be conferred by recourse to the tax list. It will enter the home of the workingman everywhere in our own country, and leave a saving on every five (5) pounds of tobacco consumed sufiScient to pur- chase eight (8) pounds of sugar, or three (3) pounds of coffee, or one (1) pound of tea, or fifteen (15) pounds of flour, or five (5) pounds of bacon, or eight (8) yards of calico, or six (6) yards of shirting, or two (2) yards of flannel. Mr. President, let us remove this odious and onerous tax of an Amer- ican product, and remind the American citizen that he may once more use this product of his own country upon the same even terms on which we offer it by exportation to the citizens of other countries. Let us unfetter a potential factor of American industry, of commerce, and of wealth, and rid the beneficent policy of protection, which has contrib- uted fco immensely to the growth, power, and wealth of the nation, of the singular contradict ion which the tax and the proscriptive laws in respect to this American industry — present. Let us now and here, so far as the action of the Senate may eft'ect such result, emancipate this American industry and save to the na- tional Treasury and the people the five million dollars' (|5, 000, 000) ex- pense for collecting a revenue no longer needed to pay debts, or for the common defense, or for the general welfare. If we assume that the consumer pays the tax, let us not forget that by it his capacity to buy is lessened, and the incentive to increiised and increasing production is diminished. Let us remember that each and every successive step taken in the direction of a reduction of the tax has gidded to the acreage of cultivation, increased the product, and multiplied factories, dealers, and employments. Let us complete the emancipation of this industry, and, as the amend- ment to House bill now in possession of the Finance Committee of the Senate since the 18th of June, 1886, proposes, unburden our export of manufactured tobacco, and thus stimulate the expansion of that trade 12 Vjy reniittiug the duties paid on imported iugredieuts actiiuUy em- ployed in the manufacture thereof. There is here, in this proposition, no new principle. It is merely the adaptation of existing laws — liberalized, if you please — as will be seen by reference to sections 3022 and 3026, Revised Statutes, which respectively allow drawbacks on imported salt used in the curing of fish, and on saltpeter used in the manufacture of gunpowder: and further, as will appear by reference to section 3019 and section 3433, Revised Statutes, the latter as amended by section 14 of the act of the 2Sth of May, 1880. (Supplement, Revised Statutes. ) Under these last-named sections foreign and domestic distilled spirits in boiid may be withdrawn without the payment of duty or tax, and alter being manufactured into various preparations, these preparations or product s are exported -without the payment of tax or duty, and the result has been to increase the export of such manufactures. Let us put this article of American industry and export, whether produced by manufacturers wholly or partly engaged in the manufact- ure of tobacco for export, upon even terms with those of other home products manufactured for export, and thus conform our treatment of it to estal)lished policy, and remove a burden by the indirect tax so levied on export, estimated at 3 per cent, on the value of the article which has largely transferred our export trade in manufactured tobacco be- yond the borders of our country, notably to Canada and Australia. We are advised, Mr. President, by the Internal-Revenue Bureau ot the Treasury Department, that there can be no difficulty in ascertaining the quantity of dutiable gwds so consumed, and it is seen that the cost of keeping the necessary accounts to this end amounts to a mere bag- atelle, the pultry sum of one-tenth of 1 per cent., which if not in full, is largely covered by the non-collectilile claims — below $10. But. why should the owner of such goods be charged for any such clerical work when we have a customs service, the cost of which is paid out oC the common treasury of the nation? It is a trifling affair: too small for a government of such proportions as ours. In all of such imported ingredients so consumed it is estimated there are of licorice one million (1,000,000) pounds; of sugar, nine hundred thousand eight hundred (900,8001 pounds: and of all other ingredients, 13 assimilatoil, a half million (500,000) pounds, while in the luauufaLlur.