£ .ca HOLLINGER pH8.5 MILL RUN F3-1543 E 421 .C62 Copy 1 SPEECH OF THE HON. JOHN M. CLAYTON, DELIVERED AT A PUBLIC DINNER ' Given to him at Wilmington, on the 16th November, 1850, BY THE ¥HIGS OP DELAWARE, As a testimonial of their gratitude for his LONG ATS'D FAITHFUL PUBLIC SERVICES; TOGETHER WITH THE PROCEEDINGS CONNECTED WITH THAT FESTH'AL SPEECH 01' THE HON. JOHN M. CLAYTON, A PUBLIC DINNER Given to him at Wilmington, on the IGth November, 1850, BY THE "^t^^^^^ * WHIGS or DELAWARE,' As a testimonial of their gratitude for his LONG AND ExVITIIFUL PUBLIC SERVICES; TOGETHER WITH THE PKOCEEDINGS CONNECTED WITH THAT FESTH'AL. -2^\ e:^ r/b-^ PREFACE The speech of Mr. Clayton, made at a Public Dinner given to him, some time since at Wilmington, together with the proceedings con- nected with it, were published in the "Philadelphia North American" immediately after they occurred. A Jiesolution was passed by (he Committee, directing that the speech, and the proceedings should be published in a pamphlet. That Resolution, however, was never carried into effect. From, the repeated attacks made upon the administration of Gen- eral Taylor, it has been thought advisable by some of the friends of that administration, to re-publish in an enduring form, its able vindi- cation in the speech of Mr. Clayton delivered at that dinner. This vindication is due to the public justice of the country. It is due to the characters of the individuals who composed the cabinet of General Taylor. But above all, it is due to the memory of that be- loved patriot, whose ashes now lie mouldering in the dust— whose fame is a part of the public property of the country, and whose name will endure as long as virtue, valor, and patriotism continue to be cherished bv mankind. Wir.MTis'GTox, Del.awakk, } January ]r)th, 1858. ) (From thi! Delaware Sratu Journal, Oct. ISth, 1850.) COMTLIMENTARY DINNER TO HON. JOHN M. CLAYTON. The Whigs of Wilnningtnn held a very spirited meeting at the MoKUNA Hall, on Monday evening last, at which John Connell, Esq., presided. By an unanimous vote it was determined to tender our distinguished fellow^citizen, the HON. JOHN M. CLAYTON, the compliment of a Public Dinner; and a Committee of Fifty Whigs was appointed to wait upon him for the above purpose. Ar- rangements will be made to accommodate all who may favor the oc- casion with their presence. It is to be a general thing, and none are to consider themselves excluded. The following are the names of the gentlemen appointed, and the correspondence on the occasion : Hon. Joiix Wales, Chairman. Capt. Wm. Thatcher, Jos. T, Warner, Charles Warner, John H. Price, Joseph AI. Barr, John A. Duncan, George Richardson, Edward B. AJcClees, Wm. M. Sink, Samuel Piatt, Capt, Alex. Kelley, Dr. A. H. Grimshaw, John K. Latimer, Cf)arles \. Dupont, Wm. H. Nafi; John Caulk, John Miller, H. K. Biintrhurst, John Coiiii,'!!, Enoch Koderts, Maj, Philip Keybold, Thomas M. Clark, Thomas Scott, ?Springer McPaniel, Z^^lexis \. Dupont, Benj. T. Biggs, James Murdick, Jr., Dr. Barstow, Henry (larrett, James Campbell, Wm. K. McClees, John Allen, Wm. H. Grifhn, Wm. H. England, James C. Aikin, Benjamin Gibbs, H. G. Banning, Jacob Jefferis, E. C. Stotsenberg, Cyrus Pyle. Rathmell Wilson, Maj, Wm. Roth well, Samuel Burnham, George Z. 'i'yboul, John C. Clark, Lewis Thompson, J. J. Henry, Anthony J. Higgins, Pr. A. C. Reynolds. On motion, tho mepting ndjourncHl to meet again on Wednesday evening at half past seven o'clock, at the same place, to hear the Re- port of the Committee. JOHN CONNELL, Chairman. VVm. K. McClees, Secretary. Wilmington, October 15, 1S50. Sir : At a meetinfj; of a large number of your friends and fellow-citizens, held in this city last evening, for the purpose of making known to you their high appreciation of your public services, and to testify their esteem and respect for you personally, the undersigned were ap- pointed a committee to invite your attendance at a Dinner, to be given on as early a day as may meet your convenience to be present. Your long, useful and eminent career, in the Senate of the United States, as a representative of Delaware, and your connection with the late administration of the lamented Taylor, in which you took so .distinguished a part, by the able and successful management of the foreign relations of our country, have increased the attachment and admiration of your friends, and render this mark of their respect but an act of justice to a tried and faithful public servant. The Committee, therefore, most cordially unite with their fellow- citizens in tendering you this invitation, and earnestly hope that it will be in your povver to accept it, and afford to your many political and personal friends an opportunity of showing you their regard. Viery Respectfull}-, Your friends and fellow-citizens, JOHN WALES and others. Hon. John M. Clayton, Buena Vista. BuENA Vista, Del., Oct. 16, 1850. Gentlemen : I accept with pleasure the invitation of my friends and fellow- citizens, so kindly tendered by your letter in their behalf, to meet them at a public dinner ; and as my private aifairs, which have been much deranged by attention to public duti^^s and eng;igements during » long period, r'-(|uire my care during the pn'^eut monlh, I l)eg leave 6 to suggest that the time to be fixed upon for our meeting may be some day, most agreeable to their wishes, after the first of November next, 1 am, gentlemen, as you all know, no candidate for public honors or office. My object in waiting upon you will be to offer nay sincere thanks to my fellow-citizens of this, the State of my nativity, for all the confidence and kindness they have so uniformly extended to me on every occasion during a long public life. At different periods I have held most of the public places of trust and honor within their gift, and now I shall be most happy to evince my gratitude, not in thanks for future favors, but for those which, by their partiality and friendship, have been profusely bestowed upon me. The very flattering terms in which you have spoken of my public services are gratefully appreciated, and 1 desire now to express my acknowledg- ments to those who have deputed you to honor me w'ith such an invi- tation, and to you, gentlemen, for whom individually I have long cherished sentiments of the highest personal regard. I have the honor to be, Very sincerely, Your friend and fellow-citizen, JOHN M. CLAYTON. Messrs. John Wales, Enoch Roberts, John A. Duncan, George Eichard- son, Henrv G, Banning, John Connell, J. G. Barstow, William K. McClees, John R. Latimer, Henry Garrett, Joseph M. Barr, &.c., Committee of Invitation. COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENT. TilOxMAS M. RODNEY, Doctor J. G. BAKSTOW, JOHN A. ALLDERDICE, HENRY R. BRINGHURST, LEONARD E. WALES, E. C. STOTSENBURG, ALEXIS DUPONT, HENRY