^■0- ^ . /r?ih-.'' . l^ c '-' ^^ <:C\^.: ,^> ^^, ^^.. v:^^ '^. V -^•- -^yiW^- '^'^ ■*• /A 0^" .^ \^^^- \^^ ^* '^z t,^ X ■-y o 0- .0 - ^ \; ■y' O- * .0 pa sV>' '>?. ^^^. ,<^' S' -^^ •*^- o '■ *. '^- >A / ■^ 0^ : / >"' x'?'^ .,. "^'^ .^-^■ -.v "^^, v^' •-^ MARQUIS GILBERT-MOTIER LAFAYETTE. THE LIFE OF THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE Major General in the United States Army in the War of the Revolution By P. C. HEADLEY Author of "LIFE OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS," "LIFE OF KOSSUTH," "LIFE OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE." "WOMEN OF THE BIBLE," etc. WITH NOTES BY HENRY KETCHAM WITH ILLUSTRATIONS A. L. BURT COMPANY, J^ ^ J. J> ^ ^ ^ PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK V THE LIBRARY OF CONGPESS, Two Copies Received JUN G 1903 Cepyiig^'t Entry SiusS S^ XXo. No. (0:^72. ST COPY B. Copyright, 1903, By a. L. BURT COMPANY. PREFACE. In offering the public another biography of Lafay- ette, the author offers no apology. It is true, the his- tory of this great man has been given in various memoirs, but not a full and chronologically correct record of his eventful and brilliant career. Besides, his character may be more carefully analyzed and studied in the light of recent developments, which add a new interest to portions of his history, formerly involved in a good deal of obscurity. Lafayette's name is inseparably associated with that of Geokoe Washington; and he should be known as familiarly to every American citizen. To make this acquaintance with him in his manifold spheres of activity more completely attainable by all, is the design of this volume. European and Ameri- can authorities have been consulted, but their opinions are often deemed not strictly legitimate in view of facts. Especially is the part he acted in the French Revolution discussed freely, and the patriotic de- signs of the unsuccessful Hero seen, it is believed, through all that bloody tragedy. It is believed that the accuracy of the work will not be impeached. Information has been sought from a great variety of sources, Foreign and American. iii iV PREFACED. The disinterested philanthropy and hunger for freedom which animated the Marquis in his youth, and engaged his riper thought when a venerable hermit at La Grange, appeal to the heart and aspira- tions of the successors of the illustrious dead as the guardians of a Republic, which has passed from the stormy deep of physical combat, to the less awakening, but equally perilous sea of moral and political con- flict CONTENTS, CHAPTER I. PAQE The Man of Two Worlds — Birth of Lafayette— His An- cestry and early Years — Removal to Paris — Intercourse at Court — His marriage with the Countess de Noailles — Her Character — Lafayette's sympathies with Free- dom — First News of the American Struggle — Plans — Disappointments and Hopes — Visits London — Re- turns to Paris — Leaves Paris for Bordeaux — Plans Discovered — Leaves Bordeaux for Passage — Returns to Bordeaux — Sets sail from Passage for America — Voyage — Letters to his Wife — Arrival in America 1 CHAPTER II. Lafayette in America — Reception — Visits Charleston — Letter to his Wife — Proceeds northward to Philadelphia —His reception there — Distrust of Congress — Resolutions passed — Lafayette meets Washington — Friendship of the two — Dark prospects of the Revolution — Battle of Brandy wine — Heroic conduct of Lafayette — Is wounded — At Bethlehem — Letters — Again at Camp — Accom- panies Gen, Gi'eene to New Jersey — Engagement at Gloucester — Lafayette is appointed to a command — Winter Quarters at Valley Forge — The Conway Cabal — Expedition against Canada — Lafayette returns to Valley Forge 21 iii iv CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. PAas Brightening Prospects— Opening of the Campaign of 1778 — Lafayette at Barren Hill — Perilous Position — Brilliant Manoeuvre, and safe Retreat — Attachment of the Army — Affecting Intelligence from Home — Death of his Daughter — Letter to his Wife — Evacuation of Philadel- phia — Battle of Monmouth — Arrival of Count D'Estaing, and the French fleet — Lafayette at Rhode Island — Sullivan and D'Estaing — D'Estaing determines to sail for Boston — Remonstrance — Lafayette and the Admiral — Reasons for the Measure — Retreat from Newport — Efforts of Lafayette — Repairs to Boston — Again at Rhode Island — Retreat — Resolutions of Congress — Correspond- ence — Lafayette prepares to revisit France — Action of Congress — Departure 69 CHAPTER IV. Letter to Washington — The Voyage — Storm and Con- spiracy — Arrival in France — Reception — PoUtical Quar- antine — Lafayette is admitted to the Royal Presence and Favor — His popularity — His laboi's in behalf of France and America — Letter to President Laurens — Presentation of the Sword to Lafayette — Dr. Frank- lin's Letter, and Lafayette's Reply — Lafayette and the Ministry — Success at last — Proposed plan of Aid — La- fayette sails for Boston — Arrival, and Letter to General Washington — Reception at Boston — Repairs to Head- quarters — Goes to Philadelphia — Situation of the Army — Washington — Letters — Designs upon New York — Ar- rival of the French Fleet — Lafayette at New York — Head Quarters , 113 CHAPTER V. Treason of Arnold — Fate of Andre — Washington in New- port — Lafayette in Maryland — Manoeuvres and Opera- tions there — Destitution of the Soldiers — Generosity of the Marquis — Lafayette in Virginia — Phillips and the CONTENTS. V PAGE Traitor — Cornwallis arrives, and takes the supreme Command of tlie British Troops — His Cliaracter — Pur- suit of Cornwallis, and reti'eat of the Marquis — Junc- tion with Wayne — The Pursued turns Pursuer — Corn- wallis retreats to Portsmouth — Embarks for Yorktown — Fortifies himself at Yorktown and Gloucester Point — — Arrival of tlie Frencli Fleet — Arrival of the allied Ai'my — Siege of Yorktown— Surrender of Cornwallis — Results — Lafayette goes to France 133 CHAPTER VI. Lafayette's Reception in Paris — At Home — Efiforts for America — Preparations of France and Spain — Lafayette at Cadiz — Negotiations for Peace — Treaty of Peace rati- fied — Lafayette at Madrid — Continued endeavors — Free Ports — Duties on Oil — Desires to return to America — Embarks at Havre — Arrival at New York — Enthusiastic welcome — Visits Washington at Mount Vernon — Treaty with the Indians — Kayewia — Visits Boston — Reception there — Proceeds to Virginia — Meets Washington at Richmond — Returns North — Takes leave of Congress — Returns to France — Visits Frederick the Great— In- cidents — Plans for African Emancipation — Interposition in behalf of persecuted Protestants 190 CHAPTER VII. A new Era in Lafayette's History— Causes which led to the French Revolution — Mistaken views concerning it — CharacterofLouisXVL— State of tlielNation— The wlieel of Revolution begins to move — Assembly of Notables — Lafayette a member — The States-General — The Tiers Etat and the Nobles — Union of the Tliree Estates— La- fayette's Oratory — Bill of Rights — Outbreak of the People — Destruction of the Bastile — Lafayette com- mands the National Guards — Murder of Foulou — T^efu- tation of Slander against Lafayette — Mob of Women — Judicious course of Lafayette— The Royal Family vi CONTENTS. PAGB leave Versailles for Paris — Reconciliation again — Cele- bration of the Fourteenth of July — Magnificent Festival — Lafayette refuses the command of all the National Guards of France — His true Nobility of soul 210 CHAPTER VIII. Solemn Perjury — Lafayette's Position — His Letter to "Washington — Jealousy of the King and Queen — Flight and return of the Royal Family — The King signs the Constitution — Lafayette resigns his office as Commander of the National Guards — Affection of the Guards and the Nation forliim — Testimonials of Esteem — He retires to Chavagniac — Petion is elected Mayor of Paris — Prep- arations for War — Lafayette is called upon — He as- sumes the Command — Marches to Givet — Treason — Re- tires to Maubeage — Letter to the Assembly — Appears in Paris — Returns to his Army — Last effort to save the King — The Reign of Terror — Decree against Lafayette — Diflficulties which surround him — He leaves theArmy. 259 CHAPTER IX. Companions of Lafayette in his Exile — He is stopped at Rochefort — Passports refused — Shameful Treatment — Imprisonment — Delivei'ed over by Prussia to Austria — Confinement at Olmutz — Refinement of Cruelty — Sym- pathy felt for liim — Efforts for his Release — Conduct of Governeur Morris — Madame de Lafayette — Bollman and Huger's Attempt — Escape — Is taken, and again thrown into Prison — Increased Cruelties — Conduct of Madame de Lafayette — With her two Daughters she visits him in Px-ison — Her Heroism — Bonaparte — Final Release — Reception in Hamburg 289 CHAPTER X. Lafayette in Private Life again — Two Years in Holstein — Visits Batavia — Overthrow of the French Directory — Napoleon appointed First Consul — Lafayette appears CONTENTS. yii PAGE in Paris — Chagrin of Bonaparte — Mutual understand- ing — Lafayette retires to La Gi-ange — His intercourse •witli Bonaparte ceases— Death of Madame de Lafayette — Banishment of Bonaparte to Elba — Elevation of Louis XVIII. to the French Throne — Escape of Bona- parte — He appears in Paris — Bonaparte and Lafayette — Reverses at Waterloo — Abdication — Lafayette at La Grange — Is again elected to the Chamber of Deputies — Revisits America — Incidents of his Tour — Returns to France — Another Revolution — Death of Lafayette — His Character 332 LIFE OF THE vMARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. CHAPTEK I. Lafayette has been called the man of two worlds ;* and whether we accredit him this title be- cause his history is identified with that of the two hemispheres, or in view of the universal praise awarded him both in Europe and America ; it is a merited distinction. He is one of the few heroes, who rise above national prejudice and vanities, and is esteemed for what he is — independently of the acci- dents of birth and clime. His elevated character re- sembled in many points that of Washington, his friend and companion in arms. There was a balance of powers — a well-sustained earnestness, and even en- thusiasm of action, while his heart beat with the loftiest impulses of virtue and freedom. He dis- dained the adulation of the courtly throng, and found pleasure, incomparably purer, in lifting up the weak and despairing to summits of greatness, if possible, equal to his own. Marie-Paul-Joseph-Roche- Yves Gilbert Motier de Lafayette was born on the 6th of September, 1757. \ U *"L'homme des deux mondes." — Berangee. > 2 LIFE OF GENERAL Through a long line of ancestry he could trace his descent from the nobility of the earliest periods of French history ; and, it is interesting to remark in the first glimpses which we get of the family, the same high qualities of character that reflect such honor upon the name, as they are seen exemplified in the history of its most distinguished representative. As early as the fifteenth century, when France was sub- jected to a hostile invasion, and the security of its government threatened, a Lafayette became the terror of the foe, and contributed more than any other ip drive out the enemy from the land. In the seven- teenth century Louis de Lafayette was especially in- strumental in defeating the plans of Richelieu, and in reconciling Louis XIIL to his queen. The family is not without favorable notice in the literary annals of France. Madeline Countess de Lafayette is the au- thoress of several works of much celebrity which have come down to the present time. In all the annals of this illustrious line, there are no unworthy deeds, and no stain of dishonor tarnishes its escutcheon. The birth place of young Lafayette, was in the province of Auvergne, situated in the central part of the southern division of France. The Chateau de Chavagnac,* where he first saw the light, is about one hundred and twenty leagues from Paris, and is an exceedingly romantic spot. The country seat stands amid an amphitheater of mountains, conmanding a magnificent and ample view of encircling summits. * This magnificent castle was situated in the department of Auvergne, in Southern France, MARQtnS DE LAFAYETTE. 8 This region was probably thrown up by the same con- vulsion that elevated the x\uvergne range, and ex- hibits all the varied and picturesque scenery of a sur- face, which has been broken into broad undulations and solemn peaks, by the upheaving of volcanic fires. The chateau was built in 1701 on the ruins of one that had long been the family residence, but was swept away with its ancient associations and pleasant mem- ories, by a conflagration that left only the blackened fragments of the fine old homestead. The first seven or eight years of his life, were passed in Chavagnac. His father, a Colonel in the French army, having fallen in the battle of Minden * a few months before his birth, the care of his infancy was left entirely to his mother, a woman of excellent qualities and rare attainments. By her unwearied devotion, the frail form of this only son survived the debility which for awhile, in- dicated a brief career. She watched with maternal solicitude and joy the hue of health stealing so grad- ually over his pale features, and marked the increas- ing strength of his attenuated frame ; although it gave but slight promise of the vigor which sustained the *The battle of Minden, in Westphalia, Prussia, was fought August 1, 1759. It was one of the severe battles of the Seven Years' War, a war that was waged primarily between Frederick the Great of Prussia and Marie Theresa of Austria ; though, owing to entangling alliances, it ultimately involved nearly the wliole of Europe and was fought out in Asia, Africa, and America. At Minden the French, under Con- tades, suffered a disasti'ous defeat at the hands of the allied English and German forces under the Duke of Brunswick, 4 LIFE OF GENERAL fatigues and arduous duties of his subsequent life. His mind, however, gave early indications of its power. He seemed to leap over infancy at a stride, and was a mature man in thought and feeling, while others of his age were only children. The same gen- erosity and nobility of soul; the love of liberty and enthusiastic hatred of oppression ; the self-sacrificing spirit and warm hearted devotion to whatever he espoused, which rendered his after life so illustrious, characterized also his early history. At the age of about twelve years he was entered at the college of Louis le Grand in Paris, where, under a course of ex- cellent training, he zealously pursued his studies. His mind was well formed for a student, and, had his attention been continued in that direction, he might easily have become one of the most accurate scholars of his time. By the death of his mother, in 1770, and of his grandfather a short time after, he became the heir to immense wealth, which, being entirely at his own con- trol, surrounded him with a crowd of parasites and flatterers, whose fawning and constant attendance checked, at once, the scholar's progress. The mild- ness and aifability of his manners, moreover, made him a great favorite at court, where the gentle but unfortunate Marie Antoinette took him under her special care. He became a page to the queen, and at the age of fifteen, in the year 1772, he was enrolled a member of the Mousquitaires du Roi, a body of sol- diers whose particular duty it was to protect the person of the king, and which was composed solely of MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 6 the descendants of the noblest families of France- Through the direct influence of the queen, he was promoted to the rank of a commissioned officer in this corps; and, though he says that his military services '' only interrupted his studies on review days," it is evident that the alacrity and zest with which he was wont to engage in intellectual culture had already subsided under the pressure of engagements of quite a different nature. His own conversational powers were of a high order, and their activity varied much with his moods — sometimes mild and winning, and again ardent and enthusiastic. When he spoke of liberty, or listened to a tale of oppression, his eye kindled with a glow, that disclosed the pure and intense flame on freedom's hidden altar. His soul, from earliest boyhood, was fired with the themes of human well-being, and des- potic cruelty. " You ask me at what period I first experienced my ardent love for liberty and glory ; — I recollect no time of life anterior to my enthusiasm for anecdotes of glorious deeds, and to my projects of traveling over the world to acquire fame. At eight years of age, my heart beat when I heard of an hyena that had done some injury, and caused still more alarm in our neighborhood, and the hope of meeting it was the ob- ject of all my walks. When I arrived at college, nothing ever interrupted my studies, except my ardent wish of studying without restraint. I never deserved to be chastised ; but, in spite of my usual gentleness, it would have been dangerous to have attempted to do 6 LIFE OF GENERAL SO. I recollect with pleasure that, when I was to describe in rhetoric a perfect courser, I sacrificed the hope of obtaining a prize, and described the one, who, on perceiving the whip, threw down his rider. Re- publican anecdotes always delighted me, and when my new connections wished to obtain for me a place at court, I did not hesitate displeasing them to preserve my independence." How plainly, in all this, is his character seen. The steed, gentle when well treated, but throwing his rider at sight of the whip, had spirit which chimed in well with that of the youthful hater of oppression. In his seventeenth year * Lafayette was married. The object of his choice was first selected by him from considerations of family interest, but the mar- riage was consummated, as there is every reason to believe, with the purest affection. His lady was the Comptesse Anastasie de Noailles, daughter of the Duke d'Ayen. Her life is one of the brightest in the annals of female heroism, conspicuous alike for gen- tleness, disinterested devotion and patient endurance of every privation which attends deepest misfortunes. In the progress of this history, we shall have occasion to notice and admire her worth. She brought her husband a fortune, which together with his ample in- heritance, gave him a revenue of 200,000 francs, or 37,500 dollars, per annum. But she was a richer treasure than it all. Lafayette gave abundant evi- dence that he cherished for her the highest esteem, and her character and history show that she reciprocated * April, 1774. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 7 fully his affection. " At this period of his life, the Marquis de Lafayette was a man of commanding figure and pleasing features, notwithstanding his deep red hair. His forehead, though receding, was fine; his eyes clear hazel, and his mouth and chin delicately formed, exhibiting beauty rather than strength. The expression of his countenance was strongly indicative of a generous and gallant spirit, with an air of con- scious greatness. His manners were frank and ami- able — his movements light and graceful. Formed, both by nature and education, to be the ornament of a court, and already distinguished by his varied and at- tractive qualities in the circle of his noble acquain- tance, his free principles were neither withered by the sunshine of royalty, nor weakened by flattery and temptation." In the summer of 1Y76, Lafayette was stationed on military duty as an officer of the French army, in the citadel of Metz. It was the summer distinguished as the greatest modern epoch in the progress of hu- manity — the summer of the declaration of American Independence. He was at this time but little more than eighteen, but, as we have before noticed, his maturity was far beyond his years. The Duke of Gloucester having been exiled from the court of Great Britain on account of his impolitic marriage, was then at Metz. He was a brother of the King of Eng- land, and M'as constantly receiving advices relating to the progress of the opening struggle in America. The first tidings of the kind which he communicated to the French officers there, struck the key note to Liifa^- 8 LIFE OF GENERAL ette's fiery ardor ; and tlie more vividly the Duke de- scribed the plans of the British ministry to crush the efforts of the colonists, the more firmly settled in his breast became the plan, which he seems to have im- mediately formed, of going to their rescue. America fighting for its independence appealed strongly to his imagination, but America oppressed and likely to be crushed in the struggle, enlisted every sympathy of his heart. Throwing up his office at Metz, he returned to Paris. He knew that the earnest opposition of his family and friends would be brought to bear against his designs, but he had determined to throw himself into the struggle, and no human barrier could defeat the purpose. His first steps, however, were taken with great caution. With the utmost secrecy he made his inquiries and preparations, carefully concealing his intentions from the wife of his bosom and most of his intimate friends. At length he disclosed his determination to his relative the Count de Broglie, but received from him the strongest opposition. The Count pictured to him, in glowing terms, the difiicul- ties and dangers of the undertaking, and endeavored by every means to dissuade hinl from the enterprise — " Your uncle perished in the wars in Italy," said he, " your father fell in the battle of Minden, and now I will not be accessory to the ruin of the only remaining branch of the family." Notwithstanding, Lafayette was not disheartened. The secretary of the Count, Mr. Duboismartin, entered at once into all his plans, and approved them. His position and skill enabled MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 9 him to render the Marquis important aid, both in the way of advice and active assistance. Lafayette, not for a moment dissuaded from his ro- mantic and perilous scheme by his interview with the Count de Broglie,* soon laid open all his plans to the Baron de Kalb, to whom he had been attracted by a kindred sympathy. The Baron's heart beat with the same enthusiasm which animated the young Marquis, and his love of liberty was equally ardent. De Kalb zealously seconded his design, and opened to him new methods for carrying it forward. Mr. Silas Deane, an agent sent out by the American Congress to ne- gotiate with the French government, was at this time in Paris. To him De Kalb introduced the Marquis, and spread before him the generous offer of his per- sonal service in the American war. Mr. Deane was at first unfavorably impressed with the boyish appear- ance of Lafayette, (he was at this time scarcely nine- teen years of age,) but the earnestness with which the young volunteer pleaded his cause ; the ardor which he manifested in the enterprise, and the probable ef- fect which his departure would have throughout France in awakening a more intense sympathy with the American States overcame his first hesitation. A mutual agreement was made, and Lafayette left him with his youthful spirit bounding to the music of free- dom's battle. The following paper, which he had ob- tained from Mr. Deane, was to him a richer treasure * Lafayette afterwards states, tliat the Count withdrew his opposition after all his efforts to turn him from his project had proved in vain. 10 LIFE OF GENERAL than liis ancestral domain. It was given in virtue of Lafayette's stipulation to depart as early as circum- stances should permit, and engage personally in the struggle for the Independence of the United States. " The desire which the Marquis de Lafayette shows of serving among the troops of the United States of l^Torth America, and the interest which he takes in the justice of their cause, make him wish to distin- guish himself in this war, and to render himself as useful as he possihly can. But not thinking that he can obtain leave of his family to pass the seas and to serve in a foreign country, till he can go as a general officer, I have thought that I could not bet- ter serve my country, and those who have entrusted me, than by granting to him, in the name of the very honorable Congress, the rank of Major-General, which I beg the states to confirm and ratify to him, and to deliver him the commission to hold and take rank from this day with the general officers of the same degree. His high birth, his alliances, the great dig- nities which his family hold at this court, his con- siderable estates in this realm, his personal merit, his reputation, his disinterestedness, and above all, his zeal for the liberty of our provinces, are such as to induce me alone to promise him the rank of Major- General in the name of the United States. In wit- ness of which I have signed the present this 7th day of December. 1776. Silas Deane." " The secrecy," says Lafayette, " with which this negotiation and my preparations were made, appears MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 11 almost a miracle; family, friends, ministers, French spies and English spies, all were kept completely in the dark as to my intentions." In the midst of his preparations, unforeseen diffi- culties arose. A ship was fitting out in which he was to take his departure, when news of disastrous defeats in the revolutionary army reached France. Hearts throbbing with hope were hushed at the tidings of these sad reverses on the field of conflict fur liberty. The intelligence which flew across the Atlantic and made the bells of London ring for joy, fell like a fu- neral knell upon many a circle in Paris and other parts of the kingdom. The court of Versailles had not yet openly espoused the American cause, but Louis XVL was looking upon the struggle with anxious eye, and discerning politicians were already predicting that France would soon be joined in fraternal league with the United States, against England. Benjamin Franklin had joined Mr. Deane at Paris, with more definite instructions, and both, though not publicly ac- knowledged, were yet secretly received by the king; and while they were assured of his approval of the revolution, they also had reason to believe that he would soon openly espouse it. The king was on the point of an official proclamation of the Independence of the thirteen colonies, and just ready to unsheath the sword in their behalf, when their sudden misfortunes reached his ear. He paused awhile to wait the issue of the fearful crisis. The aspect of affairs in the new world was indeed gloomy. The battle of Brooklyn had been fought, resulting in the total rout of the 12 LIFE OF GENERAL continental forces, and the evacuation of Long Island. "New York, after a desperate resistance, had been given up to the British. General Howe was master of Forts Washington and Lee. The heroic army was fast becoming disbanded ; the militia throwing down their arms, and returning home in despair. General Washington with the remnant who remained, ill clothed and scantily fed, was retreating before the British, through a desponding country. So dark were the prospects, that the American commissioners at Paris ceased for a time from their representations to the king, and even urged Lafayette to abandon his project of enlisting in their service. They told him that the late unhappy news had so deranged their affairs, that they could not now offer him even a passage to America, nor assure him of any ground of success should he be able to go. They had, how- ever, mistaken their man. Lafayette was not yet known. With a generosity which has no parallel, he replied to their attempts to dissuade him from the enterprise, by assuring them that if their country was indeed reduced to such an extremity, that was the very hour when his embarking to join her armies would render the most essential aid. " I thank you for your frankness," said he, " but now is precisely the moment to serve your cause ; the more people are discouraged, the greater utility will result from my departure. Until now you have only seen my ardor in your cause, but that may not prove at present wholly useless. If you cannot furnish me with a vessel, I will purchase one and freight it at my own MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 13 expense, to convey your despatches and my person to the shores of America." Neither of the three * commissioners was prepared for this noble offer. They had supposed that the Marquis, in common with others who had gone from Europe to enlist in the American struggle, was ac- tuated more by youthful impulses and a passion for adventure or military glory, than by any genuine sympathy with an oppressed people panting for free- dom. But a romantic zeal, or love of excitement, would have given way before the difficulties which now tried the spirit of Lafayette. With unbending resolution he instantly set himself at work, to carry out his proposal. From his own estates he raised the money necessary for the expedition, and without delay prepared to purchase and equip a vessel for his use. His preparations were necessarily matured with the utmost privacy, so as to escape the vigilance of his domestic circle, the French government, and English spies. He was constantly under the espion- age of his own and a foreign government, but the same calm forethought which he afterwards displayed upon the field of battle, was manifested during the progress of this, his conflict with unseen foes. With heroic fortitude he pressed on, surmounting each ob- stacle as it arose, looking as tranquilly upon the diffi- culties that environed him at home, -and the dangers awaiting him abroad, as one would gaze upon the quiet sea, or watch the bright clouds as they wan- dered over a summer sky, •Arthur Lee was the third commissioner. 14 LIFE OF GENERAL To his wife, whom he tenderly loved, Lafayette revealed nothing of his plans. He knew perfectly her affection, and that the delicate situation in which she was placed would increase her unwillingness to bear the separation. To escape her knowledge and the surveillance of royalty, his ship was purchased and preparations made for his departure through his friend Mr. Duboismartin, the secretary of the Count de Broglie. Lafayette controlled every thing, but the secretary was the visible channel through which all his directions flowed. In the midst of his preparations, the French gov- ernment wished to send Lafayette on a diplomatic mission to London. His associate was the Prince de Poix, and though the journey, occurring at this time, was eminently distasteful to him, he was aware that it would only excite suspicion to refuse, and accordingly submitted to the journey with as much suavity as he could command. Dr. Franklin, who clearly saw the difficulties which the Marquis would encounter, should his contemplated sailing for Amer- ica become known to the government, advised his visit to London, in the hope that this would divert the inquiries which he knew were constantly and busily made in reference to all his operations. More from this consideration than any other, La- fayette went. His rank gained him attention at once, at the court of St. James; but on reaching London, before paying his respects to the British Majesty, he sought an interview with Bancroft, the American. The distinction with which he was received by the MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 15 nobility, and his flattering reception at court, did not change his sentiments at all respecting the struggle between England and her colonies. His design of enlisting personally in the strife was concealed, but his opinions were openly avowed. His stay in Lon- don was short, for his restless spirit was anxious to get back to Paris and superintend his movements there. " At the end of three weeks," he writes, *^ when it became necessary for me to return home, while refusing to accompany my uncle, the ambassa- dor to court, I confided to him my strong desire to take a trip to Paris. He proposed saying that I was ill during my absence. I should not have made use of this stratagem myself, but did not object to his doing so." Hastening back thus early to the capital, conceal- ment was necessary, lest his sudden return should give rise to unwelcome suspicions. Repairing to the house of the Baron de Kalb, he spent three days in secret interviews with Americans and a few other friends, in whom he could confide. The confinement and the restraint under which he felt himself placed in these circumstances, were irksome to his bold and frank nature which preferred to work at daylight in the very face of danger. Through one of his agents, a ship had been bought, and was now in process of equipment for him at Bordeaux. Unwilling to trust the whole management of it to others, and anxious to see the progress made, he hastily left Paris and set out for that city. His scheme, however, began to be known. It was impossible that the extensive outfit 16 LIFE OF GENERAL which he was actively making, should for a long time escape the observation of spies with whom he was surrounded. It is certain that information was com- municated to the court of Versailles, and representa- tions made to the king, which led to an order for the arrest of Lafayette, soon after he had reached Bor- deaux. Tidings of this were at once communicated to the Marquis, and, flying from France to Spain, he resolved to complete his arrangements at Passage,* and to embark for America from that port. Disguise was now at an end. He openly avowed his inten- tions, as well as his purpose that no mortal power should prevent their accomplishment. At Passage his firmness was put to the severest test. Letters arrived from his family, which were not only urgent in their entreaties for him to remain, but violent in their denunciations of his project. He was reproached for his want of parental care, and even taunted for faithlessness to her whom he had sworn to love. Letters came, under kingly authority, peremptorily forbidding his embarkation for the new world. Louis signified his highest displeasure should he disobey this order; and Lafayette well knew the meaning of the threat. Disobedience to the com- mands of his sovereign was, for one in his position, no trivial affair. It made him liable to the confisca- tion of all his immense estates, and subjected him to outlawry and disgrace. Should he persevere, he might land on a foreign shore penniless and forsaken, under a monarch's frown, and with nothing but his * A Spanish port. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 17 sword to aid the cause which he had so zealously es- poused. Nothing, however, could daunt him, or change his indomitable will. Feigning obedience, for the purpose of seeking a more favorable oppor- tunity for weighing anchor, he returned to Bordeaux, and wrote to the ministry, asking leave to consum- mate his plans. He frankly owned their nature and design, but plead as a reason why he should be allowed to go, the benefit which would accrue to France could the pride of England be humbled by wresting the transatlantic possessions from her hand. Cogent as these reasons were, and deeply as they were felt, the king was not then willing to afford the slightest um- brage to his powerful rival, and accordingly the pe- tition of Lafayette was refused. This he learned through a friend, as no direct answer was ever sent- At Bordeaux he received orders to proceed to Mar- seilles and join himself to the Duke d'Ayen who was going into Italy. Upon pretence of obeying he set off from Bor- deaux ; but instead of taking the road to Marseilles, passed directly southward to Bayonne. His steps were closely watched, and before he had proceeded many hours, he found that pursuers were on the track. Changing his dress for that of a courier, and con- cealing himself in a stable while the coach in which he was traveling stopped at Bayonne, he hoped to elude detection. He had the start of the messengers, and could easily distance them. At St. Jean de Luz, a village near the boundary line of France and Spain, he was recognized by one who observed him while on 2 18 LIFE OF GENERAL his previous tour from Passage to Bordeaux. It was a womaUj however, and a single sign from Lafayette for her to keep silent, made the secret safe. He reached Passage in safety, found his vessel in readi- ness, and March 26th, 1777, with sails outspread, the prow of his gallant Victory was turned toward the strand hallowed by the footsteps of freedom. By way of signifying his disapprobation, Louis XVL immediately granted permission to a Major General in the French army,* to offer his services to the king of Great Britain to assist in subduing his rebellious subjects. Despatches were instantly sent to the national forces at the West Indies to arrest Lafayette, should his vessel, as was expected, stop there on its way. The sagacity of the Marquis was, however, equal to the emergency. Suspecting that he might be detained should he touch at the Islands, as soon as he got fairly to sea he ordered the captain to steer directly for the American coast. This officer at first refused, but the Marquis was peremptory and the course of the vessel was accordingly changed. The voyage was long and tedious. The ship was heavy, and its slow sailing and rolling motion soon added sea sickness to the trials of the young soldier. Recovering, he addressed the following letter to his wife, which, as it breathes the language of affection, will be interesting to the reader : " On board the Victory, May 30, 1777. * * " How many fears and anxieties enhance the keen anguish I feel at being separated from all *The Count de Bulkely. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 19 that I love most fondly in the world ! How have you borne my second departure? Have you loved me less ? Have you pardoned me ? Have you reflected that, at all events, I must equally have been parted from you — wandering about in Italy, dragging on an inglorious life, surrounded by the persons most op- posed to my projects and to my manner of thinking ? All these reflections, did not prevent me from exper- iencing the most bitter grief when the moment arrived for quitting my native shore. Your sorrow, and that of my friends, all rushed upon my thoughts, and my heart was torn by a thousand painful feelings. I could not, at that instant, find any excuse for my own conduct. If you could know all that I have suf- fered, and the melancholy days that I have passed, while thus flying from all that I love best in the world ! Must I join to this affliction the grief of hearing that you do not pardon me ? I should, in truth, my love, be too unhappy." His ardor for liberty, is well exemplified in the following extract from another letter, dated " On board the Victory, June 7th, [1T77.] " I am still floating upon this dreary plain, the most wearisome of all human habitations. To console myself a little, I think of you and of my friends. I think of the pleasure of seeing you again. How de- lightful will be the moment of my arrival ! I shall hasten to surprise and embrace you. I shall, per- haps, find you with your children. To think, only, of that happy moment is an inexpressible pleasure to me J — do not fancy that it is distant; — although the 20 LIFE OF GENERAL time of my absence will appear, I own, very long to me, yet, we shall meet sooner than you can expect. While defending the liberty I adore, I shall enjoy perfect freedom myself; I but offer my services to that interesting Republic from motives of the purest kind, unmixed with ambition or private views ; her happiness and my glory are my only incentives to the task. I hope, that for my sake, you will become a good American, for that feeling is worthy of every noble heart. The happiness of America is intimately connected with the happiness of all mankind. She will become the safe and respected asylum of virtue, integrity, toleration, equality, and tranquil happi- ness." After a tedious voyage of almost two months in duration, the Victory came in sight of the American shores. A thrill of unspeakable emotion passed over the frame of the heroic stranger, as the long, low, sand-plains of the eastern coast of South Carolina, spread away before his vision. This was the land, towards which all the earnest yearnings of his soul had gone forth ; over which hung his most radiant hopes and anticipations. He landed at Winyau Bay, about sixty miles northeast from Charleston, on the 14th of June, 1777. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 21 CHAPTER II. Lafayette and the Baron de Kalb, who accom- panied him, stepping on liberty's soil mutually swore to conquer, or die in the contest upon which they were entering. It was midnight when the canoe, which had conveyed them from the ship to the land- ing place up the bay, rested on the silent beach. The Marquis was in high spirits, now that he was fairly across the monotonous sea ; and he could look confidently forward to the fruition of his hopes. Beneath that midnight sky, with the stars looking calmly down upon him, and the land he had come to defend slumbering at his feet, the patriotic self- devotion of the young adventurer was a romantic and beautiful beginning of a brilliant career. At the house of Major Benjamin Huger * he met with a hearty welcome, and received all the attention which generous hospitality, and a due appreciation of his magnanimity could bestow. Lafayette was charmed with every thing that he saw about him. " The novelty of all that surrounded him the next morning when he awoke — the room, the bed covered with mosquito nets, the black servants who came to ask *This officer fell, covered with wounds, during Provost's invasion. [See page 324.] 22 LiFIi OF GENERAL his commaiids, tlie beauty and foreign aspect of the country which he beheld from his windows, and which was covered with a rich vegetation, all united to produce on his mind a magical effect, and excite in him a variety of inexpressible emotions." Remaining but a short time amid the pleasures of this attractive retreat, he set out for Charleston, to make arrangements for the return of his vessel to France, before he should go northward to Philadel- phia. He here met with General Moultrie, and was so delighted with his recent gallant defence of the fort on Sullivan's island, that he at once presented him with clothing, arms, and accoutrements, for one hundred men, From Charleston he writes to his wife, dated June 19th. '' I landed at Charleston, after having sailed for several days along a coast swarming with hostile ves- sels. On my arrival here, every one told me that my ship must undoubtedly be taken, because two English frigates had blockaded the harbor. I even sent, both by land and by sea, orders to the captain to put the men on shore, and burn the vessel, if he had still the power of doing so. Eh hienf by a most extraordinary piece of good fortune, a sudden gale of wind having blown away the frigates for a short time, my vessel arrived at noon-day without having encoun- tered friend or foe. At Charleston I have met with General Howe, a general officer, now engaged in ser- vice. The governor of the state is expected this even- ing from the country. All the persons with whom I wished to be acquainted, have shown me the greatest MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 23 attention and politeness, (not European politeness merely.) I can only feel gratitude for the reception I have met with, although I have not yet thought proper to enter into any detail respecting my future prospects and arrangements. I wish to see the Con- gress first. I hope to set out in two days for Phila- delphia, which is a land journey of more than two hundred and fifty leagues. We shall divide into small parties. I have already purchased horses and light carriages for this purpose. " I shall now speak to you, my love, about the country and its inhabitants, who are as agreeable as my enthusiasm had led me to imagine. Simplicity of manner, kindness of heart, love of country and of liberty, and a delightful state of equality, are met with universall3\ The richest and the poorest man are completely on a level; and although there are some immense fortunes in this country, I may chal- lenge any one to point out the slightest difference in their respective manner toward each other. I first saw and judged of a country life at Major Huger'a house. I am at present in this city, where every thing somewhat resembles the English customs, ex- cept that you find more simplicity here than in Eng- land. Charleston is one of the best built, handsom- est, and most agTeeable cities that I have ever seen. The American women are very pretty, and have great simplicity of character. The extreme neatness of their appearance is truly delightful. Cleanliness is every where even more studiously attended to here than in England. What gave me most pleasure is to 24 LIFE OF GENERAL see how completely the citizens are all brethren of one family. In America there are none poor, and none even that can be called peasants. Jlach citizen has some property, and all citizens have the same rights as the richest individual or landed proprietor in the country. The inns are very different from those in Europe; the host and hostess sit at the table with you, and do the honors of a comfortable meal, and when you depart, you pay your bill without being obliged to tax it. If you should dislike going to inns, you may always find country houses, in which you will be received, as a good American, with the same attention that you might expect to find at a friend's house in Europe. " My own reception has been most peculiarly agree- able. To have been merely my traveling companion suffices to secure the kindest welcome. I have just passed five hours at a large dinner, given in compli- ment to me by an individual of this town. Generals Howe and Moultrie, and several officers of my suite, were present. We drank each other's health, and en- deavored to talk English, which I am beginning to speak a little. I shall pay a visit to-morrow, with these gentlemen, to the governor of the state, and make the last arrangements for my departure. The next day, the commanding officer here will take me to see the town and its environs, and I shall then set out to join the army. " From the agreeable life I lead in this country, from the sympathy which makes me feel as much at ease with the inhabitants as if I had known them MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 25 twenty years, the similarity between their manner of thinking and my own, my love of glory and of liberty, you might imagine that I am very happy ; but you are not with me, my dearest love ; my friends are not with me ; and there is no happiness for me when far from you and them. I often ask you if 3^ou still love ; but 1 put that question still more often to myself, and my heart ever answers yes ; — I trust that my heart does not deceive me. I am inexpressibly anxious to hear from you, and hope to find some letters at Philadel- phia. My only fear is, lest the privateer which was to bring them to me, may have been captured on her way. Although, I can easily imagine that I have ex- cited the special displeasure of the English, by taking the liberty of coming hither in spite of them, and landing before their very face, yet, I must confess that we shall be even more than on a par if they have succeeded in catching that vessel, the object of my fondest hopes, by which I am expecting to receive your letters. I entreat you to send me both long and frequent letters. You are not sufficiently conscious of the joy with which I shall receive them. Em- brace, most tenderl}^, my Henriette ; may I add, em- brace our children ! The father of those poor chil- dren is a wanderer, but he is, nevertheless, a good, honest man — a good father, warmly attached to his fr.mily, and a good husband, also, for he loves his wife most tenderly. The night is far advanced, the heat intense, and I am devoured by gnats ; but the best countries, as you perceive, have their inconveniences. Adieu, my love, adieu." 26 LIFE OF GENERAL As soon as practicable, leaving Charleston, Lafay- ette was on bis way to Philadelphia. The travel was exhausting, though he hardly knew it in the fine ex- citement his enterprise awakened. In our clay, rail- roads and steam boats make this passage a pleasant excursion. Then, the roads were new and bad, the weather often unfavorable, and every outward cir- cumstance contributed to make the journey toilsome and discouraging. In a letter to his wife, written at Petersburgh, Va., July 17th, 1777, he says : — '• I am now eight days' journey from Philadelphia, in the beautiful state of Virginia. All fatigue is over, and I fear that my martial labors will be very light if it be true that General Howe has left ISTew York, to go, I know not whither. But all the accounts I receive are so uncertain, that I cannot form any fixed opin- ion until I reach my destination. " You must have learned the particulars of the commencement of my journey. You know that I set out in a brilliant manner, in a carriage, and I must now tell you that we are all on horseback — having broken the carriage according to my usual praise- worthy custom — and I hope soon to write to you that we have arrived on foot. The journey is somewhat fatiguing ; but, although several of my comrades have suffered a great deal, I, myself, have scarcely been conscious of fatigue. The captain who takes charge of this letter will, perhaps, pay you a visit. I beg you, in that case, to receive him Avith great kindness. " The farther I advance to the north, the better pleased am I with the country and its inhabitants. Marquis de lafayette. 