- of tobacco consumed in the United States there are used fourteen and a half millions (14,r)00,0()0) pounds licorice, one million three liundred thousand (1,300,000) pounds sujiar, and of other in'i;redients, assimi- lated, six millions eight liimdied thousand (0,8 )0, 000) pounds, leavinj;, as will be ol)served, yet such an imineiise demand for these ingredi- ents as forbids hurtful encroachment upon the market for the home product thereof by remission of duty upon the relatively small quantities of such ingreilients as are consumed in the manuiacture of tobacco — exported. Let us, Mr Pie.-ident. now that we may without apprehension of any possible shortage in the income of the Government to meet iis every neces.sary and contingent lialnlity and cover every iuiaginary demand which eitb.er exigency or progress is likely to impose, repeal all laws and parts of laws in any manner restricting the grower ol' to- bacco in the disposition of his crop, and in any form imposing a burden by tax, license, or otherwise, upon the dealer in the same, the peddler, and manufacturer thereof, and by this means enlarge the fields of pro- duction, extend the avenues of employment, and level down the bar- riers which now confine its manufacture and commerce, and without measure of capital, allow all who will, to engage in either. Mr. President, if I express the hope, as earnestly I do, that the hon- orable Finance Committee of this l)ody will quicken its consideration of this matter, and return at the earliest day to the Senate, House bill 2522 so amended as to reduce taxes in the respect I have spoken and otherwise, and further, as that committee may advise, I feel that I but voice the impatient sentiment of the people. O '" ^ IS .^:^ u. -TD f^ ^ n 1 ^ I- rt o r- u bJ^B h o ^ -' j:: -^ ,ti -^ G ^0^ TlS-S '»co!=C'x3(u/)a.o3o3^ ,-^-5 ^ 00 "S O. o c« (u,f«, .t: S c/5 biDc ^2 tu-^ 5-ti U ^ -^3 2^ 2 > n u. REPUBLICAN CALL FOR TIT CONVENTIONS. In pursuance of the call of the National Committee of the Republican party for a National Convention, to be held at Chic- ago, 111., the 19th of June, 1888, to nominate candidates for Presi- dent and Vice-President of the United States, the following call is issued by the State Committee of the Republican party of Vir- ginia: 1. That the Republican voters of the State assemble at their respective polling or other usual places of meeting within the precinct, in counties on Saturday, the 21st day of April, at 12 M., and in cities on Friday the 20th day of April, at 8 o'clock P. M., and appoint delegates to county and city conventions — one dele- gate for every one hundred ( 100) votes returned from their re- spective voting precincts for the Republican candidate for Gov- ernor at the election in November, 1885, and one delegate for any fraction of that number of one half and over, provided, that where the vote so returned was less than fifty (50), one delegate shall be appointed. Such delegates so appointed shall be given certificates of the form No. 1 annexed, signed by the Permanent Chairman and Secretary of such precinct meetings, and counter- signed by the precinct chairman of the precinct. Such precinct meetings shall be called to order by the Precinct Chairman thereof, or in his absence by any member of the precinct com- mittee, or in the absence of both, by any voter of the party. That the delegates so appointed and certified will assemble in Convention, in counties, at the court-house on Monday the 23rd day of April, and in cities at such time and i^lace as the Chairman for the party there shall designate ; provided, that the County Chairman and committee, if they shall deem it more ac- ceptable to the majority of the party, may give notice at each precinct, not later than the 10th April, that instead a mass-meet- ing- will be held at the court house on some day not earlier than 23rd day of April, and in such meeting the proceeding shall be as prescribed for delegated county Conventions. 