GARRETT. R. M. CANBY, E. JEFFERIES, WILLIAM K. McCLEES, Z. B. GLAZIER, TREASURER, P. SHEWELL JOHNSON. SECUETAKY, HENRY R. BRINGHURST. CWY OF THE LETTEK OF INVITATION, SENT BY THE COM- MITTEE TO THE INVITED GUESTS. Wilmington, Del., November 5, 1850. Dear Sir : Our distinguished fellow-citizen, Hon. Jou.x M. Clayton, having accepted an invitation to meet his friends at a public dinner, in this place, on Saturday, the 16th instant, we shall be most happy lo' have you with us on that day, to partake of the festivities of the occasion. Mr. Clayton's eminent and patriotic service's in our National Coun- cils, his faithful attachment to and eloquent advocacy of the principles of the great Whig party of the Union, have called forth this public manifestation of their regard and gratitude on the part of his political friends in Delaware. It will be gratifying to your fellow-whigs of this State to meet you at the festive board, to unite with them in the reception of our chief gueat, and we trust that you will find it convenient to honor us with your presence. We have the honor to be, Very respectfully. Your obedient servants, JOHN WALES, JOHN R. LATIMER, JOHN CONNELL, Committee of Invitation. OFFICERS OF THE DAY. PRESIDENT : CHARLES J. DUPONT. MCE PRESIDENTS : Hon. JOHN WALES, EVAN C. STOTSENBURG, PHILIP REYBOLD, JOHN R. LATLMER, Dr. R. McCABE, JAMES BUCKMASTER, JOHN CONNELL. [From tlis " North Amoricm."] COMPLIMENTARY DINNER TO THE ROI. JOIII M. CLAITOF. The complimentary dinner given by h\^ political friends in Dela- ware, to the Hon. John M. Clayton, took place, according to appoint- ment, on Saturday, llith instant, at Wilmington. The Committee of Arransfement had secured the Odd Fellows' Hall in that city for the occasion; andeverv thing was done that taste and Hberality could doto render the festival in all respects worthy of those who gave it, as well as of the distinguished citizen it was designed to honor. The spacious saloon was occupied by four ample tables, extending its entire length, each of which fairly groaned beneath the weight o-f a most sumptuous entertainment provided by Messrs. Miller and Sharpe. Every variety of dish that could tempt the palate, from the more substantial edibles to the most delicate and dainty viands, were spread profusely but with the most elegant order, along the festive boards, and presented to the eye a toute ensemble that elicited universal admiration, and re- flected credit on those to whom this part of the arrangements had been committed. The north end of the hall was gorgeously dressed with the striped and starry folds of the American flag, over which was placed, in large letters, "The Union ;" in the centre of the south side of the room, the national colors were huns:, havin"- on one hand, the inscription "Delaware — the first to adopt and the last to abandon the Constitution," and on the other, "Delaware's Favorite Son — John M. Clayton." Beneath, there extended a balcony, beautifully deco- rated with white and pink drapery, occupied by the Philadelphia Brass Band, and over the whole scene, the light from two magnifi- cent chandeliefs shed a genial and ladiant splendor. About half- n past four o'clock, P. M., the company having cnlcn-d the saloon, .Mr. Clayton was announceil, and as, amid the inspiring strains of the mu- sic, he passed down to a chair next J\Ir. Chaklks J. Dupoxt, the Pre- sident on the occasion, all present rose to receive him, and wlien he had taken his seat, expressed their feelings in three hearty cheers.— The dinner being over and the tables clean>d, the President announc- ed the regular toasts as follows — 1. The President of the United J^tates. Preside7i(\s March. 2, The memory of tiiat pure patriot and enlightened statesman, Zachary Taylor, whose loss a nation mourns, and whose name and fame will endure, when brass and marble shall have decayed. Dirge. .S. Our distinguished guest, the Hon. John M. Clayton, Delaware's favorite son, who has wba^e .^sprung up in the Senate of ti.e United States, which w;is conducted with unusual acrimony, in regard to the rights of the citizens of the Southern States to carry their slaves into the new territories. On the part of the North, it was affirmed that Wv territories were "free soil" by the Mexican laws, whicli, it was maintnined, stiil continuf^d to exist, and would remain in force until abrogated either by ihe power ol Congress or the eivction of State governments within the tt^nitories. On the part of the South, it was conti nded that the right to enjoy slave properly within these limits was a necessai-y consequence of the acquisition obtained by the common blood and treasure. These clashing opinions were u?-gpd with consummate ability on both sides, and especially in the Senate, of which I was at that time a member. Threats of disunion often rang through the lialls of both branches of Congress, arising out of this conflict ot 0|)inion. I did not partici[)ate in that debate, but exerted myself to hold a position midway between the contending parties, like the State I represented, and to seize (he first occasion upon which I could move efi'ectively to allay the agita- tion, and. it possible, to settle the controversy. I did not design to buy peace or to add new elements of discord by the introduction of other topics unconnected with the inunediafe question before me ; and I thought then, as I believe now, that the constitution itself pre- sented the natural and proper mode to terminate the strife and maintain the integrity of the Union. (Applause.) While the storm of discord was at the highest, I proposed to both the contending parties to settle the question by obeying the mandates of the Constitu- tion in the o!-ganization of new ternfoiial goverumenls, over Call- 15 fornia and- New Mexico without the Wilmot proviso, but with a positive provision to bring tiie subject oC the riglit to hold slaves under its laws, as they existed, before the Supreme Court of the United States, the tribunal appointed by the fatbers of the republic to decide between the contending members of the confederacy. — (Applause.) This proposition was met in the most cordial spirit, and ap[)roved, with a tew exceptions, by the great body of Southern members of Congress in both branches; and, after a protracted and exciting debate, a bill to that effect, reported by a committee of which 1 was the chairman, passed the Senate of the United States by a majority of two-thirds of all its members. During its passage through that body, a tierce opposition was excited against it in some of the Northern States, where political purposes could best be subserved by the continued agitation of the question of slavery. Mr. Van Buren became the leader of a new party organized upon the principle of opposition to this or any other plan of adjustment without the W