2Y There is no attention or kindness that I do not re- ceive, although many scarcely know who I am. But I will write all this to you more in detail from Phila- delphia." Congress was now in session at Philadelphia ; and immediately upon his arrival, Lafayette presented himself before it. The time was in many respects inauspicious. A crowd of foreign adventurers who had made the same stipulations with Mr. Deane as himself, had recently been importuning that body to fulfill the agreements which their minister at Paris had rashly made. Many of those whom Mr. Deane had sent over came simply to follow their profession, without the slightest regard to the right of the cause in which they were to take up arms. It was with them, simply a quid pro quo. They gave a certain amount of service, for which they were to receive a certain amount of pay, and degree of rank in the army. Congress thus embarrassed from the numer- ous applications already received, was unprepared for farther solicitation. Much dissatisfaction was felt towards Mr. Deane for encouraging expectations which could not be realized. Many American offi- cers began to express discontent at seeing themselves suddenly superseded in rank by their foreign allies. So many were the complaints, and manifold the diffi- culties, that the legislative assembly had almost come to the determination not to receive farther requests of the kind ; and when Lafayette appeared he was treated with coolness, which amounted well nigh to neglect. The young Marquis, who had been hailed 28 LIFE OF GENERAL with joy upon his arrival, and treated with un- bounded respect until now, could not have anticipated a change so marked, and undesignedly cruel. Here was displa^'ed anew that moral heroism, which shone in every hour of trial. Having laid his stipulations with Mr. Deane before Congress, with the confidence of unsullied motives, he learned from the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, that owing to such circumstances as we have detailed above, there was little hope that his request would be granted. Seizing a pen, he immediately dictated to Congress the following brief but meaning note : " After the sacrifices I have made, I have a right to exact two favors: — one is, to serve at my own ex- pense — the other is, to serve as a volunteer." Such a note, in beautiful contrast with the proud demands of many who had lately claimed appoint- ments, was an affecting surprise. It disclosed the man — assured them he was a benefactor, whose offers should not be lightly esteemed. They soon learned his worth, and, with astonishment, the generous sacri- fices he had made. Accordingly, upon the 31st of July, 1777, they passed the following preamble and resolution : " Whereas, The Marquis de Lafayette, out of his great zeal in the cause of liberty in which the United States are engaged, has left his family and connec- tions, and, at his own expense, come over to offer his service to the United States, without pension or par- ticular allowance, and is anxious to risk his life in our cause : MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 29 " Resolved, That his services be accepted, and that in consideration of his zeal, illustrious family and connections, he have the rank and commission of a Major-General in the army of the United States." On the 1st of August, Lafayette was presented to Washington. The tide of war seemed now to be moving towards Philadelphia, and the Commander- in-Chief had left Germantown, that he might place the city in a posture of defence. The majestic fig- ure, the noble deportment and affability of manners which characterized Washington, won the whole soul of Lafayette. A kindred chord seemed to vibrate in each heart, as for the first time they met, and ex- changed their salutations. Lafayette felt an un- bounded veneration, while he stood in the presence of THE MAN OF THE AGE. Washington's sympathies were drawn instantly and intensely towards the young hero, whose whole being was swayed by an impulse and purpose similar to his own. There was, in a sublime sense, a mutual recognition; and around the willing hearts of both was woven then, that tie of friendship which afterwards became a band, that death only could sever. It was a dinner party that opened this acquaintance. " When the company were about to separate, Washington took Lafayette aisde, spoke to him very kindly, complimented him on the noble spirit he had shown, and the sacrifices he had made in favor of the American cause, and then told him, that he should be pleased if he would make the head quarters of the Commander-in-Chief his home, establish himself there whenever he thought 30 LIFE OF GENERAL proper, and consider himself at all times as one of his family; adding, in a tone of pleasantry, that he conld not promise him the luxuries of a court, or even the conveniences which his former habits might have rendered essential to comfort; — but since he had be- come an American soldier, he vrould doubtless con- trive to accommodate himself to the character he had assumed, and submit with a good grace to the cus- toms, manners and privations of the republican army." This invitation was accepted with eagerness by the Marquis, and was never afterwards revoked by the Commander-in-Chief. Lafayette placed him- self under his care and tuition, and owned himself the adopted son of \Yashington. With all the iire of youth, and all the enthusiasm of his nature, he at- tached himself to the unrivaled chieftain. It was now a critical period in the revolutionary movement. Disasters had been numerous, and victor- ies few ; many, who at the beginning, met firmly the shock of the foe, were becoming disheartened and despairing. Discontent in open murmurs spread through the camp, and the half-clad and famished militia, in great numbers, disbanding, returned to their homes. The brilliant success at Trenton had revived for a while the drooping courage of the na- tion, but that was followed by deeper depression. The British forces were mustering with renewed energy for a decisive onset, anticipating in the pres- ent campaign a consummation of their work — and, with the stars and stripes trailing in the dust, they confidently hoped to see their royal standard waving MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. gj over a submissive people. The cantonments of the main body of the English host, while in winter quar- ters, stretched in a vast chain from the river Raritan on the North, to the banks of the Delaware on the South. Rhode Island had yielded with little oppo- sition. A strong detachment under the savage Tryon, had overrun with a terrifically desolating march, the whole southern section of Connecticut. New York city and Long Island were conquered, and among the spoils of the exulting enemy. In addi- tion, many distinguished citizens of Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, had made overtures for a voluntary submission. A- panic consequently was felt through- out the country, and the beacon light of freedom shone with a fading and uncertain radiance upon the troubled deep of oppressed humanity. For hardly a station which the Americans occupied, from Ticon- deroga to Charleston, was free from peril. But the most appalling danger was the jealousies and ma- chinations against the Commander-in-Chief. A strong faction was forming ; the envy and hate which are always cherished by little souls against the great, were burning towards him. Gates was plotting for the supreme command, and as it afterwards tran- spired, there were many in his interest of those who had high rank, both in the army and in the state. Of all these difficulties Lafayette gradually became aware, but looked upon them calmly and undismayed. That America shall conquer, and Washington rise proudly above conspiracy, was a faith that never wa- 32 LIFE OF GENERAL vered, amid the thickest perils with which he was af- terwards environed. JSTo apprehensions being entertained of an imme- diate attack on Philadelphia, Washington took La- fayette with him to the camp. The General soon found in his young protege a hero of no ordinary stamina. His generous devotion, the wisdom and scope of his plans, became daily more apparent. The commission which he had received from Congress was, as yet, only an honorary one, conferring upon him no real command. This was a source of much embarrassment to Washington, as well as to the Mar- quis. Lafayette felt that he was young and inex- perienced, and had not the boldness to ask outright to be invested with the active duties of his commission, but while stating his incapabilities to Washington, he at the same time took occasion to hint that as soon as he should be deemed fit for the command of a di- vision, he would be ready to enter upon the duties of it. Washington accordingly wrote to Congress upon the subject, but received in return the intelligence, that the commission given to the Marquis de Lafay- ette, was only honorary, and that he could not yet receive an appointment. He manifested no dis- pleasure at this result, but patiently waited for the time, when he could earn his rank, and claim it by virtue of his own services. On the 11th of September, 17Y7, was fought the battle of Brandywine. The British fleet under Sir William Howe, whose movements along the American coast, at one time seeming to threaten Philadelphia, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 33 and at another appearing to meditate an attack upon Charleston, had caused much apprehension and doubt, had, at last, entered the Chesapeake ; and, having pro- ceeded up the Elk river as far as it was safely navi- gable, landed the forces at the ferry on the 25th of August. The determination of an assault upon Phil- adelphia was no longer questionable. The same army had in vain attempted to reach the cit}'' by land across the Jerseys, a few months before. With eigh- teen thousand men, in good health and spirits, admir- ably supplied with all the implements of war, and led on by the ablest officers, the hopes of the invading army were high of a splendid victory. The day be- fore Sir William Howe landed, General Washington, to inspire the citizens with confidence, paraded his troops through the streets of Philadelphia, and then proceeded boldly to the Brandywine. The popular clamor, favored by the voice of Congress, demanded a battle, and he determined to risk one, though with- out many probabilities on which his judgment could base a hope of success. With not over eleven thou- sand troops, and these miserably clothed and fed, with their spirits depressed by the recent calamities and present darkening prospects, Washington greatly ap- prehended that he could not successfully compete with the strength of the battalions marching against him. The wisdom of his course, when viewed in the light in which it should be regarded, is, however, unquestion- able. In the present condition of affairs, defeat waa better than inaction. A battle was demanded by the public feeling, and, though disastrous, would be less 3 34 LIFE OF GENERAL injurious than to suffer the enemy to advance to Phil- adelphia without opposition. Washington, having halted for a few days on the banks of the Brandywine, to refresh his troops, and get a better knowledge of the face of the country and the plans of the enemy, sent forward two divisions un- der Greene and Stephen, who proceeded nearer to the head of the Elk, and encamped behind White Clay Creek. Three miles farther on, at Iron Hill, was stationed General Maxwell, at the head of an effective corps of light infantry, formed from a regiment of Morgan's riflemen, which had been detached to the northern army. Posting the cavalry along the lines, Washington, with the main body, crossed the Brandy- wine, and took up his position behind Red Clay Creek, on the road which Sir William Howe would have to traverse on his march to Philadelphia. La- fayette was with him, and watched with the liveliest interest, the preparations for the approaching con- test. These were made with consummate adroitness and prudence (but Sir William Howe was no common foe ; and the direction which he seemed contemplating for his vastl}^ superior force, decided Washington that a change of his own position was necessary. A coun- cil of war was held on the night of the 9th of Septem- ber, when it was determined to retire behind the Brandywine, and meet the enemy near Chadd's Ford, from the heights which ranged along upon the op- posite side of the river. Lafayette says in one of his papers, that a letter from Congress had secured this position, although it had hardly been examined by the MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 85 jimerican troops. It was in many respects favor- able, though the difficulty and ineligibility of under- taking to dispute the passage of a river by fronting the enemy on the opposite side, has been generally insisted upon by writers on the art of war.* Foreign- ers have blamed Washington for taking this ground, and engaging in battle with his small army. Their error consists not that they misapply their military tactics, but that they do not rightly judge of the cir- cumstances under which Washington was placed. Congress required that the enemy should be fought, and the country could not have been satisfied without a conflict. On the morning of the 11th of September, soon after daybreak, Lafayette sprang to his feet at the intelligence that the whole British army was in mo- tion, and advancing towards them on the direct road leading over Chadd's Ford. General Maxwell had been advantageously stationed, so that he could com- mand this road from the hills, on the south side of the river; and the first action accordingly began with him. The foe advanced in two magnificent col- umns, the right commanded by General Knyphausen, *The Marquis de Feuquiere says: "It is impossible to guard the shores of a river when the ground to be guarded is of a great extent, because the assailant, pointing his efforts to several places, for tiie purpose of separating the forces of his adversary, and to draw liis attention to spots very distant from each other, at length determining to make his effort at the point where he finds tlie least ability to resist, always prevails over tlie labors and vigilance of his enemy, more especially when he employs the night for the execution of his enterprise, that being most favorable for concealing the place of his principal effort," 36 LIFE OF GENERAL and the left by Lord Cornwallis. The plan of Howe was, that Knyphausen's division should occupy the attention of the Americans, by making repeated feints of attempting the passage of the ford, while Cornwal- lis should make a long sweep up the river, and cross it at Birmingham. Knyphausen accordingly advanced with his column, and speedily dislodging General Maxwell from his post, forced him to cross over, though with but little loss. A furious cannonading was instantly begun, and other demonstrations made, which indicated the intention of the British immedi- ately to attempt the passage of the Ford. The day was occupied in preventing this, till eleven o'clock in the morning, when the movement of Cornwallis was first announced to Washington. A smile of delight played upon his countenance, and he immediately de- term.ined upon one of those bold, but judicious plans, for which he was remarkable. Placing himself at the head of the center and left wing of the army, he resolved to cross the river in person, and overwhelm Knyphausen before Cornwallis could be summoned back to his aid. His ranks were already formed for the passage, and his troops had answered to the prop- osition with deafening shouts, when a messenger ar- rived with the intelligence, that Cornwallis had only made a feint of crossing the fords above, and was now actually bringing his division down the southern side of the river, to reunite with Knyphausen, The tid- ings were agony to Washington ; though false, they came in a form which constrained him to believe them true, and his bold project was accordingly abandoned. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. gf His troops were impatient for the encounter, but for two hours be could only give them quiet directions, while he endeavored, in distressing suspense, to gain some clue to the movements of the enemy on the op- posite side. At about two o'clock in the afternoon, his uncertainty was removed, when the certain intel- ligence reached him, that Lord Cornwallis, after hav- ing made a circuit of nearly seventeen miles, had forded the river above its forks, and, accompanied by Sir William Howe, was advancing upon him. Close action was immediately prepared for, and all along the American lines ran the accents of welcome for the conflict. The three divisions which formed the right wing, under Generals Sullivan, Stirling, and Ste- phens, were detached, and, moving up the Brandy- wine, fronted the British column marching down the river. Selecting an advantageous piece of ground near Birmingham, with the river on their left, and, having both flanks covered by a thick wood, they hastily formed, and awaited the attack. Lafayette, who had kept by the side of Washington during these scenes, and marked them with absorbing interest, soon saw that the divisions designed to meet Cornwallis, were to receive most of the heavy blows of that day's battle, and petitioned and obtained per- mission to join them. A burst of enthusiasm greeted his arrival, as he threw himself into the midst of the troops, eagerly w^aiting the approach of the foe. The opportunity which he sought was not wanting long. The host was visible, sweeping in grand and imposing array over the plain before them. When 38 LIFE OF GENERAL he saw the enemy, Lord Cornwallis formed in the finest order, and hastening forward, his first line opened a brisk fire of musketry and artillery upon them. It was about half past four when the battle began. The Americans returned the fire with great injury, but the impetuosity with which the English and Hessian troops threw themselves upon their ranks, was more than they could withstand. For a time, both parties fought with unparalleled bravery, and the carnage was terrible. Above the shrill notes of " death's music," and louder than the roar of com- bat, rose the wild shout of living men. The madden- ing exultation and the groans, terrible imprecations and shrieks of the fallen in their last anguish, were mingled in a horrid chorus, which might have made angels grieve, and the Demon of War ashamed of his work. For some time it was a doubtful struggle, but the fiery emulation which stimulated the English and Hessians, at last compelled the Americans to give way before them. The right wing first yielded, then the left, while the central division, where Lafayette was bravely fighting, was the last to breast the storm, which now concentrating its strength, spent its fury upon those devoted ranks. Firm as a rock amid the waves of ocean, they bore themselves proudly against the tide of victory, which rolled in fearfully upon them. By a skillful manoeuvre, Cornwallis had man- aged to separate them from the two wings, when de- feat became inevitable. The whole fire of the enemy was united against it, and the confusion became ex- treme. The troops at first wavered, then rallied, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 39 then wavered again, and at last fell into a disorderly retreat. In vain Lafayette endeavored to check it. Defying danger, he stood almost single handed against the on-coming host, and endeavored to reani- mate his flying comrades by his own example. It was all fruitless. A ball struck him, and, as he fell, those remaining on the field gave way. Gimat, aid- de-camp to the Marquis, assisted his master in get- ting upon a horse, and though the blood was flowing profusely from his wound, Lafayette reluctantly turned and joined the fugitives. General Washing- ton at this moment arrived with fresh troops, upon the field. Greene's divisions had marched four miles in forty-tivo minutes, but were too late to avert the disasters of the day. Lafayette, as soon as he saw Washington, started to join him, but loss of blood obliged him to stop and have his wound bandaged. While submitting to this, a band of soldiers came upon him so suddenly, that he had barely time to re- mount for flight, escaping as by a miracle the shower of bullets which whistled around his form. A general rout resulted. The road to Chester was crowded with the retreating. Knyphausen had forced the passage of Chadd's Ford, notwithstanding the obstinate resistance of Generals Wayne and Max- well, who had been left to defend it. Washington found that all that could be done Avas to stay the pur- suit. So successful were his efforts, and those of General Greene, that as night approached. Sir Wil- liam Howe called in his troops and gave over the chase. Lafayette was unwearied in his endeavors to 40 LIFE OF GENERAL save the army. Forgetting himself, his wound, and every thing but this one object, he exerted himself to the utmost, amid the darkness and dreadful confu- sion of that night, to restore order among the fleeing and despairing soldiery. At Chester Bridge, twelve miles from the scene of battle, he was in part success- ful. The Generals and the Commander-in-chief ar- rived, and Lafayette, at last fainting from loss of blood and excessive fatigue, was borne away to receive the attention which his situation demanded. Lafayette was conveyed by water the next day to Philadelphia, while the army moved forward by land. As soon as he reached the city he sat down and wrote the following to her, who, next to liberty, was the dearest idol of his heart. Dating his letter, Phila- delphia, Sept. 12th, he says : " I must begin by telling you that I am perfectly well, because I must end by telling you that we fought seriously last night, and that we were not the stronger party on the field of battle. Our Americans, after having stood their ground for some time, ended at length by being routed. While endeavoring to rally them, the English honored me with a musket ball, which slightly wounded me in the leg, but it is a trifle, my dearest love; the ball touched neither bone nor nerve, and I have escaped with the obligation of lying upon my back for some time, which puts me much ou t of humor. I hope you will feel no anxiety. This event ought, on the contrary, rather to re-assure you, since I am incapacitated from appearing on the field for some time, I have resolved to take great care of MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 41 myself; be convinced of this, my love. This affair will, I fear, be attended with bad consequences for America, but we will endeavor, if possible, to repair the evil. You must have received many letters from me unless the English be as ill-disposed towards my epistles as towards my legs. I have not yet received one letter, and I am most impatient to hear from you. Adieu ; I am forbidden to write longer." The news of the battle of Brandywine occasioned so much apprehension for the safety of Philadelphia, that Congress abruptly adjourned from that city to Bristol. Lafayette was also carried thither, whence he was taken to Bethlehem to remain under the care of the Moravian Society there, until his permanent re- covery. Soon after his arrival at this quiet retreat, he again wrote a letter, full of interest, to his wife. It is dated October 1st, 1777, and reads as follows: I wrote to you, my dearest love, the 12th of Sep- tember; the twelfth was the day after the eleventh and I have a little tale to relate to you concerning that eleventh day. To render my action more meritor- ious, I might tell you that prudent reflections in- duced me to remain for some weeks in bed, safe sheltered from all danger ; but I must acknowledge that I Avas encouraged to take this measure by a slight wound, which I met with I know not how, for I did not, in truth, expose myself to peril. It was the first conflict at which I had been present, so you see how very rare engagements are. It will be the last of this campaign, or, in all probability, at least the last great 42 LIFE OF GENERAL battle ; and if any thing should occur you see that I could not myself be present. " My first occupation was to write to you the day after that affair ; I told you that it was a mere trifle, and I was right ; all I fear is, that you may not have received my letter. As General Howe is giving, meanwhile, rather pompous details of his American exploits to the king his master, if he should write •word that I am wounded, he may also write word that I am killed, which would not cost him anything ; but I hope that my friends, and you especially, will not give faith to the reports of those persons who last year dared to publish that General Washington and all the general officers of his army, being in a boat together, had been upset, and every individual drowned. But let us speak about the wound; — it is only a flesh wound and has touched neither bone nor nerve. The surgeons are astonished at the rapidity with which it heals; they are in an ecstacy of joy each time they dress it, and pretend it is the finest thing in the world. For my part, I think it most disagreeable, painful, and wearisome ; but tastes often differ. If a man, however, wished to be wounded for his amusement only, he should come and examine how I have been struck, that he might be struck precisely in the same manner. This, my dearest love, is what I pompously style my wound, to give myself airs and render my- self interesting. '' I must now give you your lesson as wife of an 'American general officer. They will say to you, — ' They have been beaten/ — ^you must answer, — ' That MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 43 is true ; but when two armies of equal number meet in the field, old soldiers have naturally the advantage over new ones ; — they have, besides, had the pleasure of killing a great many of the enemy, many more than they have lost.' They will afterwards add ; — ' All this is very well, but Philadelphia is taken, the capital of America, the rampart of liberty ! ' You must po- litely answer ; — ^ You are all great fools ! Philadel- phia is a poor forlorn town, exposed on every side, whose harbor was already closed ; though the resi- dence of Congress lent it, I know not why, some de- gree of celebrity.' This is the famous city which, be it added, we will, sooner or later, make them yield back to us. If they continue to persecute you with questions, you may send them about their business in terms which the Viscount de l^oailles will teach you, for I cannot lose time by talking to you of politics. " Be perfectly at ease about my wound ; all the fac- ulty in America are engaged in my service. I have a friend who has spoken of them in such a manner that I am certain of being well attended to. That friend is General Washington. This excellent man, whose talents and virtues I admired, and whom I have learned to revere as I know him better, has now become my intimate friend. His aifectionate interest in me instantly won my heart. I am established in his house, and we live together like two attached brothers, with mutual confidence and cordiality. This friendship renders me as happy as I can possibly be in this country. When he sent his best surgeon to me, he told him to take charge of me as if I were his 44 LIFE OF GENERAL son, because he loved me with the same affection. Having heard that I wished to rejoin the army too soon, he wrote me a letter, full of tenderness, in which he requested me to attend to the perfect restoration of my health, I give you these details, my dearest love, that you may feel quite certain of the care which is taken of me. Among the French officers who have all expressed the warmest interest in me, M. de Gimat, my aid-de-camp, has followed me about like my shadow, both before and since the battle, and has given me every possible proof of attachment. You may thus feel quite secure on this account, both for the present and the future. " I am at present in the solitude of Bethlehem, which the Abbe Raynal has described so minutely. This establishment is a very interesting one ; — the fraternity lead an agreeable and very tranquil life, but we will talk over all this on my return. I intend to weary those I love, yourself, of course, in the first place, by the relation of my adventures, for you know that I was always a great prattler. '' You must become a prattler also, my love, and say many things for me to Henriette — my poor little Henriette ! embrace her a thousand times ; — talk of me to her, but do not tell her all I deserve to suffer ; — my punishment will be, not to be recognized by her on my arrival ; that is the penance Henriette will impose upon me." At Bethlehem Lafayette remained for a number of weeks, but his anxiety for active service led him to the camp again before his wound was healed. Wash- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 45 ington received him with open arms, but gently chicled his imprudent zeal, and urged him to remain at head quarters. Irksome as this advice was, the judgment of Lafayette approved it, and for a while it was scrupulously followed. But, with returning strength, he panted again for action. Though will- ing to serve in any capacity, he did not conceal from Washington his wish to become invested with author- ity corresponding to his commission. Washington understood and felt the force of the suggestion. De- tecting in the Marquis abilities adapted to the station desired, he was aware of the barrier interposed, by the jealousy against foreign officers, which was strongly felt both by Congress, and the army. He renewed his efforts, feeling increasingly solicitous because several French gentlemen, who came over under assurances of obtaining an honorable command, had recently returned disappointed to France. Con- gress, however, was not yet disposed to comply with the request. Lafayette, though it cannot be doubted that he was somewhat chagrined at the failure, admir- ably concealed his feelings, and though his wound was not yet sufficiently healed to permit him to wear a boot, he asked and obtained permission to join as a volunteer, an expedition which was then fitting out under General Greene, to operate in New Jersey. The object of it, in part, was to give battle to Lord Cornwallis. Before reaching Billingsport, where that officer was preparing to attack Fort Mercer, Greene learned with vexation that the enemy had been greatly augmented, by a reinforcement from 46 LIFE OF GENERAL "New York. This news determined him that it would not be safe to offer battle, and the intention was ac- cordingly dismissed, though he remained in ITew Jersey watching for an opportunity to harass, if he dare not attack. Fort Mercer was evacuated on the 20th of November, and the British fleet had thus an uninterrupted intercourse with their troops in Phila- delphia. Lord Cornwallis entrenched himself in a strong position on Gloucester Point, and Greene well knew that he could not v/ith his present force drive him from it. Thus the main purpose of the expe- dition was likely to be defeated; but Lafayette was not inclined to retire without a trial of strength. With a small company, he reconnoitered the enemy's picket, and was authorized to make an attack upon it if circumstances justified. This was on the 25th of ]^ovember. Having spent most of the day in ex- amining fully as possible the situation of the enemy's camp, he was at length discovered, and a detachment of dragoons sent off to intercept him. Eluding these, he came suddenly upon a picket of four hundred Hes- sians, with their field pieces posted, at about two and a half miles from Gloucester. His own company numbered about three hundred men, but all being in fine spirits, the enemy was immediately attacked. So sudden was the onset, that the Hessians were forced to fly, barely firing a single shot. They were driven for more than half a mile, when detachments came to their assistance, and they turned to face their pur- suers. Lafayette was not dismayed. His men had as yet met with no loss, and now fought with great im- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 47 petuositj. The reinforcements were first over- thrown, and then the Hessians again precipitately fled. The heroic band chased them till dark, and then returned in high glee to camp with only five wounded, and having lost but one man. The loss of the Brit- ish was considerable, and a number of prisoners were taken in the engagement. Lafayette was elated with the adventure and highly commended by General Greene, for the skill and bravery he displayed. This engagement offered a fresh opportunity for Washington to press the claims of Lafayette upon the attention of Congress. That body, as if conscious of their injustice, now promptly responded to the press- ing entreaties of the Commander-in-Chief. On the 1st of December, 1777, the following resolution was passed : " Resolved, That General Washington be in- formed it is highly agreeable to Congress that the Marquis de Lafayette be appointed to the command of a division in the continental army." This was joyful tidings both to the Marquis and to Washington. Three days after it was received La- fayette was publicly invested with his rank, and placed over the division of Virginia troops, lately led by General Stephens. He returned suitable thanks to Washington, but it should be mentioned to his honor, that he had been entirely devoted to the cause of freedom, during the time he was suffering the re- buffs of the nation for whose sake he was an exile from princely affluence and domestic joy. It was now almost time for the campaign of 1777 48 LIFE OF GENERAL to close. General Greene had been ordered to re- cross the Delaware, and join again the main body of the army. Sir William Howe had also recalled Lord Cornwallis, determining, if attainable, to bring on a decisive engagement between his own and the conti- nental forces. With the avowed purpose of forcing Washington from his position, and driving him be- yond the mountains, he marched out of Philadelphia, on the evening of the 4th of December, at the head of twelve thousand men, and entrenched himself upon a range of hills lying about three miles from the Ameri- can encampment at Whitemarsh. The two armies were about equal in number, and Washington deter- mined to await the assault, without giving the enemy any advantage, by acting upon the defensive. From this purpose Sir William Howe craftily endeavored to seduce him, but in vain. Several days were spent in slight skirmishes, in all of which Lafayette sig- nally distinguished himself, but in none of them could the British general decoy from his position his wary foe. Xot daring to attack him in his camp, and un- able, by all his mana?uvres, to draw him from it, Howe marched back to Philadelphia without having effected a battle; thus giving, though unwillingly, " the highest testimony of the respect which he felt for the talents of his adversary, and the courage of the troops he was to encounter." Soon after, Washington broke up his encampment, and Lafayette accompanied the army into winter quarters at Valley Forge. The details of this terrible winter are familiar to every reader of Kevolutionary; MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 49 history. The undaunted bravery of a soldiery whose naked feet tracked with blood the frozen ground, in their march from Whitemarsh to Valley Forge, is cal- culated to touch a chord of admiration in a tyrant's breast. Lafayette, himself, thus describes the con- dition of the army after it had taken up its winter quarters. " The imfortunate soldiers were in want of every thing; — they had neither coats, hats, shirts, nor shoes ; — their feet and legs froze until they be- came black, and it was often necessary to amputate them. From want of money they could neither ob- tain provisions nor any means of transport. The Colonels were often reduced to two rations and some- times to one. The army frequently remained whole days without provisions, and the patient endurance of both soldiers and officers Avas a miracle, which each moment served to renew. But the sight of their mis- ery prevented new engagements ; — it was almost im- possible to levy recruits ; — it was easy to desert into the interior of the country. The sacred fires of lib- erty Avere not extinguished, it is true, and the major- ity of the citizens detested British tyranny; but the triumph of the North * and the tranquillity of the South, had lulled to sleep two-thirds of the continent." In all these trials, Lafayette was himself uncom- plaining. He sympathized with the soldiers, and cheered the officers, both by word and example. " He adopted in every respect the American dress, habits and food. He wished to be more simple, frugal, and austere, than the Americans themselves. Brought up * Gates defeat of Burgoyne, 50 l^IEE OF GENERAL in the lap of luxury, he suddenly changed his whole manner of living, and his constitution bent itself to privations as well as to fatigue." From Valley Forge the Marquis writes to his father-in-law the Duke d'Ayen, in France. His let- ter is dated December 16th, 1777, and we extract from it the following interesting passages : '' The loss of Philadelphia is far from being so im- portant as it is conceived to be in Europe. If the difference of circumstances, of countries, and of pro- portions between the two armies, were not duly con- sidered, the success of General Gates would appear surprising when compared with the events which have occurred with us, — taking into account the superior- ity of General Washington over General Gates. Our General is a man formed, in truth, for this revolu- tion, which could not have been accomplished without him. I see him more intimately than any other man, and I see that he is worthy of the adoration of his countr^^ His tender friendship for me, and his com- plete confidence in me, relating to all political and military subjects, great as well as small, enable me to judge of all the interests he has to conciliate, and all the difficulties he has to conquer. I admire each day more fully the excellence of his character and the kindness of his heart. Some foreigners are dis- pleased at not having been employed — although it did not depend on him to employ them — others, whose ambitious projects he would not serve, and some in- triguing, jealous men, have endeavored to injure his reputation j but his name will be revered in every age MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 51 by all true lovers of liberty and humanity. Although 1 may appear to be eulogizing my friend, I believe that the part he makes me act, gives me the right of avowing publicly how much I admire and respect him. " America is most impatiently expecting us to de- clare for her, and France will, one day, I hope, de- termine to humble the pride of England. This hope, and the measures which America appears determined to pursue, give me great hopes for the glorious estab- lishment of her independence. We are not, I confess, as strong as I expected, but we are strong enough .o fight, and we shall do so, I trust, with some degree of success. With the assistance of France, we shall gain with costs the cause that I cherish, because it is the cause of justice ; because it honors humanity, because it is important to my country, and because my Amer- ican friends and myself are deeply engaged in it. The approaching campaign will be an interesting one. It is said that the English are sending us some Han- overians ; some time ago they threatened us with what was far worse, the arrival of some Russians. A slight menace from France would lessen the number of these reinforcements. The more I see of the Eng- lish, the more thoroughly convinced I am, that it is necessary to speak to them in a loud tone. " After having wearied you with public affairs, you must not expect to escape without being wearied also with my private affairs. It is impossible to be more agreeably situated in a foreign country than I am. I have only feelings of pleasure to express, and 52 LIFE OF GENERAL I have each day more reason to be satisfied with the conduct of Congress towards me; although my mili- tary occupations have allowed me to become person- ally acquainted with but few of its members. Those I do know, have especially loaded me with marks of kindness and attention. The new President, Mr. Laurens, one of the most respectable men of America, is my particular friend. As to the army, I have had the happiness of obtaining the friendship of every individual ; not one opportunity is lost of giving me proofs of it. I passed the whole summer without ac- cepting a division, which you know, had been my pre- vious intention; I passed all that time at General Washington's house, where I felt as if I were with a friend of twenty years' standing. Since my return from Jersey, he has desired me to choose among sev- eral brigades, the division which may please me best. I have chosen one entirely composed of Virginians. It is weak in point of numbers, at present, just in pro- portion, however, to the weakness of the whole army, and almost in a state of nakedness, but I am promised cloth of which I shall make clothes, and recruits of which soldiers must be made, about the same period ; — but, unfortunately, the latter is the more difficult task, even for more skilful men than I. " This letter will be given you by the celebrated Adams, whose name must undoubtedly be known to you. As I have never allowed myself to quit the army, I have never seen him. He wished that I should give him letters of introduction to Erance, es- pecially to yourself. May I hope that you will have MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 53 the goodness to receive him kindly, and even to give him some information respecting the present state of affairs. I fancied you would not be sorry to converse with a man whose merit is so universally acknowl- edged. He desires ardently to succeed in obtaining the esteem of our nation. One of his friends himself told me so." The tribute which Lafayette paid in this letter to General Washington, came warmly from his heart. The annals of friendship scarcely show an intenser reciprocal affection, than existed between these two individuals. Each looked upon the other as a friend and their confidence strengthened constantly during their long intercourse together. In the present win- ter, Washington was made the object of a base and jealous intrigue, and an attempt was made to induce the Marquis to join the Cabal. Horatio Gates, in- toxicated by his recent success against Burgoyne, as- sisted by a few ambitious partisans, was plotting the removal of Wahington. The popularity of Gates was at this moment extreme, and many true friends of America would have hailed with applause his ap- pointment as Commander-in-Chief. Plans, which were at first only talked of in secret whispers, at length became loudly hinted even in the ISTational Legislature. Some of the most prominent men in the nation, Patrick Henry among them, were ap- proached, if possible, to shake their attachment to Washington. Men of discretion repelled at once the base insinuations, and Patrick Henry took occasion to make known to him the influences which were 54 LIFE OF GENERAL operating against him. The most cautious but deep laid conspiracy was made to win over Lafayette to the faction. Promises of high rank and command were held out to him, and the strongest appeals made to his love of honor and renown. Motives drawn from his love of liberty and interest in the mighty struggle were also brought to bear upon him. The superiority of Gates to Washington as a military leader, was greatly enlarged upon in his presence, but these only strengthened the love with which the soul of Lafay- ette Avas bound to Washington. In a letter dated December 30th, 1777, he thus communicates his feel- ings to him : " My Dear General, — I went yesterday morning to head-quarters, with an intention of speaking to your excellency, but you were too busy, and I shall lay down in this letter what I wished to say. ''' I don't need to tell you that I am sorry for all that has happened for some time past. It is neces- sary dependence of my most tender and respectful friendship for you, which affection is as true and candid as the other sentiments of my heart, and much stronger than so new an acquaintance seems to admit; but another reason to be concerned in the present cir- CLimstances is the result of my ardent and perhaps en- thusiastic wishes for the happiness and liberty of this country. I see plainly that America can defend her- self if proper measures are taken, and now I begin to fear lest she should be lost by herself and her own sons. " When I was in Europe, I thought that here MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 55 almost every man was a lover of liberty, and would rather die free than live a slave. You can conceive of my astonishment when I saw that toryism was as openly professed as whiggism itself ; however, at that time I believed that all good Americans were united together — that the confidence of Congress in you was unbounded. Then I entertained the certitude that America would be independent in case she should not lose you. Take away for an instant that modest dif- fidence of yourself, (which, pardon my freedom, my dear General, is sometimes too great, and I wish you could know as well as myself what difference there is between you and any other man,) you would see very plainly that, if you were lost for America, there is nobody who could keep the army and the revolu- tion six months. There are open dissensions in Con- gress; parties who hate one another as much as the common enemy ; stupid men, who, without knowing a single word about war, undertake to judge you to make ridiculous comparisons ; they are infatuated with Gates, without thinking of the different circum- stances, and believe that attacking is the only thing necessary to conquer. These ideas are entertained in their minds by some jealous men, and perhaps secret friends to the British Government, who want to push you, in a moment of ill humor, to some rash enter- prise upon the lines, or against a much stronger army. I should not take the liberty of mentioning these par- ticulars, if I had not received a letter about this mat- ter from a young good-natured gentleman at York, whom Conway has ruined by his cunning, but who 56 LIFE OF GENERAL entertains the greatest respect for you." Lafayette then goes on to recount the efforts which had been made to win himself away from Washington, and closes his letter with earnest assurances of " the most tender and profound respect," with which he still felt proud to regard him. The next day, Washington re- plied to this letter, thanking Lafayette for the " fresh proof of friendship and attachment which it gave him," and giving his own calm opinion about the plot concerning him. In conclusion, this illustrious man writes : — " But we must not, in so great a contest, ex- pect to meet nothing but sunshine. I have no doubt that every thing happens for the best, that we shall triumph over all our misfortunes, and, in the end, be happy ; — when, my dear Marquis, if you will give me your company in Virginia, we will laugh at our past difficulties and the folly of others; and I will en- deavor, by every civility in my power, to show you how much, and how sincerely, I am your affectionate and obedient servant." liTotwithstanding the Cabal was destined to prove ingloriously fruitless, it nevertheless gave Washing- ton great annoyance. Conway, his bitter enemy and next to Gates in the guilty plot, had been appointed Inspector-General of the Army, a promotion so offensive to the officers, that it required skillful management of the Commander to restrain them from open mutiny. A new Board of War, had been instituted by Congress, designed to have a general control of military affairs. Of this Board Gates was made President, and his influence MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 57 was accordingly given for measures which he knew were contrary to the views of Washington. This was done with a view of inducing him to retire in disgust from the army. Thinking to promote the design by separating from him so faithful and efficient a friend as Lafayette, and having been foiled hitherto, the conspirators brought forward a new plan. On the 22d of January, 1778, it was resolved by Congress; — '' That an irruption be made into Canada, and that the Board of War be authorized to take every neces- sary measure for the execution of the business, under such general officers as Congress shall appoint." On the 23d of January, Lafayette was appointed to the command of this expedition. It was said that the character of Lafayette as a Frenchman of illustrious rank, rendered him peculiarly qualified for the con- quest of a province recently attached to the French empire. But it was also reported that, " the authors of this scheme had it principally in view, by separ- ating Lafayette from Washington to deprive the Com- mander-in-Chief of the defense of so trustworthy a friend." Washington was not consulted at all re- specting this movement. The first intimation which he received, was given in a letter from General Gates of the 24th of January, enclosing one of the same date to Lafayette, requiring his attendance on Congress to receive his instructions. Without no- ticing at all the want of confidence in himself, man- ifested by the action of the Board, Washington calmly handed the commission to Lafayette, and ad- vised him to accept the appointment, which was aii 58 LIFE OF GENERAL honorable one for the Marquis; and, as it was urged upon him, he consented, and immediately proceeded to the capital. The troops were to be furnished by the northern states, and Lafayette was instructed by the Board of War to proceed as soon as possible to Albany, where they were to rendezvous. He was further counselled, " that, considering the length of the route into that country in an inclement season, he should be particularly attentive to have his men well clothed, and so supplied with provisions as effectually to guard against any misfortune which might happen for want of these necessary articles ; — and, in case he should fail in obtaining the forces which he might judge competent, or supplies sufficient for them, that he should carefully attend to those contingencies, and regulate his conduct according to the probability of success, without exposing his troops to any very great, or very apparent hazard." With these vague instruc- tions Lafayette departed to join his force in Albany, taking with him the Baron De Kalb as second in com- mand. General Conway,* who was also to accom- * As General Conway was one of the chief intriguers against Washington, and as we do not propose again to refer to this infamoustransaction, we will here introduce the acknowledg- ment which he afterwards voluntarily made to Washington. Having been wounded in a duel with General Cadwallader, and thinking his end approaching, he addressed tlie following letter to the man whom he had attempted grossly to injure : Philadelphia, July 33d, 1778. " Sir, — I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said anything disagreeable to your excellency. My career will soon be over, therefore, justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and good man. May you long MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 59 pany him, proceeded before him, and waited his ar- rival at Albany. The account of this campaign we cannot make more interesting than by letting the Marquis relate it, chiefly in his own words. On his route he writes to General Washington as follows : " Hemmingtown, February 9tli, 1778. " Dear General, — I cannot let go my guide with- out taking this opportunity of writing to your excel- lency, though I have not yet public business to speak of. I go on very slowly; — sometimes drenched in rain, and sometimes covered by snow, and not enter- taining many handsome thoughts about the projected incursion into Canada ; if success were to be had it would surprise me in a most agreeable manner, by the very reason that I don't expect any shining ones. Lake Champlain is too cold for producing the least bit of laurel, and if I am not starved I shall be as proud as if I had gained three battles. " Mr. Duer had given to me a rendezvous at a tavern, but nobody was to be found there. I fancy that he will be with Mr. Conway sooner than he has told me ; — they will perhaps conquer Canada before my arrival, and I expect to meet them at the Gov- ernor's house in Quebec. " Could I believe for one single instant, that this pompous command of a northern army will let your excellency at all forget us absent friends, then I enjoy the love, veneration and esteem of these states, whoso liberties j'ou liave asserted by your virtues. " I am with the greatest respect, Sir, " Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, "PHS. CONWAY." 