2. That such County and City Conventions, so appointed, will be called to order by the County or City Chairman, or in his ab- sence by any member of the county or city committee, and a Temporary Chairman and Secretary of such Convention desig- nated by him, and in case the Convention is formed by precinct delegates, he shall at the same time lay before the Convention a roll of the delegates made up by precincts, giving opposite to each the names of the persons who file with him the certificates of their appointment, as provided in section one (1) of this call. 3. That the County and City Convention so appointed and organized will appoint from among the voters of their respec- tive counties and cities the number of delegates and alternates allotted to each, by the annexed schedule marked X to represent the party of their respective counties and cities in the State and District Conventions as hereafter provided; and that to each delegate and alternate so appointed, certificates will be given of the forms No. 2 and No. 3, signed by the Permanent Chairman and Secretary of such Conventions, and countersigned by the County or City Chairman. That the Secretay of such Conventions will certify and mail a list of the delegates and alternates so appointed by such County or City Conventions to the Secretary of the State Committee, Capt. Asa Rogers, at Petersburg, Ya. 4. That the delegates so appointed and certified by such County and City Conventions will be to represent the party of their respective counties and cities, first, at the State Convention to be held in the city of Petersburg, on Thursday the 17tli day of May, to appoint two (2) electors for the State at large and four (4) delegates, and four (4) alternates for the State at large, to the Convention at Chicago, and, second, at the District Conventions for each Congressional District to which they belong, to be held then and there, or at such time and place within the bounds of their respective Districts as a majority of the delegates from and representing each Congressional District shall separately and among themselves agree, to appoint an elector for the Dis- 3 trict, and two (2) District deleg-ates and two (2) alternates to the National Convention to be held at Chicago. 5. That certificates of appointment will be issued as foUoWs : To the delegates and alternates for the State at large after the form No. 4, and to District delegates and alternates after the form No. 5. 6. That the Permanent Chairman and Secretary of State and District Conventions shall certify to the Chairman of the State Ex- ecutive Committee, the names and address of electors and of the delegates and alternates appointed by the same. 7. That District Conventions will be called to order by the Chairman of the District Committee of the District, or in his ab- sence by any delegate of the district, and the roll of delegates will be made up of persons bearing certificates as provided in section three (3) of this call. 8. That the delegate or delegates so appointed and certified to either County, City, District or State Conventions, will cast the vote returned for the Republican candidate at the election in November, 1885 ; that is to say : In County or City Conventions the delegates or delegate in attendance and so appointed and certified, as provided in section one (1) of this call, will cast the vote returned from their pre- cinct for such candidate for Governor. In State and District Conventions the delegates or delegate in attendance and so appointed and certified, as in section four (4) of this call, will cast the vote returned by such county or city for such candidate for Governor. By the State Committee, WM. MAHONE, C/iairTnan. 1st District— LAW TALIAFERRO, J. R. WADDY, by Law Taliaferro. . J. J. McDonald, 2d District— H. LIBBEY, GEO. E. BOWDEN, J. J. DEYER. 3d District— EDMUND WADDILL, B. T. McCUE, C. W. HARRIS. 4th District— ROBT. McCANDLISH, B. F. JARRATT. 5th District— W. S. GRAVELY, by B. F. Jones. 6th District— JAS. W. WRIGHT, by J. B. Walthall. 7th District— JNO. C. SIMS, J. G. NEWMAN, by J. C. Sims. 8th District— W. C. ELAM, W. W. WEST, EDMOND BURKE. 10th District— W. E. CRAIG, CyESAR PERKINS, JAS. A. FRAZIER. ASA EOGERS, Secketaky. Petersburg, Va., March 19)ili, 1888. X. Schedule of Delegates and Alternates to he Appointed hy County and City Conventions. 10th District. — del. alt. Augusta, 12 6 Highland, 3 2 Bath, 2 1 Alleghany, 5 3 Rockbridge, 10 5 Amherst, 6 3 Nelson, 5 3 Appomattox, 4 2 Buckingham, 7 4 Fluvanna, 4 2 Cumberland, 5 3 Staunton, 2 1 Total, 65 35 9th District.— del. alt. Lee, T 4 Scott, 8 4 Wise, 6 3 Dickenson, 1 1 Buchanan, 2 1 Eussell, 7 4 Washington, 10 5 Smythe, 5 3 Bland, 3 2 8TH District. — 7th District. 6th District.