ilmot Proviso; and for this measure of peace, v/hich, 1 shall die in the be- lief, was better calculated to compose the distraction and divisions of the country than any which has ever yi"t been offered, 1 was met in the North by the fiercest spirit of denunciation. It was immediately announced that fifty thousand men had a^sembled in the Park in New York, to express their opposition and to utter their execrations against what they were pleased to call "the Clayton Compromise." The friends who stood by me in the North in my anxious efforts to restore peace and harmony to the country, were denounced as having been sold to the South ; and amidst the din and clamor of these party combatants, reason and aroument were either unheard or lost their proper iatiaence. In this state of things, the bill having passed the Senate, after weeks of discussion ami one protracted session of twen- tv-two hours, during which Mr Di\, of New York, and Mr. Niles, of Connecticut, both members of the new Free Soil school, distinguished themselves, in o;)position to the measuie, not less by their ability than by their unmeasured zeal, it was presented to the Hotise of Re- presentatives for concurrence ; and there, without one word of debate, without a single reference to a committee, without, as I am bound to believe, any })roper knowledge or appreciation of its true characte;, it was immediately strangled by a motion to lay it on the table, by a majority, (I think) of four votes out of more than two hundred. — This measure, which met the hearty co-operation and concurrence of tlie '-distinguished statesman of South Carolina, John C. Calhoun, now no more, and received the votes- not only of boih the Senators, but of all the Representatives of that State, satisfied and secured at the same time the acquiescence and the adhesion of, the south generally. The defeat of the measure was considered as indicating, on the part of the North,, a dcterminaliou to refuse to abide by the decision of IG the common arbiter, appointed by the constitution itself to settle the' question. I deeply regreted it at tlie time, and have not ceased to deplore it. That defeat added fuel to the Hame already existing in the South ; and I, with others, conscious of that fact, immediately looked with anxiety for some other measure of pacification, which, like that I had proposed, would not compromit the principles or outrage' the feelings of either section of the confederacy. (Great applause.) There seemed to be but one measure left which could efFectually secure the same object; and when Mr Polk's message at the com- mencement of the next session of Congress, suggested, in terms not to be mistaken, that Congress might safely leave the question undis- turbed until the people of California and New Mexico should apply for admission as sovereign States of this Union, there seemed to be a general wish during the session of 184S-9, that the people within those limits, in the free exercise of their right of self-government, should, upon the admission of these new States, settle this and all other questions of domestic policy to suit themselves. Bills to admit (he States were introduced into both branches of Congress ; and the prospect of pacification and adjustment brightened as it became known that the President elect favored the same policy. Mr. Calhoun, the a'cknowledged leader of the Southern section, had proclaimed the right of self-government in the people of these territories, in his celebrated resolutions of 184.1, in the following terms : "Resolved, That it is a fundamental principle in our political creed, that a people, in forming a constitution, have the unconditional Tight to form and adopt the government which they may think best calculated to secure their liberty, prosperity, and happiness ; and in conformity thereto, no other condition is imposed by the Federal Constitution on a State, in order to be admitted into this Union, ex- cept that its constitution shall be 'republican ;' and that the imposition of any other by Congress, would not only be in violation of the Constitution, but in direct conflict with the principle on which our political system rests," Mr. Polk, in his message of December .5, 1848, inculcated the same doctrines. "The question," said he, " is believed to be rather abstract than practical, whether slavery ever can or would exist in any portion of the acquired territory even if it were left to the option of the slaveholding States themselves. From the nature of the climate and productions, in much the larger proportion of it it is certain that it coul'd never exist." And again, he says: "In organizing govern- ments over these territories, no duty imposed on Congress by the colistitution requires that they should legislate on the subject of slavery, while their power to do so is not only seriously questioned, but denied by many of the soundest expounders of that instvumenl'. 17 Wheth'r Conf;;ross s'lall legislate or not, the people of tli^ acquired Teriitories, wlien assembled in convention to forui JStaie constitutions, will possess the sol(» and exclusive power to det<"rtninp for tliemselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. If Con- gress shall abstain from interfering nnth the question, the peofde of tlipse territories will be left free to adjust it as they may think pro- per when they apply for admission as States into the Union.. No en- actment of Congress would restrain the people of any of the sovereign States of the L'nion, old or m-w, north or i-outh, slaveholding or non- slavelioldintr, from determining the character of their own domestic institutions as they may deem wise and proper. Any and all of such States possess this right, and Congress cannot deprive them of it. The people of Geoigia might, if they chose, so alter their constitution as to abolish slavery within its limits; and the people of V^ermont might so alter their constitution as to admit slavery within its limits. Both States would possess the right; though, as all know, it Is not probable that either would exert it. It is fortunate for the peace and harmony of the Union that this question is in its nature temporary, and can only CO itinue for the brief period which will intervene before California and J\''eW Al exico may be admitted as States into the Union. From the tide of population now flowing into them, it is highly probable that this ivi/i soon occur. ^^ He afterwards adds tliat, " if Congress, instead of observing the course of non-interference, leaving the adoption of their own domestic instiivtions to the people w/io may inhabit these Territor- ies; or if, instead of extending the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific, shall prefer to submit the legal and cons^titutional questions which may arise to the decision of the judicial tribunals, «s ri;«.9 pro- posed in a bill which passed the Senate at your last session, an adjust-, ment may be effected in this mode. If the whole subject be referred ♦ o the Judiciary, all parts of the Union would cheerfnlly acquiesce in the fmftl decision of the tribunal crcntid by the Constitution for theset- tlement of all questions which may arise under the Constitution, trea- ties and laws of the Un'ted States.''