60 LIFE OF GENERAL would send the project to the place it comes from. But I dare hope that you will remember me some- times. I wish you very heartily the greatest public and private happiness and success. It is a very mel- ancholy idea for me that I cannot follow your for- tunes as near your person as I could wish ; but my heart will take, very sincerely, its part of every thing which can happen to you, and I am already thinking of the agreeable moment when I may come down to assure your excellency of the most tender affection and highest respect." Having arrived at Albany, he wrote again to Wash- ington : Albany, February 19th, 1778. " Dear Geneeal, — Why am I so far from you ? and what business had the Board of War to hurry me through the ice and snow, without knowing what I should do, neither what they were going to do them- selves ? You have thought, perhaps, that their project would be attended with some difficulty, that some means had been neglected, that I could not ob- tain all the success and that immensity of laurels which they had promised me ; — ^but I defy your ex- cellency to conceive any idea of what I have seen since I left the place where I was quiet and near my friends, to run myself through all the blunders of madness or treachery, — God knows what, — But let me begin the journal of my fine and glorious cam- paign. '' According to Lord Stirling's advice, I went by Corich Ferry, to Kingo's tavern, where Mr. Duer MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 61 had given me a rendezvous, but there no Duer was to be found, nor did they ever hear from him. From thence I proceeded by the state of New York and had the pleasure of seeing the friends of America as wann in their love for the Commander-in-Chief as his best friend could wish. I spoke to Governor Clinton, and was much satisfied with that gentleman. At length I reached Albany on the 17th, though I was not ex- pected before the 25th. General Conway had been here only three days before me, and I must confess I found him very active, and looking as if he had good intentions ; — but we know a great deal upon that sub- ject. His first word has been, that the expedition is quite impossible. I was at first very diffident of this report, but I have found that he was right. Such is, at least, the idea I can form of this ill-concerted op- eration within these two days. " General Schuyler, General Lincoln, and General Arnold had written before my arrival, to General Conway, in the most expressive terms, that, in our present circumstances, there was no possibility to be- gin, now, an enterprise into Canada. Hay, Deputy Quarter Master General; Cuyler, Deputy Commis- sary General ; Mearsin, Deputy Clothier General, in what they call the northern department, are entirely of the same opinion. Colonel Hazen, who has been appointed to a place which interferes with the three others above mentioned, was the most desirous of go- ing there. The reasons of such an order I think I may attribute to other motives. The same Hazen confesses we are not strong enough to think of the ex- 62 LIFE OF GENERAL pedition in this moment. As to the troops, they are disgusted and (if you except some of Hazen's Cana- dians) reluctant, to the utmost degree to begin a win- ter incursion into so cold a country. I have con- sulted every body and every body answers me that it would be madness to undertake this operation. " I have been deceived by the Board of War. They have, by the strongest expressions, promised to me one thousand, and — ^what is more to be de- pended upon — they have assured to me in writing, two thousand and five hundred combatants at a low estimate. ISTow, sir, I do not believe I can find in all twelve hundred fit for duty, and most part of those very men are naked, even for a summer's campaign. I was to find General Stark with a large body, and indeed General Gates has told me, ' General Starh will have burnt the fleet before your arrival.' Well, the first letter I receive in Albany is from General Starh, who luishes to hnoiv what number of men, from whence, for luhat time, for what rendezvous, I^wish him to raise. Colonel Biveld who was to rise too, would have done something had he received money. One asks what encouragement his people will have, the other has no clothes ; not one of them has received a dollar of what was due them. I have applied to every body, I have begged at every door I could these two days, and I see that I could do some thing were the expedition to be begun in five weeks. But you know that we have not an hour to lose, and indeed it is now rather too late had we every thing in readiness. " There is a spirit of dissatisfaction prevailing MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 63 among the soldiers, and even the officers, which is owing to their not being paid for some time since. This department is much indebted, and as near as I can ascertain (for so short a time, I have already dis- covered near eight hundred thousand dollars due to the continental troops, some militia, the quarter mas- ter's department, kc, &c., &c. It was with four hun- dred thousand dollars, only the half of which is ar- rived to day, that I was to undertake the operation, and satisfy the men under my commands. I send to Congress the account of those debts. Some clothes, by Colonel Hallen's activity, are arrived from Bos- ton, but not enough by far, and the greater part is cut off. '' We have had intelligence from a deserter, who makes the enemy stronger than I thought. There is no such thing as straw on hoard the vessels to hum them. I have sent to Congress a full account of the matter; I hope it will open their eyes. What they will resolve upon I do not know, but I think I must wait here for their answer. I have enclosed to the president copies of the most important letters I had received. It would be tedious for your excellency, were I to undertake the minutest detail of every thing ; it will be sufficient to say that the want of men, clothes, money, and the want of time, deprives me of all hopes as to this excursion. If it may begin again in the month of June by the east, I cannot venture to assure; but for the present moment, such is the idea I conceive of the famous incursion, as far as I may be informed in so short a time. 64: , LIFE OF GENERAL " Tour excellency may judge that I am very dis- tressed by this disappointment.- My being appointed to the command of the expedition is known through the continent, it will be soon known in Europe, as I have been desired by members of Congress to write to my friends; — my being at the head of an army, people will be in great expectations, and what shall I answer ? " I am afraid it will reflect on my reputation, and I shall be laughed at. My fears upon that subject are so strong, that I would choose to become again only a volunteer, unless Congress offers the means of mend- ing this ugly business by some glorious operation ; — but I am very far from giving to them the least no- tice upon that matter. General Arnold seems very fond of a diversion against New York, and he is too sick to take the field before four or five months. I should be happy if something were proposed to me in that way, but I will never ask nor even seem desirous of any thing directly from Congress ; — and as for you, dear General, I know very well that you will do every thing to procure me the only thing I am am- bitious of — glory. " I think your excellency will approve of my stay- ing here till further orders, and of my taking the liberty of sending my dispatches to Congress by a very quick occasion, without going through the hands of my General ; — ^but I was desirous to acquaint them early of my disagreeable and ridiculous position." Four days afterwards he writes as follows : MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 65 " My Deak GE:srERAL, — . . . I have written lately to you my distressing, ridiculous, foolish, and indeed nameless situation. I am sent with great noise, at the head of an army, for doing great things ; — the whole continent, France and Europe herself, and what is the worst, the British army, are in great ex- pectations. How far they will be deceived, how far we shall be ridiculed, you may judge by the candid account you have got of the state of our affairs. " There are things, I dare say, in which I am deceived — a certain Colonel is not here for nothing; one other gentleman became very popular before I went to this place — Arnold himself is very fond of him. Every part on which I turn to look I am sure a cloud is drawn before my eyes ; — but there are points I cannot be deceived upon. The want of money, the dissatisfaction among the soldiers, the disclination of every one (except the Canadians who mean to stay at home) for this expedition, are as conspicuous as possi- ble. I am sure I shall become very ridiculous and shall be laughed at. My expedition will be as fa- mous as the secret expedition against Rhode Island. I confess, m^^ dear General, that I find myself of very quick feelings whenever my reputation and glory are concerned in anything. It is very hard indeed that such a part of my happiness, without which I cannot live, should depend upon schemes which I never knew of but when there was no time to put them into execution. I assure you, my most dear and respected friend, that I am more unhappy than I ever was. 66 LIFE OF GENERAL " My desire for doing something was such, that I have thought of doing it by surprise with a detach- ment, but this seems to me rash and quite impossible. I should be ever happy if you were here to give me some advice, but I have nobody to consult with. They have sent to me more than twenty French offi- cers, but I do not know what to do with them. I beg you will acquaint me with the line of conduct you advise me to follow on every point. I am at a loss how to act, and indeed I do not know what I am here for myself. However, as being the eldest officer, (after General Arnold has desired me to take the command,) I think it is my duty to mind the business of this part of America as well as I can. General Gates holds yet the title and power of Commander-in- Chief of the xvTorthern Department, but as two hun- dred thousand dollars have arrived, I have taken upon myself to pay the most necessary part of the debts we are involved in. I am about sending provisions to Tort Schuyler ; — I will go see the fort. I will try to get some clothes for the troops, to buy some articles for the next campaign. I have directed some money to be borrowed upon my credit to satisfy the troops, who are much discontented. In all I endeavor to do for the best, though I have no particular authority or instructions. I will come as near as I can to General Gates' intentions, but I want much to get an answer to my letters. " I fancy (between us) that the actual scheme is to have me out of this part of the continent, and Gen- eral Conway in chief under the immediate direction MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 67 of General Gates. How they will bring it up 1 do not know, but you may be sure something of that kind will appear. You are nearer than myself, and every honest man in Congress is your friend ; — there- fore, you may foresee and prevent, if possible, the evil, a hundred times better than I can. I would only give that idea to your excellency. " After having written in Europe (by the desire of the members of Congress) so many fine things about my commanding an army, I shall be ashamed if noth- ing can be done by me in that way. I am told Gen- eral Putnam is recalled; but your excellency better knows than I do what would be convenient, therefore I don't want to mind these things myself. " Will you be so good as to present my respects to your lady? With the most tender aifection and highest respect, I have the honor to be, &c." Washington deeply sympathized with the Marquis in his trying condition, and replied to these letters in terms of condolence and commendation. He assured him that his character stood as fair as it ever did, and that the prudence which he had displayed, and his manifest wisdom in abstaining from the expedition under the difficulties by which he was unexpectedly surrounded, would brighten rather than tarnish his reputation. With the kindness of a father, he as- sured the Marquis of his undiminished confidence, that the most prompt to slander could have nothing in his conduct upon which to found a story of blame. His influence was also exerted to procure an order from Congress authorizing the abandonment of the 68 LIFE OF GENERAL Canadian enterprise, and the return of Lafayette. On the second of March, the Board of War were di- rected " to instruct the Marquis de Lafayette to sus- pend, for the present, the intended irruption ; and at the same time inform him, that Congress entertain a high sense of his prudence, activity, and zeal ; and that they are fully persuaded, nothing has, or would have been wanting on his part, or on the part of the officers who accompanied him, to give the expedition the utmost possible effect." On the thirteenth of March, Washington was permitted to recall the Mar- quis, and in pursuance of this order, he rejoined Washington at Valley Forge ; where self-denial and mutual sympathy made their attachment scarcely less beautiful than that between the Hebrew Bard and the young Prince of Israel,* who fought and suffered to- gether. * The reference is to the famous friendship between David and Jonathan. See I Samuel xviii. 1 : " And it came to pass . . . that the soul of Jonathan was knit with the soul of David ; and he loved him as his own soul." For David's lament over Saul and Jonathan, see II Samuel i. 19-27. MAKQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 69 CHAPTER III. The campaign of 177Y had closed gloomily to the friends of freedom; and the defeated, yet not dis- heartened army took up their winter quarters at Valley Forge. But while the shadows were deepen- ing, there was below the horizon the on-coming of day. The genius of Washington was not slumbering. In the early part of 1778, he was industriously employed in forming plans for the next campaign. The regu- lations for the militia service were re-organized and established upon a firmer basis than before. A new spirit of discipline was infused into the regular force, and both officers and soldiers found the spring open- ing upon them with new courage, and brighter expec- tations than at any former period. The influence of the example and representations of Lafayette upon France was not unmarked. The French ministry, who had always secretly favored the Revolution, were giving decided evidence of their interest ; and at length, on the 6th of February, the independence of the United States was formally acknowledged by that nation. The treaties of amity and commerce, and of defensive alliance which were entered into between YO LIFE OF GENERAL the American Commissioners at Paris and the Gov- ernment, were hailed with unbounded joy throughout the land. Valley Forge was about twenty miles from Phila- delphia, but the British, though vastly superior in numbers, had not attempted a general attack; con- fining their operations to predatory excursions against the inhabitants of the surrounding country. Early in the month of May the vigilance of General Wash- ington discovered indications that they were about to evacuate the city ; and at once took measures to harass them on their departure. Lafayette was detached with a picked company of two thousand men, with orders to cross the Schuylkill, and take up his post as an advance guard to the army, where he could be in readiness to annoy if practicable the rear of the en- emy, should they move as expected. " You will re- member," said Washington to him, " that your de- tachment is a very valuable one and that any accident happening to it, would be a severe blow to the army ; you will therefore use every precaution for its se- curity, and to guard against a surprise." Lafayette was specially enjoined to avoid any permanent sta- tion, as it would facilitate the execution of designs which might be concerted against him. With these instructions, the Marquis crossed the river and halted, on the 18th of May, at Barren Hill, situated about midway between the encampments at Valley Forge and Philadelphia. Intelligence of this was instantly communicated to Sir William Howe. The Marquis had chosen his MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 71 position and fortified it with great care, but the British General found means to learn the exact num- ber of his men and immediately formed a plan to take him by surprise. So well laid was his scheme, and so confident was he of success, that on the 19th of May he invited a large number of ladies to meet him at a banquet on the following day, promising that they should then be introduced to the captured Mar- quis. The same night he dispatched General Grant with Sir William Erskine at the head of five thousand select troops, who were ordered to gain the rear of La- fayette, and thus intercept the passage between his division and the main body at Valley Forge. By a forced and circuitous march, Grant reached his desti- nation a little before sunrise ; which was about a mile from the Marquis, at a place where the roads fork ; — the one leading to his camp and the other to Matson's Ford, over the Schuylkill. In the course of the same night Sir William Howe sent General Gray with an- other strong division, which went up the Schuylkill, to a ford of the river, directly in front of the right flank of Lafayette. The main column led on by Sir William Howe, in person, then marched out of the city and took the direct road along the river to Bar- ren Hill. So secret were the operations of the Brit- ish General, that they entirely escaped the vigilance of Lafayette, and on the morning of the 20th, he found himself completely hemmed in by a powerful army ; — his retreat cut off, — his advance opposed by a force far stronger than his own, — and scarcely the faintest hope of extricating himself from the difficul- 72 LIFE OF GENERAL ites with whicli he was surrounded. He had taken exery precaution to fortify himself against surprise, and could hardly credit his senses when he heard that the militia which he had stationed to guard one of the passes, through which General Gray marched, had left it unprotected, hy changing their post during the night without his order or knowledge. The Marquis received the tidings of his perilous situation, with unshaken fortitude. A wild huzza broke out, all along the lines, as they witnessed the entire calmness with which he began to plot their de- liverance from the perils out of which, apparently, they could be rescued by no human power. The three divisions of the British, were now moving simultan- eously against him, able to crush him at the first on- set. Still, he did not for a moment betray an emo- tion of dismay. A retreat was soon seen to be the only possible escape, and he accordingly resolved to re-cross the river by Matson's Ford, though he knew that Grant with five thousand men had possession of the heights, commanding the road. It was at this crisis that he executed one of those brilliant ma- noeuvres, for which he was remarkable. With the head of his column, he advanced boldly toward Grant as if to attack him, while the rear, which was par- tially concealed by the woods, filed off rapidly towards the Schuylkill. Grant, naturally supposing that the whole strength of Lafayette was coming against him, instantly halted and prepared for battle. The delay was just what the hunted Marquis desired — and with ■unbounded joy he witnessed the hopeful result of his MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. '^3 experiment. Preserving the most perfect order, he saw the rear of his brave regiments, gaining the point between the enemy's division and the stream ; and be- fore Grant could prevent, or even fully comprehend the purpose, his apparently advancing column fell gradually back, and joined the retreating ranks. The whole now reached Matson's Ford in safety; though it must be confessed, that so gross negligence on the part of the British General, can scarcely be accounted for, except as an interposition of Provi- dence. A corps of cavalry had taken possession of a hill, from whose elevation Lafayette was first dis- covered on his retreat through the low woody grounds which bordered the river. Even at this time. Grant might have intercepted the passage to the ford, but supposing that these were merely a detachment and that the main body still lay at Barren Hill, he per- sisted in his resolution of marching thither notwith- standing he was strongly opposed by Sir William Erskine, and other Generals of his staff. Barren Hill was concealed from their view by intervening trees, and not till they had fully arrived upon the ground, did they find that it was abandoned. The bird had escaped, notwithstanding the net had been so carefully set, and so warily sprung. Still it might not be too late. A hot pursuit was instantly ordered by the foiled Commander, burning with desire to avert the dishonor which he saw would fall upon his name, if his enemy were allowed thus easily to elude his grasp. But before he reached Hatson's Ford, Lafayette had crossed safely the river, 74 LIFE OF GENERAL and made a stand upon the heights on the opposite side. So advantageous was his position, that General Grant did not venture to meet him ; and overwhelmed with mortification, he wheeled to join the other forces, and return to head quarters, having accomplished nothing. " Finding the bird flown," says Chastel- leux, "' the English returned to Philadelphia, spent with fatigue and ashamed of having done nothing. The ladies did not see M. de Lafayette, and General Howe himself arrived too late for supper." The joy with which Lafayette was greeted at Val- ley Forge after his escape, knew no bounds. General Washington embraced him, and complimented him in the highest terms. His danger had been seen with glasses, and he had been watched with intense in- terest, till it was fully known that he had passed the Ford. Loud acclamations saluted him, as his gallant troops, with inconsiderable loss, filed into the camp; and from that moment, his influence over the men he commanded became unlimited. He lived in their hearts, and few officers in the American army claimed a profounder admiration or warmer regard. Soon after this exploit Lafayette received tidings of the death of Henriette, his eldest, and at the time he left France, his only daughter. The warm emo- tions of affection, which a soldier's life could not chill, are thus expressed in an extract from a letter to his wife, dated June 16th, 1Y78. . . " What a dread- ful thing is absence ! I never experienced before all the horrors of separation. My own deep sorrow is aggravated by the feeling that I am not able to share MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. % and sympathize in jour anguish. The length of time that had elapsed before I heard of this event had also increased my misery. Consider, my love, v^hat a dreadful thing it must be to v^^eep for what I have lost, and tremble for what remains. The distance be- tween Europe and America appears to me more enor- mous than ever. The loss of our poor child is al- most constantly in my thoughts. This sad news fol- lowed almost immediately that of the treaty, and while my heart was torn by grief, I was obliged to receive and take part in expressions of public joy. " If the unfortunate news had reached me sooner, I should have set out immediately to rejoin you; — but the account of the treaty, which we received the first of May, prevented me from leaving this country. The opening campaign does not allow me to retire. I have always been perfectly convinced that by serv- ing the cause of humanity and that of America, I serve also the interests of France." About this time dispatches reached Sir Henry Clin- ton, who by the resignation and departure for Eng- land of General Howe, was left Commander-in-Chief of the British forces, ordering him to evacuate Phila- delphia. The assistance which France had decided to render America, and the naval force which was fitting out at Toulon for this object, made Philadel- phia a dangerous j)ost, and induced the Ministry to withdraw the army from the Delaware. Washington was early apprised of these movements, and when on the morning of the 18th of June, the British defiled out of the city, he was prepared to act accordingly. t6 LIFE OF GENERAL Judging tliat General Clinton was expecting to reacli New York by land, across the Jerseys, Washington had previously endeavored to impede his way by breaking down the principal bridges, and placing ob- structions in the roads through which he would have to pass. At this crisis a council of war was held at Valley Forge, upon the propriety of hazarding a gen- eral engagement. A wide diversity of opinion pre- vailed. General Lee, whose opinion carried great weight, was vehement against risking either a general or partial battle. General Du Portail, a French offi- cer of distinction, the Baron de Steuben and most of the foreign officers took the same ground, and main- tained that an action ought to be carefully avoided. A majority of the American generals were influenced by their counsels; and of seventeen, in all, only Wayne and Cadwallader were decidedly in favor of attacking the enemy. Lafayette, however, was in- clined to this latter opinion, but without openly avow- ing it ; and General Greene was also disposed to ven- ture more than the views of the greater number would sanction. Washington for weighty reasons desired an action, but the voice of the majority prevailed, though not without evident dissatisfaction to him. Determined to follow the foe on their march, he left Valley Forge the same day that they deserted Philadelphia and crossing the river at Coryell's Ferry, made a stand at Hopewell. On the 24th of the month, another council of war was held at this place, in which, after stating the relative strength and MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 77 position of the two armies, the Commander-in-Chief proposed the following questions : " Will it be advisable for us, of choice, to hazard a general action ? If it is, should we do it by imme- diately making a general attack upon the enemy, by attempting a partial one, or by taking such a position, if it can be done, as may oblige them to attack us ? If it is not, what measures can be taken, with safety to this army, to annoy the enemy in their march ? In fine, what precise line of conduct will it be advisable for us to pursue ? " In this consultation, as in the first, Lee made a strenuous opposition to a general encounter. Being next to Washington in rank, and moreover a General of great experience, his arguments and opinions had much influence over the younger officers present. It was finally decided that an attack was not advisable, but that '' a detachment of fifteen hundred men be immediately sent to act, as occasion may serve, on the enemy's left flank and rear, in conjunction with the other Continental infantry and militia, who are al- ready hanging about them, and that the main body preserve a relative position, so as to be able to act as circumstances may require." This decision was lit- tle to the taste of Washington. Lafayette had ex- pressed his opinion precisely, when in the latter coun- cil he contended " that it would be disgraceful to the officers and humiliating for the troops, to allow the enemy to traverse the Jerseys unmolested ; that with- out running an imprudent risk, the rear guard at least of the British might be attacked ; that it was best 78 LIFE OF GENERAL to follow the enemy, manoeuvre with prudence, and take advantage of circumstances, even to the hazard of a general battle." After the decision, Lafayette and Wayne strongly represented to Washington the inefficiency of the designated force, and urged the ap- pointment of additional men. As this coincided with the Commander's view, he promptly resolved to act in conformity therewith, and even to risk a conflict if unforeseen circumstances should not prevent. Washington accordingly entered upon prompt measures. General Dickenson with the Jersey mil- itia consisting of about one thousand men, and Max- well with his brigade already hung on the enemy's left flank towards their rear. General Cadwallader with Jackson's regiment were behind, while Colonel Morgan with his six hundred tried soldiers, was ready to harass them on their right. Fifteen hundred men ordered by the last council of war, had also been marched forward to the lines under command of Brig- adier-General Scott. Firmly fixed in his purpose, to bring on an engagement if possible, Washington now sent Wayne with a further division of one thousand select troops to reinforce General Cadwallader. This swelled the continental battalions in front of the enemy to between four and five thousand ; and as the simultaneous action of these was of the highest im- portance, Washington deemed it proper that a Major- General should be entrusted with their supreme com- mand. This duty would naturally have fallen to Lee, but as he was totally opposed to the course taken, Lafayette went to Washington and offered himself tQ MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. ^^9 lead the attacking division. Washington referred him to Lee, who very readily assented to the offer of the Marquis, saying that he disapproved of the plans of the Commander-in-Chief, that he was sure they would fail, and that he was willing to be relieved from any responsibility in carrying them into execution. Upon this, Washington had no hesitation in confer- ring the command upon Lafayette. It was an im- portant post but the keen insight of Washington had not mistaken his man. Young as he was the Marquis had already inspired a confidence in his bravery, pru- dence, and skill, which was both flattering and mer- ited. He was ordered to proceed immediately with the detachment under General Poor, and form a junction speedily as possible with the one which had just been sent forward under Scott. " You are to use," says Washington in his instructions, " the most effectual means for gaining the enemy's left flank and rear, and giving them every means of annoyance. All continental parties, that are already on the lines, will be under your command, and you will take such measures, in concert with General Dickenson, as will cause the enemy the greatest impediment and loss in their march. For these purposes you will attack them as occasion may require by detachment, and, if a proper opening should be given, b}' operating against them with the whole force of your command. You will naturally take such precautions as will secure you against surprise, and maintain your communication with this army." But no sooner had Lafayette left than Lee began to repent of having declined the com- 80 LIFE OF GENERAL mission. He wrote to Washington setting forth his changed views, and soliciting in the most urgent man- ner that he might yet he entrusted with the appoint- ment. Here was a new difficulty. Washington had already given it to Lafayette, and he could not recall it without danger of offending him ; and he could not refuse the present entreaty of Lee without giving umbrage to that General. There was, however, an obvious impropriety in withdrawing the command so soon, and this was accordingly represented to Lee, The latter then appealed to Lafayette. He told him of the position in which he was placed, and of the partial glance which he had bestowed on the subject, when he declined. Lee evidently saw that his reputa- tion might be impaired when his opposition to the ac- tion would be connected with the fact that he after- wards refused to take the command of a strong divi- sion which (it was expected, would meet and engage the rear of the enemy. " My fortune and honor," he wrote to Lafayette, '' are placed in your hands ; — you are too generous to cause the loss of both." La- fayette was pleased with the post, and was at first un- willing to relinquish it. But the repeated entreaties of Lee, and his appeals to his generosity and magna- nimity, at length gained the point, and he wrote to Washington, assuring him that if it was believed necessary or useful to the good of the service and the honor of General Lee, to send him down with a couple of thousand men, or any greater force, he would cheerfully obey and serve him, not only out of duty, but out of the respect he owed to that officer's char- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 81 acter. Upon the receipt of this letter Washington wrote to Lee offering an expedient which he deemed would be satisfactory to both. He proposed that General Lee should march at the head of two brigades to support the Marquis at Englishtowu, where as senior officer, he would have the direction of the whole front section, which after he had joined it, would amount to over five thousand men. It was, however, expressly stipulated, that if any enterprise had been already formed by Lafayette, it should go forward the same as if no change were made. To this con- dition Lee readily acceded, and Washington there- upon wrote to Lafayette as follows : — " General Lee's uneasiness on account of yesterday's transaction, rather increasing than abating, and your politeness in wishing to ease him of it, have induced me to detach him from this army with a part of it, to reinforce or at least cover the several detachments at present under your command. At the same time that I felt for General Lee's distress of mind, I have had an eye to your wishes, and the delicacy of your situation ; and have therefore obtained a promise from him, that, when he gives you notice of his approach and com- mand, he will request you to prosecute any plan you may have already concerted for the purpose of at- tacking, or otherwise annoying the enemy. This is the only expedient I could think of to answer the views of both. General Lee seems satisfied with the measure, and I wish it may prove agreeable to you, as I am, with the warmest wishes for your honor and 82 LIFE OF GENERAL glory, and with the sincerest esteem and affection, yours, &c." Sir Henry Clinton, who was not unapprised of these designs against him, had taken a strong post on the heights of Freehold, near Monmouth. Washing- ton saw that this was unassailable, and, aware that if the British were allowed to proceed twelve miles, till they should gain the heights of Middletown, they would be perfectly secure, he gave orders to General Lee to attack the British rear as soon as it should move from its present ground. Morning broke on the 28th of June, 1778. Wash- ington was in his saddle at five in the morning, listen- ing to the intelligence just received from General Dickenson, that the front of the enemy was in motion. " To arms ! " was sounded along the American ranks ; and the order was instantly dispatched to General Lee to advance upon the enemy, " unless there should be powerful reasons to the contrary." He was at the same time informed that Washington with the rear division of the American force, would be on the way to support him. Washington, with his usual de- cision, had thus prepared for combat, contrary to the opinion of Lee and that of the officers generally. The orders Lee received were prompt and urgent; and though his judgment demurred, now that they were given, it only remained for him to execute them. His first movements were those of ready obedience. Appearing upon the heights of Freehold soon after Lord Cornwallis had left them, he followed the enemy into the plain and made immediate disposition for MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 83 the onset. Hitherto his tactics had been marked with skill and caution, but here he seemed to lose all pru- dence. He ordered Lafayette to a station where he was subjected to the galling fire of the English ar- tillery without any prospect of good, while he himself stood apparently uncertain what course to pursue. The Marquis was soon forced to retire, but nothing daunted, he waited a more favorable field for heroism. A fair opportunity seemed to offer itself, and, full of energy and enthusiasm, he rode up to Lee and so- licited permission to avail himself of it. " Sir," said Lee, '' you do not know British soldiers ; — we cannot stand against them ; — we shall certainly be driven back at first, and we must be cautious." This was far from suiting the fiery nature of the Marquis, and he answered with as much spirit as was becoming, that British soldiers had been beaten, and, it was to be presumed, they might be beaten again. At this crisis began the strangest act in that day's drama. Lee was supported by five thousand men, all panting for the conflict ; and though he knew he could trust in their bravery to an unlimited extent, and that Washington who earnestly desired battle was already bringing forward the whole army to his sup- port, yet after the slightest skirmishing, before any advantage had been gained on either side, he ordered a retreat. Lafayette was enraged but could not dis- obey. He instantly dispatched a messenger to Wash- ington, informing him of the state of affairs, and earnestly beseeching him to hasten to the scene of re- treat ; who saw the condition of things at a glance, and 84 LIFE OF GENERAL instantly rode forward. He was not, however, pre- pared for the whole scene. Every where there was the appearance of disorder and confusion. General Dickenson, with his division of militia on the left flank of the British, had been utterly routed, and was flying over the plain in dismay, with no effort from Lee to check the retreat. Lafayette seemed every where present among his troops, and as he could not prevent flight, he struggled nobly to save the army from a total rout. Lee had ordered back the whole force under his command, and Washington gave ut- terance to a storm of indignation, when he met them fleeing before the enemy, without having made an en- deavor to maintain their ground. Riding up to Gen- eral Lee, he accosted that officer in tones of cutting severity and disapprobation ; and then set himself with a superhuman activity at work, to retrieve the disasters of the morning. A look at his calm, ma- jestic figure, at this moment, sitting upon his white horse, covered with dust and foam, and casting his eagle eye over the field where almost beneath the ban- ners of the exulting foe, the regiments were retreat- ing, sent a thrill of returning hope, like an electric current, along the broken ranks. A new courage rose throughout the smitten host when they found the Commander-in-Chief was pres- ent to guide the terrible strife, the rest of that fatal day. " Never," said Lafayette to Marshal — '" never was General Washington greater in war than in this action. His presence stopped the retreat. His dis- positions fixed the victory. His fine appearance oil MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 85 horseback, his calm courage roused by the animation produced by the vexation of the morning, gave him the air best calculated to excite enthusiasm." The day was oppressively sultry, and the heat was at 96 deg. Fahrenheit. Not a breath of air lifted the drooping colors, or stirred the plumes around the throbbing temples of the soldiers, while the charge was sounded, and the flying companies wheeled to face the deadly sweep of their pursuers. Order be- gan to smile upon the chaos of the continental bri- gades, and " Long live Washington ! " was heard above the thunder of artillery, repeated by unnum- bered lips parched with thirst, and pallid with wear- iness. That single man, by the quiet might of his splendid genius, turned back the tide of war upon the enemy with astonishing haste, and under a wasting fire. His white charger amid the deepening smoke of battle, was like the shining cross to the crusaders, when Jerusalem lay at their feet, and they were sink- ing beneath the fierce and vastly outnumbering foe. The columns pressed steadily up to the blaze of can- non ; and many a brave fellow fell unpierced by the hail of death, gasping for water, and yet struggling to follow his leader back to the scene of carnage. The entire aspect of that field was now changed. Colonel Stewart and Lieutenant Colonel Ramsay, w^ere sent with their regiments to an important point on the left, to sustain the shock of the advancing enemy there. Lee, with the remainder of the force, was directed to command the front, arrayed again for the furious onset, while Washington galloped away to 86 LIFE OF GENERAL bring his own division up to the desperate encounter. Lee, stung with the reproaches of his General, nat- urally extremely sensitive in regard to his honor, was fully aroused to wipe off the morning's disgrace. He could fight with unrivaled courage, if he willed, and was indeed a brave officer. He dashed into the contest with bitter determination, and though com- pelled to yield, he retired in fine order and with cour- ageous resistance to the last. Washington soon ap- peared, and then followed the wild uproar and falling ranks of wide and sanguinary battle. Each army poured into the bosom of the other a tempest of bul- lets, while the batteries grew hot from rapid dis- charges, which opened a momentary gape through living men ; and upon all beat the scorching sun of that 8ahhath day. General Greene commanded the right wing of the first line, Lord Sterling the left, and Lafayette led on the second line. The impetuous charge forced the British back in front, and, attempting to turn on the left, were here also repulsed. Wheeling to the right, Sir Henry Clinton now bore down upon General Greene, who met the attack as a rock flings back the wave. He had sent a body of troops with artillery to a commanding elevation, which now operated with so much effect, that he not only foiled the present at- tempt of Clinton, but completely enfiladed the divi- sion which yet remained in front of the left wing. Sir Henry had, therefore, no resort but to withdraw behind a marshy ravine, on the ground which he had occupied before the commencement of the battle. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 87 Arrangements were immediately made for attacking him there, but the excessive heat, the fatigue of the soldiers, and the approach of night, dissuaded Wash- ington, and he accordingly issued his orders to desist. Lafayette had been in his saddle and incessantly ac- tive since four in the morning, displaying the utmost coolness, and sharing every where in the toils and dangers of the day. Nothing could intimidate him, nothing appeared to weary him ; but with a bearing ever high and heroic, he passed unscathed amid the rage of that battle-storm. " I have been charmed," said an officer under his immediate command, " with the blooming gallantry, and sagacity, of the Marquis de Lafayette, who appears to be possessed of every requisite to constitute a great General." This praise of his prudence, and skill, and courage, was universal in the army. An incident of this battle connected with Lafay- ette is found in the '' Historical Anecdotes of the reign of Louis XVL" It is related as follows; — " During the American War, a General officer, in the service of the United States, advanced, with a score of men, under the English batteries, to reconnoitre their position. His aid-de-camp, struck by a ball, fell at his side while the officers and orderly dragoons ■fled precipitately. The General, though under the fire of the cannon, approached the wounded man to see whether he had any signs of life remaining, or whether any assistance could be afforded him. Find- ing the wound had been mortal, he turned his eyes away with emotion, and slowly rejoined the group 88 LIFE OF GENERAL which had got out of the reach of the pieces. This instance of courage and humanity took place at the battle of Monmouth. General Clinton, who com- manded the English troops, knew that the Marquis de Lafayette generally rode a white horse; — and it was upon a white horse that the General officer, who retired so slowly, was mounted. Sir Henry Clinton, therefore, commanded the gunners not to fire. This noble forbearance probably saved General Lafayette's life, for it was he himself. At that time he was but twenty-two years of age." Such was the battle of Monmouth. Washington and Lafayette passed the night upon the field of strife, in the folds of the same mantle, worn by the former. In the morning when they arose, the enemy had departed. At midnight they had left their camp and fled with such secrecy that no knowl- edge of the fact was communicated to the Americans till day-break, by which time they were beyond the reach of their disappointed enemy. Washington, though he had hoped for a renewal of the engagement, saw the folly of pursuit, and quietly allowed his army to rest upon the field. On the Tth of July the French force, which La- fayette had so anxiously solicited, arrived off the Capes of Delaware. It consisted of twelve ships of the line and six frigates, having on board a respecta- ble body of land forces, and was commanded by the Count d'Estaing, a French nobleman of some dis- tinction. He had sailed from Toulon on the 13th of April and made his point of destination the Dela- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 89 ware, hoping to find the British fleet in that river, and their army in Philadelphia. Adverse winds had, however, protracted his voyage across the Atlantic, till the English fleet and army, warned of his ap- proach, had made good their escape. Upon learning this, the next plan of d'Estaing was to make an attack upon New York, but this he was induced to abandon by the representations of the pilots, that it would be impossible to pass the bar at Sandy Hook, with his heavy ships. A combined enterprise against the enemy at Rhode Island, was next planned. D'Es- taing sailed for Newport, and Lafayette with two brigades was to join at Providence General Sullivan, who commanded the American forces in Rhode Is- land. The prospects of the Revolutionary arms were again bright. All over the land rang the shouts of enthusiastic welcome, to the forces sent by a monarch to cheer and sustain the suffering cohort of freedom. Adulation and praise were lavished upon them from every quarter, and in many bosoms joy succeeded the sadness of deep despondency. The Count came to anchor off Newport on the 25th of July. His earnest manner of proceeding increased the universal glad- ness, which his arrival awakened, and he seemed in- clined to throw his whole strength into the struggle, and ready to carry forward any project that energy and wisdom could suggest. The character of Count d'Estaing has been mis- represented, and perhaps hardly understood. We 90 LIFE OF GENERAL shall endeavor to unfold it somewhat particularly, in our account of succeeding transactions. On the 21st of July, Lafayette with two brigades was ordered to join General Sullivan at Providence. Before arriving there, the French fleet had appeared at ]S"ewport, and impatient of delay, d'Estaing imme- diately concerted with Sullivan, the course of action, without waiting for the reinforcements. The Count was all ardor, and with Gallic zeal in haste for the contest. We apprehend that the only law of his char- acter which offers to us a satisfactory solution to the problem of his after history, is found in his ardent na- ture and consequent restiveness under restraint. His long passage, while it had soured his temper, had also strongly increased his desire for a signal achievement, now that he had arrived on the field of display. The delay of the expected force, though unavoidable, of- fered a temporary barrier to his progress, and was exceedingly displeasing to him. A plan was, however, agreed upon, which promised important results in future success. As soon as La- fayette and his division were there, its execution was immediately determined upon. The British with a force 6,000 strong, occupied ISTewport, and this stronghold became the grand object of the allies. Here was the arena of conflict. Towards ISTarragan- sett Bay were turned the anxious eyes of friends and foes of American liberty. Washington, at White Plains, having sent out an additional force, waited with solicitude for the issue; while the English Ad- miral closely followed the fleet, to that port. Geii- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 91 eral Pigot, who commanded the troops in Rhode Is- land, was regarded as a doomed man, when the de- signs against him were disclosed. Completely en- circled by enemies, an easy overthrow was apparent, yet he was not disposed to submit without resistance. Withdrawing the men which had been stationed on the north end of the island into the lines at Newport, he fortified himself for the expected attack. When he heard of this, General Sullivan resolved to take immediate possession of the works which the British had just abandoned, and on the 9th of August he crossed over the Sea-connet passage, and landed on the north end of Rhode Island.