- 5 Tazewell, 10 5 Wythe, 7 4 Pulaski, 4 2 Giles, 3 2 Craig, 1 1 Total, 74 41 DEL. ALT. Alexandria City, 6 3 Alexandria County, 2 1 Loudoun, 9 5 Fairfax, 8 4 Fauquier, 8 4 Culpeper, 6 3 Orange, 6 3 Louisa, 8 4 King- George, 4 2 Stafford, 4 2 Prince William, 3 2 Total, 64 33 DEL. ALT. Winchester, 2 1 Charlottesville, Frederick, 3 2 Clarke, 2 1 Warren, 1 ] Rappahannock, 2 1 Madison, 4 2 Greene, 2 1 Albemarle, 13 7 Rockingham, 15 8 Shenandoah, 10 5 Page, ; .... 6 3 Total, 60 32 DEL. ALT. Lynchburg, 8 4 Roanoke City, 4 2 Roanoke County, .5 3 Botetourt, 5 3 Montgomery, 7 4 5th District. — 4th District. 3rd District. — 6 Bedford, 9 5 Campbell, 7 4 Charlotte, 5 3 Halifax, 12 6 Total, 62 34 DEL. ALT. Danville, 3 2 North Danville, 2 1 Pittsylvania, " . . 15 8 Frankhn, 7 4 Floyd, 7 4 Henry, 8 4 Patrick, 4 2 Carroll, 5 3 Grayson, 5 3 Total, 56 31 DEL. ALT. Petersburg, 12 6 Prince George, 6 3 Sussex, 7 4 Dinwiddie, 7 4 Greensville, 5 3 Brunswick, 8 4 Mecklenburg, 12 6 Lunenburg, 5 3 Nottoway, 6 3 Amelia, 5 3 Powhatan, 4 2 Prince Edward, 8 4 Total, 85 45 DEL. ALT. Richmond City, 26 13 Manchester, 3 2 Henrico, 10 5 Goochland, 5 3 Chesterj&eld, 7 4 New Kent, 3 2 Hanover, 7 4 King William, 5 3 Total, 66 36 2nd District.- LST DiSTllICT. 7 DEL. ALT. Norfolk City, ... .... 9 5 Norfolk County, . • • l'^ ''^ Williamsburg, 1 Portsmouth, ^ Princess Anne, ^ Nansemond, ^^ Isle of Wight, . 5 3 Southampton, .9 Elizabeth City, '' "^ Warwick, ^ ^ York, 5 3 James City, ^ Charles City, ^ 2 Surry, _^ ^ Total, . .86 49 DEL. LAT. Accomac, ... 7 Northampton, ^ Lancaster, .4 Eichmond, 4 Northumberland, ^ Westmoreland, . ■ ... 5 3 Gloucester, ^ 3 Middlesex, ... ^ 2 Matthews, ^ ^ Essex, ^ ^ King & Queen, ^ 3 1. 7 4 Carolme, • 4-2 Spotsylvania, * Fredericksburg, • . . . . . ^ V Total, 65 36 8 No. 1. Form of Certificate to he Issued to Each Delegate Appointed hy Polling-Place Meetings. FoEM. This is to certify, that at a meeting of the Re- publican voters of precinct in the of , held at 12 M, on Saturday, the 21st day of April, 1888, . . . Republican voter of the precinct, was appointed a delegate to the Convention to be held at on the 23rd day of April, 1888. •"•••• > Permanent Chairman Precinct Meetings. Secretary. Countersigned by J Precinct Chairman. No. 2. lorra of Certifieaies to he Issued to Delegates and Alternates A-ppointed to District and State Conventions. Form for This is to certify, that at a delegated Conven- Delegates. tion of the Republican party for the of held at the on ... the . . day of 1888. a Republican voter thereof, was appointed a delegate to the district and State Conventions to be held as provided in the call of the State Committee dated the 29th day of March, 1888. Permanent Chairman. Secretary. Countersigned by * > County or City Chairman. No. 3. ■ .^ ; ^ FoKM FOR This is to certify, that at a delegated Convene ^ Alternates, tiou of the Eepublican party for the .... of held at the ■ ■ • . • • ou ... the . . day of . . , 1888. . . . . a Republican voter thereof, was appointed an alternate to the District and State Conventions to be held as providod in the call of the State Committee dated 29th day of March, 1888. rernnnidtt Chairman. Si^crt'lari/. Countersigned by ... • . • • ■ J (U)init}i or Cilji Chairman. No. 4. Forv/ of Certificates to he lamed to Delegates and Alternates to the National Convention for the State at large. Form. This is to certify, that at a delegated Conven- tion of the Eepublican party for the State of Virginia, held at Petersburg, on the 17th day of May 1888, ^ ■ was appointed a delegate and , his alter- nate to the EepubHcan National Convention to be held at Chicago, on the 19th day of June, 1888, • ■ Name, Permanent Chairman Slate Convention. ■ J Secretary. No. 5. Form of Certificate to he Issued to District Delegates and Alter- nates to Chicago. Form. This is to certify that at a duly delegated Conven- tion of the Eepublican party of the \o Congreasioual District held at • ■ on the .... day of . 