^ Of the soundness of the opinions here expressed, I never entertain- ed a doubt. These were justly regarded, during the wliole session which preceded the close of Mr, Polk's administration and the inau- guration of General Taj lor, as the leading doctrines not oflty of south- ern statesmen, but also of the democratic parly. Not only was the Cabinet of President Polk committed to these doctrines,- but his party in Congress espoused the same principles ; and these principles gained sirength during the whole of that session, to such an extent that good men throughout the country regarded them as the ark of their political safety from the threatening evils arising out of our territorial acquisi^ tions'. The House of Representatives contained a small majority, as we have seen, in opposition to tlie last measure reconiivended by Pre- sident Polk, which was the bill I had introduced at the pi< vious scs- 18 sion ; and, as msny who had opposed llict hill avowed themseives friendly to the measure recommended by him, of awaiting the action of the people in the formation of State j^overnments both in California and New Mexico, I acquiesced in the g^-ner•,^l sentiment which favored that course of policy, because it would as efJectually settle the whole controversy when the States should be admitted, as the bill I had pro- posed for submitting the question to the judicial tribunals ; and I was desirous to avoid the opposition of such as having once voted against the bill of peace I had proposed, from the mere pride of political con- sistency, would probably persevere in doing so. 1 thought then and Ih.ink yet that that bill presented by far the most eligible mode of de- ciding the question that could be suggested. With President Polk, I did not doubt that "all parts of the Union would cheefully acquiesce in the final decision of the tribunal created by the Constitution for the settlement of all questions arising under the Constitution, treaties, and laws of the United States." Upon the formation of territorial governmei;ts, judicial tribunals were necessarily to he established ; and the Constitution commanded us, in the erection of such tribunals, to make the necessary regulations for giving to the Supreme Court its appellate jurisdiction. This provision in the bill was, therefore, a nieasrjre, in my view, imperatively demanded of Congress, should ter- ri'toria! governments be established. But no such measure was neces- sary, in case it should be determined that Congress should not inter- fere, in the language of President Polk, " for the brief period whicli would intervene before California and New Mexico would be ad- mitted as States into the Union'"' — events which, he declared, "it was highly probable would soon occur." Influenced by these considera- tions, my own sentiments on this subj<>ct were, thus far, entirely in coincidence with those of southern statesmen and of the leading men of the democratic party itself. It was at this stage of the progress of this agitation that I was honored by President Taylor with a place in his Cabinet. (Loud and long continued cheering.) Coming into power with a substantial ma- jority against him in both Houses, his great aim and end being the harmony and happiness of the country, he naturally, and as I thought wisely, concluded that it would best conduce to the successful adjust- ment of these questions, to carry out the policy suggested by his predecessor, and sustained, as I have stated, by the very party which had opposed his own election. He sought to make no party issue out of the controversy, but deeply deprecated the geographical divisions which would necessarily arise out of such an issue. Upon the organ- szation of the first Congress after his inauguration, he recommended it to await the action of the people in the formation of State govern- m^ents in the new territories, and expressed the same opinion, with his predeces-or, thai these events would probably soon occur. It was apparent that by this means the vexed qu-stion as to the power and duty of ('ongi-essto interdict slavery within these territories would be avoided, without doing vlol.-ncc^ fo f he feellnor^i or prejudices of either section of the country; luid when his Calil'oinia message was sent to the House of Representatives, recommending this course of policy, the opposition press of the country burst lorth in one general outcry that he had hut adopted the resolutions and ])rinciples of the demo- cratic party, and co|)ied the recotrimendafion of President Polk. (Laughter.) The complaint was that he h-)d proposed n-.thing new ; and while a studied effort was made to heap praises on those who, as it was alleged, had ori^^inated these suggestions, he was denounced m unmeasured terms for his "imbecility ' in merely following in the foot- steps of others. Their censure under such circumstances was the highest encomium that could liave been bestowed upon him. (Great applause.) It is well known to many of you, my fellow-citizens, that I was opposed to the acquisition of these territories. I never voted for such an acquisition. The Legislature of this State had instructed me to vote aiiainst the annexation of any new territory, without a prohibi- tion of slavery within its limits. I obeyed these instructions ; and, in pursuance of them, I vott-d for the restriction, when the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was before the Senate. It is knowa to most of you that, in common with m.ny others with whom I was accustomed to act, I predicted the evils which have since fallen upon the country inconsequence of the purchase of California and i\ew Mexico. But, when that territory had heeu acquired, I felt bound, as a friend of the Union, to promote its harmony by any and every measure which would prevent the alienation of one portion of the country from the other, or the organization of geographical parties within it. I did not believe, and do not now beiieve, that there was any danger of dis- union from the adoption of the measures proposed by Presidents Polk and Taylor. (Applause.) I read the speeches of gentlemen of great distinction, who painted in vivid colors the horrois of disunion, and predicted, in melancholy jeremiads, the total subversion of our whole confederated system, in "the event of the admission of New Mexico and California as States of this Union. (Laughter.) The flights of oratory on these topics were interesting exhibitions of genius. 