* This movement though perfectly just in itself, was yet the source of much subsequent difficulty. The Count d'Estaing was a Lieutenant-General at home, and as such, held a higher rank than Sullivan, who was only a Major- General. Difficulties on subjects of mere punctilio, to avoid which, Washington advised Sullivan to take every precaution, had previously arisen between them, although neither had given intimations of re- sentment. His crossing over from the main land before the time agreed upon for the joint attack, and without having communicated his purpose to d'Es- taing was immediately regarded disrespectful by him, who expressed his suspicion that the measure was taken with other motives than those assigned. A letter from Sullivan in vindication of himself, he * This, of course, will be understood as Rhode Island proper. The term was first given to this island upon which Newport ia situated, and afterwards applied to the State. 92 LIFE OF GENERAL refused to answer, and a day that ought to have been devoted to action, was spent in fruitless discussion and recriminations. Towards evening of the same day, the English fleet which had been dispatched from New York for the succor of General Pigot hove in sight. A change at once came over Count d'Estaing. His imperious bearing softened, and the next morning, with favor- able breeze he determined to stand out to sea and give battle, at the same time assuring Sullivan that on his return, he would co-operate with him. This purpose displayed a great want of the highest qualities of a military leader. Every thing was ready for the at- tack upon Newport, and an energetic prosecution of it, was now only necessary for success. The British Admiral, soon as he saw the strength and position of the French fleet, despaired of rescuing the town, but dropped anchor to take advantage of any accidental circumstance which might arise. To throw away this advantage for the sake of entering upon what was at best a doubtful adventure, Avas the height of folly. Still, we are not inclined to blame d'Estaing to the extent many have done. It was folly, and not cow- ardice, or want of interest in the cause to which he Avas allied. He was enthusiastic and impatient, and that these traits blinded him is evident, from his pre- vious and after history. He fancied, and doubtless sincerely, that he could make a brilliant coup de main, by dispersing the hostile fleet, and afterwards return to capture the city. Sullivan's army amounted to ten thousand men, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 93 and a council of war was called in which an imme- diate battle was proposed. Notwithstanding the de- parture of d'Estaing, it was urged that the American force was sufficient for the emergency, which de- manded the trial. Lafayette alone dissented. He admitted the favorable views expressed, but objected to the commencement of operations, before the return of d'Estaing. He urged that the Admiral had al- ready felt himself aggrieved, and that his feeling would be revived with keener edge if they advanced upon the enemy before his return, and without his co-operation. His advice, therefore, was, that they should take a position near ISTewport till the Count should be ready to act with them. Time, however, was of so much importance to a body of troops or- ganized as the continental army was, that the opposite counsels prevailed, and it was decided to open the trenches and begin the siege without delay. Preparations, therefore, went briskly forward. Fifty rounds of ammunition were distributed to each soldier, and through all the ranks were heard the busy notes of preparation for the contest. But, sud- denly, while the stirring pageant of war was moving to the measures of death's music, the moan of a com- ing tempest was heard above the tumult of the tented plain. The breeze increased to a gale ; the black clouds rose above the horizon, and rushed across the heavens, till the glare of noonday suddenly gave place to the deepest twilight. There was a pause through- out the camp, and impatient waiting for a calm. But, hour after hour, the tempest increased in fury, 94 LIFE OF GENERAL the sky blackened, and the winds howled, mingling in wildest chaos the lighter materials of a military cam- paign; and at length, rending the curtains of the tents, scattered them like autumnal leaves. The rain descended in sheets, deluging the men, ammunition and arms. A wilder scene can scarcely he imagined. Over the wide field, were files of soldiers shelterless in the storm, around them the ruins of their white dwell- ings; ofiicers standing with drooping plumes, and their horses bracing in terror to meet the now pause- less hurricane that raged on ; while artillery and magazines were exposed to the unsparing elements, whose battle made the hero of the sanguinary conflict shrink with terror. Several perished during this tempest, which continued for three days with unex- ampled severity. As soon as the storm was over, and order could be restored, the siege was opened. This was on the 15th of August ; and for several days the work was vigor- ously prosecuted. The two fleets had sailed out of sight, and as no news was heard from either of them, the anxiety of the Americans became intense. Their situation was, moreover, becoming critical, since, in the absence of their allies, new regiments might with- out interruption be thrown into Newport, and not only defeat the enterprise, but render retreat hazar- dous. The re-appearance of d'Estaing on the morn- ing of the 19th, was hailed with peculiar joy. After a day or two spent in manoeuvering, he was upon the point of engaging with his rival, when the same storm which had made the terrible havoc on shore, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 95 swept the shipping and instantly dispersed the ves- sels, leaving them at the end of forty-eight hours, to-> tally unfit for action. The British fleet sailed back to New York. The hopes excited by the return of d'Estaing were soon to be most lamentably dispelled. He wrote to Sullivan stating that in pursuance of the orders of his King, and the advice of all his officers, he was about to sail for Boston to repair the damage done by the tempest. His instructions were to repair to Boston if any accident should happen to his fleet, or a su- perior British force should appear off the coast. This design excited universal indignation in the camp. The accents of applause which had greeted the arrival of d'Estaing were at once exchanged for bitter exe- crations ; and through the army ran the murmur of disapprobation. With the fleet, they had calculated with confidence on a brilliant termination of the ex- pedition ; without it, their efforts were useless. Sulli- van was in despair, though he could hardly believe that the Count would desert them in a moment so critical, did he understand the precise nature of their situation. Generals Greene and Lafayette were ac- cordingly dispatched with a letter, and directed to use their utmost efforts to induce him to reconsider. " They represented to him the certainty of carrying the garrison if he would co-operate with them only two days, urged the impolicy of exposing the fleet at sea, in its present condition, represented the port of Boston as equally insecure with that of Newport, and added that the expedition had been undertaken oa 96 LIFE OF GENERAL condition that the French fleet and army should co- operate with them; — that, confiding in this co-opera- tion, they had brought stores into the island to a great amount, and that to abandon the enterprise in the present state of things, would be a reproach and a disgrace to their arms. To be deserted at such a critical moment, would have a pernicious influence on the American people, and would furnish their do- mestic foes, as well as the common enemy, with the means of animadverting severely on their prospects from an alliance with those who could abandon them, under circumstances such as the present. They con- cluded with wishing that the utmost harmony and confidence might subsist between the two nations, and especially between their officers; — and entreated the Admiral, if any personal indiscretions had appeared in conducting the expedition, not to permit them to prejudice the common cause." These points and others were presented and pressed with the earnestness of pleading necessity. The Mar- quis, especially, besought him on his honor as a Frenchman and as a man, not to abandon the cause he had espoused, in such hazardous extreme. It was, however, in vain ; the Count positively refused to lis- ten. We cannot agree with those who represent d'Estaing as impelled to his singular course through pique at Sullivan, for acting without consultation with himself. This idea appears absurd. D'Es- taing himself would have coveted the renown attend- ing the capture of ISTewport, and would eagerly have joined the American forces in attempting it, had no MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 97 other reason interfered. Lafayette was doubtless right in his conjecture. D'Estaing was properly a land officer, and his naval subordinates were dissatis- fied with his appointment. The Marquis saw that they were his enemies and determined to thwart any plan which would give him a famous exploit. Hence, he supposes, and with great probability, that, appeal- ing to the strict letter of the Count's instructions, they unanimously opposed deviation from them. What- ever might have been his own preference, he could not disregard both of these claims, and was consequently driven to the alternative which was taken. Nor can we doubt that his own desire was to remain. General Greene was of this opinion. Upon the return of the latter with Lafayette, Sullivan determined to make one more effort to secure the Admiral's aid. In this, his solicitude blinded his judgment. A protest con- taining expressions which he ought to have known would be offensive, was signed by the officers except Lafayette, and dispatched with a letter, beseeching him to change his plans. D'Estaing was, of course, highly incensed by the protest, and sailed directly for Boston. Sullivan, now thrown upon his own resources, called a council of war and proposed an assault upon the garrison, provided five thousand men who had seen nine months' service could be obtained. The militia were, however, so discouraged by the depar- ture of the fleet, tliat the number could not be pro- cured. They had begun to desert, and in a few days the army was reduced to only five thousand. It was 7 9^ LIFE OF GENERAL determined to break up their fortifications, and await the result of another endeavor to prevail upon d'Es- taing to hasten back. Lafayette used all his tact and persuasion to remove the prejudice against the French alliance, caused by the desertion of d'Estaing. His unbounded popularity gave him favor every where, and words of conciliation were received from him with deference, which would have been rejected with contempt from another source. Perhaps nowhere does his devotion to the Colonies shine more purely than in these transactions. The French officers, be- sides him, were generally inclined to take part with their countrymen, and were incensed by the re- proaches of the continental troops. Lafayette was unwearied as a peace-maker between the two. He poured oil upon the troubled waters of discontent, soothing one party and softening the asperity of the other, in his meditation to bring union and harmony again. He was the sun shining through the angry storm, and dropping the rain-bow of peace upon its threatening brow. After the army had been drawn off to the north part of the island, Lafayette advised a farther retreat to the main land. This being delayed, he was sent to Boston, to make the desired reconciliation and co-op- eration with d'Estaing. Absorbed with his mission, traveling all night, he arrived just in time to see the corps of officers enter the city to attend a public din- ner, which had been tendered them by the civil and military authorities there. After the festival, a council was held, in which Lafayette proposed hia MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 99 object, and brought all his influence to restore the friendly relations so seriously interrupted. He was eminently successful, and d'Estaing, after assuring the Marquis of the crippled condition of his fleet, of- fered to march in person with his troops to Newport. But before this arrangement could be made, La- fayette received intelligence that Sir Henry Clinton had arrived at J^ewport, and the American army was flying before the enemy. Here was action, and with- out a moment's delay, he started for the scene. Pie traveled the whole distance, (eighty miles,) in less than eight hours, and arrived at Howland's Ferry on the Sea-connet passage, just as the troops were cross- ing it. One moment was spent in a rapid survey, and then he threw himself into the arena of danger and of glory. His post was chosen when he perceived the rear guard, composed of a thousand men, still upon the island and surrounded. He placed himself at their head, and his clear voice of command rising above the roar of conflict, made the hearts of that despairing band leap with hope and courage. Sulli- van had conducted the affair with great skill; and with one of his magical strokes, Lafayette turned the tide of pursuit, while his ranks poured down in regu- lar files to the Ferry, and passed safely over amid the acclamations of their comrades upon the opposite shore. Not a man was lost. Thus closed the expedition against Newport. It was undertaken with unusual promise, and its unsuc- cessful close produced a proportionate chagrin. The cause of the failure was charged entirely upon L.ofC. 100 LIFE OF GENERAL d'Estaing throughout the country, and has been re- iterated by succeeding historians, who have accused him of want of fidelity to the American Flag. We have endeavored to give a faithful and fair narration, from which the reader can draw his own inferences. Our own opinion is, that the accusation has no foun- dation whatever. Congress passed a resolution ex- pressing their approbation of the Count's conduct, and directed the President to assure him that they entertained the highest sense of his zeal and attach- ment. The conduct of Lafayette met with universal praise. He received many testimonials of approba- tion, but none more welcome than the following Res- olution passed by Congress on the 9th of September : " Resolved, That Mr. President be requested to inform the Marquis de Lafayette, that Congress have a due sense of the sacrifice he made of his personal feelings in undertaking a journey to Boston, with a view of promoting the interest of these States, at a time when an occasion was daily expected of his ac- quiring glory in the field, and that his gallantry in going on Rhode Island, when the greatest part of the army had retreated, and his good conduct in bringing off the pickets and out sentinels, deserve their particu- lar approbation." Mr. Laurens, who was then Presi- dent of Congress, accompanied this resolution with the following letter : Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 1778. " SiE, — I experience a high degree of satisfaction MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 101 in fulfilling the instructions embraced in the en- closed act of Congress of the ninth instant, which ex- presses the sentiments of the representatives of the United States of x\merica, relative to jour excellent conduct during the expedition recently undertaken against Rhode Island. Receive, Sir, this testimonial on the part of Congress as a tribute of respect and gratitude, offered to you by a free people. '' I have the honor to be with very great respect and esteem, Sir, your obedient and most humble servant, " Henry Laurens, President." Lafayette replied as follows : " Camp, Sept. 23, 17YS. " Sir, — I have just received the letter of the 13th instant with which you have favored me, and in which you communicate the honor which Congress has been pleased to confer by the adoption of its flattering resolution. Whatever sentiments of pride may be reasonably excited by such marks of approbation, I am not the less sensible of the feelings of gratitude, nor of the satisfaction of believing that my efforts have, in some measure, been considered as useful to a cause in which my heart is so deeply interested. Have the goodness. Sir, to present to Congress my unfeigned and humble thanks, springing from the bottom of my heart, and accompanied with the assur- ances of my sincere and perfect attachment, as the only homage worthy of being offered to the represen- tatives of a free people. " From the moment that I first heard the name of 102 LIFE OF GENERAL America, I loved her; — from the moment that I learned her struggles for liberty, I was inflamed with the desire of shedding my blood in her cause ; and the moments that may be expended in her service, when- ever they may occur, or in whatever part of the world I may be, shall be considered as the happiest of my existence. I feel more ardently than ever, the desire of deserving the obliging sentiments with v/hich I am honored by the United States, and by their representa- tives, and the flattering confidence which they have been pleased to repose in me, has filled my heart with the liveliest gratitude and most lasting affection." After the retreat, Lafayette was entrusted by Sul- livan with the care of Warren, Bristol, and the east- ern shore of Rhode Island. From the camp he writes to Washington : " I am to defend a country with a very few troops, who are not able to defend more than a single point. I cannot answer that the enemy will not go and do what they please — for I am not able to prevent them — with only a part of their army, and yet this part must not land far from me ; but I answer, that if they come with equal or not very superior forces to those I may collect, we shall flog them pretty well ; at least I hope so. My situa- tion, appears to be uncertain, for we expect soon to hear from your excellency. . . You know Mr. Touzard, a gentleman of my family — ^he met with a terrible accident in the last action. With the greatest excess of bravery, he ran before all the others to take a piece of cannon in the midst MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, 103 of the enemj, when he was immediately covered with their shots, had his horse killed, and his right arm shattered to pieces. He was happy enough not to fall into their hands, and his life is not despaired of. Congress was going to send him a commission of Major. " Give me joy, my dear General, I intend to have your picture. Mr. Hancock has promised me a copy of the one he has in Boston. He gave one to Count d'Estaing, and I never saw a man so glad at possess- ing his sweetheart's picture as the Admiral was to receive yours." The reply of Washington is interesting and we ex- tract the following: "The sentiments of affection and attachment which breathe so conspicuously in all your letters to me, are at once pleasing and honor- able, and afford me abundant cause to rejoice at the happiness of my acquaintance with you. Your love of liberty, the just sense you entertain of this val- uable blessing, and your noble and disinterested exer- tions in the cause of it, added to the innate goodness of your heart, conspire to render you dear to me; — and I think myself happy in being linked with you in bonds of the strictest friendship. " The ardent zeal which you have displayed during the whole course of the campaign to the eastward, and your endeavors to cherish harmony among the officers of the allied powers, and to dispel those unfavorable impressions which had begun to take place in the minds of the unthinking, from misfortunes, which the utmost stretch of human foresight could not avert, de- 104: LIFE OF GENERAL served, and now receive, my particular and warmest thanks. I am sorry for Mons. Touzard's loss of an arm in the action on Rhode Island; — and offer my thanks to him, through you, for his gallant behavior on that day. " Could I have conceived that my picture had been an object of your wishes, or in the smallest degree worthy of your attention, I should, while Mr. Peale was in the camp at Valley Forge, have got him to take the best portrait of me he could, and presented it to you; — but I really had not so good an opinion of my own worth, as to suppose that such a compliment would not have been considered as a greater instance of my vanity, than means of your gratification ; and, therefore, when you requested me to sit to Monsieur Lanfang, I thought it was only to obtain the outlines and a few shades of my features, to have some prints struck from." Lafayette's position at Bristol was ill-suited to his nature. He had, indeed, to be incessantly engaged, but it was not the kind of activity he liked. To de- fend himself and the surrounding country from the marauding attacks of British squadrons, was not enough for him. His force did not allow him to make a heavy blow, and skirmishes, which could give no advantage to either side, were uninviting. JSTews reached him of important transactions in France which rekindled his flagging excitement. Advices from the Duke d'Ayen, his father-in-law, apprised him that the ministry were planning a descent upon England ; and created an intense desire to revisit his MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 105 country. '' My great object in wishing to return," he writes d'Ayen, " is the idea of a descent upon England. I should consider myself as almost dis- honored, if I were not present at such a moment. 1 should feel so much regret and shame, that I should be tempted to drown or hang myself according to the English mode. My greatest happiness would be to drive them from this country, and then to repair to England, serving under your command. This is a very delightful project ; — God grant it may be real- ized." Other causes conspired to foster his inten- tion. The difficulties here were exciting, and he feared the influence of the exaggerated reports which might reach the French court. He wished, moreover, to see the alliance placed upon a firmer basis, and be- lieved that his influence would be conducive to this consummation. His heart too, throbbed with a gen- tler sympathy as he thought of his wife and child, and distant home. A hasty visit to d'Estaing at Boston, settled his purpose ; for he there saw that there were weighty matters affecting the interests of both na- tions which he could best lay before the ministry in person. Returning to Bristol he solicited permission to visit the Commander-in-Chief at Head Quarters, to consult with him respecting his intended absence. Permission was accordingly granted, and Lafayette repaired to his revered friend at Fishkill. Washing- ton, from motives of unfeigned friendship, as well as from a regard to his country's good, was very de- sirous of preserving Lafayette's connection with the army, and accordingly, while he made no objections 106 LIFE OF GENERAL to his departure, advised him to solicit from Con- gress an unlimited leave of absence, rather than to present his resignation. The following letter upon the subject was written to the President of Congress. " Head Quarters, October 6, 1Y78. " Sir, — This letter will be presented to you by Major General Lafayette. The generous motives which formerly induced him to cross the ocean, and serve in the armies of the United States, are known to Congress. The same praise-worthy reasons now urge him to return to his native country, which, under existing circumstances, has a claim to his services. " However anxious he was to fulfill the duty which he owes to his King and country, that powerful con- sideration could not induce him to leave this conti- nent, while the fate of the campaign remains unde- cided. He is, therefore, determined to remain until the termination of the present campaign, and takes advantage of the present cessation from hostilities to communicate his designs to Congress, so that the necessary arrangements may be made at a convenient season, while he is at hand, if occasion should offer, to distinguish himself in the army. '' At the same time, the Marquis, being desirous of preserving his connection with this country, and hoping that he may enjoy opportunities of being use- ful to it, as an American officer, only solicits leave of absence, for the purpose of embracing the views wdiich have been already suggested. The pain which it costs me to separate from an officer who possesses MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 107 all the military fire of youth, with a rare maturity of judgment, would lead me, if the choice depended on my wishes, to place his absence on the footing which he proposes. I shall always esteem it a pleas- ure to be able to give those testimonials of his service to which they are entitled, from the bravery and con- duct which have distinguished him on every occasion ; — and I do not doubt that Congress will, in a proper manner, express how sensibly they appreciate his merits, and how much they regret his departure. I have the honor to be, &c. " George Washington." Bearing this letter, Lafayette proceeded to Phila- delphia, whence he addressed the following to the President of Congress : " Philadelphia, October 13, 1778. " Sir, — However attentive I ought to be not to employ the precious moments of Congress in the con- sideration of private affairs, I beg leave, with that confidence which naturally springs from affection and gratitude, to unfold to them the circumstances in which I am at present, situated. It is impossible to speak more appropriately of the sentiments which attach me to my own country, than in the presence of citizens who have done so much for their own. So long as I have had the power of regulating my own actions, it has been my pride and pleasure to fight be- neath the banners of America, in the defence of a cause, which I may dare more particularly to call ours, as I have shed my blood in its support. 108 LIFE OF GENERAL " 'Now, Sir, that France is engaged in war, I am ■urged, both hj duty and patriotism, to present myself before my sovereign, to know in what manner he may be pleased to employ my services. The most pleasing service that I can render, will be that which enables me to serve the common cause, among those whose friendships I have had the happiness to obtain, and in whose fortunes I participated, when your prospects were less bright than they now are. This motive, together with others which Congress will properly ap- preciate, induce me to request permission to return to my own country in the ensuing winter. So long as a hope remained of an active campaign, I never in- dulged the idea of leaving the army, — but the present state of peace and inaction, leads me to prefer to Congress this petition. If it should be pleased to grant my request, the arrangements for my departure shall be taken in such a manner, that the result of the campaign shall be known before they are put in exe- cution. I enclose a letter from his Excellency, Gen- eral Washington, consenting to the leave of absence which I wish to obtain. I flatter myself that you will consider me as a soldier on leave of absence, ar- dently wishing to rejoin his colors as well as his be- loved comrades. If when I return to the midst of my fellow citizens, it is believed that I can, in any man- ner, promote the prosperity of America, — if my most strenuous exertions can promise any useful results, I trust. Sir, that I shall always be considered as the man who has the prosperity of the United States most at heart, and who entertains for their representatives MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 109 the most perfect love and esteem. I have the honor to be, &c., ^' Lafayette." Congress acceded promptly to this request. They not only had a too high regard for the Marquis to re- fuse him, but they well knew that his vast influence would be exerted at the court of Versailles wholly in their favor, and in the present state of affairs this was a consideration not to be disregarded. On the 21st, resolutions were passed by Congress, which were com- municated to Lafayette by the President in the fol- lowing manner: " Philadelphia, October 24, 1778. " Sir, — I had the honor of presenting to Congress your letter, soliciting leave of absence, and I am di- rected by the house to express their thanks for your zeal in promoting that just cause in which they are engaged, and for the disinterested services you have rendered to the United States of America. In testi- mony of the high esteem and affection in which you are held by the good people of these states, as well as in acknowledgment of your gallantry and military talents, displayed on many signal occasions, their rep- resentatives in Congress assembled have ordered an elegant sword to be presented to you by the American minister at the court of Versailles. " Enclosed within the present cover will be foimd an act of Congress of the 21st instant authorizing these declarations, and granting a furlough for your return to France, to be extended at your own pleasure. 110 LIFE OF GENERAL I pray God to bless and protect you, Sir; to conduct you in safety to the presence of your prince, and to the re-enjoyment of your family and friends. I have the honor to be, &c., " Henry Laukens, President." The resolutions referred to were as follows : 1778, In Congress, October 21st, Resolved, — That the Marquis de Lafayette, Major-General in the service of the United States, have leave to go to France, and that he return at such time as shall be most convenient to him. " Resolved, — That the President write a letter to the Marquis de Lafayette, returning him the thanks of Congress for that disinterested zeal which led him to America, and for the services he has rendered to the United States, by the exertion of his courage and abilities on many signal occasions. " Resolved, — That the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the court of Ver- sailles, be directed to cause an elegant sword, with proper devices, to be made and presented in the name of the United States to the Marquis de Lafayette. " October^, 22d, Resolved, — That the following letter of recommendation of the Marquis de Lafayette be written to the King of France : " To our great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and ]N"a- varre : " The Marquis de Lafayette, having obtained our leave to return to his native country, we could not MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. Hi suffer him to depart without testifying our deep sense of his zeal, courage, and attachment. We have ad- vanced him to the rank of Major-General in our armies, which, as well by his prudent as spirited con- duct, he has manifestly merited. We recommend this young nobleman to your majesty's notice, as one whom we know to be wise in council, gallant in the field, and patient under the hardships of war. His devotion to his sovereign has led him in all things to demean himself as an American, acquiring thereby the confidence of these United States, your good and faithful friends and allies, and the affection of their citizens. We pray God to keep your Majesty in His holy protection. " Done at Philadelphia, the 22d day of October, 1Y78, by the Congress of the United States of N'orth America, your good friends and allies. " Henry Laurens, PresidenV^ In a becoming manner Lafayette acknowledged these testimonials, and after some days spent at Phil- adelphia in busy consultations upon his mission, he started for Boston on horseback, to meet the vessel fitted out for his passage. At Pishkill, which was near the American camp, a severe illness awaited him. An inflammatory fever, induced by his recent fa- tigues and excitement, brought him to the borders of the grave. For a time his life was despaired of, and he himself gave up the hope of recovery. General Washington watched over him with the solicitude of a father. The best medical attendance was bestowed upon him, and through a kind Providence his life waa 112 LIFE OF GENERAL preserved. A universal gloom spread over the army during the dangerous moments of his illness, which gave place to lively demonstrations of joy at the first fair prospect of a favorable issue to the disease. A gentleman who visited him at Fishkill during his re- covery, thus describes his personal appearance at that time : " I was received by this nobleman in a polite and affable manner. He is just recovering from a fever, and is in his chair of convalescence. He is nearly six feet high, large, but not corpulent, being not more than twenty-one years of age. He is not very elegant in his form, his shoulders being broad and high, nor is there a perfect symmetry in his features ; his forehead is remarkably high, his nose large and long, eyebrows prominent and projecting over a fine animated hazel eye. His countenance is interesting and impressive. He converses in broken English, and displays the manners and address of an accomplished gentleman." As soon as he was able, Lafayette took leave of Washington, and resumed his journey early in De- cember. Reaching Boston on the 11th of that month, he found the ship in which he was to sail, not yet ready for sea. Meanwhile, he was sedulously em- ployed in preliminaries bearing upon the interests of both his native and adopted land. Never was Lafay- ette more worthy to be called " the man of two worlds," than when, on the 11th February, 1779, he sailed from Massachusetts Bay for his beloved France, bearing upon his great heart the welfare and honor of a modern republic, and an ancient kingdom. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 113 CHAPTER IV. The Marquis wrote the following farewell to Washington. " On board the Alliance off Boston, Jan. 11, 1779. " The sails are just going to be hoisted, my dear General, and I have but time to take my last leave of you. I may now be certain that Congress did not in- tend to send any thing more to me. The navy board and Mr. Nevil write me this morning from Boston, that the North River is passable, and that a gentle- man from camp says, he did not hear of anything like an express for me. All agree for certain that Con- gress think I am gone, and that the sooner I go the better. '' Farewell my dear General. I hope your French friend will ever be dear to you. I hope I shall soon see you again, and tell you myself with what emotion I now leave the coast you inhabit, and with what affection and respect I am forever, my dear General, your respectful and sincere friend, — Lafayette." The voyage was not without its incidents and its perils. It was an inclement season and they encoun- 8 114 LIFE OF GENERAL tered a terrible storm when off the Banks of IsTew- foundland. So violent was the tempest that as night settled down upon the vessel already half filled with water, and with the main top mast blown away, few even of the crew expected to see the morning alive. When it dawned, the ship rolled upon the heavy swells a dismantled hulk, but the heavens were calm again, and the inmates of the Alliance safe. Another danger, however, awaited the Marquis. While the bark was getting ready for sea, a great dif- ficulty had been found in procuring sailors. D'Es- taing, from whom Lafayette hoped to obtain them, had sailed from Boston before the Marquis' arrival. After much difficulty, the number required was made up by accepting several English and Irish deserters and prisoners who had offered their services. It was a strange rough set that were thus brought together, but they were the best that could be found, and were necessarily taken. Most of them had been engaged in the war, and their sympathies were enlisted in the royal cause. The presence of Lafayette did not awe these seamen, but excited them the more. By a re- cent proclamation they would be entitled to the ship, could they bring it into an English port, and they had hardly recovered from the effects of the storm, when a plan was formed to murder all on board except Lafayette, and, taking a vessel to England, surrender him as a prisoner of sufficient rank to be exchanged for General Burgoyne. When the frigate had ar- rived within two hundred leagues of the coast of France, this plot was matured and a day and hour set MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 115 for its execution. But before the time arrived the secret was discovered. It had been revealed to an American sailor who was promised the command of the ship if he would engage in it. Feigning assent for a time, he watched for a favorable opportunity, and disclosed the whole plot to the Marquis, who im- mediately caused thirty-one of the mutineers to be placed in irons for the rest of the voyage. The promptness and energy with which Lafayette acted upon this occasion effectually quelled all disaffection, and secured tranquillity. Lafayette landed at Brest in February, eight days after he had so effectually checked the sedition. The gladness with which he Avas welcomed was exceed- ingly flattering. He was not yet twenty-two years of age, but his splendid career had already given him a world-wide reputation. His fame had spread into every city and hamlet of the kingdom. On the 12th of February he met his wife and family at Versailles, and, in the rapture of their re-union, the pain of their sad separation was forgotten. Proceeding to Paris, he was for more than a week forbidden the king's presence as a penance for having left the realm in dis- obedience to his commands. This " political quaran- tine " was soon passed, and after a gentle reproof ho was admitted to the palace, and restored again to favor. He immediately busied himself in the accom- plishment of magnificent plans which he had formed for the benefit of America. He was almost daily closeted with the Prime Minister, the Count de Ver- gennes, astonishing that old statesman by the compre- 116 LIFE OF GENERAL hensiveness of those designs, and the vigor with which he proposed to execute them. In the descent upon England which had greatly influenced his return, he was impatient to engage, hoping that, if successful, it might close the war, and bring peace at the same time to both France and the Colonies. The expedition after being duly matured, was abruptly abandoned by the ministry, and Lafayette sought a new channel for his heroism. Although no regular authority had been delegated to him by Con- gress, yet he set himself assiduously at work, to so- licit for their army assistance in men, money, and clothing. So intense was his zeal, that he offered to pledge his entire fortune for the present wants of the Kepublic. He proposed to the Count de Vergennes that four ships of the line with half of their crews should be hired for one year for the service of the United States, and that it should be done in the name of the administration ; " and as for the necessary funds," says he, " the government should pledge it- self only in case that it should exceed my fortune ! " A loan which the English had been negotiating in Holland was suddenly broken off, and Lafayette im- mediately besought the ministry to secure it. Writing to de Vergennes, he presses it earnestly upon his at- tention. So remarkable were his efforts, while he was unceasingly active for the best interests of his own nation, that no one wondered at his success abroad. An extensive correspondence was all the while kept up with his friends across the Atlantic. He strove to heal the dissensions which existed be- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. HY tween some of these, and to allay the party contests which began to embitter the national coimcils. The following extracts from a letter which the Marquis wrote to President Laurens, are interesting not only as showing his employment while at home, but as revealing the views and feelings cherished to- wards the land for which he had bled. The letter is dated at St. Jean d'Angely, June 12th, 1779. Al- luding to the gratitude and love which he bore the Americans, he says : " So deeply are those senti- ments engraven upon my heart, that I every day la- ment the distance which separates me from them, and that nothing was ever so warmly and passionately wished for, as to return again to that country of which I shall ever consider myself a citizen. There is no pleasure to be enjoyed which could equal that of finding myself among that free and liberal nation, by whose affection and confidence I am so highly hon- ored; — to fight again with those brother soldiers of mine to whom I am so much indebted. But Congress knows that former plans have been altered by them- selves, that others have been thought impossible, as they were asked too late in the year. I will, there- fore, make use of the leave of absence they were pleased to grant me, and serve the common cause among my countrymen, their allies, until happy cir- cumstances may conduct me to the American shores, in such a way, as would make that return more use- ful to the United States. The affairs of America I shall ever look upon as my first business while I am in Europe. Any confidence from the King and min- 118 LIFE OF GENERAL isters, any popularity I may have among my own countrymen, any means in my power shall be, to the best of my skill, and to the end of my life, exerted in behalf of an interest I have so much at heart. What I have hitherto done or said relating to America I think needless to mention, as my ardent zeal for her is, I hope, well known to Congress ;-— but I wish to let them know that if, in my proposals, and in my re- peated urgent representation for getting ships, money, and support of any kind, I have not always found the ministry so much in earnest as I was myself, they only opposed to me natural fears of inconveniences which might arise to both countries, or the conviction that such a thing was impossible for the present; — but I never could question their good will towards America. If Congress believe that my influence may serve them in any way, I beg they will direct such orders to me, that I may the more certainly and prop- erly employ the knowledge which I have of this court and country for obtaining a success in which my heart is so much interested. " The so flattering affection which Congress and the American nation are pleased to honor me with, makes me very desirous of letting them know, — if I dare speak so friendly, — how I enjoyed my private situation. Happy in the sight of my friends and family, after I was by your attentive goodness safely brought again to my native shore, I met there with such an honorable reception, with such kind senti- ments as by far exceeded any wishes I durst have conceived. I am indebted for that inexpressible sat- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 119 isfaction which the good will of my countrymen to- wards me affords to my heart, to their ardent love for America, to the cause of freedom and its defenders, their new allies, and to the idea which they entertain, that I have had the happiness to serve the United States. To these motives. Sir, and to the letter Con- gress was pleased to write on my account, I owe the many favors the king has conferred upon me. With- out delay I was appointed to the command of his own regiment of dragoons, and every thing he could have done, every thing I could have wished, I have re- ceived on account of your kind recommendations." During the month of August, the sword which had been voted him by Congress was finished. " It was appropriately devised and splendidly executed by the best artists. The knob of the handle exhibited on one side a shield, with Lafayette's arms, a marquis' coronet, surmounted by a streamer, on which his motto, cur non, [Why not ?] was inscribed. On the other side was a medallion, representing the first quarter of the moon, whose rays were shed over the sea, and the land of the American continent, which is seen in the horizon. In the foreground, was the coast of France, surrounded by a scroll on which were inscribed the words '' crcscam ut prosim," [I shall grow as I may be able] in reference to the rising lib- erty and subsequent prospects of the country. In the center of the handle on each side, were two oblong medallions. The first represented Lafayette with his sword drawn, and his foot upon the prostrate British lion, in the attitude of inflicting a mortal wound, but 120 LIFE OF GENERAL pausing, extending his hand, and inclined to spare the life of his victim. On the other medallion, America was represented under the device of a young half- clad female, seated beneath a military tent, v^ith one hand holding up her broken fetters, and with the other presenting a laurel branch to Lafayette. Other devices, of arms, laurel crowns, &c., encircled the handle and on one side of the guard. On the other were the words — ' Feom the Amekican Congress TO the Marquis de Lafayette, 1779.' On the curved parts of the guard were represented in medal- lions four memorable events of the American war, in which Lafayette acted a distinguished part. These were: 1. — The Battle of Gloucester; 2. — Ee- treat of Barren Hill ; 3. — Battle of Mon- mouth; 4. — Retreat of Ehode Island." The sword was presented to the Marquis at Havre by a grandson of Dr. Franklin, accompanied by the following letter: " Passy, August 24, 1779. " Sir, — The Congress, sensible of your merit to- wards the United States, but unable adequately to reward, it, determined to present you with a sword, as a small mark of their grateful acknowledgment. They directed it to be ornamented with suitable de- vices. Some of the principal actions of the war, in which you distinguished yourself by your bravery and conduct, are, therefore, represented upon it. These with a few emblematic figures, all admirably well executed, make its principal value. By the help MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 121 of the exquisite artists France affords, I find it easy to express every thing but the sense ivc have of your worth, and our obligations to you. For this, figures, and even words are found unsufficient, I, therefore, only add, that with the most perfect esteem and re- spect, 1 have the honor to be your obedient servant, " B. Fkanklin." The reply of Lafayette is fully indicative of him- self. It is as follows: ^' Havre, August 29, 1779. " Sir, — Whatever expectation might have been raised from the sense of past favors, the goodness of the United States to me has ever been such, that on every occasion it far surpasses any idea I could have conceived. A new proof of that flattering truth I find in the noble present which Congress has been pleased to honor me with, and which is offered in such a manner by your excellency, as well exceed any thing but the feelings of an unbounded gratitude. " In some of the devices I cannot help finding too honorable a reward for those slight services which, in concert with my fellow soldiers, and under the god- like American hero's orders, I had the good fortune to render. The sight of those actions, where I was a witness of American bravery and patriotic spirit, I shall ever enjoy with that pleasure which