1888. was appointed a delegate aud his alternate to the Ee- piiblican National Convention to be held at Chicago on the 19th day of June, 1888, ^same, , PernnoKnit Chairman Dif^tfict Convenilon. Secretary. MEMORANDUM. Several of the States have made their call as we have — nota- bly, Louisiaunia Tennessee, New Hampshire aud Iowa. Besides the annexed correspondance with the Chairman of the National Committee, I addressed to the Chairman of the ])arty in each State a similar letter to that addressed Chairman Jones, and the result was a dilterence of opinion as to the mean- ing' of the call. The current of opinion was, however, as express- ed by the Hon. Samuel Fessendeu, Secretary of the National Committee, who says, (by Mr. Henry E. Smith) "The question as to whether District delegates should in all cases be appointed by District Conventions, held within the bounds of each Con- gressional District, was not discussed in the general meeting of the llepublican National Convention. * * Some States "'■ •' have already called District Conventions at the same place and on same day that the State Convention is called. * ■'• "' Gentlemen in those States have expressed themselves as entertaining no doubt of the right to hold District Conventions outside the bounds of the Districts. "' *'" The Hon. Mr. Gallinger, Chairman of the party in New Hamp- shire, says : "In New Hampshire we interpret the call of the National Committee to mean that ^' ■'• "" the District delegates could be elected either by Disfrict Conventions, held on other days, or by the State CoRveiitlon resolving itself into District Conventions for thai purpose '' The Hon. W. B. Bates, Secretary of the State Committee for 1 1 Micliigau, says : "The Hon. I. P. Sanborn, who attended the meeting of National Committee, tells him that the formulation of the call was referred to a sub-committee, and that the question was not discussed by the committee proper at all, and he is of the impression that the iident of the Natlomd Coimaltte was to folloio former preredentsr He adds: "The effect of holding separate District Conventions and leaving to the State Conven- tion merely the work of nominating the delegates at large, would be to take away the incentive to attend the State Convention, Avhile if the old custom should prevail the first enthusiasm of the campaign of 1888 would be aroused by {in this State) 800 dele- gates assembling and securing a good start." The Hon. Charles Beardsley, Chairman of the State Com- mittee for Iowa, says : "These county delegates meet either in their respective Districts or at the capitol of the State. The lat- ter has been our custom in Iowa, and my expectation is that we will follow it this year. '"' " -^ I am told by Mr. Clarkson (mem- ber of the National Committee and of the sub-committee that framed the call that the National Committee {suh) considered the District delegate question and so framed the call that States which had hceti in thehahit of selecting all delegates cU one gather- ing, ''■ "' could continue to do so." 12th January, 1888. Dear Mr. Chairman Jones : I have no advice of the call for our National Con- vention, other than that published in the papers, and they were not in fact the same. Meanwhile, some division of opinion in respect to the true in- tent and meaning of its provisions has been presented. In this, whether there must be District Conventions held within the boundaries of each Congressional District, then and there to ap- point, each, two delegates to Chicago, and at another time and place, a State Convention to appoint four (4) delegates for the State at large, or whether as in '84, the State Convention may not, after appointing the four (4 ) delegates at large, resolve it- self into District Conventions, and the delegates representing each Congressional District acting separately, appoint then and there, each two delegates. The latter plan will insure much larger, more liberally attend- ed. State and District Conventions and will save time and much expense. 12 The average Eepublican siatesmaii who v.onld eagerly go to a State Convention, where he wouhl have the chance of Ijeing appointed an Elector or going to Chicago either as a District or State at large delegate, will not be tempted so much to travel, perhaps the like distance, encounter the same expense and the like loss of time, to attend a District Convention where all to be done is to elect tioo delegates to the National Convention. This when he has already been called on to attend the precinct pri- maries and the County Convention. By the District plan, confining such Conventions to the geo- graphical boundaries of each District, the opportunity will be lost to the party for distributing Electors, District and State delegates to the better advantage. The State Committee here are anxious to conform its call for Conventions to the true intent and purpose of the National Committee, and therefore this letter. Yours truiy, WM. MAHONE, Hon. B. F. Jones, Chavmuvt, Cliairmmi, ct'c, Pittsburg, Penn. Hon. Tlw. Mahone., Peterslxini, V