'J"he pathos and effect with which the dissolution of the confederacy and the consequences of civil war were depicted in Congress made deep impressions on the country, and, in common with others, 1 confess that I admired "How cunningly the blood and tears were drawn." (Great laughter.) But I never seriously believed a syllable of the story that there was danger of dissolution of this glorious Union arisino- out of waiting for the action of the people of the territories in the creation of their own domestic institutions, or of acknowledg- ing their right of self-government, by the admission of the States in- to^this Union. I would not tm-n on my heel to pluck a feather from 20 the plume of any of (liose distiiigLiished orators who, under the b.-- lief that such means were necessary to save' the Union, kept Congress and the whole coLuitry in a state of continued agitation for about ten months, and who, having raised the ghost of disunion, afterwards ob- tained the credit of laying it. (Laughter.) My faith in the perpe- tuity of our glorious Kepublic rests on a somewhat better foundation than theirs. I believe it was not at any moment in the power of an> of them — no, not of all the members of both Houses combined — to dissolve this Union. 1 firmly believe that the first serious palpable and tangible overt act of treason would have been succeeded by tiie degradation and downfall of the traitors. (Great applause.) Tlie blessings flowing from this Union are too deeply seated in the hearts of the American peojde for them to sutler any number of ilem- agogues, whether in or out of Congress, to snatch from them this priceless inheritance. 1 have lived too long in public life, and set-n too much of public men and their policy, to mistake the ravings of a few madmen, in either section of the Union, for the decisions of whole communities resolutely bent on their own or their coiintry'.-i ruin. I smile at the struggles of the politician who seeks to attain party ascendancy for himself or his friends by endeavoring to float higher up than any others upon the waves of sectional excitement. Tliere is no danger in these demonstrations, so long as the great American heait — the heart of the people (I do not mean of Con- gress) — remains sound. (Great applause.) i can laugh at the effort of the political fanatic or madman who strives to make it appear to either section of the Union that he is a better triend to it than any body else, and, to gain distinction, "outherods Herod and overdoes Termagant." (Laughter.) There is generally, I say, no danger in all this to any hut those who preach and attem[)t to practice absolute treason and disunion, and, indeed, there is generally very little dan- ger even to them. It is "a valiant flea that eats his breakfast on the lip of a lion ;'' but he is in no peril, while his depredations remain too insignificant to attract notice. (Laughter.) The orations made to show that disunion would be the consequence of granting the right of self-government to the people of the Terri- tories were fine. The praises of the Euphuist in the Monastery were well merited. ''Marvellous fine words," said dame Gendenning, "marvellous fine words, neighbor Hopper, are they not!" "Brave words — very brave words — very exceeding pyet words," answered the miller ; "nevertheless, to speak my mind, a lippy of bran were worth a bushel o'them." (Great laughter.) The greatest embarrassment both to the President and to the coun- try — the principal obstruction to all legislative measures — arose out of the futile efibrt made during the last session of Congress to embody in one bill, on this subject, measures absolutely incongruous, or having no proper connexion with each other. When the State of Califor- nia presented herself for admission into the Union, and the President 21 had distinctly placed that measure as the very corner stone of his whole system of policy in regard to the new territories, there did not exist in either branch of Congress a sufficient numher of oppositig votes to prevent the passage of the necessary bill. But those who took the lead in the recent measures of ;idju^,tinent having resolved that no man should vote for the admission of California who would not agree to vote at the same time ten millions to Texas for a release of her claim to a portion of New Mexico, as well as territorial go- vernments for the latter and forUtih, the difficulties which before had surrounded the question, immediately thickened and spread a deeper darkness around us. A majority of either House might have been had at any time for either of the measures embraced in the bill separately ; but the majorities for each of these measures would have been composed of very different individuals. More than fifty Northern members of Congress were willing to do justice to the measure pro- posed by President Taylor for the admission of California, whoi were unwilling to vote the money for the Texas boundary, or the clauses for the organization of the territories without the anti-slavery pro- viso. On the other hand, many Southern members of Congress were willing to vote for one or both of the two last measures, who were unwilling to vote for the first. Disposed as I was, nay, even anxious, that any measures approximating to a settlement of the questions b*^- fore us should be adopted — sincerely desirous as 1 was to get rid of the noise of the alarmists and agitators in Congress who were daily making more hue and cry on these topics than all the rest of the country together, lashing themselves into fury, fiightening the timid at home, and creating apprehensions among all the friends of rational freedom abroad — I would have been at any time truly rejoiced to find the door^vay for legislation on other subjects (all of which had been completely occlucled by the introduction ot what was called the "omnibus bill") again opened, the country quieted, and the agita- tors silenced. This omnibus bill hung in the doorway more than six months, while those who attempted to drive it through, finding its passage obstructed from its own unwieldy composition, shouted at the top of their lungs to alarm the community. Still it hung in the en- trance, jammed on both sides, and for a long period it could be neither got in nor out. (Laughter.) An excuse 'became necessary for its probable failure ; and instantly the President was attacked because he had not recommended it. It was forthwith resolved that he should bear the blame of its defeat. A new coalition, which had been formed to push it through by main strength in opposition to the real wishes Congress, began to denounce not only the President, but the mem- bers of his Cabinet, because it ii-ould not go. (Laughter.) A meet- ing was railed in this city, to express public opinion in its