becomes a heart glowing with love for the nation, and the most aident zeal for its glory and happiness. Assurances of gratitude, which I beg leave to present to your ex- cellency, are much too inadequate to my feelings, and 122 LIFE OF GENERAL nothing but such sentiments can properly acknowl- edge your kindness towards me. The polite manner in which Mr, Franklin was pleased to deliver that in- estimable sword, lays me under great obligations to him, and demands my particular thanks. I have the honor to be, &c. " Lafayette." The fidelity of Lafayette to the stars and stripes was conspicuous every where. The king at first smiled at his enthusiasm, and then began to wonder at his unflagging perseverance. ''' He would unfurnish the palace of Versailles to clothe the American army," said M. de Maurepas one day, and, said Lafayette, when he heard of it, "/ would! ^^ He solicited a naval armament, and a large supply of auxiliary troops for the service, and was inclined to take no denial. At the request of the Count de Vergennes, he submitted an important paper, containing his views respecting the proposed expedition. He states its importance to both nations, urges it as a matter of duty and policy, and then details in extended terms the plan which he would see adopted. In conclusion, he says : " For my own part, you know my sentiments, and you will never doubt that my first interest is to serve my country. I hope for the sake of the public good, that you will send troops to America. I shall be considered too young, I presume, to take the com- mand, but I shall surely be employed. If, in the ar^ rangement of this plan, any one, to whom my senti- ments are less known than to yourself, in proposing Marquis de lafayette. ^ 123 for me either the command or some inferior com- mission, should assign as a reason, that I should thereby be induced to serve my country with more zeal, either in council or in action, I take the liberty, — putting aside the minister of the King, — to request M. de Vergennes to come forward as my friend, and refuse, in my name, favors bestowed from motives so inconsistent with my character." This had a material effect upon subsequent affairs. The attack upon England, after another discussion, was entirely dismissed, and the ministry regarded more favorably Lafayette's j^roposal. His first sug- gestion was the combined power of naval and land forces ; but if this could not be granted immediately, he desired them to send two or three thousand men with three hundred dragoons to Boston, to act with the army till the sea force could be got in readiness. Early in February, 3 780, a plan was accepted chiefly in accordance with his own wishes. An army was to be fitted out, and dispatched early in the succeeding April, under command of Major-General le Compte Eochambeau. It was to consist of six ships of the line with the necessary transports, which were to take out six thousand men with the requisite artillery for sieges and field service. With these were to be sent large supplies of clothing, arms, and munitions of war. In view of former troubles at Rhode Island and elsewhere, Lafa^^ette expressly stipulated that the troops now to be sent should be considered as auxiliar- ies; that they should be held under the command of 124 LIFE OF GENERAL General Washington, and subjected to tlie various reg- ulations which the American officers should adopt. Lafayette had not solicited, and did not expect, a command in this expedition. With a bounding heart he received his instructions, which were " to proceed immediately to join General Washington, and com- municate to him the secret, that the King, willing to give the United States a new proof of his affection and of his interest in their security, is resolved to send to their aid, at the opening of the spring, six ves- sels of the line and six thousand regular troops of in- fantry." It was a glad day for the Marquis when he received these directions. The darling wish of his heart was gratified, and he had nothing farther than speedily to return to the scene of his conflicts and renown. Taking an affectionate leave of Ma- dame Lafayette and his family, he stepped on board the French frigate Hermione, and sailed from Ko- chelle on the 19th of March, 1780. His voyage was pleasant and without any special incident. The Her- mione arrived at the entrance of Boston harbor on the 27th of April ; and before landing, thus apprised Gen- eral Washington of his approach : " At the Entrance of Boston Hakbok, April 27, 1780. " Here I am, my dear General, and, in the midst of the joy I feel in finding myself again one of jowr loving soldiers, I take but the time to tell you that I came from France on board a frigate which the King gave me for my passage. I have affairs of the utmost MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 125 importance, which I should at first communicate to you alone. In case my letter finds you any where this side of Philadelphia, I beg you will wait for me, and do assure you a great public good may be derived from it. To-morrow we go up to the town, and the day after I shall set off in my usual way to join my beloved and respected friend and general." The next day Lafayette landed. His reception was highly flattering. The day was made one of public rejoicing ; all the bells in the city rung their merry peals over the inhabitants flocking to the shore, to receive their generous defender. Amid the roar of cannon, the enlivening strains of military music, and the loud shouts of the multitude, he was escorted to the house of Gov. Hancock, which had been ar- ranged for his reception. But to him these festivities were unattractive, because his thoughts were with Washington. Leaving Boston, he hurried to head- quarters, and no public reception was ever so grate- ful to him as the warm embrace and words of wel- come from his noble friend. The army celebrated his arrival with public gratulations, but Washington's smile eclipsed all these rejoicings. The warm friendship which subsisted between these two great men is pleasing to contemplate. There was no out- ward display of affection for mere effect. In the breast of each was a fountain, which, at the mention of the other's name, would overflow. The news brought from France Lafayette disclosed to no one, till he saw Washington. The tidings were peculiarly grateful to the wary heart of the father of 126 LIFE OF GENERAL his country. Pressed by the burden of accumulated difficulties, the prospect which now opened before him, gave him hope of a speedy relief from them all. The proposed measures, to be adopted upon the ar- rival of the French ;fleet, were discussed by Washing- ton and Lafayette, and then the Marquis proceeded to Philadelphia. On his arrival there he was greeted with the warmest welcome. Upon the 13th of May he offered his services in the army, to Congress, whereupon the following resolution was immediately adopted : ^' Resolved, — That Congress consider the return of the Marquis de Lafayette to America, to resume his command, as a fresh proof of the disinterested zeal and persevering attachment which have justly recommended him to the public confidence and ap- plause ; — and that they receive with pleasure a tender of the further services of so gallant and meritorious an officer." The French fleet was delayed, but a plan of action was taken Avhich was to go into execution immediately uj)on its arrival. It was the wish both of Washing- ton and Lafayette to make an attack upon ISTew York. With a wisdom, which, had it been shown at first, might have brought the war to a close long before, Congress, instead of foolishly attempting to guide the matter, and laying the Commander-in-Chief under useless and irksome restraints, judiciously empowered him '" to take such measures for carrying on the opera- tions of the campaign as would effectually promote the purposes in view." The attack upon !N"ew York MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 127 was accordingly determined upon, as soon as practica- ble after the French vessels were in harbor. Preparations for the reception of the foreign forces continued through the month of June. It was not till the 10th of July that the anxiously expected aid anchored off Newport. To the disappointment of Washington, this was only a part of the promised as- sistance. This division numbered only five thousand, five hundred men, leaving two thousand, with all the arms, munitions of war, and clothing promised La- fayette, to follow on in a second division of the ar- mament. The delay of these supplies was embar- rassing. Said Washington to Lafayette on learning it, — " Unless our allies can lend us largely, we can attempt nothing. With every effort we can make, we shall fall short four or five thousand arms, and two hundred tons of powder." The fleet had been detained in France till the 2d of May. Meanwhile the enemy against which it was to move had not been asleep; nor had the progress of affairs escaped British vigilance. Before they were half completed the English ministry understood their object, and began to take counter measures. Intelli- gence was sent to Sir Henry Clinton that a French armament was fitting out for the American service, and, as it was calculated that New York would be the first place of attack, he was ordered to take special means for its defense. These dispatches reached him in time to enable him to call off a heavy detachment from South Carolina, which arrived just before the * French fleet reached Newport. To aid him further, 128 LIFE OF GENERAL an additional naval force was dispatched from Eng- land which was expected. Soon as arrangements could be made, Lafayette left Washington for IsTewport, fully commissioned, by the Commander-in-Chief to arrange with the Count de Rochambeau, such prospective movements as cir- cumstances should suggest. A combined attack upon I^ew York was the desire of both. But, before the Marquis reached ]!>^ewport, news had reached the French that Sir Henry Clinton had sailed from the city, with a large naval and land force, and was now on his way to attack them. When Lafayette arrived, therefore, (July 25th,) he found the French in a state fitted for defensive rather than offensive war. The troops were disembarked and strongly fortified on shore, while the fleet stood in line, to cover them. General Clinton upon learning this did not venture an attack. When this immediate danger was passed, Lafayette submitted to de Rochambeau the plan of a united ad- vance upon New York. The Count entered into it with zeal, but was disposed to wait for his second division, before decisive battle. The Marquis with energy opposed these views. All the arguments which his fertile mind suggested Avere brought to bear upon the Count. The easy, affable and engaging way in Avhich he presented them, had its force, but de Ro- chambeau was disposed to act with extreme caution. While in this attitude, he preserved harmony between the allies, determined to avoid the disgraceful diffi- culties in which d'Estaing had been involved. On MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 129 the 31st of July Lafayette wrote to Washington; — " The French army hate the idea of staying here, and want to join you. They swear at those who speak of waiting for the second division. They are enraged to be blockaded in this harbor. As to the dispositions of the inhabitants and our troops, and the dispositions of the inhabitants and the militia for them, they are such as I may wish. You would have been glad the other day, to have seen two hundred and fifty of our drafts, that came on from Connecticut without pro- visions or tents, and w^ho were mixed in such a way with the French troops, that every French soldier and officer took an American Avith him, and divided their bed and their supper in the most friendly manner. " The patience and sobriety of our militia is so much admired by the French officers, that two days ago a French Colonel called all his officers together, to desire them to take the good examples which were given to the French soldiers by the American troops. So far are they gone in their admirations, that they find a great deal to say in favor of General Varnum, and his escort of militia dragoons, avIio fill up all the streets of Newport. On the other hand, the French discipline is such that chickens and pigs walk be- tween the tents without being disturbed, and that there is in the camp a corn field, from which not one leaf has been touched. The Tories don't know what to say to it." Rnchambeau still desiring to wait for his division, Washington advised Lafayette not to urge their move- ments. '' I could not wish you," said he, " to press 9 130 LIFE OF GENERAL the French General and Admiral to any thing to which they show a disinclination, especially to the withdrawing of their troops from Rhode Island be- fore the second division arrives to give them a naval superiority. Should they yield to importunity, and an accident happen, either there or here, they would lay the consequences to us. Only inform them what Ave can do, what we are willing to undertake, and let them entirely consult their own inclination for the rest." Accordingly Lafayette ceased his importu- nity, and soon after news arrived that Clinton had re- ceived a fresh reinforcement, thus giving him a de- cided naval superiority upon the coast. A plan was thereupon formed by him of a joint operation with his land and sea forces against Newport, and six thou- sand troops were embarked for that purpose. Such a design could not escape the scrutiny of Washington, who lost no time in dispatching tidings of it to New- port, and in preparing for a great emergency himself. Knowing that the force which Sir Henry had taken with him must greatly weaken the garrison left in New York, Washington formed the bold design of attacking it. Without delay he caused his army to move forward towards the city ; but his high hopes of success were dispelled, when he heard that Clinton, not venturing an assault, had suddenly returned to headquarters. To continue the descent was hopeless, and Washington drew back across the Hudson, and took post near Orangetown.* Tidings soon after reached Newport that the ves- * Nearly opposite Irvington-on-the-Hudson, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 131 sels expected from France were blockaded in the port of Brest bj a British squadron. This news was soon followed by the intelligence that Admiral Rod- ney had sailed from England for America, with eleven ships of the line and four frigates. This dis- concerted all the plans of the allies, and frustrated the hopes they had cherished at the opening of the campaign. To march against New York was now out of the question, and as Lafayette could see nothing but inaction before him at Newport, he solicited and obtained permission to return to headquarters. Washington received the Marquis on the Yth of August, and invested him with the command of a corps of light infantry, which he had collected and or- ganized for this purpose. It was a fine body of two thousand men, " but," said Washington, " the greater part of them are without clothing." Lafayette was much pleased with them, and made them the subjects of his customary liberality. He clothed the soldiers in uniform, and presented each of the subordinate of- ficers of the corps with an elegant sword, at his own expense. Nothing could exceed the ardent attach- ment which he immediately won from them all. They became the pride of his heart, and he the idol of their affection. It is no trifling compliment to say, that next to the Commander-in-Chief and the intrepid Greene, no General stood higher in the public favor, or more constantly commanded the admiration of the army than Lafayette." The Marquis now busied himself in arranging an interview between General Washington, Count de 132 LIFE OF GENERAL Rochambeau, and the Chevalier de Ternay, the Ad- miral of the French fleet. This was earnestly de- sired by the officers, who assured Lafayette that they could do more towards arranging operations in a quarter of an hour's conversation, than they could do by multiplied dispatches. " I will do all that de- pends upon me, gentlemen," replied the Marquis, " to prevail upon the General to meet you half way ; — ^but from his proximity to the enemy, and from the pres- ent situation of the army, which he has never quitted since the war, I fear it will appear very difficult for him to absent himself." Washington was unwilling to leave for a day, but at length consented to the pro- posed interview, hoping, at least, that it might con- tribute to strengthen the bonds of union. The inter- view was agreed upon, to take place at Hartford, Conn., on the 20th of September; and three days previously, Washington, Lafayette, and Gen. Knox, attended by an imposing retinue, left the American camp for that purpose. ISTo definite order of things was settled as the result of the interview, but it had a favorable influence in cementing personal friendly relations, and in producing harmonious views of mil- itary cooperation between the French and American commanders. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. I33 CHAPTER V. The record of September, 1Y80, is ever memor- able for the blot of Arnold's treason. The details of this foul transaction, which will hand down to re- motest posterity the picture of its principal actor, painted in tints of irremediable baseness, are familiar to every reader of history. Arnold had taken the time when Washington was absent from the camp, to carry his diabolical plans into execution, and the Com- mander-in-Chief first learned of it as he was return- ing from Hartford. The following is Lafayette's an- nouncement of the treachery to the Chevalier de la Luzerne : " Robinson House, opposite W. Point, " Sept. 26, 1780. " Wlien I parted from you yesterday, Sir, to come and breakfast here with General Arnold, we were far from foreseeing the event which I am now going to relate to you. You will shudder at the danger to which we were exposed ; — you will admire the mirac- ulous chain of unexpected events and singular chances, which have served us; — but you will be still more astonished when you learn by what instrument 134 LIFE OF GENERAL this conspiracy has been formed. West Point was sold, — and sold hy Arnold, — the same man who for- merly acquired glory by rendering such immense ser- vices to his country. He had lately entered into a horrible compact with the enemy, and, but for the accident which brought us here at a certain hour, but for the combination of chances that threw the Adju- tant-General of the British army in the hands of some peasants, beyond the limits of our stations, at West Point, and on the !N"orth Eiver, we should both at present, in all probability, be in the possession of the enemy. " When we set out yesterday for Fishkill, we were preceded by one of my aids-de-camp, and one of Gen- eral Washington's, (Colonels Hamilton and Mc- Henry,) who found General Arnold and his wife at breakfast, and sat down at table with them. While they were together two letters were given to Arnold, which apprised him of the arrest of the spy. He ordered a horse to be saddled, went into his wife's room to tell her he was ruined, and desired his aid- de-camp to inform General Washington that he was going to West Point and would return in the course of an hour. "' On our arrival here, we crossed the river and went to examine the works. You may conceive our astonishment when we learned, on our return, that the arrested spy was Major Andre, Adjutant-General of the English army ; and when among his papers were discovered the copy of an important council of war, the state of the garrison and works, and observations MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 135 upon various means of attack and defense, the whole in Arnold's own handwriting. " The Adjutant-General wrote also to the General, avowing his name and situation. Orders were sent to arrest Arnold ; but he escaped in a boat, got on board the English frigate, the Vulture, and as no person suspected his flight he was not stopped at any post. Colonel Hamilton, wdio had gone in pursuit of hiin, received, soon after by a flag of truce, a letter from Arnold to the General, in which he entered into de- tails to justify his treachery, and a letter from the English commander, Robertson, who, in a very inso- lent manner, demanded that the Adjutant-General should be delivered up to them, as he had only acted with the permission of General Arnold. " The first care of the General has been to assemble at West Point the troops that, under various pre- tences, Arnold had dispersed. We remain here to watch over the safety of a fort, that the English may respect less as they become better acquainted with it. Continental troops have been summoned here, and, as Arnold's advice may determine Clinton to make a sudden movement, the army has received orders to be prepared to march at a moment's warn- ing." The fate of Andre has awakened a melancholy interest every where, though none doubt the propriety of the course taken by the American ofiicers in the tragical result. Lafayette was one of the Board be- fore whom the ill-fated spy appeared for trial, and 136 LIFE OF GENERAL from wliora he received his sentence of condemnation. To the feeling and generous heart of the Marquis the performance of this sad duty occasioned severest pangs. With the other officers he felt interested in the candor, openness, and magnanimity of Andre, but, with them, he was compelled to decide that this young and highly accomplished officer, who united the polish of a court, and the refinements of educa- tion, to the heroism of a soldier, was a spy, and as such worthy of death. Gladly would he and his associates have seen the stroke of vengeance fall on the guiltier head. The absence of something to do, did not agree with Lafayette. He had hoped with Washington that when this campaign should have closed, the war would also close ; and it was depressing to see the sea- son pass away without a signal stroke. The rein- forcements which were joining the British fleet, pre- vented the attack upon 'New York, which had been proposed with so sanguine expectations. Then La- fayette projected other exploits for himself. On the 26th of October he undertook to surprise the enemy's post upon Staten Island, but was checked by the fail- ure of those whose duty it was to provide the boats, and make other provisions for the passage of the troops. Mortified, but not disheartened, on the 30th October, he urged upon General Washington an at- tack upon the upper posts of the enemy at JSTew York. Washington had before contemplated this enterprise, but both he and the Marquis were forced to relinquish it. Said Washington, " we must consult our means MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 13Y rather than our wishes, and not endeavor to better our affairs by attempting things which, for want of suc- cess, may make them worse." Abandoning this, Lafayette next petitions to join General Greene, who had lately been appointed to the command of the southern army, hoping that he might there find active service. He wrote a long letter to Green, who in reply, gave him a sad account of the prospect before him, in that direction. " Were you to arrive," said he, '' you would find a few ragged, half- starved troops in the wilderness, destitute of every thing necessary for either the comfort or convenience of soldiers. The department is in a most deplorable condition, nor have I a prospect of its mending. The country is almost laid M'aste, and the inhabitants plunder one another with little less than savage fury. We live from hand to mouth, and have nothing to sub- sist on but what we collect with armed parties. In this situation, I believe you will agree with me that there is nothing inviting this way, especially when I assure you our whole force, fit for duty, that are properly clothed and equipped, does not amount to eight hundred men." This did not frighten Lafay- ette. The army at the north had now gone into win- ter quarters, his corps of light infantry had been dis- banded, and he saw no means of occupying the time which to him was so precious except by going south. " I hate the idea," said he to Washington, '' of being from you for so long a time, but I think I ought not to be idle." Before giving him permission, Washington ad- 138 LIFE OF GENERAL vised him to procectl to Philadclpliia, and take charge of some transactions there. This was early in De- cember, and Lafayette remained there during the whole of that month, communicating to Washington almost daily such intelligence as he received, and freely (toiisulting with him respecting future plans. At length, upon a renewed suggestion, Washington gave him leave to join General Greene, should there 1)0 no call for liim at the north. In one of the letters of Washington to Lafayette, written while the Mar- quis was in Philadelphia, is the following passage, illustrating the great embarrassment which still existed in the finances of the army. "The Chevalier de Luzerne's dispatches came in time for the post, which is the only means left me for the conveyance of letters, there not being so much money in the hands of the quarter-master-general, (I believe I might go farther and say, in those of the whole army,) as would bear the expense of an express to Rhode Island. I could not get one the other day to ride as far as Pompton ! " The hardships of the troops endured so long, con- tinued unabated. Without money and almost unclad and unfed, their situation was distressing. With a patriotism stronger tlian love of life, their present suf- ferings appeared hopeless and needless. With too much justice they began to entertain the opinion that Congress was culpably responsible for their priva- tions, and having suffered them so long, n ]iart of the troops determined to take redress into their hands. This was the origin of the famous mutiny at Morris- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. I39 trtwn. On the Jiight of the 1st .laimary, 1781, the Pennsylvania line, stationed for the winter at that phice, rose in an open and almost universal revolt. They stated their grievances as having been borne till they. were now ])ast enduranee, and avowed Iheir de- termination of marching to the seat of (congress, and forcing redress. Tiie authority of General Wayne, their eoninianding oflieer, availed nolhing for a time in {juclliiig (he rebellion, and the mutineers, con- sisting of ihirh^en hundred men, marched towards Princeton. ( 'ongress, niad(> to understand at last the effects of ils niis(M-al)le indifForence, appointed eom- missionei's to treat with the troops, and recjuested La- fayette with General St. (-lair and (I0I. Laurens, to repair to Princeton, and aid in the work of pacifica- tion. Py the exertions of these ollicers, and the ju- dicious intervention of Wayne, the disturbance was at length subdued; but not till its existence had awakened a new and dark apprehension in the breast of every friend of American liberty. From Princeton Lafayette ])r()C(>eded to headquar- ters, and rejoined Washington on the 11th of Jan- uary. Here these two (hwotcd men with courage still unwavering, watched for light upon the darkening heavens. In every diiv^clion, Ihcv saw only the black- ness of despair. The. dawn of th(> last, campaign was sadly contrasted Avith the gloom which hung around its close. The next campaign could not be under- taken with iho. slightest hope of success, unless new supplies could be obtained from some source. With this view the minds of Washington and LafayettQ liO Life of general again turned to France, and Congress was induced to appoint a new commissioner to the court of Ver- sailles, for the purpose of making one more effort to obtain from the ministry the help which was needed. Colonel Laurens, one of Washington's aids-de-camp, was appointed, and, before leaving, received the in- structions of the Commander-in-Chief, and a letter which he wrote to Franklin, detailing with great force and ability, the state and resources of the country, with its present urgent wants. Lafayette also sent by him a letter to the Count de Vergennes, expressing his own views, and pleading earnestly the cause of the country. The following extracts from this letter show that his solicitude was as earnest as ever. " The last campaign took place without a shilling having been spent. All that credit, persuasion, and force could achieve has been done, but that can hold out no longer ; that miracle of which I believe no sim- ilar example can be found, cannot be renewed, and our exertions having been made to obtain an army for the war, we must depend on you to enable us to make use of it. " From my peculiar situation, Sir, and from what it has enabled me to know and see, I think it is my duty to call your attention to the American soldiers, and the part they must take in the operations of the next campaign. The continental troops have as much courage and real discipline as those that are opposed to them. They are more inured to privation, more patient than Europeans, who, on these two points, cannot be compared to them. They have several MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 141 officers of great merit, without mentioning those who have served during the last wars, and from their own talents have acquired knowledge intuitively. They have been formed by the daily experience of several campaigns, in which, the armies being small, and the country a rugged one, all the battalions of the line were obliged to serve as advanced guards and light troops. The recruits whom we are expecting, and who only bear, in truth, the name of recruits, have frequently fought battles in the same regiments which they are now reentering, and have seen more gunshots than three-fourths of the European soldiers. As to the militia, they are only armed peasants, who have occasionally fought, and who are not deficient in ardor and discipline, but whose services would be the most useful in the labors of a siege. This, Sir, is the faithful picture that I think myself obliged to send you, and which is not my interest to paint in glowing colors, because it would be more glorious to succeed with slighter means. The Chevalier de la Luzerne, who, having himself seen our soldiers, will give you a detailed and disinterested account of them, Avill doubtless tell you as I do, that you may depend upon our regular troops. The result of this digres- sion. Sir, is to insist still more earnestly on the neces- sity of sending money to put the American troops in movement, and to repeat that well known truth, that a pecuniary succor and a naval superiority must be the two principal objects of the next campaign." By the same messenger he also writes to Madame Lafayette ; — " The Americans continue to testify for 142 LIFE OF GENERAL me the greatest kindness. There is no proof of af- fection and kindness which I do not receive each day from the army and nation. I experience for the American officers and soldiers that friendship which arises from having shared with them, for a length of time, dangers, sufferings, and both good and evil for- tune. We began by struggling together, for our af- fairs have often been at the lowest possible ebb. It is gratifying to me to crown this work with them by giving the European troops a high idea of the soldiers who have been formed with us. To all these motives of interest for the cause and the army, are joined my sentiments of regard for General Washington." In the same letter he also writes : — " Embrace our chil- dren a thousand and a thousand times for me. Their father although a wanderer, is not less tender, nor less constantly occupied with them, and not less happy at receiving news from them. My heart dwells with peculiar delight on the moment when those dear chil- dren will be presented to me by you, and when we can embrace and caress them together." Although recent transactions had temporarily driven from Lafayette's mind his southern plans, events that were now occurring gave him an opportu- nity for renewing the consideration of them, though in a different light than before. Arnold, whose villainy had been rewarded by the commission of Brigadier- General in the British service, at the head of sixteen hundred men, was now ravaging the lower part of Vir- ginia. His spirit burning with resentment, spent its titterness in acts of unparalleled atrocity. Wherevei: MARQUIS DE LAFAYfiTTE. 14^ lie went, the fire and the sword marked his path with devastation. Property which could not be pillaged was destroyed ; both the old and the young of either sex fell alike the victims of his fiendish barbarity. The Baron Steuben, with his small division, could do no more than occasionally check his ravages, and Washington saw the propriety and importance of de- taching a larger force to that scene of warfare. As soon as he learned the position of things in Virginia, his mind formed a design for the capture of Arnold. The French fleet, which had been blockaded in New- port, was now freed by a violent storm that dispersed the British fleet at Gardner's Bay with great loss. Availing himself of this release, Washington applied to the Admiral for cooperation in an expedition against Arnold. His plan was to send Lafayette with a detachment of twelve hundred men, drafted for that purpose from the lines of New England and New Jersey, to the head of the Chesapeake, where they were to embark under convoy of a French frig- ate, which he expected to obtain, for Virginia. To suc- ceed, and bring the traitor to justice, was Washing- ton's intense desire. To ensure success, he urged the enlistment of the whole fleet in the enterprise, and that a thousand men should be embarked for the ser- vice. This would doubtless have resulted in the cap- ture of Arnold, but the French officers refused to join with so large a detachment. Contrary to the opinion of Washington, they thought a smaller force was abundantly adequate, and accordingly, on the 9th of February, a sixty-four gun ship with two frigatea 144: LIFE OF GENERAL under Monsieur de Tillej, sailed for the Chesapeake. Arriving there, he found, as Washington had fore- seen, Arnold entrenched in a position secure against any mere naval force, and without attempting to as- sail it, de Tilley immediately returned to Newport, having been absent only fifteen days. The General and Admiral determined to renew tho expedition, according to the suggestion of Washing- ton, who left his camp and hastened to consult with those officers in person upon the affair. The Admiral assured him that he would proceed to cooperate with Lafayette's detachment with the entire fleet, to which Count Rochambeau promised to add 1100 men from his land forces. This was what Washington desired, and having made the important arrangement, re- turned to head quarters. The fleet sailed on the 8th of March. It was commanded by Admiral Des- touches, who had succeeded the Chevalier de Terney, that ofiicer having died on the 15th of December pre- vious. Meanwhile Lafayette, at the head of a choice de- tachment, arrived at the head of the Elk, on the 3d of March. From this point he embarked his troops for Annapolis, whence he proceeded to Williams- burgh, where the Baron Steuben held his head quar- ters. After having consulted with him, he tarried for several days, hoping to hear of the frigate which was to convey him to Virginia. From Williams- burgh, on the 23d of March, he writes to General Washington : " On my arrival at this place, I was surprised to MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 145 hear that no French fleet had appeared, but attributed it to delays and chances so frequent in naval matters. My first object was to request that nothing be taken for this expedition which could have been intended for or useful to the southern army, whose welfare appeared to me more interesting than our success. My second object has been to examine what has been prepared, to gather and forward every requisite for a vigorous cooperation, besides a number of militia, amounting to five thousand ; and I can assure j^our Excellency that nothing has been wanting to ensure a complete success. " As the position of the enemy had not yet been reconnoitered, I went to General Muhlenberg's camp, near Suffolk, and after he had taken a position nearer to Portsmouth, we marched down with some troops to view the enemy's works. This brought on a tri- fling skirmish, during which we were able to see something, but the insufficiency of ammunition, which had been for many days expected, prevented my engaging far enough to push the enemy's outposts, and our reconnoitering was postponed to the 21st, when on the 20th, Major McPherson, an officer for whom I have the highest confidence and esteem, sent me word from Hampton, where he was stationed, that a fleet had come to anchor within the capes. So far it was probable that this fleet was that of M. Des- touches, that Arnold himself appeared to be in great confusion, and his vessels, notwithstanding many signals, durst not for a long time venture down." Lafayette had been advised of the contemplated ex- 10 146 LIFE OF GENERAL pedition, but as part of his dispatches had failed to reach him, he was left in great uncertainty. At length he received intelligence from Washington more definitely, and was ordered to hold himself ready to unite with them i^pon their arrival. The fleet sailed on the 8th, but two days afterwards it was followed by the re-collected British fleet under Arbuthnot, who had orders to frustrate the efforts of the allied armies. Destouches was overtaken off the capes of Virginia, and a naval engagement ensued. The result was not decisive, the damage being about equal on both sides. The French Admiral called a council the next day, deciding that it was unadvisable to renew the action, and accordingly sailed back to Newport, leaving La- fayette to his fate, and the expedition against Arnold to prove an entire failure. The Marquis had received with joy the tidings which Major McPherson had given him, of the naval strength at hand, but a few hours changed it to dismal apprehension. After the French had gone, the Brit- ish entered and took undisputed possession of Chesa- peake Bay. It was this fleet instead of the French which McPherson had seen, and Lafayette was not long in making the discovery. Washington, as soon as he had learned the sailing of Arbuthnot, sent word, but this failed to reach the Marquis, and he was unap- prised of his danger till suddenly it was before him, threatening ruin. His situation now was exceed- ingly critical. He hastened to Annapolis, where his troops were stationed, and made preparations for their return to the head of the Elk. This was now MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 14Y no easy matter. To return by land was perilous, and the harbor was blockaded by two of the enemy's ves- sels, which apparently rendered their escape by water impossible. But Lafayette was not the man to be discouraged. His spirit rose with the difficulties which surrounded him, and in the desperate game which was now be- fore him, he determined to win the stakes, fearful as were the odds against him. He gavo orders to com- mence a land march in ten days. At the same time he was busy in devising a passage for the troops by water. For this purpose he executed a bold and ingenious manoeuvre. He mounted two guns upon a small sloop, and filling this and another vessel with men, he gave them in charge of Commodore Nichol- son, ordering him to sail out boldly towards the two blockading ships, and make dem.onstrations as though about to board them. The result was fully success- ful. The enemy, surprised at this daring, and ap- prehending the force of their opponents was much greater than they had suspected, weighed anchor and immediately retreated. This was what Lafayette de- sired, and when night came he took advantage of it. The vessels which had transported him to Annapolis, were refilled with the troops and stores, and under cover of darkness sailed out of the harbor. The Mar- quis in a sloop brought up the rear, and on the morn- ing of the 8th of April, they safely moored in the Elk. We cannot fail to admire the sagacity again dis- played by this commander. We are now about to 148 LIFE OF GENERAL enter upon an era of his life in which his singular foresight and prudence, are exhibited in a still clearer light. The name of Lafayette, said another, was never tarnished by a single military blunder. This is the distinguishing glory of the Marquis as a mili- tary hero. Tie had a courage which could face dan- ger and death unappalled, and which gave calmness amid the most terrific battles; but others have pos- sessed this trait in an equal degree. Rarely, how- ever, has it been combined with so much finesse and facility for extricating an army from perils which would have repelled veterans in the stratagem of war. At the head of the Elk, Lafayette met a dispatch, which Washington hoped would reach him at Annap- olis, ordering him to repair with his detachment to the south, and join General Greene as soon as possi- ble. Cornwallis and Greene were operating in the Carolinas. To reinforce Arnold and make a junc- tion with Cornwallis, as Washing-ton supposed, Sir Henry Clinton had sent out General Phillips with two thousand men to Virginia, and their arrival changed the destination of Lafayette. He was or- dered " to proceed to Virginia, to take the command of the troops collected and collecting for its protec- tion, and to prevent if possible the meditated descent of Phillips or his junction with Cornwallis." He accordingly took up his line of march, and started for Baltimore. But before proceeding far, he encoim- tered trouble unknown before. The troops under his command began to express their open dissatisfaction MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. I49 at the hardships they endured. Their trials were severe. '' Without tents, — for many, even of the officers, slept in the open air ; — their shoes vi^orn out, — their hats lost in their repeated voyages; — in a state — as the Marquis expresses it — ' of shocking nakedness,' — not the least particle of baggage attend- ing their march, — no provision made for a protracted absence from their wives and families, many of whom had joined them and been left at their winter quar- ters ; — murmuring at being thus hurried off without notice to prepare for the service ; — reasonably fearing that their destination was to serve in a climate which they dreaded, and supported by the general pity Avhich their case excited ; — such was the temper of his army, that many of the officers assured the Marquis, that it would speedily be reduced to one-half by de- sertion." Lafayette himself, while on his way to Baltimore, communicates to Washington this condition of things, and after stating the distress of the soldiers adds : — " While I was writing this, accounts have been brought to me, that a great desertion had taken place last night, nine of the Ehode Island company, and the best men they had, who have made many cam- paigns, and never were suspected; these men say they like better a hundred lashes than a journey southward. As long as they had an expedition in view, they were very well satisfied, but the idea of remaining in the Southern States, appears to them in- tolerable, and they are amazingly averse to the people and the climate. I shall do my best, but if this dis- 150 LIFE OF GENERAL position lasts, I am afraid we shall be reduced lower than I dare express." To render the prospect still more hopeless, advices were received from the Board of War, that they were utterly unable to remedy the wretchedness of the troops. Thus thrown entirely upon himself, Lafay- ette issued an order, in which, after sympathizini^ with their hardships, he told them he was about to enter upon an enterprise of great difficulty and danger, in which he was confident his soldiers would readily join him. lie assured them, however, that if any were unwilling to accompany him, a free per- mit should bo given them to rejoin their corps in the north, and that by making an application to him they could thus be saved from the crime and disgrace of desertion. The success of this plan was marked and immediate. Desertion ceased at once. A new spirit instantly spread through the troops. Lafay- ette assured Marshall that such was the enthusiasm of the moment, that a lame sergeant hired a place in a cart to keep up with the army. On reaching Baltimore, Lafayette added to this measure another with yet greater effect. From the merchants of this city he borrowed upon his own credit ten thousand dollars, which he did not hesitate in appropriating to the supply of the necessary wants of his soldiers. In a letter to General Greene he says, — '' As our brave and excellent men (for this de- tachment is exceedingly good) are shockingly desti- tute of linen, I have borrowed from the merchants of Baltimore a sum on my credit, which will amount to MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 151 nbont two tlioiisand ])(Min(ls, iiiul will procuro a few hilts, some sho(\^, soiiu" Maiik(Ms, and a pair of linen ovci'alls to each man. 1 hope to net the Baltimoro ladies * at work \\\h)\\ the shirts, whicli will be sent after lue, and the (»v(>ralls will he made hv our tailors. I will use my inlhienee to have tiie money ad(l(>d to the loan which the Fi'cnch court liav(> made; lo tho lInits, and in cas(> I cannot succeed, bind niys(dl" to the merchants for |)aymcnt with inl(>rest, in two years." The Pr(>sidciit of the IJallimoi'e Hoard of War also wrote to General (JrcMMie upon I he same subject. '' \Vhil(> 1 a your policy," said he, " I have more than once pitied the Mar(]uis' situation. His trooj)s ])assed here yesterday, discontenled almost to ji>(Miei'al desertion; — destitute of shirts, and jiroper (Mpiipments, ami in most i'(>specls, unj>rovided for a march. )'()ii kiioir llic M(ir(/ins. lie has been with us but two days, but in this time he adopted an ex- pedient to conciliate them to a deii'ree, which no ono bul himself would \\i\\o llioui;hl of. To day, Ai)ril Kith, ITS I, lie si^'ns a contract, bindiui;- himself to ('(M'fain mei'chants of this ])lace, for above //ro llhou- sdiid (/iiiiicds. lo be disposed td' in shii'ts, overalls, and hats, for I lie detachment. Without tlu^se the army could nol i)i-oceed ; and with these he has uuinaged to reconcile them to the service. lie is also bent upon trying the j)ower of noveUy on their minds, by giving to the march the air of a frolic. His troops will ride in wagons and carts, fiom I*]lkbridgc land- * TliiH wiis (lone. I'A'cry f.iir luiiid in I?,iItini(>ro promptly aided in preparing his purchases for iinmediuto use. 152 LIFE OF GENERAL ing to the limits of this state, and how much farther he will contiime this mode of movement depends upon Virginia." Lafayette now proceeded onward in fine spirits towards Virginia. Phillips and the Traitor were carrying on their work of devastation and pillage in this state almost without interruption. Ten thou- sand hogsheads of tobacco were destroyed by the doughty Phillips in his predatory excursions. Baron Steuben was unable to check him, and as Lafayette learned that the British were ascending the James River, he judged that their destination was Rich- mond and directed his own course thither. The chief portion of the military stores of the siate were col- lected at this place, a fact that both Lafayette and the British General well understood. Phillips and Arnold having separated their forces for the purpose of carrying on their lawless work against defenceless women and tobacco warehouses, re-united their divi- sions on the 29th of x^pril at Manchester, a small vil- lage on the south side of James River, but within sight of the metropolis. Their plans were laid for an attack upon Richmond the next day. But in this they reckoned without their host. Lafayette, with the celerity which usually attended his movements, arrived at the city, and took possession of it the same day that his enemies on the opposite side of the River, were planning its destruction for the mor- row's pastime. The 30th of April dawned, and Lafayette' upon enumerating his forces, knew the enemy could not MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 153 drive him from his position. He was here joined bj Baron Steuben, with his corps of regular troops, and by General Nelson with a division of the Virginia militia, making in all about a thousand regulars, two thousand militia and sixty dragoons now under his command. The British force exceeded this, but he did not doubt his ability to maintain his ground. Preparations were making by General Phillips to cross over and ravage the place, when upon recon- noitering he found to his surprise and anger that La- fayette was already in possession of the city. The rage of the British General upon discovering this, knew no bounds. With passionate vehemence he swore that he would have vengeance. Attempting to cross over the river with a body of his men, he was repulsed and forced to bear his disappointment, mak- ing a precipitate retreat. The subsequent events are best related by Lafay- ette himself, and we quote accordingly from him. Writing to General Washington under date of May 18th, he thus gives a statement of events up to that time: " When General Phillips retreated from Rich- mond, his project was to stop at Williamsburg, there to collect contributions which he had imposed. This induced me to take a position between Pamunkey and Cbickahominy rivers, which equally covered Rich- mond and some other interesting parts of the state, and from where I detached