favor. Another meeting naturally followed in o])position to it, at which reso- lutions were adopted complimentary to the administration, and par- ticularly so to some of its membeis. It is needless for me to say to 22 you that I did not prompt either of the meetings, and knew nothing of the proceedings of either, until they were j)ub]ished. Yet when the ])roceedings of the latter were laid before the Senate of the United States, a charge was distinctly made that I was the author of the resolutions ; and when that charge was denied by one of your Senators — my esteemed fiiend, iVlr. Wales, now present — a charge which you all know to be utterly and absolutely untrue, it was per- sisted in, and I believe never retracted. (Cheers and sensation.) All this was but apart of a general plan to lay the failure of the omni- bus on President Taylor and his administration. But Providence seems to have determined that this scheme should fail and be ex- posed. In the midst of all the clamor about the perils of the Union, the President died, and a new administration came into power. Some weeks elapsed, during which the proposed compromise, instead of gaining, lost strength even in the Senate. In the House there was never a possible chance for its passage. It consisted of several heteroge- neous detail*, each of which had been originated in some separate re- solution or bill proposed at the previous session, or on some former occasion. To carry it through, it was amended in any and every way by which it could get another vote ; and finally, though not at all in the shape in whicii it was originally introduced, the whole pro- ject, after distracting the country for so long a period, and effectually preventing the passage of any measure for the public good on any other subject, was voted down. This was long alter the death of President Taylor and the dissolution of his cabinet, and when it was made palpable to the woild that it was impossible he could be the cause of its defeat. The obstruction caused by this bill being once re- moved, the way was opened for the first effective motion towards the settlement of these questions which was promptly made by a distin- guished Senatdr from Maryland — Mr. Pearce, He grappled at once with the principal difficulty attending the whole adjustment, the question of the Texas boundary. He took that single vieusure by it' self, made a new boundary line, different from and more satisfactory than that proposed in the omnibus; and to him was eminently — far more than to any other — due the credit of its passage. (Ap[)iause.) He saw that this would lay the foundation for the s\iccess of the othi^r necessary acts of legislation. Knowing that it was impossible to lilt the enormous weight of all these incongruous measures at one time, in one mass, he separated them, and, as otiier men in ordinary life are accustomed to conquer difficulties, he resolved to take them in de- tail. He did me the honor to consult me on the subject of his bill before its introduction, and I did not hesitate to advise him to perse- vere in the course he proposed. The result was soon seen. The bill he introduced, unclogged by other measures, was passed in a few days without difficulty, and by a large majority ; and 1 have never doubted that, if the same course had been j[)urnied at the commence- 23 ment of the session, Congress and the nation would have been saved six months of unnecessary distraction and alarm. (Applause.) Viewing- all the measures in common with this subject at this time as they passed Congress, I am far from saying they were the best that could have been adopted. The settlement of the Texas boundary by the Judiciary or the Congress of the United States, as President Tay- lorVecommended, would have been, in my judgment, more consistent with the honor and dignity of the government, and would have saved us from the eti'ects of a i)recedent which will be invoked on some fu- ture occasion, when some State shall seek to take the law into her own hands, to induce the government to submit to imposition, under the pretext of bujnng peace. But an adjustment of the boundary by Congress or the Judiciary had become impracticable, in consequence of the encouragement held out to Texas to resist until she should be paid for her acquiescence. As to the territorial governments of New Mexico and Utah, I, of course, would be among the last to object to their organization on the principles of my own bill which passed the Senate two years before. These territorial bills provide substantially for the very measures I had mysflf proposed and strongly recom- mended ; and, individually, I was perfectly content with the adoption of my own scheme of settlement, so far as these territories were con- cerned. I should havp been satisfied with the admission of a State Government in New Mexico, as well as California, with a constitu- tion settling the question of slavery according to the will of her ow^n people. But 1 have not yet ceased to deplore, and I fear that I shall hereafter have much more reason to deplore, the failure of the bill I had proposed, on account of the dissatisfaction expressed in the South with the admission of the State of California. So far as regards California, the adjustment of the vexed question by submitting it to the judicial tribunals would, as Mr. Polk aiiirmed, and as I now repeat, have terminated the controversv forever, without any of that dissatisfaction now raging in the South. It was im-- possible that any Southern State, and especially that South Caro- lina, could have continued the ai.Mtatioi:i, as it noW exists, with the' votes of Calhoun, Butler, Burt, Khett,- and all the distinguished mere of the delegation of South Carolina, in favor of the bill, backed by the votes of Alason, Hunter, Davis, of Mississippi, Berrien, and every Southern Senator and Representative, except Messrs. Bad:>-er, Toombs, Stephens, and three or four others. The settlement of the questions by this mode would have been final and conclusive ; as it would have' been satisfactory to all parties. Our people are a law-abiding peo- ple ; and the whole proposition simply was that both parties should agree to go to law before the Supreme Court of the United States, and abide the result. Duty, honor and self-respect would have com- pelled all sections of the country to submit to the decision. No man' feels himself disgraced by it, who is beaten in a law-suit on a sheer question of law, after a "full and fair trial. The measure would hav^ 24 savod the honor of both parties, in any event. Leading Southern statesmen, with whom 1 was associated in the Senate at the time, often said to me, during the progress of the bill through that body, that, let the deci>4on go as it might, the honor of tiie South was saved by the tender to her of a fair trial before an impartial tribunal, and she V/ould be satistied. But when this bill was defeated in the House, the impression wns immediately made upon the Southern mind that, as a fair trial had been refused, there was a deliberate intention on the other side to disregard Southern rights and trample them in the dust. Ever since the session of IS-iT, that feeling haa rankled in the SouLl)ern bosom : " Hazret laterilethalis arundo.''