General Nelson with some militia towards Williamsburg. " Having got as low down as that place, General 154 LIFE OF GENERAL Phillips seemed to discover an intention to make a landing, but upon advices received by a vessel from Portsmouth, the enemy weighed anchor, and, with all the sail they could crowd, hastened up the river. This intelligence made me apprehensive that the enemy intended to manoeuvre me out of Richmond, where I returned immediately, and again collected our small force. Intelligence was the same day re- ceived that Lord Cornwallis — who I had been assured to have embarked at Wilmington — was marching through North Carolina. This was confirmed by the landing of General Phillips at Brandon, south side of James River. Apprehending that both armies would meet at a central point, I marched towards Petersburg and intended to have established a com- munication over Appomattox and James Rivers; — but on the 9th General Phillips took possession of Petersburg, a place where his right flank being cov- ered by James River, his front by Appomattox on which the brigades had been destroyed in the first part of the invasion, and his left not being attackable but by a long circuit through fords, that at this season are very uncertain, I could not — even with an equal force — have got any chance of fighting him, unless I had given up this side of James River, and the country from which reinforcements are expected. It being the enemy's choice to force us to an action, while their own position ensured them against our enterprises, I thought it proper to shift this situation, and marched the greater part of our troops to this MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 155 place,* about ten miles below Richmond. Letters from General jS'ash, General Jones and General Sum- ner are positive as to the arrival of Colonel Tarleton, and announce that of Lord Cornwalliii at Halifax. Having received a request from North Carolina for ammimition, I made a detachment of five hundred men under General Muhlenburg, to escort twenty thousand cartridges over Appomattox, and, to divert the enemy's attention, Colonel Gimat, with his bat- talion, and four field pieces, commanded their posi- tion from this side of the river. I hope our ammu- nition will arrive safe, as before General Muhlen- burg returned he put it in a safe road, with proper directions. On the 13th General Phillips died, and the command devolved on General Arnold. General Wayne's detachment has not yet been heard from. Before he arrives, it becomes very dangerous to risk an engagement, where — as the British armies are vastly superior to us — we shall certainly be beaten, and by the loss of arms, the dispersion of militia, and the difficulty of a junction with General Wayne, we may lose a less dangerous chance of resistance." Lafayette, with an eye open to the full nature of his situation, improved the time in his present camp to the best advantage. In a number of ways he exerted himself to increase the strength of his army. He fostered their pride and their patriotism, gave them new proofs of his kindness, and thus increased their attachment to him, and kept alive in their breasts detestation of the gross outrages which the foe * Welton, on the north side of James River, 156 LIFE OF GENERAL was daily committing upon their unoffending coun- trymen. He established order after the most rigid system through the several departments of his corps, and prepared them to act with efBciency and celerity at a moment's warning. Before the death of Gen- eral Phillips, a correspondence was commenced be- tween him and the Marquis relative to the exchange of prisoners, and after the death of that officer, Ar- nold desired to continue the negotiations. The soul of the high-minded Lafayette shrunk as from a viper, when a letter from him was sent, under cover of a flag of truce, to his camp. He did not touch the communication, but while he positively assured the bearer that he would hold no correspondence with its author, he signified to him that " in case any other English officer should honor him with a letter, he would always be happy to give the officers every tes- timony of esteem." General Washington highly ap- proved of this refusal. '" Your conduct," writes he to Lafayette, " upon every occasion meets my appro- bation, but in none more than in your refusing to hold correspondence with Arnold." The traitor did not long continue in the supreme command. Lord Cornwallis arrived in Virginia, and formed a junction with Arnold at Petersburg on the 20th of May. His plan was the conquest of that colony, and he immediately began his offensive move- ments against Lafayette. Cornwallis was no ordi- nary man. After Sir William Howe had returned to England, he was left the most accomplished Gen- eral of the British service in America. As a man, he MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE, I57 was high-minded and honorable ; as a soldier, he was brave and courageous; as an officer, he united singu- lar sagacity to an energy which the severest difficul- ties failed to subdue, and a skill which often turned a seeming overthrow into a victory. In battle he was always cool and collected, guiding the contest, him- self above the fury of the elements, which yielded to his control, though they disturbed not his tranquillity. ISTo ravage or pillage like that which had just dis- honored the British arms in Virginia, was allowed under his command. He came to fight with soldiers, and not to lay the sword against women, old men, and children. An outrage committed by some of his troops on his march from Wilmington to Petersburg, such an one as Phillips and Arnold had often insti- gated and gloated over, was at once punished by Corn- wallis, who caused the immediate execution of the chief offenders. Had Sir Henry Clinton possessed a tithe of his talents, Cornwallis would never have met with his fate at Yorktowu. Clinton, weak-minded and short-sighted, fell into a snare into which all the wisdom of Washington could not have entrapped Cornwallis. The superiority of Cornwallis to Lafayette in the number of his troops was immense. His field force was not less than eight thousand men, while that of Lafayette did not exceed four thousand. To add to the advantage of the British General, he had four hundred dragoons, and nearly twice that number of mounted infantry, while fully three-fourths of La- fayette's men were raw militia. All this, while it in- 158 LIFE OF GENERAL creased almost to a certainty Cornwallis' anticipa- tions of capturing Lafayette, did not dismay his foe. He had before escaped, and believed he should now. The efforts of Cornwallis were immediate and active. On the 24th of May he crossed the James Eiver at the head of all his troops, and made his first direct ad- vance upon Lafayette. The Marquis had retreated to Richmond, but he was there totally unable to meet the enemy. " Were I any ways equal to the enemy," he writes to Washington, " I should be extremely happy ; but I am not strong enough even to get beaten. The Government in this State has no energy, and the laws have no force ; but I hope the present Assembly will put matters on a better footing. I had a great deal of trouble to put things in a tolerable train ; our expenses were enormous, and yet we can get nothing. Arrangements for the present would seem to put on a better face, but for this superiority of the enemy, which will chase us wherever they please. They can overrun the country, and, until the Pennsylvanians arrive, we are next to nothing in point of opposition to so large a force. This country begins to be as familiar to me as Tappan and Bergen. Our soldiers are hitherto very healthy. I have turned doctor, and regulate their diet." Cornwallis passed the James River at Westover, and the same day Lafayette abandoned Richmond. Removing the most valuable military stores of that town to a place of safety, he fell behind the Chicka- hominy River, and took the road toM^ards Fredericks- burg. His main object now was to avoid the enemy,. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 15^ and keep open his communication with the north, till he could form a junction with the Pennsylvania line under General Wayne, which was now marching down to his aid. At Westover Cornwallis received a reinforcement from Xew York, and from this place he started in pursuit of the Marquis, all confident of success. " The hoy cannot escape me" he wrote in an intercepted letter, and few in the country when they learned the condition of the two parties, thought otherAvise, The " hoy,''' all at once, became the center of the deepest interest. The news of his slender force together wnth the ability and strength of Cornwallis, awakened an intense apprehension wherever hearts were found which desired his success. All eyes were now turned towards Virginia ; and Lafayette, in proud consciousness of the interest he was exciting, the more resolutely determined to tri- umph. No excitement can be traced in any of his letters during this period. He seems coolly to have extricated himself from his various difficulties as fast as they arose, and as calmly to have narrated them. Witness the following, addressed to General Greene, dated at his camp, June 3d : " Lord Cornwallis had at first a project to cross above Richmond, but desisted from it and landed at Westover. He then proposed to turn our left flank, but before it was executed we moved by the left to the forks of Chickahominy. The enemy advanced twelve miles, and we retreated in the same proportion. They crossed Chickahominy and advanced on the road to Fredericksburg, while we marched in a par^ 160 LIFE OF GENERAL allel with them, keeping the upper part of the coun- try. Our position at Mattapony church would have much exposed the enemy's flank on their way to Fredericksburg, but they stopped at Cook's ford on the ISTorth Anna River, where they are for the present. General Wayne having announced to me his depar- ture on the 23d, I expected before this time to have made a junction with him. We have moved back some distance, and are cautious not to indulge Lord Cornwallis with an action with our present force. " The intentions of the enemy are not as yet well explained. Fredericksburg appeared to be their ob- ject, the more so as a greater number of troops are said to have gone down than is necessary for the gar- rison of Portsmouth. The public stores have been as well as possible removed, and every part of Hunter's works that could be, taken out of the way. It is pos- sible they mean to make a stroke toward Charlotte- ville, and this I would not have been uneasy for, had my repeated directions been executed. But instead of removing stores from there to Albemarle old Court House, where Baron de Steuben has collected six hundred regulars, and where I ordered the militia south of James Eiver to rendezvous, — it appears from a letter I received this evening, that state stores have been, contrary to my directions, collected there, lest they should mix with the continentals ; — but my former letters were so positive, and my late pre- cautions are so multiplied, that I hope the precious part of the stores will have been removed to a safer place. I had also some stores removed from Orange MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 161 Court House. Dispatches from the Governor to me have fallen into the enemy's hands ; — of which I gave him and the Baron immediate notice. " The enemy must have five hundred men mounted, and their cavalry increases daily. It is impossible in this country to take horses out of their way, and the neglect of the inhabitants, dispersion of houses, and robberies of negroes, — should even the most vig- orous measures have been taken by the civil authori- ties, — would have yet put many horses into their hands. Under this cloud of light troops it is difficult to reconnoitre, as well as counteract any rapid move- ments they choose to make." It was not long before Cornwallis with great cha- grin saw that the " boy " was successfully eluding his grasp. The distance between them daily increased, notwithstanding all the efforts made by the British General to overtake his foe. With a rapidity only equalled by his caution, Lafayette had passed the Pamunkey before the British army had reached the Chickahominy, and Cornwallis, after marching some distance up the northern side of l^orthanora, found that the Marquis would make his junction with Wayne in spite of him, and gave over the heat of his pursuit while he turned his attention to other objects which were more attainable. Lafayette, however, did not relax his vigilance. A close watch of his adversary enabled him to foresee and thereby frustrate some of his most important plans. Cornwallis found himself harassed and fre- quently out.vitted, exceedingly to his mortification. II 162 LIFE OF GENERAL He dispatched Tarleton to capture the Assembly of Virginia, which was then in session at Charlotteville ; but before Tarleton could get there, Lafayette had contrived to forward the information, and when the British arrived, — the birds had fioivn. Colonel Sim- coe was sent against Baron Steuben, who defended the military stores at the Point of Fork, but before his arrival, the Baron had removed the stores to an- other place, and saved himself by a hasty retreat. Lafayette watching every attempt like these, endeav- ored to defeat them, while, having crossed the Rapi- dan, he awaited the junction with Wayne. General Wayne, with the Pennsylvania line, con- sisting of about eight hundred men, at length joined him. Though this addition left the force of Lafay- ette still feeble, in comparison with that of Corn- wallis, it was yet sufficient to determine him upon a new course of action. The Pursued would become the Pursuer. He had fled long enough, too long to suit his own temper, and now, emboldened by his re- inforcement, he recrossed the Rapidan, and moved forward upon the enemy. Upon his retreat from Richmond, he had removed the valuable military stores from that place up the river, and deposited them principally at Albemarle old Court House. In order to capture these. Lord Cornwallis was directing his march towards this place, when Lafayette, far in his rear, crossed the Rapidan. So quick were the evolutions of the Marquis, that he came and en- camped within a few miles of the British army, while they were yet a full day's march from Albemarle, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 163 To gain this place before Cornwallis could reach it, was now the bold scheme of the Marquis, but the game was a difficult one. Cornwallis, whose army occupied and fully commanded the road leading to that place, smiled at the eagerness of his youthful foe, and laid an easy plan to entrap him. Being at no loss to understand what the design of Lafayette must be, he drew off the main body of his troops, and en- camped at Elk Island, while he advanced his light troops to a position upon the road through which he presumed his enemy must pass. This was on the fourteenth of June, and never was a fowler after hav- ing carefully spread his net, surer of his prey, than Cornwallis as he laid down to rest that night. His mortification and disappointment, therefore, knew no bounds when he arose the next morning and found his young but gallant adversary in front of him, on the direct road to Albemarle, from which he would not be tempted, and could not be easily forced to leave. Cornwallis, in this, was mistaken, as when he pre- dicted the certain capture of the youthful com- mander ; who had in this instance proved himself fairly a match for the man. The dexterity of Lafay- ette had completely baffled the calculations of Corn- wallis. His vigilance had discovered a shorter road, which, as it had long been disused, had hitherto es- caped observation. Lafayette opened this road on the same night that Cornwallis had planned his capture, and with cautious haste marched his troops over it, crossed the Rivanna, and halted securely behind Mechunck's creek, on the direct route from the Brit- 164 J^IFE OF GENERAL ish camp to Albemarle. The whole records of the war scarcely show a more masterly movement than this. Cornwallis himself, despite his mortification, could not repress a thrill of admiration at this exploit of his gallant foe. He never afterward called him a hoy. Lafayette though elevated was never vain from his successes. With singular modesty he thus relates his last mentioned achievement : '" In the mean time the British army was moving to the Point of Fork, in- tending to strike our magazines at Albemarle old Court House. Our force was not equal to their de- fense, and a delay of our junction would have an- swered the views of the enemy. But on the arrival of the Pennsylvanians, Ave made forced marches toward James River, and on our gaining the South Anna, we found Lord Cornwallis encamped some miles below the camp of Fork. A stolen march, through a diffi- cult road, gave us a position upon Mechunck creek, between that of the enemy and our stores, where, agreeably to previous appointment, we were joined by a body of riflemen." Lord Cornwallis, over-estimating the force of the enemy, but chiefly in accordance with instructions from Sir Llenry Clinton, now abandoned his designs against Albemarle and began to retreat. On the fif- teenth of June he proceeded to Westham and was closely followed by the Marquis. Cornwallis did not venture a single retrograde action, but proceeded care- fully forward to Richmond, which he entered the sub- sequent day. As he seemed disposed to halt here for MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 166 a time, Lafayette took up his position on Allen's creek, about twenty-two miles from his lordship, where he quietly watched his foe. On the 18th, Cornwallis moved towards him, but again retired into the town without venturing an attack. On the 19th the Mar- quis was joined by the Baron Steuben, and on the fol- lowing night Richmond was evacuated, and Corn- wallis pursued his retreat. Lafayette at once broke up his encampment and started after them. " Having followed the enemy," says he, " our light parties fell in with them near 'New Kent Court House. The army was still at a distance, and Lord Cornwallis continued his route towards Williamsburg, his rear and right flank being covered by a large corps commanded by Colonel Sim- coe. I pushed forward a detachment under Colonel Butler, but notwithstanding a fatiguing march, the Colonel reports that he could not have overtaken them, had not Major McPherson mounted fifty light in- fantry behind an equal number of dragoons, which, coming, up with the enemy, charged them within six miles of Williamsburg. Such of the advanced corps as could arrive to their support, composed of rifle- men, under Major Call and Major Willis, began a smart action. Enclosed is the return of our loss.* That of the enemy is about sixty killed and one hun- dred wounded, including several officers, a dispropor- tion which the skill of our riflemen easily explains. * This was as follows : — two captains, two lieutenants, one sergeant, ten privates, wounded ; two lieutenants, one ser- geant, six privates, killed ; one sergeant taken ; and one lieu- tenant and twelve privates whose fate was unknown. 166 LIFE OF GENERAL I am under great obligations to Colonel Butler and the officers and men of the detachment, for their ardox in the pursuit, and their conduct in the action. Gen- eral Wayne, who had marched to the support of But- ler, sent down some troops under Major Hamilton. The whole British army came out to save Simcoe, and on the arrival of our army upon this ground, re- turned to Williamsburg. The post they occupy at present is strong, and under protection of their ship- ping, but upwards of one hundred miles from the Point of Fork." Cornwallis was mortified at the result of this skir- mish, but would have felt it more keenly had he un- derstood the real inferiority of force which Lafayette possessed, and which was greatly exaggerated to Corn- wallis by his skillful marches. His lordship's esti- mate while he was pursuing, was nearly correct, but he could not reconcile the great prudence which La- fayette had displayed in his flight, with the boldness he now manifested, except by supposing that he had received large reinforcements to his troops. " It has been a great secret," Lafayette afterwards writes to Washington, " that our army was not superior, and was most generally inferior to the enemy's numbers. Our returns were swelled up, as militia returns gen- erally are ; but we had very few under arms, particu- larly lately, and to conceal the lessening of our num- bers, I was obliged to push on as one who heartily wished a general engagement. Our regulars did not exceed one thousand five hundred ; while the enemy had four thousand regulars, four hundred of whom MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 167 were mounted. Thej thought we had eight thousand men. I never encamped in line, and there was thus greater difficulty to come at our numbers." '' Gen- eral Greene," he says in another letter, " only de- manded of me to hold my ground in Virginia ; hut the movements of Lord Cornwallis may answer better purposes than that in the political line." Cornwallis now established himself at Williams- burg, and Lafayette about twenty miles above, with the Chickahominy between himself and his adver- sary. Neither party, however, remained in this po- sition long. Sir Henry Clinton suspecting that a combined attempt was about to be made by the allied forces against ISTew York, and deeming himself too weak to resist it, ordered Cornwallis to send him a detachment of the troops under his command in Vir- ginia. After complying with this requisition, Corn- wallis thought himself not strong enough to remain at Williamsburg, and resolved to retire to Portsmouth. Accordingly, on the fourth of July, he marched from Williamsburg, and determining to cross the river at James' City Island, he encamped that day favorably for the passage. But before he was ready to move, his foe was near him. Lafayette left his camp on the fifth, crossed the Chickahominy the same day, and pushed his best troops within eight miles of the Brit- ish camp. He learned that Cornwallis was expecting to pass the river, and he at once formed the design of attacking his rear after the main body should have gone over to Jamestown. Cornwallis, however, sus- pected this. He knew that the ardor of Lafayette 168 LIFE OF GENERAL would not allow such an opportunity to escape him, and as soon as he found that the Marquis was so near, he resolved to make one more trial of stratagem upon him. He took every measure to encourage his ad- vance, but instead of passing the river, he waited an attack. At the same time he took measures to in- duce the belief, that he had crossed with the main body of his army. His light parties were all drawn in, his troops were held compact, and made to cover as little ground as possible, and his pickets, which lay close to the encampment, were ordered to yield at the first attack, and exhibit an appearance of disorder and alarm. To add to the deception, the intelligence was spread, that the greater part of the British had reached the island, and a few troops were stationed there, with orders to make such demonstrations as would corroborate this news, Lafayette was fully deceived. The plans of Corn- wallis were so complete, and were carried out so ac- curately, that he could not perceive the snare. Every thing looked as he had anticipated; after personally reconnoitering the scene, and receiving all the intelli- gence he could meet, Lafayette, on the 6th of July, began his attack. A few riflemen were detached to harass the outposts of the enemy, while he advanced at the head of the continental troops to support the onset. Every thing was conducted precisely as Corn- wallis had planned. His pickets fell back in dis- order, and thus drew on the Americans, emboldened by their success, in a rapid pursuit. The main body of Cornw^Uis' army was concealed by woods, and MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 169 General Wayne, who was first in advance, soon dis- covered it moving out in order of battle against him. Retreat was impossible, and that brave officer, with a boldness almost without parallel, rode gallantly for- ward, with his eight hundred men, and made a fu- rious attack upon the British line. The action was kept up with spirit for some time, while the British army was winding its fold like a serpent round the lit- tle band. Lafayette soon came up, and saw at a glance the crisis. The plan of Cornwallis was evident in a mo- ment, and perceiving that Wayne was outflanked right and left, and fast becoming surrounded, he ordered his retreat. A line of light infantry was drawn up about half a mile in his rear, and by a skill- ful movement Wayne was enabled to join these with- out serious loss. Here they remained for some hours, but the British army did not pursue. Cornwallis, who greatly overrated Lafayette's numbers, judged that his retreat was a stratagem to draw him into an ambuscade, and accordingly did not improve the ad- vantage he had gained. The loss of Lafayette in this action was one hundred and eighteen men, most of whom belonged to General Wayne's detachment. The conduct of this latter ofiicer during the day was worthy of all praise. " It is enough," says Lafay- ette, " for the glory of General Wayne, and the offi- cers and men he commanded, to have attacked the whole British army, with a reconnoitering party only, close to their encampment, and by this severe skir- mish, hastened their retreat over the river," 170 LIFE OF GENERAL During the night succeeding the action, the British proceeded to Jamestown, and soon after to the mouth of James river, Cornwallis encamping at Portsmouth. Lafayette followed, and halted in the vicinity, on Malvern Hill, where he allowed his harassed army some repose. Although, says Marshall, no brilliant service was performed during this campaign, yet it greatly enhanced Lafayette's military reputation, and raised him in the general esteem., That with so de- cided an inferiority of effective force, and especially of cavalry, he had been able to keep the field in an open country, and to preserve a considerable propor- tion of his military stores, as well as his army, was believed to furnish unequivocal evidence of the pru- dence and vigor of his conduct. Active warfare seemed now suspended. Cornwal- lis was safely entrenched at Portsmouth, and Lafay- ette had little else to do than to watch him, and pre- vent any excursion which he might design to make. In this he was unceasingly busy. Lest the enemy should be inclined to retreat to IsTorth Carolina, he ordered the militia to guard the passes, and took every precaution to cut him off in that direction. To keep his own line of communication open with Philadel- phia was also an object of his strictest attention. His spies surrounded Cornwallis everywhere. They were in his camp and very apartment, and entirely unsus- pected, were communicating to Lafayette his daily history and plans. One of Cornwallis' own trusted spies was all the while faithful to Lafayette. '' When Cornwallis," says Mr. Sparks, "had retired before MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 171 Lafayette, and was near Williamsburg, as the former had a superior force, Lafayette did not choose to bring him to a general action; but he wished at the same time to impress upon him the idea of the large- ness of his numbers, in order that Cornwallis might not be induced to turn upon him, and thus compel him again to retreat. He had taken into his service a very shrewd negro man, whom he had instructed to go into the enemy's camp, and pretend to give himself up to them. This task the man performed with so much cunning, that he was actually employed by Lord Corn- wallis as a spy, at the time he was acting in the same capacity for the other side. But he was true to his first employer. Lafayette wrote a fictitious order to General Morgan, requiring him to take his station at a certain post in conjunction with the army. The paper was then torn and given to the negro, with di- rections how to proceed. He returned to Cornwallis, who asked him what news he brought from the Amer- ican camp. He said there was no news, that he saw no changes, but everything appeared as it was the day before. Holding the tattered paper in his hand, he was asked what it was, and replied that he had picked it up in the American camp, but, as he could not read, he did not know that it was of any importance. The General took it, and was surprised to find such an order. He had not heard of Morgan's having joined the army, or of his being expected. It made him cautious, however, for a day or two before he was un- deceived, and the object of Lafayette was gained. Rumors now began to reach Lafayette that his 172 LIFE OF GENERAL own favorite project of a combined attack upon KeU York by the American and French forces was soon to be attempted, and he desired earnestly to be pres- ent and engage in it. On the 20th July, he writes to Washington : " When I went to the southward, you know I had some private objections ; — but I became sensible of the necessity there was for the detachment to go, and I know that had I returned there was no one who could lead them on against their inclination. My entering this state was happily marked by a service to the capital. Virginia became the grand object of the enemy, as it was the point to which the ministry tended. I had the honor to command an army and oppose Lord Cornwallis. Wlien incomparably in- ferior to him, fortune was pleased to preserve us ; — when equal in numbers, though not in quality of troops, we have also been pretty lucky. Cornwallis had the disgrace of a retreat, and this state being recovered, government is properly reestablished. The enemy are under the protection of their works at Portsmouth. It appears an embarkation is taking place, probably destined to E"ew York. The war in the state would then become a plundering one, and gTeat manoeuvres be ouit of the question. A prudent officer would do our business here, and the Baron Steuben is prudent to the utmost. Would it be pos- sible, my dear General, in case a part of the British troops go to 'New York, I may be allowed to join the combined armies ? " In another letter he says : " I am entirely a stranger to every thing that passes MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 17^ out of Virginia, and Virginia operations being for the present in a state of languor, I have more time to think of my solitude. In a word, my dear General, I am home-sick, and if I cannot go to head quarters wish at least to hear from thence. I am anxious to know your opinion concerning the Virginia cam- paign. That the subjugation of this state was the great object of the ministry is an indisputable fact. I think your diversion has been of more use to the state than my manoeuvres, but the latter have been much directed by political views. So long as my lord wished for an action, not one gun has been fired, but the moment he declined it, we began skirmishing, though I took care never to commit the army. His naval superiority, his superiority of horse, of regu- lars ; — ^his thousand advantages over us are such that I am lucky to have come off safe. I had an eye upon European negotiations, and made it a point to give his lordship the disgrace of a retreat. " From every account it appears that a part of the army will embark. The light infantry, the guards, the SOth regiment and Queen's Rangers, are, it is said, destined for ISTcw York. Lord Cornwallis, I am told, is much disappointed in his hopes of com- mand. Should he go to England, we are, I think, to rejoice for it. He is a cold and active man, two dangerous qualities in this southern war. " The clothing you long ago sent to the light infan- try has not yet arrived. I have been obliged to send for it, and expect it in a few days. These three bat- talions are the best troops that ever took the field, 174 LIFE OF GENERAL My confidence in them is unbounded. They are far superior to any British troops and none will ever venture to meet them in equal numbers. What a pity these men are not employed along with the French grenadiers ; — they would do eternal honor to our arms. But their presence here, I must confess, has saved this state, and, indeed, the southern part of the continent." The intelligence which Lafayette communicated in these letters was the subject of Washington's pro- foundest consideration. They suggested to him a new plan, which, if successful, might bring a decisive triumph. JSTever was more wisdom displayed in war than now. He determined that the united attack upon ]^ew York should be brought to bear upon Corn- wallis. With the new reinforcements which Sir Henry Clinton had received, he doubted of success against the city, but this same fact assured him of vic- tory over Cornwallis. His preparations for the southern movement were necessarily secret. For a time he dared not communicate his plans to Lafay- ette lest his letters might be intercepted by the enemy. He requested him to stay in Virginia till matters should be reduced to a greater certainty than at pres- ent. " You will not regret this," said he, " especially when I tell you, that from the change of circum- stance with which the removal of part of the enemy's force from Virginia to l^ew York will be attended, it is more than probable we shall also entirely change our plan of operations." Such hints as these were sufficient, and he wrote to Washington accordingly. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. I75 '' For the present," he says, " I am of the opinion, with you, that I had better remain in Virginia; — the more so, as Lord Cornwallis does not choose to leave us, and circumstances may happen that will fur- nish me agreeable operations in the command of the Virginia army. I have pretty well understood you, my dear General, but would be happy in a more mi- nute detail, which, I am sensible, cannot be intrusted to letters." Count de Rochambeau was from the first in favor of an expedition south, against Cornwallis, and, now that it had met with Washington's approbation, he readily assented to it. The French had left ISTewport and completed a junction with Washington upon the Highlands, the 6th of July, and the allied army was now ready for any movement to which they might be directed. Cheering news had been received from France. The French Government had agreed to fur- nish the United States with six millions of livres,* and were also negotiating for an additional loan of fen millions from Holland. The Count de Grasse, with a large naval force, had sailed for the West In- dies, with permission to spend the summer upon the American coast, in cooperation with Washington and de Rochambeau. The latter officer had advised him of a probable enterprise in the Chesapeake Bay against Cornwallis, leaving it for him to sail there at his own discretion. The most cautious management was now necessary * The livre corresponds with the franc of the present day, $aid was worth about 19^ cents. 176 LIFE OF GENERAL to keep Sir Henry Clinton in ignorance of the pro- posed campaign. Knowing that the British General was expecting an attack upon New York, Washing- ton kept np all the outward preparations, while he secretly directed every thing towards his new design. Letters to the Governor of Virginia, to Lafayette and others, detailing the vast plans which Washington was making for the enterprise upon New York, and recounting the importance of that measure to the Am- erican cause were sent, and according to his intentions were intercepted and carried to Sir Henry Clinton. The British General was entirely imposed upon, and with greater vigor than ever arranged for the defense of New York. In one of these letters which Wash- ington had written only for Clinton's eye, he stated that an attack upon New York, and the overthrow of General Clinton, was now of the first importance and must soon be attempted; — for that he was much alarmed at the success of a general, whom, from ex- perience, he knew to be so fertile in resources, so vig- orous in decision, and so prompt and expeditious in improving every advantage ! Still further to encour- age the deception, Washington in person, with hig engineers and chief officers, closely reconnoitered the defenses of New York and took plans of all the works, under the fire of their batteries. By all these means Sir Henry Clinton was fully deceived, and Washing- ton, as soon as he heard that the Count de Grasse was to have sailed from Cape Francis for the Chesapeake on the 3d of August, was ready for his movement. Meanwhile General Washington had sent a confi- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 177 dential officer to communicate to the Marquis his proposed undertaking, and advise him to make prepa- rations accordingly. Lafayette received the news with joy, and determined that the enemy should not escape. Every movement of Cornwallis which would indicate a desire to retreat to ISTorth Carolina was carefully observed, and guarded against. On the 26th of July he learned from a servant of Cornwallis, who constantly kept him informed of his master's movements, that the army was preparing to leave Portsmouth, though he did not know their destina- tion. Lafayette suspected that it might be starting for l^ew York and longed for a French fleet to come into Hampton Roads, just then, and secure the prey. Instead, however, of proceeding to ISTew York, Corn- wallis passed up the Bay, entered York River, and landed his forces at York and Gloucester. At Glou- cester Point he began his entrenchments, but was here, as he had been at Portsmouth, every moment under the careful surveillance of his vigilant foe. After a time his forts at Troy, Kemp's Landing, Great Bridge and Portsmouth, were abandoned, and his vessels and baggage with all the troops that had been left for garrison, went round to York. The cannon left at Portsmouth were spiked, and Cornwal- lis began to erect heavy fortifications at York and at Gloucester, so as to command the River and effec- tually protect himself. At first his works went slowly forward, as if he himself were uncertain what to do, but afterwards began to progress with greater rapidity. A dispatch from Sir Henry Clinton had 12 178 LIFE OF GENERAL reached him, stating that he had just received from Europe a reinforcement of three thousand Hessians, and that consequently he would not need the detach- ment from Cornwallis which he had previously or- dered. These orders were therefore countermanded and his lordship was directed to take a strong position on the Chesapeake, from which, as soon as the storm which threatened ISTew York should blow over, he might prosecute the meditated designs of the ministry against the states lying on that Bay. Lafayette held his position on James River. He received, as we have said, the plan of Washington, but that it might be in no danger of being divulged to the enemy, he did not disclose it to a single indi- vidual. Under different pretexts he made his various dispositions against Cornwallis, so that even his own officers mistook their precise nature. Whether Corn- wallis fathomed them or not, he soon saw that Lafay- ette was cutting off his retreat to the Carolinas, though he could not yet see the threatening elements which were gathering against him in the distance. On the 19th of August the whole American army was put in motion, and crossing the Hudson, began their march for Virginia. General Clinton, completely outwitted, considered their departure merely as a feint to cover their design upon 'New York, and does not seem for a moment to have apprehended the ter- rible danger which threatened Cornwallis. Washington, in communicating to Lafayette their departure, enjoins upon the Marquis the closest and most careful efforts to prevent the escape of the ene- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 179 my before the allied armies should arrive. " As it will be of great importance," said he, " towards the success of our present enterprise, that the enemy, on the arrival of the fleet, should not have it in their power to effect their retreat, I cannot omit to repeat to you my most earnest wish that the land and naval forces, which you will have with you, may so com- bine their operations, that the British army may not be able to escape. The particular mode of doing this, I shall not, at this distance, attempt to dictate. Your own knowledge of the country, from your long con- tinuance in it, and the various and extensive move- ments which you have made, have given you great op- portunities for observation ; of which I am persuaded your military genius and judgment will lead you to make the best improvement. You will, my dear Marquis, keep me constantly advised of every impor- tant event respecting the enemy or yourself." La- fayette, as we have seen, had anticipated these injunc- tions. By his untiring vigilance and skillful man- oeuvres, he had driven the enemy to a position most favorable to his plans, and it was no part of his de- signs that he should now escape, Cornwallis soon began to discern the terrible fore- shadowing of his doom. On the 30th of August, the Count de Grasse, with twenty-eight ships of the line, several frigates and convoys, arrived in the Chesa- peake. Lafayette at once sent him an officer to com- municate the intelligence of his own situation and that of Cornwallis. Learning this, the Count imme- diately detached four ships of the line to block up 180 LIFE OF GENERAL York River and then proceeded to land for Lafay- ette's reinforcement, the Marquis de St. Simon with a body of troops amounting to three thousand two hundred men. These formed a junction with Lafay- ette at Williamsburg, on the 5th of September. He united himself with Wayne, who had been stationed on the south side of James River, and so quick were his movements, that Cornwallis saw, as if by magic, that he was suddenly blockaded by sea and by land, with hardly a possibility of escape. Perilous as was his situation, he determined upon one desperate ef- fort to free himself from it. He carefully reeon- noitered Lafayette's position at Williamsburg, and though strong, he determined to pass it and retreat to the South. Lafayette discovered this, but soon found also that the plan was abandoned. Cornwallis sending an earnest request to Sir Henry Clinton for succor determined to await its arrival. Meanwhile he labored day and night on his defenses. The Count de Grasse, who had permission to serve on the American coast only till the middle of October, was anxious to commence operations immediately. Together with the Marquis St. Simon, he urged upon Lafayette the propriety of making an immediate at- tack upon the enemy. It is right, said they to La- fayette, that you who have had all the difficulties of this campaign should now be rewarded with the glory of its successful termination. They argued that the works of Cornwallis were yet in an incomplete state, and that he could not resist a sudden attack made by the forces which he could then command, All these MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 181 were powerful reasons with the young and ardent Marquis, but yet he determined to await the arrival of the northern armies. The attempt upon Cornwallis in his present condition, he saw would be attended with great bloodshed, even if successful, and he was unwilling to risk, for personal glory, the lives of his brave men. He therefore used every precaution to prevent the escape of Cornwallis, and patiently awaited the arrival of Washington and de Rocham- beau. Having made arrangement for the transportation of his army down the Chesapeake, Washington, ac- companied by the Count and the Chevalier de Chas- telleux, proceeded directly to Virginia ; and on the 14th of September, Lafayette joyfully welcomed them to his camp at Williamsburg. Thence they pro- ceeded to Hampton, where, on board the Ville de Paris, the plan for the siege of Yorktown was con- certed with the Count de Grasse. Everything was managed to the satisfaction of both parties, and Wash- ington, as he surveyed with high approbation the dis- positions which Lafayette had made, felt certain of a brilliant success when his troops should arrive. But a dark cloud suddenly overshadowed the clear sky of his hopes. Information reached the French Ad- miral that the British fleet in 'New York had received an important addition to its strength, and de Grasse supposed by this that they would be induced to ven- ture every thing for the relief of Cornwallis. Ex- pecting therefore, that they would sail directly against him, and as his present condition was unfavorable for 182 LIFE OF GENERAL a naval combat, he determined to sail out of the Bay with his fleet and meet the enemy on the open sea. He communicated this intention to Washington, pro- posing to leave a few frigates to block up the mouths of York and James Rivers, while he went in quest of the enemy. Washington received this proposition with dismay. The moment de Grasse should leave, the vision of certain success would fade, A tem- porary naval superiority might be acquired by the British in the Bay, and the army of Cornwallis would then be placed in perfect security. He must not leave, said Washington. Writing a letter to de Grasse, he sent Lafayette with it on board the vessel, and requested the Marquis to use his personal in- fluence with the Admiral, to dissuade him from exe- cuting his dangerous designs. Lafayette felt the emergency and acted with efficiency. He stated the crisis, and plead with the Count to remain. He ap- pealed by turns to his honor, his pride, and his pa- triotism. He represented that the capture of Corn- wallis would probably seal the triumph of America, while his escape would greatly protract the war, and result disgracefully to the allied arms. His appeals were successful, and the Admiral at last consented to forego plans his thirst for military glory had sug- gested, and continue his post. The troops now began to arrive, and on the 25th of September the last division debarked near Wil- liamsburg. With high hope and courage, each di- vision swept into the ranks, and on the 28th moving forward in four columns towards Yorktown, halted MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 183 about two miles in front of the enemy. The siege OF YoKKTOWN * now Commenced. De Rochambeau, with the French corps, took advantage of the woods, the rideaux,f and the marshy creeks, so as to confine the enemy to within pistol shot of their wOrks. The left wing of the French battalions rested upon the river above the town, and their right extended to a low ravine, where it was met by the left wing of the Americans, whose right rested upon the stream below the town. The investment was as complete and as close as possible. Mr. de Choisy, with a body of troops, then passed over to Gloucester on the opposite side. Cornwallis looked out upon the vast array which now encircled him, as the fabled draco its vic- tim, but his great heart was still firm. He had in- formed Sir Henry Clinton of his peril, and had no doubt that succors would soon arrive. With un- broken fortitude he determined to face the tremen- dous array till he should receive aid, and reap vic- tory. Till the 6th of October the besieging army was em- ployed in disembarking and bringing upon the ground the ordnance and other requisite implements for the onset. As soon as this was done, the work went for- * "York is a small village on the south side of the river which bears that name, where the long peninsula between the York and the James, is only eight miles wide. On the oppo- site shore, is Gloucester Point, a piece of land projecting deep into the i-iver, and narrowing it, at that place, to the space of one mile. Both these points were occupied by Lord Corn- wallis. The communication between them was commanded by his batteries, and by some ships of war which lay under his guns." — [Marshall.] t The rideaux are screens of trees. 184 LIFE OF GENERAL ward with vigor, but the strength of the English army and the character of the General who com- manded it, obliged Washington to act with precision and precaution. On the night of the 6th of October, with profound silence, a trench, six or seven hundred toises * in extent, and flanked by four redoubts, was opened by the Americans on the right, within six hun- dred yards of the British lines. At the same time a similar one was completed by the French on the left. So silently was this done, that the garrison was wholly unapprised of it till day light, by which time the em- bankments were so far advanced as to cover the men. Batteries and redoubts were speedily completed along the fosse, from which a tremendous fire was poured upon the enemy. So resistless was the blaze of artil- lery, that it tore in pieces most of their batteries, and on the eleventh they were forced to withdraw their cannon from the embrasures, and scarcely returned a shot. Kindling a spirit of emulation between the French and Americans, Washington was able to pros- ecute the assault with great rapidity. On the same night he opened his second parallel within three hun- dred yards of the lines. This was commenced noise- lessly as the first, and on the morning of the next day Cornwallis first discovered it. The three succeeding days were occupied in completing the trench. The progress now was seriously harassed by two redoubts of the foe in front of their entrenchments, and which kept up a galling fire. Washington determined to * The toise was an old French linear measure about six feet and three inches. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 185 silence these with the bayonet. The attack of one was given to the Americans, and of the other to the French. Lafayette led the former and the Baron de Viomesnil the latter. Says de Rochambeau, " Four hundred grenadiers debouched at the head of this at- tack, under the command of Count William de Deux Fonts, and of M. de I'Estrapade, Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment of Gatinais. MM. de Viomesnil and Lafayette made so impetuous an attack that the re- doubts were carried, sword in hand, at the same mo- ment. The greater part of the men in them were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. A lodgement was made by joining these redoubts by a communica- tion to the right of our second parallel, the ground on which they stood affording means of erecting new batteries, which completed the blockade of Cornwallis, and threw balls a ricochet into the w^hole of the inter- ior of the place, at a distance which could not fail to do much damage." This difficult onset was carried on and finished with a bravery highly gratifying to Washington. In the orders for the succeeding day, he complimented both Lafayette and Viomesnil, for their judicious dispositions and gallant conduct dur- ing the attack. " The General reflects," he con- cluded, " with the highest degree of pleasure, on the confidence which the troops of the two nations must hereafter have in each other. Assured of mutual support, he is convinced there is no danger which they will not cheerfully encounter, — no difficulty which they will not bravely overcome." The two redoubts which had been taken were at 186 LIFE OF GENERAL tonce included in the second parallel, and in a few hours some howitzers were mounted upon them, ■which added their destructive volleys. Cornwallis saw that with this fire the town would be untenable, and his situation hopeless. Unable to believe that Sir Henry Clinton would leave him long without help, he thought to gain time by a bold movement. On the night of the fifteenth of October, he sent out Lieutenant-Colonel Abercrombie at the head of 800 chosen men, who made a desperate sortie against two batteries which appeared to be in the greatest for- wardness. So valiant was the charge, that they gained possession, and spiked four guns; but were hastily repelled by the Chevalier de Chastelleux, who mad a deadly assault with his reserve. The cannon were rendered serviceable again six hours afterwards, by the care of General d'Abouville, commanding the French artillery. The tremendous fire-sheet which now blazed upon Cornwallis, soon dismounted or broke his ordnance, his walls were fast crumbling into the ditches, and nearly all his defenses were razed. Unwilling to submit, and unable to remain longer with any show of resistance, he formed the daring de- sign of crossing over in the night with such troops as ■were not disabled, to Gloucester Point, and with forced march hasten to rejoin the army in ISTew York. Boats were prepared, and so secret were the ar- rangements, that no tidings escaped to the opposite encampment. On the night of the 16th of October, a division was embarked and passed over unperceived. But before the boats could return, a violent storm MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 187 arose, and continued till dawn, drifting them down the river, and preventing all farther execution of the plan. The next morning, the troops which had crossed were brought back again, and re-landed on the southern shore with little loss. On the morning of the 17th, Cornwallis, reduced to the last extremity, beat a parley, and offered to ca- pitulate. On the 19th, formal articles of capitula- tion were signed, by which Lord Cornwallis and his magnificent army were made prisoners of war. The Americans and French took possession at noon of two bastions, and the garrison defiled between the armies at two o'clock in the afternoon, with drums beating, carrying their arms, which they afterwards piled, with twenty pair of colors. Lord Cornwallis feigned sickness to avoid surrendering before his soldiers, and General O'Hara accordingly appeared at the head of the garrison. " When he came up," says de Ro- chambeau, " he presented his sword to me. I pointed to General Washington, who was opposite me at the head of the American army, and told him that the French army being auxiliaries on the continent, it was the American General who was to signify his orders to him." As the result of this capitulation 8,000 prisoners, of whom 7,000 were regular troops and 1,000 sailors; 214 pieces of cannon, of which 73 were brass, and 22 pair of colors, passed into the hands of the allies. The men, artillery, arms, mili- tary chest, and public stores of every denomination, were surrendered to Washington, the ships and sea- men to the Count de Grasse. 188 LIFE OF GENERAL The news of the surrender at Yorktowh sped on the wings of the wind all over the land. Bon-fires were lighted on almost every hill top, and the bells of every hamlet in the country rung their glad accla- mations. The names of Washington, — de Eocham- heau, — de Grasse, — Lafayette, resounded every where. Every association of note, political or liter- ary, voted them their congratulations. With pro- found gratitude to the Supreme Disposer of all events. Congress repaired in solemn procession to the Dutch Lutheran Church, to return thanks for the vic- tory of the Divine Providence which had granted it. Washington also ordered that suitable religious ser- vice be performed in the camp in grateful testimony of the auspicious event. To follow up the advantages thus gained, the Com- mander-in-Chief desired to make an expedition against Charleston. De Grasse was solicited to lend his aid, and Lafayette was deputed by Washington to overcome any scruples which the Admiral might have against reengaging in the enterprise. The Marquis repaired on board the Ville de Paris, but solicita- tions were unavailing. De Grasse replied that " the orders of his court, ulterior projects, and his engage- ments with the Spaniards, rendered it impossible for him to remain on the coast during the time which would be required for the operation." This enter- prise failing, and also another against Wilmington, which was also proposed, military action for the season seemed to be at an end. The army went into winter quarters, and Lafayette was once more left to MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 189 a repose ever irksome to him. Desiring again to re- visit his native land, and thinking that he might be serviceable to the cause of his heart, he determined to return to France. This determination was not op- posed, as it was felt both by Washington and Con- gress that his powerful cooperation would be needed in the negotiations for an honorable peace, which it was hoped would now open. Previous to his depar- ture, he received the highest testimonials of affection and respect, not only from his beloved Commander and Congress, but also from the King and Ministry of France. He sailed from Boston in the frigate Al- liance, on the 22d December, 1781. It is not strange that Lafayette was next to free- dom in the heart of Washington ; for the devotion of himself and fortune, while amid the luxuries of an ancestral domain, to the doubtful struggle of despised " rebels " — ^liis unselfish adherence to their cause when repulsed — his untiring energy and reliable wis- dom in the camp and conflict — his fidelity in neglect, under fearful discouragements, and in the palace of his sovereign — have probably no parallel in the an- nals of greatness which has its throne within a dis- interested human bosom. We follow his youthful form through the bloody scenes of the Revolution, with a personal affection and admiration peculiar and unrivaled, because he fought on foreign soil, and was ready to die for strangers. We know America could not have spared Washington, and we feel that Washington could not have spared Lafayette ! 190 LIFE OF GENERAL CHAPTER VL Lafayette was greeted warmly by his country- men. His name had gone back to the realm of his birth like an echo of liberty. The most flattering salutations met him at court, and demonstrations of applause were made wherever he went. But the sil- ver notes of fame were not so sweet as the familiar ac- cents of love in the bosom of his family ; the delights of home. In the social circle, his hours flew pleas- antly, yet he did not forget America. Every ship brought him answers to the many letters w^hich he was constantly transmitting to Washington and friends in the new world. He thus kept himself familiar with American affairs, while at the same time he did not forget to interest himself actively in their behalf. He urged upon the ministry the necessity of forcing peace from England, by more imposing display in favor of tlie colonies. So forcible were his represen- tations, that a grand armament was prepared by Erance and Spain, to encounter the British power in the West Indies and ISTorth America. A part con- sisting of sixty vessels and twenty-four thousand men, began to assemble at Cadiz. Lafayette was appointed chief of the staff of the united armies, and himself took the lead of eight thousand troops marching from Brest to the place of rendezvous. So vast prepara- tions as these, were looked upon by the English gov- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. l9l ernment with apprehension, and quickened their ne- gotiations for peace. Commissioners were appointed by the United States and Great Britain, who held their conferences in Paris. In ISTovemher, 1782, the preliminary articles for a peace were agreed upon, and on the 20th of January, 1783, the final treaty was signed. Lafayette heard this news with bound- ing heart and longed to bear the glad tidings to a res- cued nation. But though the King of Spain had signed the treaty which acknowledged the independence of the States, he refused to receive in his diplomatic rela- tion Mr. Carmichael, who had been appointed Charge d'Affaires to court of Madrid. Lafayette was then at Cadiz preparing to sail for America, when Mr. Carmichael wrote to him requesting his aid. For- getting himself, he instantly resolved to forego his an- ticipated pleasure. The Count d'Estaing granted liim The Triumph, a fast sailing vessel, which the Marquis dispatched with a letter to the President of Congress, communicating the tidings of peace, while he hastened to Madrid to secure the interests of his adopted country there. Arriving, he had an inter- view with the monarch and his minister, and soon had the satisfaction of seeing every difiiculty re- moved, in the full recognition of Mr. Carmichael in his official character. The Triumph arrived at Philadelphia on the 23d of March, 1783, bearing the first intelligence of peace. Congress passed suitable testimonials to the Marquis for this fresh service, and Washington, in a 192 LIFE OF GENERAL letter to him dated April 5th, thus expresses his ap- probation ; — " It is easier for you to conceive, than for me to express, the sensibility of my heart at the communication of your letter of the 5th of February from Cadiz. It is to these communications we are indebted for the only account yet received of a gen- eral pacification. My mind, upon the receipt of this intelligence, was instantly assailed by a thousand ideas, all of them contending for preeminence ; — ^but, believe me, my dear friend, none could supplant, or ever will eradicate that gratitude, which has arisen from a lively sense of the conduct of your nation, and to my obligations to many of its illustrious characters, (of whom, without flattery, I place you at the head,) and from my admiration of the virtues of your au- gust Sovereign, who, at the same time that he stands confessed the father of his own people, and defender of American rights, has given the most exalted exam- ple of moderation in treating with his enemies. " The armament which was preparing at Cadiz, and in which you were to have acted a distinguished part, would have carried such conviction with it, that it is not to be wondered at, that Great Britain should have been impressed with the force of such reasoning. To this cause, I am persuaded, the peace is to be ascribed. Your going to Madrid from thence instead of coming immediately to this country, is another in- stance, my dear Marquis, of your zeal for the Ameri- can cause, and lays a fresh claim to the gratitude of her sons, who will at all times receive you with open arms." MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 193 The independence of the United States being es- tablished, and peace once more restored to Europe, Lafayette began to apply himself intensely to the commercial relations of France and America. The subject was one foreign to his former habits of thought, and one upon which merely military men would have entered with reluctance; but Lafayette brought to it an energy and insight into all its details, which astonished his friends. By his exertions the ports of Dunkirk and Marseilles, of L'Orient and Bayonne, were gi'anted to the United States as free ports * by the King of France. The minister of commerce, impressed by the representations of the Marquis, assured him that the United States should be as much favored in France in commercial affairs as any other nation. '' The complaints," said he to Lafayette, " which they may make to you, or which Mr. Franklin, and the other American ministers, which I would be very glad to see, may transmit to me on their behalf, shall be examined with great at- tention, and government will not suffer them to ex- perience any kind of vexation." A considerable portion of the American people v/ere interested more or less in the whale fishery, and Lafayette did not overlook the fact. He urged France to repeal the duties on whale oil ; but as the ministry were just then beginning to encourage the fisliery, this was refused. He then took another method, and at last gained a total exemption of duties * A free port is " a place to which all merchandises, as well foreign as domestic, ntfiy be imported, and from which they may be freely exported."— De Vergennes. 194 t.iFE OF GENERAL for sixteen thousand quintals of oil, to be furnished by merchants of Boston to the Contractor-General for lighting the cities of Paris and Versailles. " T worked very hard," he says, " to bring even as much as this about, and am happy at having, at last, ob- tained a point which may be agreeable to New Eng- land and the people of Boston. I wish they may, at large know, I did not neglect their affairs; and al- though this is a kind of private bargain, yet as it amounts to a value of about eight hundred thousand French livres, and governments have been prevailed upon to take off all duties, it can be considered as a matter of importance." The Marquis' name was spoken with praise on both continents, and he was constantly receiving testimonials of grateful approba- tion. " The unexampled attention to every Ameri- can interest," writes Mr. Morris, the superintendent of American finance, to the President of Congress, " which the Marquis de Lafayette has exhibited, can- not fail to excite the strongest emotions in his favor, and we must, at the same time, admire the judgment which he has shown in the manner of his applications, as well as the industry in selecting proper materials." The tokens of gratitude received, together with the kind entreaties by which they were accompanied, to return to x\merica, determined Lafayette again to re- visit the theater of his toils and glory. He longed to embrace his old comrades in arms, and especially to sit at Washington's feet, and learn lessons of peace fiom those lips which had been so wise in war. The great man having become divested of the cares of MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 195 public employment, and the responsibilities of office, was enjoying the quiet of domestic life in his villa at Mount Vernon. Inviting the Marquis to visit him, he thus describes his pleasant situation ; " at length I have become a private citizen on the banks of the Po- tomac; and under the shadow of my own vine, and my own fig tree, free from the bustle of the camp, and the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier who is ever in pursuit of fame, — the statesman whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all, — and the courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his prince, in the hope of catching a gracious smile, — can have very little conception. I have not only retired from all public employments, but am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with heart-felt satisfaction. Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all ; and this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, I will move gently down the stream of life, until I sleep with my fathers." This invitation Lafayette could not resist. It was attended also with a polite request that the Marchion- ness should also visit Mt. Vernon ; but this she could not accept. The Marquis embarked alone. He sailed from Havre on the 1st of July, and arrived at Xew York on the 4th of August. ISTothing could ex- ceed the cordiality of his reception there. It was 196 LIFE OF GENERAL the first time he had entered the city, and as soon as it was known that he had arrived, all ranks of the citi- zens left their usual occupations, and hastened to wel- come him to their shores. A splendid entertainment was given him the day after his arrival, when the offi- cers, whom he had fought with in the Revolution, ap- peared in their uniforms, which had been long cast aside, but were now resumed in honor of the occasion. From Kew York he proceeded to Philadelphia, where the happy news of his arrival from Europe had pre- ceded him. Before he reached the city a numerous escort came out to meet him with the most enthusias- tic tokens of welcome. He entered the city amid the ringing of bells and the thunder of cannon. The streets through which he passed were thronged with spectators ; every door and window presenting happy faces which beamed with delight upon the distin- guished guest. The corps of officers from the Penn- sylvania line deputed Generals Wayne, St. Clair, and Irwin, to congratulate him upon his arrival, and to welcome him to the scenes of his fornaer toils and fame. The legislature of Pennsylvania voted him a flattering address, and all classes were engaged in a generous rivalry to do him honor. But, meanwhile, the subject of all these demon- strations was impatient to behold again his illustrious patron and friend. Tearing himself away from scenes of festivity, he left Philadelphia on the 14th of August, and after stopping at Baltimore, arrived on the 19th at Mt. Vernon, beneath the roof hallowed by the presence and the virtues of Washington. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 197 " When we reflect upon the principal events in the lives of these two illustrious men ; — the difference in their ages and countries ; — the distance which sepa- rated them from each other ; — the circumstances which brought them together ; — the importance of the scenes through which they had passed ; — the glorious success of their courageous efforts ; — their mutual anxiety again to embrace each other ; — the tender and truly paternal esteem of the one, and the respect, ad- miration, and filial attachment of the other ; — when we reflect upon all this, we find that everything con- tributed to stamp this interesting interview with a sublimity of character, which had no prototype in the annals of man." Twelve blissful days were spent at Mount Vernon, at the close of which he returned to the north. Ne- gotiations with the allied tribes of Indians were now in progress, and his influence over them being widely extended, he was invited to join the commissioners of peace, and assist them in their " talk " with the In- dians. Fort Schuyler was the place of meeting, and crowds assembled to witness the ceremony. In sullen silence the Indians ranged themselves to listen to the words of Kayewla, as they termed Lafayette. They had been leagued in hostility against the whites, and it was feared that they would still refuse all propo- sitions of peace. Lafayette had frequently been called to treat with them during the war and possessed a strong hold over their rude minds. He now ad- dressed them, pointing out the advantages of peace, and the inevitable destruction which awaited them, 198 LIFE OF GENERAL if they persisted in ravaging the frontiers. The lordly denizens of the forest heard him with a confi.- denee which they would not have given any other white man, and as he closed his speech, his point was gained. " Father," said one of the chiefs in reply, " we have heard thy voice, and we rejoice that thon hast visited thy children, to give to them good and necessary advice. Thou hast said that we have done wrong in opening our ears to wicked men, and clos- ing our hearts to thy counsels. Father ! it is all true ; — we have left the good path; we have wandered away from it, and been enveloped in a black cloud. We have now returned, that thou mayest find in us, good and faithful children. Father ! we rejoice to hear thy voice among us; — it seems that the Great Spirit has directed thy footsteps to this council of friendship, to smoke the calumet of peace and fellow- ship, with thy long lost children." After making presents to the chiefs, he left them with the treaty fully ratified, and proceeded on his way amid the acclamations and public rejoicings of every community through which he passed. Press- ing invitations were now crowding upon him to visit Boston, and he accordingly directed his journey to- wards that cradle of liberty, — the metropolis of New England. On his way, enthusiastic demonstrations of welcome were given him at Hartfor^i and Worces- ter as well as at the smaller towns through which his road lay. But it was for Boston to crown his ova- tion with the richest triumph. Before he reached the city a magnificent military procession, bearing the MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 199 flags of America and France, came out to escort him thither. A salute of thirteen guns greeted him as he came in sight, Avhich was also the signal for a vast number of citizens to join the cavalcade. With great pomp, led on by martial music, and, over all, the re- newed pealing of bells, he was ushered into the me- tropolis. Every street through which he passed, as well as the doors, windows, and roofs of the houses, was filled with spectators, who made the air ring with their unceasing acclamations. As he passed up State street, another salute of thirteen guns was fired. With these rejoicings he was conducted to his lodg- ings, and on the evening of this memorable day, the municipal authorities ordered the lamps of the city to be re-lighted for the first time since the conclusion of the war. Fire works and illuminations were the order of the night. The state government also united with that of the city in their enthusiastic expres- sions of regard. On the 19th of October, the anniversary of the ca- pitulation of Cornwallis, — the governor of the state — the president of the senate — the speaker of the house of representatives — the executive council, and the members of the two houses — assembled in the great hall of audience, to offer their congratulations to La- fayette on his happy arrival in America. " When the Marquis was introduced, the governor, in elo- quent and impressive terms, testified the high esteem and gratitude entertained for him by the state of Mas- sachusetts, the remembrance of which could never be effaced. — The report of this ceremony having spread 200 LIFE OF GENERAL itself over the city, all the neighboring streets were completely crowded with people, and it was with great difficulty that a lane was formed, by the military through the multitude, to the City Hotel. When this was effected, Lafayette appeared, accompanied hj the governor, the members of the legislature, the old continental officers, the clergymen of different sects, and the principal citizens, who escorted him into the great saloons of the hotel, where an entertainment had been prepared for five hundred persons. Thir- teen arcades were thrown across the bottom of the saloon, emblematical of the thirteen states of the Union. Lafayette was seated beneath the center arch, from which a fleur de lis was suspended. After dinner, thirteen patriotic toasts were drunk, and each one celebrated by thirteen guns stationed in the market place. When the health of WASHiisroToisr was pronounced, a curtain, placed behind Lafayette, immediately fell, and disclosed the portrait of that great man, encircled with laurels, and decorated with the flags of America and Trance. Lafayette arose and steadfastly regarded it with a mixture of tender- ness, pleasure and surprise. For a few moments he gazed in silent admiration, when a voice exclaimed, — ' Long t.ive Washington ! ' — the effect was elec- trical; — the name of the gallant chieftain of liberty resounded from all parts of the room, and the shouts of ' Long t.ive Washington ! ' were drowned amid peals of applause and enthusiastic acclamations. On the same evening Mrs. Hayley gave a grand ball, ac- companied with splendid fireworks in honor of Laf ay- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 201 ette, and her house was brilliantly illuminated. The legislative assembly granted him the privilege of as- sisting in their sittings, which he frequently made use of during his stay in Boston." The scenes through which he now passed were a continual triumph. The magnificent welcome which Bonaparte afterwards received, when his negotiations at Bayonne had added the Spanish crown to the French domain, did not exceed that which Lafayette now enjoyed. The triumph of the Emperor, while it displayed the most enthusiastic admiration on the part of his people, manifested but little love; while that of the Marquis mingled the highest admiration with the warmest affection. From Boston he visited the towns of Salem, Cape Ann, Marblehead, Beverly, .Newbury port, Portsmouth, N. H., and then return- ing to Boston he proceeded to Providence and the scenes of his active labors in Rhode Island. Return- ing once more to Boston he embarked in the royal frigate La jS^ymphe and sailed for the theater of his greatest military glory, — the mouth of York River in Chesapeake Bay. He landed at Yorktown, but it was with no ordinary emotions that he set his foot upon shore and looked over the scenes, consecrated by the triumphant issue of the struggle for American freedom. Before him was Virginia and here was Yorktown where he had baffled the manoeuvres, re- stricted the operations and involved in inextricable toils one of the bravest and most accomplished gen- erals of Europe. From Yorktown the Marquis proceeded to Wil- 202 LIFE OF GENERAL liamsburg whose inhabitants came out and received their gallant defender with indescribable marks of enthusiasm and love. From this city he proceeded to Richmond, which he entered on the 18th of ISTo- vember, meeting with a reception transcending, if possible, all former display. Washington was wait- ing for him here, and after the gallant Marquis had received the congratulations of the city and the legis- lature of the state, then in session at Richmond, he ac- companied his revered friend once more to the shades of Mount Vernon. For about a week he remained, enjoying the hospitality of the Father of his country and then the two friends proceeded together to An- napolis. At this city and at Alexandria they re- mained for some time, honoring with their presence the brilliant festivals given them there. The legis- latures of both Virginia and Maryland voted flatter- ing addresses and conferred upon him and his male heirs the rights of citizenship in each of these states. The honors accorded to the Marquis in this, the theater of his hardest toil and brightest glory, fell gratefully upon his heart and lay there like sunbeams brightening and warming some of the dark and cold scenes through which he was afterwards to pass. Lafayette's reception had been more flattering than he had dreamed of, and met with his overflowing thankfulness, but the time which he had assigned for his visit was now drawing to a close, and he prepared to return to France. At Annapolis he parted, for the last time, wuth his revered friend. It was a mournful separation to both, for they seemed to have MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 203 a premonition that they should see each other's face no more. This presentiment saddened the buoyant spirit of Lafayette, while it deepened the natural gravity of Washington, as each gave to the other his parting adieux. " In the moment of our separation," writes Washington afterwards to him, " and every hour since, I have felt all that love, respect, and at- tachment for you, with which length of years, close connection, and your merits have inspired me. I often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight I should ever have of you, — and though I wished to say. No ; my fears an- swered. Yes. I called to mind the days of my youth, and found they had fled to return no more ; — that I was now descending the hill I had been fifty years climbing, and that, though I was blest with a good constitution, I was of a short lived family, and might soon expect to be entombed in the mansion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened the shades and gave a gloom to the picture, and, consequently, to my prospect of seeing you again." Journeying northward, the Marquis took leave of Congress, which was then in session at Trenton. Ap- propriate marks of consideration were awarded him by that body, who appointed a committee, consisting of one member from each state, to receive and take leave of him in their name. They instructed the committee to assure Lafayette " that Congress con- tinue to entertain the same high sense of his abilities and zeal to promote the Avelfare of America, both, here and in Europe, which they have frequently eX' 204 IIFE OF GENERAL pressed and manifested on former occasions, and which the recent marks of his attention to their com- mercial and other interests, have perfectly confirmed. That, as his uniform and unceasing attachment to this country has resembled that of a patriotic citizen, the United States regard him with particular affec- tion, and will not cease to feel an interest in what- ever may concern his honor and prosperity; — and that their best and kindest wishes will always attend him." Mr. Jay, as chairman of the committee, com- municated to the Marquis these instructions, and re- ceived a reply, every syllable of which came warmly from a heart still beating with affection for the new born Kepublic. It concluded as follows : " In un- bounded wishes to America^ Sir, I am happy to ob- serve the prevailing disposition of the people to strengthen the confederation, preserve public faith, regulate trade, and, in a proper guard over continen- tal magazines and frontier posts, in a general system of militia, in foreseeing attention to the navy, to ensure every kind of safety. May this immense TEMPLE OF FREEDOM EVEK STAND A LESSON TO OP- PKESSORSj AN EXAMPLE TO THE OPPRESSED^ AND A SANCTUARY FOR THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND ! and may these happy United States attain that complete splen- dor and prosperity which will illustrate the blessings of their government, and for ages to come, rejoice the departed souls of its founders." With the blessing of every one resting upon him, Lafayette proceeded on to ISTew York and embarked again for Erance. On the 25th of December, 1784, MARQUIS DE LAFAYfiTTE. $05 he sailed from America for the third time, and after a prosperous voyage on board the frigate La ISTymphe, he arrived in Paris on the 25th of January, 1785. Again in Europe, the mind of Lafayette became incessantly active on the interesting and important field which ojieued before him. He now entered the theater of European politics for the first time, though his connection with American history did not yet wholly cease. He still interested himself in the wel- fare of the new Republic, whose commercial interests with Europe, and particularly with France, he spared no pains to establish. That his services were appreciated, is seen in a letter from Washington to him, dated Sept. 1st, 1Y85, in which he assured the Marquis that his constant attention, and unwearied endeavors to serve the interests of the United States could not fail to keep alive in them a grateful sensi- bility, and preserve for him the affectionate regard of all their citizens. During the year 1785 the Marquis visited his estates in Torraine, and afterwards he visited the courts of many of the German princes, where were added extraordinary tokens of the admiration which his military and political conduct had diffused over Europe. But at no time did he disguise the love for freedom which was the master passion of his being. The flattering distinction with which he was greeted by the different crowned heads whom he visited could not extinguish this. The attention which he every where received, even in the midst of the most rigid aristocracy and monarchy, showed how much the 206 LIFE OF GENERAL MAN could make himself felt, simply by the force of his own character and innate worth. In September of this year, he attended at Potsdam the grand reviews of Frederick the Great, and greatly enriched his own experience by the sight of fifty thou- sand men going through the varied evolutions of bat- tles, sieges and storms, under the personal direction of the most accomplished General of his age. When Frederick was advised of the presence of Lafayette, he sent an aid de camp and invited him to Sans Soucie without delay. Frederick was a tyrant, but in many respects he had a great soul, and on the present occasion he did not conceal from Lafayette the admiration which he felt for his character and that of Washington. With a nobleness which few despots possess, he treated with marked attention the still youthful hero whose heart was beating to an im- pulse which would crush his despotism and hurl him from his throne. The tyrant and the defender of lib- erty held long and interesting conversations together, in which the American Kevolution and the progress of free principles were the prominent topics. In one of these conversations Frederick expressed the opinion that America would not long continue a re- public. " By and by," said he, " she will return to the good old system. Lafayette replied with warmth and enthusiasm, " l^ever. Sire, never," said he, " neither monarchy, nor aristocracy, can ever exist in America." " Sir," said Frederick, with one of those penetrating looks which he knew so well how to command, ^' Sir, I knew a young man, who, Q.itex. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 207 having visited countries where liberty and equality reigned, conceived the idea of establishing the same system in his own country. Do you know what hap- pened to him ? " " ISTo, Sire." " He was hanged," said the King, Lafayette looked up with a calm smile which neither betrayed fear, nor indicated in the least, to the anxious Frederick, what were his secret thoughts. A cloud, rather than a smile, would have rested upon the countenance of both King and Marquis, could they have foreseen the events of the next ten years. This unwritten history was to be full of moment to them both. Lafayette remained for some days enjoying the hospitality and kindness of the King, and when the time came for them to part, it was with mutual regard. Upon taking his leave, Frederick presented. the Marquis with his miniature set in diamonds, and with sincere affection expressed the hope that this memento might often recall his image to his thoughts. Lafayette's love of liberty and hatred of oppression were sincere and unfeigned. He hated slavery be- cause he was a great man, and as such could not do otherwise. Soon after the completion of the Ameri- can war, he wrote to Washington upon the subject. " Permit me, my dear General," said he, " now that you are about to enjoy some repose, to propose a plan for elevating the African race. Let us unite in pur- chasing a small estate, where we may try the experi- ment to free the negroes, and use them only as tenants. Such an example as yours, would render the practice general, and if we should succeed iu 208 l^i^E OF GENERAL America, I "will cheerfully devote a part of my time to render the plan fashionable in the West Indies. If it be a wild scheme, I would rather be mad in that way, than be thought wise on the other tack." This plan, Lafayette now began to put in execu- tion. He purchased a plantation in Cayenne, with a large number of slaves, and, proposing their gradual emancipation, he began to fit them for a proper en- joyment of their freedom, by a thorough course of education. In this he was guided only by the purest benevolence, and had the satisfaction of finding that his efforts were not in vain. He had the pleasure of a cordial sympathy with his views from distin- guished American patriots, who had not learned to despise the inalienable rigJits of man, for which they had so long striven. Washington, Adams, Franklin, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry and others, gave him their cheerful aid. Washington wrote to him. May 10th, 1786, in which he thus alludes to his scheme: — ''Your late purchase in Cayenne, with a view of emancipating your slaves, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this country. But I despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the Virginia Assembly, at its last session, for the abolition of slav- ery, but they could scarcely obtain a hearing. To set the slaves afloat at once would, I really believe, be productive of much inconvenience and mischief; — but, by degrees, it certainly might, and assuredly ought, to be effected, and that, too, by legislative au- MARQUIS t)E LAFAYETTE. 20D thorlty." It might be well if the sentiments of Washington and Lafayette actuated the councils of the nation which they labored effectually to bless with the boon of freedom. This period was also distinguished by the efforts of Lafayette in behalf of the persecuted French Protes- tants. Though himself belonging to the Romish Church, he had none of the bigotry or intolerance so generally seen in that body, but he hated the tyranny of a priesthood as intensely as that of a king. Lie made a visit to the Protestants who chiefly resided in the south of France, and having carefully inquired into their grievances, returned to Paris and applied his energies to their removal. Despotism was made to stay its hand before his efforts, bigotry relaxed its stern grasp, " and justice gave back to the op- pressed the invaluable, inalienable, right to worship God in their own way — to obey Him rather than man." 14 210 LIFE OF GENERAL CHAPTER VII. TiroiTGH we are still to contemplate Lafayette as the same exalted character, we shall now view him in a different theater, and an actor in widely different scenes. Having accomplished his sublime mission upon a foreign soil, the mighty question now before his thought was, Why may not France be as free as America ? While on his visit to Frederick the Great, said he — " Do you believe that I went to America to obtain military reputation ? — It was for liberty I went there. He who loves liberty can only remain quiet after having established it in his own country." These remarkable words indicated fully what was the desire of his heart towards France, and what would be his course of action whenever a favorable oppor- tunity should arise. He was ready for any sacrifice, and his wakeful discernment could not fail to per- ceive that the time was coming when one would have to be made. Clouds, dark and heavy, were gathered around the political horizon, in whose , threatening aspect he clearly read the foreboded storm. What if it be a tempest, he asked of himself, which shall overthrow every tower of despotism, and leave only the ruins upon which may be erected the more glo- rious edifice of freedom ! His heart answered calmly — Thus let it be. Before bearing the reader to the French Revolu- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 211 tion, it will be necessary briefly to sketch the causes which gave rise to that remarkable period in history. The atrocities to which it led, have hung a pall of gloom and terror around it, which makes the mind as- sociate with it only the idea of anarchy and reckless ferocity. We do not wish to palliate at all these features in this Kevolution, and only set the matter in its true light when we say that, its beginning did not at all contemplate such an end. Its origin lay in the progress of the democratic principle which had advanced to decisive action, in the revolutionary struggles of both Britain and her revolted colonies. France had been ripening long for such an outbreak. The English struggle in the seventeenth century, would have awakened, at the same time, a correspond- ing one in France, had the reins of the French gov- ernment been then held by a tyrant as weak-minded and inefficient as Charles. Louis XIV. ruled his people with a rod of iron, but his dazzling genius com- manded their respect, and the height of glory to which he was raising France, won from them shouts of ad- miration, even amid the groans of their oppression. It was during his reign, that absolute monarchy was definitely established. The crown arrogated the right to dispose alike of person and of property, with- out the slightest regard to law or equity. Parliament had no longer any will of its own, the nobility were reduced to a state of perfect dependence, and at the close of the life of the greatest king she had known since the days of Charlemagne, Frnnce lay manacled in every limb. Still, outw^ardly, all was fair. Com- 212 LIFE OF GENERAL merce was flourishing; — science and art were shed- ding their mild glories over the nation ; — letters were cultivated, and the military reputation of France was known and respected throughout Europe ; but under- neath this fair exterior, were kindled the slow fires of an earthquake, destined to rock half a continent in its march, and crumble the throne of an ancient and powerful monarchy. A reaction ensued immediately upon the death of Louis XIV., but the ascendency which the crown had gained during his reign, enabled his successor to maintain his prerogatives against the encroachments of parliament, while he perceived that the struggle between king and people was fast hastening to the unequal contest.* Louis XVI. took the scepter in 1774, a prince weak-minded, but amiable, and willing to do all in his power to lessen the burdens under which his people were groaning. He had a good heart but a poor head ; and while he did every thing * Louis XV., who is not mentioned here, was the great- grandson and successor of the fiimous sovereign, Louis XIV., known as " Le Grand Monavque." The early part of tlie reign of Louis XV. was creditable and prosperous ; but after the death of the prime minister Fleury, the king gave himself up to unparalleled vices and to extravagances which were very disastrous. For a long period Madame de Pompadour was the power behind the throne. France was unnecessarily drawn into the Seven Years' War — which was primarily a war between Frederick the Great of Prussia and Marie Theresa of Austria — and not only suffered immiliating and costly defeats in Europe, including the battles of Rossbach and Minden, but, as an indirect and far more calamitous result, lost the colonies of Canada and prestige in India and elsewhere. Tliis king, remembered chiefly for his vices and his blunders, died iu 1774, and was succeeded by his grandson, Louis XVI. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 213 with the best intentions, it was his misfortune to suc- ceed in nothing. It was suicidal for him to encour- age and aid the American Revolution as he did, for this was, without doubt, accessory to that which oc- curred in France. Says a historian of this event, — " It is difficult to suppose that so many thousand officers and soldiers had visited and fought in behalf of the rights of America, without being imbued with something of a kindred spirit. There, they beheld a new and happy nation, among whom the pride of birth and the dis- tinctions of rank were alike unknown ; there they, for the first time, saw virtue, and talents, and cour- age, rewarded ; there they viewed, with surprise, a sovereign people fighting, not for a master, but them- selves, and haranguing, deliberating, dispensing jus- tice, and administering the laws, by representatives of their own free choice. On their return, the con- trast was odious and intolerable ; — they beheld family preferred to merit, influence to justice, wealth to worth ; — they began to examine into a constitution, in which the monarch, whom they were now accus- tomed to consider as only the first magistrate, was everything, and the people, the fountain of all' power, merely cyphers, — and they may well be supposed to have wished, and even languished, for a change. " In fine, the people being left entirely destitute of redress or protection, the royal authority paramount and unbounded ; — the laws venal, the peasantry op- pressed ; agriculture in a languishing state, commerce considered as degrading; the public revenues farmed 214 LIFE OF GENERAL out to greedy financiers ; the public money consumed by a court wallowing in luxury; and every institu- tion at variance with justice, policy, and reason; — a change became inevitable in the ordinary course of human events ; and, like all sudden alterations in cor- rupt states, was accompanied with temporary evils and crimes, that made many good men look back on the ancient despotism with a sigh." But it was not alone the influence of the officers, and soldiers fresh from the field of American liberty, nor the hand of despotism upon the exasperated masses, which gave the greatest shock to the tottering dynasty of the Bourbons. The most fatal blow was given by the derangement of the public finances which already elicited loud murmurs throughout the kingdom. The annual deficit amounted to millions, and after having exhausted every resource to supply it, Louis and his ministers beheld the fearful gulf, from which they could only recoil by a step almost as disastrous as ruin itself. The forcible and illegal exactions, which, in the seventeenth century, had proved destructive to Charles in England, the King dared not avail himself of, for, in his weakness, he knew that it would involve him in complete over- throw. After long vacillation, at one time under the control of the ministry, at another blindly influenced by the queen ; — now ready to make any concessions to Parliament and his people, and again sternly refus- ing to yield at all, the King placed M. de Calonne * at * Charles Alexander Calonne (1734r-1802), while Minister of Louis XVI., recklessly wasted the finances, Fertile in expe- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 215 the head of his cabinet and tactily committed his for- tunes into his hands. At this point the wheel of Rev^olution began to move. De Calonne saw at a glance the true position of affairs. He perceived that the finances of the king- dom could never be successfully arranged, except by a reform which would strike a blow at the very root of the evil, as it lay in the French constitution itself. To accomplish this was more than King or Parlia- ment could do, and the mind of the minister turned towards the States-General, the true and legitimate Assembly of the nation, believing that hope could rise from no other source. This Body had not met since the year 1614, and when de Calonne proposed that it again be convened, the mind of the Sovereign revolted from it with terror. The States-General would be composed of representatives from every class in his kingdom, and Louis shrank with instinctive appre- hension from a meeting which would submit his af- fairs to the closest scrutiny of those whom he knew were suffering the weight of his exactions. Another assembly had been occasionally substituted instead of this, and as it consisted only of those who were nominated by the King himself, Louis determined to invoke it. This was called the Assembly of Notables, and on the 29th of December, 1786, the royal proela- dients, he adopted the policy of disguising the national finan- cial distress by a sliow of pi'osperity, which was accomplished by temporary loans and other devices. In his plan of the Assembly of Notables he unwittingly set in motion the wheels of the Revolution. Dui'ing the period of the Revolution he lived in exile, chiefly in London, where he wrote some works on finances that were of real ability. 216 LIFE OF GENERAL mation was issued summoning them to meet and take into consideration the state of the realm. Lafayette was chosen a member, and on the 22d of February, 1787, he took his seat with his associates, prepared for a bold endeavor in the removal of griev- ances past endurance. His own loved France was dearer than ever to his heart, now that he saw her struggling under the weight of an oppression which made every feeling of his soul burn with indignation. The enormous deficit of over a hundred millions of livres,* could not be kept secret, and when made known, Lafayette, and other members of the As- sembly, saw that something more was necessary than merely to supply this present need. The investiga- tion into the public matters, urgently demanded by the Assembly, and at last reluctantly granted by the King, showed a monstrous growth of evil and cor- ruption which could not with safety again be con- cealed. The festering wound had been already al- lowed to prey too long in secret upon the body politic, and now that it had once been opened, it could not be outwardly closed till it was internally healed. Lafayette, as usual, busied himself in the work of reform. The enormous peculation which existed in every department ; — the shameful manner in w^hich the administration of justice was conducted ; — the il- legal taxes which had been levied upon the people ; — the violent subversion of right, and the long train of abuses which royal authority had sanctioned, and min- isterial influence executed, revealed to him wrongs * The livre was worth 19^ cents. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 217 which his mind, though partially prepared for a dis- closure, had yet never dreamed to exist. The abyss of corruption, as it was fully displayed, startled for a moment but did not appal him. He calmly surveyed its depth, and with the same spirit which had borne him fearlessly amid the onset of battle prepared for the crisis before him. He rose from his seat, and with dignified firmness, uttered his protest against the prevailing evils, and demanded redress. With stern rebuke he condemned the system which had been so fatally practiced by the government, and with a courage not at all intimidated by the fact that a younger brother of the King was President of the Council, he exhibited the disorder to which this had led in all the public departments. '" I repeat," he concluded, " with renewed confidence, the remark, that the millions which are dissipated, are collected by taxation, and that taxation can only be justified by the real wants of the state; — that the millions aban- doned to peculation or avarice, are the fruits of the labor, the tears, and perhaps the blood, of the people; — and that the computation of unfortunate individ- uals, which has been made for the purpose of realiz- ing sums so heedlessly squandered, affords a frightful subject of consideration for the justice and goodness which, we feel convinced, are the natural sentiments of his majesty." The reforms which Lafayette urged were too mo- mentous, and involved principles too novel, to imme- diately enlist in their execution, men who had grown gray in the dream that France could never be other- 218 LIFE OF GENERAL wise than she had been; but he was unmoved by his comparative isolation. Though apparently overborne by the tide of opposition, he was confident that they could not perish. They will rise again, was his un- faltering language, and their notes will be heard above the cry of oppression, and will ring in the ear of tyranny till its voice shall be mute forever. Before the Assembly closed its session, Lafayette saw clear indications that he had not spoken in vain. The accents of truth had been heard, and with in- terest and delight he watched the energy of their quiet might. He did not, for a moment, relax his efforts. With an eye that never quailed, he looked upon the scowling minions of despotism around him, and heard without misgiving, threats which came to him in no ambiguous form. It was proposed to the King, that he be sent to the Bastile, but the Marquis only smiled at the menace, and toiled on in his work. Favors could not bribe, frowns could not force him from his purpose. He discerned from the first a radical error in attempting to originate all the necessary reforms in a body, constituted as was the Assembly of ISTo- tables. It was the common people who were bur- dened, and these had no representation there. Every attempt in behalf of these, would fail unless they themselves could send a delegation which should bring their own wants and sufferings before those who held the power of relief. Lafayette felt that the l^o- tables should give way for the States-General, and this conviction he openly expressed to the former. The known hostility of the King to this measure, and maHquis de Lafayette. ^19 the fact that if adopted would greatly abridge the privileges of the nobility, interposed no barrier to La- fayette. He offered to the Assembly a memorial for the King, in which, after having, in a masterly man- ner, recounted the existing evils, he entreated his majesty to convoke a National Assembly, which might accomplish the regeneration of France. When this was offered, the President of the Council started from his seat in amazement, " Wliat, sir," said he, " do you ask for the convocation of the States-Gen- eral?" " Yes, my lord, and even more than that," was the calm reply. '^ You wish me, then, to write, and to carry to the King, that the Marquis de Lafayette moves to con- voke the States-General ? " " Yes, my lord." The proposition, which met with but little favor when first uttered in the Assembly, was hailed with acclamation by the public. The notables, appalled by the increasing difficulties before them, at length yielded to the public clamor, and the King, borne on against his will, issued the royal edict, and com- manded the States-General to meet. This was the first act of a tragedy, in which he was to be the slain victim ; and although he did not discern the prophecy, others read, clearly as if a handwriting were tracing characters of fire on the palace walls, the fearful an- nouncement of his doom ! The first iVssembly was convoked by Phillippe le Bel, in 1303, and had since been convened at irregu- 220 LIFE OF GENERAL lar periods, and at times of peculiar exigency to the kingdom. It was composed of the three estates of the kingdom, the nobles, the clergy, and the tiei^s Hat, or common people, in such numbers and proportions as the King, or some council which he should choose to consult, should determine. Here arose the first difficulty in the construction of the new States-Gen- eral. Louis shrunk from allowing the common people a prominent representation, and they would not be satisfied without it. It was contended that the tiers Hat comprised the great body of the nation, and though owning but a small portion of the land it tilled the whole, and was entitled in reason and jus- tice, to a number of deputies, equal at least, to that of the two other orders. Louis hesitated to decide the matter either for or against the people and referred the whole subject to the notables. Free principles had been gaining ground with them, but not to the extent which would prevent a struggle, while justice and liberty attained the ascendant. A stormy debate arose in which the friends of freedom encountered the bitter hostility to right, sanctioned by ancient custom, and fostered by hoary prejudice. Lafayette, of course, espoused the cause of the masses, and lifted his voice earnestly in their behalf, but it was in vain; and the decision was at length given against the meas- ure. JSTeither the King nor the Assembly, was prepared for the storm that ensued. An outcry was heard throughout the realm, from the down trodden classes, declaring that they would submit to injustice no MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 22l longer. A host of writers appeared, whose burning language fed the flame of excitement and kindled the fiercest resentment in every quarter of France. '" Give us the States-General ! " was the shout which came like the sound of many waters on every breeze to the ears of the King, and rolled unceasingly over Paris. From the Alps, the Pyrennees, the plains of Flanders, the borders of the Channel, and the shores of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, the wild cry of determination was uttered. The King, unable to resist the tempest, took the widest course, and bowed before its might. A royal proclamation was issued ordaining that the total number of deputies for the States-General, should be at least a thousand, conced- ing the vital point that the representation of the tiers etat should be equal to that of the other two orders united. This body, whose strange history so far as con- nected with the subject of our narration, we now proceed to unfold, assembled on the 5th of May, 1789. The republicans in principle, congratulated them- selves on the prospect before them, and believed that the time for the regeneration of France was at hand. Lafayette was chosen a deputy without opposition, by the nobility of Auvergne, and took his seat, supported in his views by the deepest feeling in the nation. The Assembly was opened with great pomp. A solemn procession of extraordinary magnificence took place, in which the King, the three orders,* and all the * That is, the nobility, the clergy, and the commons on or tiers etat. 222 t^IFE OF GENERAL great dignitaries of state, repaired to the church of JSTotre Dame, and invoked the blessing of Heaven to crown the deliberations about to commence. It was a splendid spectacle, and greeted with the most joyous acclamations. Says one who formed a part of the procession, — " The streets were hung with tapestry belonging to the crown ; — the regiments of the Trench and Swiss guards formed a line from IsTotre Dame to Saint Louis; — an immense concourse of people looked on, as we passed, in respectful silence; — the balconies were adorned with costly stuffs, the windows filled with spectators of all ages and both sexes ; — every face bespoke kindly emotions, every eye sparkled with joy; — the clapping of hands, ex- pressions of the warmest interest, the looks that met us and that still followed after we were out of sight, formed a rapturous, enchanting scene, to which I should vainly strive to do justice. Bands of music, placed at intervals, rent the air with melodious sounds, military marches, the rolling of drums, the clang of trumpets, the noble chants of the priests, al- ternately heard, without discordance, without con- fusion, enlivened this triumphal procession to the temple of the Almighty." At the first meeting of the Assembly for the trans- action of business, the three orders convened in sep- arate departments. The great Hall of the States was assigned to the tiers Hat, and the first step of this body was to send up a proposition that the three estates should assemble together for the purpose of examining and verifying in common the credentials Marquis de lafayette. 223 of the members. This was rejected by the nobles and the clergy, but persisted in by the tiers etat, who re- fused to organize till the point was yielded. Lafay- ette advocated the proposed method of verification, but it was too humiliating for the aristocracy to allow their credentials to be inquired into by the populace, and they resolutely refused to meet them. After a long contest, the States-General found themselves, at the end of five weeks, in the same inactive state as at first. Toothing had been done except proposals for union by the one party, and obstinate rejection of them by the other. This course seemed likely to continue till the pa- tience of those who had anticipated so much from the Assembly should be wholly exhausted. It was at this juncture that the tiers etat resolved upon action fraught with most momentous consequences to the subsequent history of the revolution. They made a last attempt at union, and finding this to fail, they resolved themselves into a legislative body under the name of the National Assembly, and on the memor- able 17th of June, 1789, made the announcement to the public, expressing their intention to accomplish their work of political reform. It was entirely un- expected, and received with consternation by the court and privileged classes. It was in vain, how- ever, for them to oppose. The King attempted to in- terpose his prerogative, and the nobility asserted its rights, but neither could shake the decision, and both Louis and his advisers were at length forced to com- ply with its conditions. Lafayette strenuously advo- 22i LIFE OF GENERAL cated the union, and with a sturdy minority o£ forty- seven members, embracing distinguished citizens, he opposed the proceedings of the court. He warned the nobles to beware lest their resistance to the meas- ure should only destroy themselves. He told them that they were clinging to a tottering fabric, whose crumbling foundations would at last fail and bring upon them a general destruction ; — that persisting in their present position, they were taking a course of folly and madness, like the shipwrecked sailor in the midst of the ocean and the storm, throwing away the only plank which could save him, and buffeting alone the billows. But they saw no danger, and urged the King to interfere for the protection of his crown and their ancestral honors. Louis, jealous of his own sovereignty, undertook the work, and proposed by his own presence to awe, as he termed them, his rebellious subjects into sub- mission. Before, however, appearing in their meet- ing, he chose to make a display of his authority, by closing the doors and stationing a guard over the Hall where the self-styled National Assembly was accus- tomed to hold its sittings. Such interposition, guided by the blindest infatuation, was only adding oil to the flames, which were burning full fiercely enough before. The deputies, gathering to the morn- ing session on the 20th of June, were told by the police of soldiers, that the King had adjourned their sitting until the 22d. Astonishment was the first emotion, which soon gave way to one of exasperation and sternest purpose. Their former place of meet- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 225 ing was denied them, and they proceeded to another, where they cahnly deliberated upon the darkening future. The Rubicon was passed, and there now went up accents more startling and more united, than had ever been heard in France. They fell like a death knell upon the ear of monarchy, and made the throne of despotism rock upon its heavy base. It demanded a Constitution for the French Peo- ple, which should embrace in its provisions, governor and general alike, making both strictly amenable to its sanctions. And in full view of the indignity which had that day been offered to them by the crown, and through them to the people, they solemnly re- solved, under an oath administered to them in open assembly, to which all but one of the deputies sub- scribed, " never to separate, and to assemble when- ever circumstances should require till the constitution of the kingdom should be established and founded on a solid basis." The Assembly of the tiers etat in their Hall, was farther postponed by the King, till the 23d, and upon assembling on the morning of that day, they found a guard still in attendance. For a long time they were denied entrance, and when this was granted, they found their seats already occupied by the higher classes. In sullen silence they ranged themselves about the Hall, each one determining for the present to hear and not to speak. The bayonet glittered there and the parade of royalty, but none were moved by either. The King addressed them, not with words 15 226 LIFE OF GENERAL of conciliation to win them back, but "with haughty arrogance, which increased their resistance. He an- nulled all the previous proceedings of the tiers etat and energetically reproved them for assuming to themselves the liberty to act, without the union or consent of the higher orders. He reproached them for taking the title of ISTational Assembly and bade them abandon it. He told them that he was the sole representative of the people, and that if he met with fresh obstacles from the Assembly, he would take the matter into his own hands, and singly establish the welfare of France. The King concluded his address, and ordered the Assembly to separate immediately. He left the Hall, followed by the nobility and part of the clergy, while the commons and a majority of the ecclesiastics remained. For a time no one spoke. The echoes of the retiring footsteps of Louis had died away, the last shouts of vive le Roi were lost in the distance, and still the profoundest silence reigned in the chamber, where the parade of authority, and the pomp of power, had been so lately seen. At length there was a movement, and a man of middle stature, with a sullen countenance disfigured by the marks of the small pox, with eyes small, but now twinkling with star-like brightness, his hair thick and uncombed, flowing down over his shoulders, — rose and addressed the assembly. It was Mirabeau.* * " ITonore Gabriel Riquetti, Count of Mirabeau, born In 1749, was tlie grandest and most striking figure of tlie first part of tlie Revolution. This extraordinary man was a noble by birth, but, like many other French nobles, had joined the party of innovation. This attitude was in part caused by the MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 227 ^^ Gentlemen," said he, " I grant that it may be for the present peace and quiet of the country, that we should give heed to the instructions we have just received. But the presence of despotism here is fraught with infinite danger ! To devise good for the nation we must deliberate, and to deliberate we must be free. What means this insulting dictation ? — this threatening display of arms? — this flagrant violation of the national temple ? Who is it that dictates to you the way in which you shall be happy? He who acts by your commission. Who h it that gives you imperious laws ? He who acts by your commission, — the minister, who by your ap- pointment is vested with the execution of the laws — of laws which we only have a right to make. Ours is an inviolable political priesthood. To us twenty- five millions of people are looking to guard from further desecration the sacred ark of liberty, to re- lease them from the burdensome yoke which has so long crushed them, and to give them back their own inalienable right to peace, liberty and happiness. Gentlemen, the freedom of your deliberations is at- tempted to be destroyed. The iron chain of despotic prescription is laid upon you. A military force sur- antecedents of a career of vice and recklessness, marked, however, by evidences of real genius, in which he had quarrelled with his family, and been persecuted at Court. His powers as an orator were commanding ; and though he stooped to become a demagogue, he had true political saga- city and insight, and many of the highest qualities of a statesman. Many of the most serious charges of contem- poraries against him seem to be without foundation." — AN- DREW D. White. [Footnote to the French Revolution.] 228 LIFE OF GENERAL rounds your Assembly. Where are the enemies of France ? Is Cataline at our gates ? Gentlemen ! I demand that, clothing yourselves in your dignity and your legislative authority, you remain firm in the sacredness of your oath, which does not permit us to separate till we have framed a constitution ; — till we have given a magna cliarta. to France." Then turn- ing to the grand master of ceremonies, who at this time interposed and reminded the assembly of the peremptory orders of the King — " Go," he exclaimed, '' and tell your master that we are here by the order of the people, and that we shall depart only at the point of the bayonet." The Assembly proceeded to business, and without a dissenting voice re-affirmed its rule securing in- violability to the members, declaring that any one who should offer violence to them, should be con- sidered a traitor and guilty of a capital crime. Day after day the sessions continued, and received con- stantly indications that their course was entirely the echo of the public will. Addresses were received ap- proving in the highest terms the course they had taken, and assuring them of the cooperation of the people. Lafayette and the few that were with him, who had pressed the expediency and the right of uniting without delay with the commons, finding argument a failure, resolved upon example. With the forty- seven who had stood by his side in his struggles, ho left the nobility and took his seat in the " l!^ational Assembly," whither a majority of the clergy had al- MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 229 ready preceded him. The remaining part of the dep- uties continued their separate sittings for a few days longer ; but their obstinacy at length gave way before the popular excitement. On the 27th of June the three orders met together and commenced their delib- erations. Lafayette was now watched narrowly by all classes. He often spoke in the Assembly, and as ever he had done, for freedom. He was not gifted with the fiery eloquence of Mirabeau, which swept every thing be- fore it like a whirlwind ; his style, though gentle, was witty and keen, passing over the audience like the pleasant breeze, yet leaving a deep and permanent impression upon the mind. On the 11th of July he brought forward for adop- tion his famous Declaration of Rights ; an instru- ment which would confer imperishable fame, though he had no other claim to immortality. It reads as follows : — " Nature has made all men free and equal ; the distinctions which are necessary for social order are founded alone on the public good. " Man is born with inalienable and imprescriptable rights, such as the unshackled liberty of opinion, the care of his honor and life, the right of property, the complete control over his person, his industry and all his faculties; the free expression of his opinion in every possible manner; the worship of the Almighty, and resistance against oppression. " The exercise of natural rights has no other limits 230 LIFE OF GENERAL than those which are necessary to secure their enjoy- ments to every member of society. " !N^o man can be made subject to laws which he has not sanctioned, either himself, or through his rep- resentatives, and which have not been properly pro- mulgated and legally executed. " The principle of all sovereignty rests in the peo- ple. !No body nor individual can possess any author- ity which does not expressly emanate from the nation. " The sole end of all government is the public good. That good demands that the legislative, ex- ecutive and judicial powers should be distinct and defined, and that their organization should secure the free representation of the citizens, the responsibility of their deputies, and the impartiality of the judges. " The laws ought to be clear, precise and uniform, in their operation toward every class of citizens. " Subsidies ought to be liberally granted, and the taxes proportionally distributed. " And, as the introduction of abuses, and the rights of succeeding generations will require the re- visions of all human institutions, the nation ought to possess the power, in certain cases, to summon an extraordinary assembly of deputies, whose sole object shall be to examine and correct, if it be necessary, the faults of the constitution ? " A long debate ensued. It was boldly supported by republicans, and as decidedly condemned by the ad- herents of despotism. But an argument which the former had not sought and which the latter could not avoid, soon turned the balance for humanity. A MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 231 lawless mob, feared alike by the friends and foes of the Declaration, raised the cry of anarchy and rebel- lion. It was only the first gust of the approaching gale, but it shook Paris to its center. The volcanic elements which had long been smothered by soothing- assurances and delusive hopes, broke forth and raged with unrestrained fury. The resistless tide of insur- gents, spreading terror, raged through the city, and swept down before it, and scattered in ruins, the BoMile,^ which had been for centuries the bulwark of tyranny, the exponent of despotic cruelty. The people had begun to understand their rights; and both King and legislature felt that they could not safely refuse to concede them. A reconciliation be- tween the opposing interests was effected ; the King went in person and unattended to the Assembly, and threw himself confidingly upon the attachment of his people — the mob were made to believe that the King wished no infringement upon their rights, and hushed the tumult. The Declaration was adopted and out- ward peace reigned again in the capital. During the tumult so briefly sketched, Lafayette drew the attention and hopes of the nation to himself *The bastile, originally built as a fortress or citadel by Charles V. about tlie j'ear 1370, became one of the most cele- brated prisons in history. As ultimately completed, it had eight large rovmd towers whose walls were twelve or more feet thick. Into this were tlirust men of eminence who were not even accused of crime, but were victims of court intrigue, royal jealousy, or ecclesiastical persecution. Of course the victim had no trial, not even an unjust one. The only formula for condemning one to this infamous prison was the lettre de cachet, or royal warrant. Tiie destruction of this structure was widely hailed by friends of liberty as the knell of des- potism. 232 LIFE OF GENERAL Every one, his enemies even, was compelled to be- lieve in his unsullied honesty and great capacity. The key of the demolished Bastile was given to him, as the most worthy to receive this memorial of the hideous Golgotha of oppression. The E'ational Guards, a new order of troops composed of citizens in- stead of mercenary soldiers, for the purpose of pro- tecting the people, was formed, and the command was entrusted to Lafayette by the municipality of Paris. The appellation of tpie people^s friend was given to him all over the kingdom, and while the masses exalted him to the rank of a demi-god, the aristocracy admired his devotion to the mandate of duty. Says Toulongeon, " Lafayette, whose name and reputation acquired in America, were associated with liberty itself, was at the head of the Parisian ISTational Guard, He enjoyed at once that entire confidence and public esteem which are due to great qualities. The faculty of raising the spirits, or rather of infus- ing fresh courage into the heart, was natural to him. His external appearance was youthful and bold, which is always pleasing to the multitude. His man- ners were simple, popular and engaging. He pos- sessed every thing which is wanting to commence and terminate a revolution — the brilliant qualities of mil- itary activity, and the calm confidence of courage in times of public commotion. Lafayette was equal to every thing, if every thing had been done fairly and openly; but he was unacquainted with the dark and narrow road of intrigue." At the head of the Guard, he exerted himself to MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 233 prevent farther outbreak of violence, but could not always restrain the fury of the populace. The fact .that they did sometimes refuse to obey his counsels, has given occasion for the basest of slanders. It has been asserted by some English writers, that he was the direct instigator of some of the very atrocities he desired to prevent. It is especially affirmed that he was guilty of the murder of the minister Foulon. Foulon was a member of the court and was especially obnoxious to the people on account of his many odious acts in supporting monarchy. He was seized by the crowd, who, with a mock show of justice, hurried him before the Assembly, and then clamored loudly for re- venge. No trial could proceed amid the uproar, and when the unfortunate Foulon was about to be sac- rificed on the spot, loud acclamations announced the arrival of Lafayette. Placing himself by the side of the President, he waved his hand with an air of maj- esty over the multitude, and when they were hushed to silence, he made an appeal in behalf of the min- ister, which should forever efface from history the calumny thrown upon him in connection with this transaction. " I am known to you all," said he, " you have appointed me your commander ; a station which, while it confers honor, imposes upon me the duty of speaking to you with that liberty and candor which form the basis of my character. You wish, without a trial, to put to death the man who is be- fore you: such an act of injustice would dishonor you; — it would disgrace me, and were I weak enough to permit it, it would blast all the efforts which I have 234 LIFE OF GENERAL made in favor of liberty, I will not permit it. I am far from pretending to save him if he be guilty ; I only desire that the orders of the Assembly should be carried into execution, and that this man be con- ducted to prison, to be judged by a legal tribunal. I wish the law to be respected; — law, without which there can be no liberty ; — law, without whose aid T would never have contributed to the revolution of the new world, and without which I will not contribute to the revolution which is preparing here. What I advance in favor of the forms of law, ought not to be interpreted in favor M. Foulon. I am free from suspicion as it regards him; — and perhaps the man- ner in which, on several occasions, I have expressed myself with relation to his conduct, would alone de- prive me of the right of judging. But the greater the presumption of his guilt, the more important is it that the usual formalities should be observed in his case, so as to render his punishment more striking, and, by legal examinations, to discover his accom- plices. I, therefore, command that he be conducted to the prison of L'Abbaye St. Germain." These remarks were hailed with applause by those within hearing; who consented that the minister should be conducted to prison. This sentiment, how- ever, did not extend to those without, and in the extremity of the hall, who, as soon as Lafayette had concluded, sent up their furious call for vengeance upon Foulon. Three times the Marquis harangued them ; but, just as the unfortunate object of the out- cry began to hope, a shout, more terrible than before, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 235 blanched his cheek with the foreshadowing of his doom. From the square of the Hotel de Ville, and from the extreme part of the chamber, a frightful yell arose, announcing that the throngs from the Palais- Royal, and the faubourg St. Antoine, were coming to carry off the prisoner. A roar in the distance, which sounded like the surgings of the angry sea, became more distinct, till it was heard in frantic tones through the passages of the Hotel de Ville, demand- ing the prisoner for execution. A fresh mob broke in upon that which already filled the hall, and guided by that electric impulse which seems to pervade such a body of men, the whole mass rushed impetuously forward, and, without regarding the loud interces- sions of Lafayette, snatched Foulon from his chair and bore him triumphantly from the array. The miserable victim, dispite his piteous supplication, could receive no mercy from the hands of those to whom he had shown none, and with shouts of infernal exultation, they hung him to a lamp iron in front of the Hotel de Ville. This deed has been charged upon Lafayette. Men have stood up in the British Parliament and boldly endeavored to attach the crime to his name. If any- thing more than his attempts to prevent the murder, is necessary to show his abhorrence of it, we have it abundantly in the incidents which ensued. Filled with horror, and exasperated at the lawlessness of the populace, he determined to resign his ofHce as Com- mander-in-Chief of the National Guards. This he did in the following letter to the Mayor of PariSj ^36 LIFE OF GENERAL which, as it fully discloses his feelings at the time, we here insert. It is the best comment we can present npon the slanderous charge made against him. " SiE : — Summoned by the confidence of its citi- zens to the military command of the capital, I have uniformly declared, that in the actual state of affairs, it was necessary, to be useful, that confidence should be full and universal. I have steadily declared to the people, that, although to my last breath devoted to their interest, yet I was incapable of purchasing their favor by unjustly yielding to their wishes. You are aware, sir, that one of the individuals '" who perished yesterday was placed under a guard, and that the other was under the escort of our troops, both being sentenced by the civil power to undergo a regular trial. Such were the proper means to satisfy justice, to discover their accomplices, and to fulfill the solemn engagements of every citizen toward the National As- sembly and the King. '' The people would not hearken to my advice; — and the moment when the confidence which they promised, and reposed in me, is lost, it becomes my duty, as I have before stated, to abandon a post in which I can be no longer useful. I am, Avith respect, &c., " Lafayette." The estimation in which Lafayette was regarded at this time, is fully disclosed by the effect which his * Tlie two individuals alluded to here, were Foulou and his son-in-law, Berthier. It is a matter worthy of note, tliat dur- ing his command these were the only fatal excesses which a mob of lawless violence displayed. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 237 letter produced. M. Bailly, the mayor of the city, laid it before the municipality, who, with one voice immediately, and earnestly, solicited its recall. The ]^ational Assembly received it with universal conster- nation. The National Guards flocked avound him as if to compel him again to take the command. The news spread rapidly over the city, and was received every where with lamentation. The mayor and coun- cil waited upon him in a body, at midnight, and so- licited him, by every possible motive, to retract his resignation. The result was ineffectual, and the next day he appeared before them, and thus, in public, de- clared his sentiments : " Gentlemen : — I come to acknowledge the last testimonies of your kindness, with all the warmth of a heart whose first desire, after that of serving the people, is to be loved by them, and to express my astonishment at the importance they deign to attach to an individual, in a free country, where nothing should be of real importance except law. If my con- duct on this occasion, could be regulated by my sen- timents of gratitude and affection, I should only reply to the regrets with which you and the l^ational Guards had honored me, by yielding obedience to your entreaties ; — but, as I was guided by no feeling of private interest when I formed that resolution, so also, in the midst of the various causes for agitation that surround us, I cannot allow myself to be gov- erned by my private affections. * * * ■ " Gentlemen, when I received such touching proofs 238 LtFE OF GENERAL of affection, too much was done for me and too little for the laiv^ I am convinced how well my comrades love me, but I am still ignorant to what degree they cherish the principles on which liberty is founded. Deign to make known to the iN'ational Guards this sincere avowal of my sentiments. To command them, it is necessary that I should feel certain that they unanimously believe that the fate of the con- stitution is suspended upon the execution of law, the only sovereign of a free people; — that individual liberty, the security of each man's home, religious liberty, and respect for legitimate authority, are du- ties as sacred to them as to myself. We require not only courage and vigilance, but unanimity in these principles; and I thought, and still think, that the constitution will be better served by my resignation, on the grounds I have given, than by my acquiescence in the request with which you have deigned to honor me." The ISTational Guards were assembled awaiting his decision, and immediately upon receiving it, they passed the following resolution : — '^ The IsTational As- sembly has decreed that public force should be obe- dient, and a portion of the Parisian army has shown itself essentially disobedient. General Lafayette has only ceased to command that army because they have ceased to obey law. He requires a complete submis- sion to the law, not a servile attachment to his per- son. Let the battalions assemble. Let each citizen- soldier swear on his word and honor to obey the law.. Marquis de Lafayette. 239 Let those who refuse be excluded from the National Guards. Let the wish of the army, thus regenerated, be carried to General Lafayette, and he will conceive it his duty to resume the command." Lafayette hesitated, but finally yielded to the wish so universally expressed. Thanks were offered him by public bodies and private citizens. During the time he occupied this post, he manifested the disin- terestedness apparent whenever a sacrifice was needed. He forgot himself, in his care for the public good. When urged by the municipality of Paris to accept some remuneration for his services, he refused with a generosity unparalleled. " My private for- tune," said he to them, " secures me from want. It has outlasted two revolutions; and should it survive a third, through the complaisance of the people, it shall belong to them alone." In this Revolution, as in the American, Lafayette won the hearts of all ob- servers. " There is one man in the state," said Mira- beau, '• who, from his position, is exposed to the haz- ard of all events ; — to whom successes can offer no compensation for reverses ; and who is, in some man- ner, answerable for the repose, we may even say the safety, of the public, — and that man is Lafayette." The French Revolution had begun its fearful course, and no arm of man could arrest it, or long re- tard its consummation. Day by day witnessed its slow but sure advance; the mighty wheel which a baby-hand might have set in motion, soon acquired a momentum which the strength of a giant could not meet. A force sublimer, it would seem, than any at that time understood, was working unseen, preparing 240 LIFE OF GENERAL for an awful manifestation. Unconscious of it all, the King, believing that every thing v^as settled and himself secure, fell back upon his advisers, and for- got that he had a people to care for, who were suf- fering from neglect and starvation. Famine was staring thousands in the face, but ignorant or care- less of it, he increased his own luxuries and extrava- gance. In the midst of the hunger and wretchedness which reigned around him, he spread his banquet board and gave royal entertainments, as though to mock the misery which he would not heal. Royal arrogance looked proudly down upon its minions and fancied all was peace, because secluded from the scenes of wo. But while the saloons of Versailles rung with revelry, a sword suspended by a hair, glit- tered over the head of the King; yet he saw it not. " Quern Deus vuU 'perdere prius dementat.^' * On the first and third of October magnificent ban- quets were held at court, and were soon followed by an unexpected response, which told Louis and his cabinet the suicidal game they had played. On the morning of the fifth of October, a young woman rushed into a guard-house, seized a drum and then ran with it along the street, beating it hurriedly, and *"WIiom God (i.e., Jupiter) lias a mind to ruin, he £r?t deprives of his senses." This sentiment, aptly describing persons whose pride or obstinacy leads them into disasters, is expressed in various forms. The origin of it seems to be Atlienagoras" quotation of Euripides : — '" "At dsemon homini quum struit aliquid malum, Pervertit illi primitus mentam suam." " But the daemon, when he devises any mischief against a pan, first perverts liis mind." MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 241 crying, "Bread! Bread! ^^ It was the signal for a general outbreak. Her shriek woke up a thousand desolate hearts. Every faubourg through which she sped poured forth its crowds, chiefly of women, and soon a mighty host were flocking after her and join- ing in her despairing cry for " tread! bread! " From the markets and public halls ; from dismal and secret lurking places, where misery and vice were wont to shrink away from the sunlight ; from hearth-stones' where hopeless penury had urged to crime, they rushed forth and seizing such weapons as fell in their way hurried on ; while over them all went up to the unanswering heavens that mad chorus, '' bread! bread! ^^ They came to the Hotel de Ville where the representatives of the commune were accustomed to assemble. Their fury knew no bounds when they found that the hour for the morning meeting had not yet arrived. They rushed upon a battalion of the jSTational Guards which was drawn up before the hall, and drove it back by a volley of stones. They broke open the door leading to the great bell and sounded the tocsin, whose notes were a peal of alarm to every part of the city. All Paris was instantly in motion. The earthquake which had slumbered long, was on the march. As though by a magic impulse, Paris was in a state of complete insurrection. Suddenly the tide set towards Versailles and the multitude like the ocean, lashed into billows, rolled in dark waves towards the royal palace. Lafayette with the first news of the riot placed himself at the head of the Guard before the Hotel de i6 242 Lif E OF GENERAL Ville, but tlie immense assemblage which still con- tinued to blockade him there, prevented his learning for some time the tumultuous departure for Ver- sailles. " As soon as the tidings reached me," to use his own language, " I instantly perceived that what- ever might be the consequence of this movement the public safety required that I should take part in it, and after having received from the Hotel de Ville an order and two commissaries, I hastily provided for the security of Paris and took the road to Versailles at the head of several battalions." Fearing that the Guard themselves might be induced to join in the revolt he halted on the way and made each one renew his oath of obedience to the law, and fidelity to the King. He arrived at Versailles about midnight, and sent word to the President of the Assembly that the army had promised to do its duty and that nothing should be done contrary to law. He then repaired to the palace, and with every demonstration of respect, as- sured Louis of his own attachment and that of his army. The King appeared satisfied with the precau- tions which had been taken and desired him to place a guard on the outposts of the palace. The inner guard was refused him by the King, but, without a murmur, the Marquis left the royal presence and made every possible arrangement for safety. He sent out numerous patrols in different directions, saw that sufficient protection was thrown around the pal- ace, and then made additional arrangements for the quiet of Paris. ISTot till five o'clock in the morning, after more than twenty hours unremitting exertion, MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 243 did he allow his almost exhausted nature to take the least repose. In the immediate vicinity of the royal residence all was tranquil, but farther away the aspect of the pop- ulace presaged another tempest. " Large groups of savage men and intoxicated women were seated around the watch-fires in all the streets of Versailles, and relieved the tedium of a rainy night by singing revolutionary songs. In one of these circles their exasperation was such, that, seated on the corpse of one of the body guard, they devoured the flesh of his horse, half-roasted in the flames, while a ringing of frantic cannibals danced round the group. At six o'clock a furious mob rushed towards the palace, and finding a gate open,* speedily filled the staircases and vestibules of the royal apartmnets. The assassins rushed into the Queen's room a few minutes after she had left it, and, enraged at finding their victim escaped, pierced her bed with their bayonets. They then dragged the bodies of two of the body guard who had been massacred, below the windows of the King, beheaded them, and carried the bloody heads in triumph upon the points of their pikes through the streets of Versailles." Lafayette had not yet fallen asleep, and springing up at the sound of the tumult, he leaped upon a horse and regardless of danger, galloped fearlessly into thti * This gate, so carelessly left open, liad been entrusterl to the life-guanas in preference to giving the cliavge of it to Lafayette. All the arrnngements of the Marquis were perfect, and not a post which he had been entrusted with was found unguarded. 244 LIFE OF GENERAL midst of the fraj. The insurgents had taken several of the life guards from the palace, and with shouts of savage vengeance were on the point of slaughtering them, when Lafayette appeared among them and sternly bade them cease. Having succeeded in libera- ting the captives, he sent them back with the troops which had escorted him, while, with a courage which always rose with peril, he remained alone, to stay the living tide. Foiled in their object, with their prey wrested from their grasp, the wrath of the multitude turned upon Lafayette. One of them aimed a mus- ket at his head, but observing the act, though without changing his position, he coolly commanded the spec- tators to bring the man to him. The ferocity of the tiger was in a moment changed. Lafayette as the people's friend was there, and seizing the culprit who had dared to lift his arm against his benefactor, they dashed out his brains upon the pavement, while the welkin rung with " Vive Lafayette.^' Having calmed the excited throngs, the Marquis hastened to the palace and was hailed by the acclamations of the .life guard, "Lafayette for ever!'' His grenadiers flocked around him and received his mandate to pro- tect the monarch with the warmest demonstrations of loyalty. The court saw and acknowledged their in- debtedness to him for life, and gave particular testi- monies of their gratitude. Madame Adelaide, the King's aunt, ran up to him and clasped him in her arms, saying, " General, you have saved us. I owe you more than my life, I owe you that of the King, my poor nephew." MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 246 Danger was not yet over, for peace had been only temporarily restored. The people began to collect again. They crowded into the marble hall, and ex- pressed their designs with frightful bowlings. " To Paris ! to Paris, with the King ! " was the fierce call which came from men and women without, and fell with startling emphasis upon the ear of beleaguered royalty. A council was held, and Louis determined to present himself before his enraged subjects. With mild dignity he came out upon the balcony, respect- fully attended by Lafayette, and calmly stood in the presence of those who, a moment before, burned with hostility towards him. This was regarded as a pledge from Louis that he would go to Paris, and in- quire into the distresses of his people, and imited with his kindly dignity, gave another interlude to the trag- ical scenes. Fickle as the wind, they now shouted, " Long live the King ! " as earnestly as they had hurled their anathemas upon his head. But while these acclamations were rising, threaten- ing voices were heard against the Queen. Marie Antoinette * had never been a favorite with the French, for many, with too much justice, believed that she was mainly instrumental in leading Louis to neglect the interests of his people. As Lafayette *Marie Antoinette (\7^)5-^7^Z) was the davij^hter of Maria Theresa of Austria and the Emperor Francis I. of Germany. She was possessed of great beauty and extraordinary jiersonal charms. Iler high si>irit. animating tl)e ccmrage of lier weak and vacillating husband, led him into fresh troubles oftener th;)n otherwise ; but it gave her a noble and heroic dignity during the period of lier captivity. She was executed by the guillotine, October 13, 1793. 246 LIFE OF GENERAL caught the imprecations, he stepped back into her saloon and respectfully inquired if it was her in- tention to accompany the King to Paris. " Yes/' she replied, " although I know the danger." " Ma- dame," said he, '" are you resolved ? " — " I am." — " Condescend, then, to appear in the balcony, and permit me to accompany you," said Lafayette. "What," said the Queen, — " without the King ? — • Have you observed the threats ? " " Yes, madame," was the reply, " but venture to confide in me." With a courage well worthy of a daughter of the Csesars, she suffered herself to be conducted, by Lafayette, to the balcony. She was dressed in white, her head was bare and adorned with beautiful fair locks, and with firmness, but great grace and dignity, she glided forward and stood motionless before the crowd. It was a delicate and dangerous step; — but Lafayette well knew that the danger was less than it would be, were the Queen to depart for Paris without being rec- onciled to the people. Threats were still made, and amid the tumult, it was necessary to speak to the eyes rather than to the ears of the multitude. Stepping forward gallantly, he stooped and raised the hand of the Queen to his lips in respectful homage. The act was a simple one, but it showed how well Lafay- ette knew to move the popular current. Frenchman were transported at the sight, and the silence which it bad at first caused, was soon broken by — " Long live the Queen! " " Long live Lafayette! " The King looked on as if in a dream. His palace had been kept from ruin, and his life, with that of Louis XVI. and his family watching the mob from the windows of the palace of VersaiUes.-Page 847. Ufe of Lafayette. MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 247 Ills family, li.-ul hcfn jircscrvod Kdloly l.Iirouf^li tlio ef- forts of ji man vvlioin Ik; oiicc liad sfrioiis thoughts of coiisigiiiii*:^ If) th(; liastilc IIo vva.s foiiiiiollcd to ask at his liaiids Hiill aiiolhcr favor. Jlis hody guards had lircd ii|)uii Ihc crowd, and Hu; cvy for vongoanco upon these was (.l(!(!))('niiig. I^oiiis jxjrcfivod this, and hcli(.'viiig that his own safety depended upon that of Ills guards, besought Lafayette to interfere in their helialf. I>(!ekoning one of them to his side, the Mar-