^ And now the admission of California, with a constitution prohibiting slavery without the benefit of the trial demanded by the South, has produced an alienation froin the rest of the confederacy, among some mistaken gentlemen in that region, which I pray God, in his mercy, may soon give way to the more generous impulses which properl}' be- long to and grace the Southern character. (Applause.) And now, my fellow-citizens, 1 have to say, that I have seen nothing in the measures adopted by Congress to which I have refer- red, which should excite any portion of this Union to resistance ngainst the established authorities of the country; and I think it is the duty of every good citizen, whether he does or does not think that other and better measures might have been substituted in their place, not only to submit to the laws which have been enacted, but to stand by and support the government, if necessary, to the full e.xtent of his ability in carrying those laws into successful execution. (Ap- plause,) That President Fillmore will do his whole duty in this re- spect I have not a shadow of doubt; and I hope you are all willing to join with me in sustaining him in the discharge of that duty. (Ap- plause and frequent cheers.) In his patriotism, and that of the mem- bers of his Cabinet, 1 have the utmost confidence. I have no reason to believe that either of them would have refused his aid, at any mo- ment to the settlement of these vexed questions on the basis proposed by President Taylor. They have acquiesced in what appearfd to them to be the only practicable scheme of adjusting these ditliculties. The-y seek to sustain the Constitution and the laws of their country ; and I honor them for their purpose. While they stand by the Union I shall be with them and for them. If there be any one sentimeiit in my bosom more deeply seated and more deeply cherished than anv and all others, it is that of love and veneration for the institution.'* which our fathers have left us, and for the country, the whole coun- try, covered and protected by the American Constitution. (Great applause.) There will be no hope left for me or mine when this Union shall be broken up ; and should that melancholy p^•riod ever arrive, 1 shall he a wanderer without a home. I can take no pari for one section against the other. ^Applause.) To inc the prtiiervatioa 25 of thi-; Uiiidn is a matter of interest above all others, and, if neces- sary, I shall be found true to those who sustain it to the labt of my blood and my breath. (Lonix continued applause.) It is well known to you that at one period serious calamities were threatened to the country, inconsequence of the dissatisfaction enter- tained by our fellow-citizens on the Pacific because tliey had been denied by Congress the protection of the laws of the United States. Threats of separation began to be uttered by those who found them- selves thus deserted ; and to assure them of the paiernal care of the government, and its intention to assist them in any suitable mode, a special messenger, Mr. King, of Georgia, was despatched to Califor- nia. He knew and communicated to them the wishes of the Presi- dent for their happiness and welfare, and his desire that they should enjoy the protection of the United States and the benefits of a go- vernment of their own choice. This mission, which, we know, was attended with tiiglily beneficial results, in allaying the discontent then growing in that territory, was soon made, by unscrupulous politi- cians, the theme of obloquy and reproach. The President and his (Cabinet were charged, without one shadow of truth to ju-tify the ac- cusation, with having instigated the Caiifornians to exclude slaver}'- in the formation of their Slate constitution. The falsehood and con- temptible malisrnity of all the calumnies on this subject have recently been put to rest for ever by th^ publiration of a correspondence be- tween Mr. King and the naval and military commanders on the Cal- ifornia station. These calumnies, like a hundred others of similar character, served the purposes of the hour when they originated, and will soon sink into merited oblivion. (Applause.) Next in magnitude to the question of slavery, among the cnuses of embarrassment which surrounded the administration of General Tay- lor was one to which I have already briefly adverted, arising out of appointments to office. He was charged by the opposition press with proscription of his opponents; and many of the disappointed office seekers of his own party, of course, joined m the; clamor against him. It will be found, upon an examination of the facts, that, during the whole period of his administration, he did not remove a sufTicient number to give his own friends an equal share of the offices of the government; and as to th-j proprietj of the nominations to office made by him, one single fact is sufficient to put at rest for ever the slanders of his enemies. Although he necessarily made more nomi- iiaiions to the Senate than any other President of the United States ever did in an equal period of time, yet fev/er were rejected by that body than on any former occasion after a political revolution. (Ap- plause.) When Gen. Jackson came into office in 1S29, he was sustained by a large party majority in the Senate. Twenty years after, when Gen. Taylor came into power, there was as large a party majority in the' Senate op[)Osed to him. Yet, more appointments were rejected by that 4 •2G body In the session of lS'29-30 than in (hat of 1S4-9-50. It is a very easy thinp;to charge either proscription or improper partiality. Few- are willing to aJinit that their own peculiar merits do not entitle them to preference ; and the accusat on of injustice is too oft^n a tri- bute due from an unsuccessful applicant to his own wounded vanity. [At this point Mi: Wales interposed to say that among other difficul- ties connected with President Taylor's appointments, was the fact that, under an arbitrary rule of the Senate, their consideration had been deferred from time to time, until the session was almost entirely wasted.] Mr. Clayton then continued : Yes, my fellow-citizens, as your Senator has just informed you, appointments were kept befo e the Senate for months, even until near the close of the session. Every exertion was made that could );ossibIy be made by enemies bitter and unrelenting. Accusations most vile and infamous were made against the ffenllemen who were nominated. No means were left untried to pet a Democratic Senate, already predisposed to condemn them if they could be condenmed, to reject them. But the Senate of the United States, except hv one or two instances, where injustice was done, true to their own digniiy and honor, refused to prostrate the characters of the men who had been nominated by Gen. Taylor. (A[)i)lause.) And one of the greatest of these triumj.hs was obtained by a gentleman present here to-night, one of the sons of Delaware — Wil- liam D. Lewis. (At the mention of Mr. Lewis's name, the whole com- pany rose, gave him three enthusiastic cheers, and drank his health.) Mr. Clayton resumed : — Another dilficulty, which presented itself at the outset of General Taylor's administration, consisted in the number of private claims against the government which ongl)t to have been decided by the preceding adminisiration, but were left as so many legacies of trouble to their successors. The decisions made by the appropriate heads of departments upon these claims, whether for or against the claim.ants, were, of course, seized U[)on as subjects of complaint. 1 decided in favor of one of these claims, aft^r fully investigating all the facts my- self, and after taking the precaution to ascertain the opinion of the Attorney General on the subject, which concurred with my own. Backed also by the opinion of the former Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Walker, and the Hon. .Joseph K. IngersoU, former ('hairman of the Judiciary Committee in the House, as well as of several commit- tees of both Houses, and foilownnga long list of precedents in refer- ence to the subject, I decided in favor of the claimants lor a part of their demand, and rejected the other part. The columns of the party press were forthwith opened against the claim, which was as palpably just, to the extent to which 1 had allowed it, as any that ever existed. This was the De la Francia claim. 1 was assailed with still greater ferocity for dis'i/lowing the tobacco claim of M. Porte. It soon be- came apparent that no decision could possibly be made bv any head of department, whether for or against the government, uhich would 27 not become the topic of innlio-nani ci'tisure. One of these old claims, which had been leferrcd lo a [)ievious Secretary of the Treasury, came before my friend Mr. Merediih. He referred it to the prop^-r law officer of the Government, the Attorney General, who, after a full review of the whole suliject, decided the question in favor of the claimant. The justice of his decision would never have been im- peached but for the unfortunate fact, as it turned out after the money had been paid, that the Secretary of VV^ar, Mr. Crawford, of Geor-iia, was interested in it ; a circumstance which was entirely unknown to any other meml)er of the (^ahinnt at the time of the decision. I did not know that there was such a claim in existence until many weeks after the money had been paid. 1 suppose the motive which inciuced the Secretary of War to conceal his interest in the claim was one of delicacy ; but I have a perfect conviction, without enteitaining a doubt of the justice o( tlie demand, that, had the lact of his personal inter- est been known or mentioned at any Cabinet meeting before the pay- ment of the mone}-, no settlement of that claim would have been made while Mr. Crawford remained a member of the administration. (Applause.) His conduct in offerins;, as he did, to Congr-'ss to abide the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States upon the legality of the claim,— to waive every advantage of defence except that arising out of the law itself, and to return the money in the event of a decision against him by the Court, should have exempted him from tliat abuse which lias been so profusely and unjustly lavished upon him. Indeed, my fellow-citizens, so constantly was my own attention oc- cupied with the proper duties of my own department, that very little time was left me to look after those of others. But I must in justice add, that, so far as my observation extended, the business of every other department, during the administration of General Taylor, was conducted, notwithstanding the unexampled embarrassments which surrounded him and them, with a degree of energy, and industry, and integrity which has never been surpassed. (Applause.) This tribute isjustly"^due from me to my associates in that Cabinet, whose kindness and courtesy to me, on all occasions, deserve my warmest acknowl- edgements. There has never existed an administration in this govern- ment in which there was greater harmony and concert of action. In the gentlemen who composed it the President entertained unbounded contidence, and they retained tliat confidence to the last moment of his life. (Applause.) Falseliood and calumny, directed agamstthem, as it was, from so many quarters, failed to tnake any imi)ression on his mind ; and he adhered to them with a tenacity which was increased by his perfect knowledge of the injustice with which they were assailed. Coinciding in sentiment with him on all important subjects, his wish was their law; and when he heard so often the pitiful aspersion that his Cabinet ruled him, knowing, as he did. how faithfully they earned out his own will, while they were often made to bear the whole re- 28 sponslbillty of Iiis df^cisions and actlong, he scorned the atlpmpts to alienate him from those whom lie had selected as his advisers. It would be ditiicult for any man to know, standing outside of that Cabi- net, the extent of the injustice done toil? respective members by the device, which was as cunningly conceived as it was industi-iously pro- pagated, that the appointmenls, and even the actions, of the Executive Government was dictated by his Cabinet, and not by the President himself. (Laughter.) I have repeatedly known a Cabinet minister abused for months by the wiiole opposition press of the country on account of an appointment which he had never suggested or recom- mended, but which had been ordert-d by tlie President alone. The unsuccessful applicant for office often found a balm for his wounded feelings in the belief, which he chose fondly to cherish, that be was the victim of some Secretary, though he was a favorite of the Presi- dent. (Laughter.) These and similar slanders on the members of the administration were* suffered too generally to pass without contra- diction. They were too la!)oriously eng; g-'d in the discharge of their respective duties to take upon themselves t.ietask of refuting the thou- sand falsehoods wfiich either party or pn-sonal malice was constantly hatching against them ; conscious tiiat, when the passions and j-ireju- dices of the hour sliould have passed avvav, justice would be done to them for the fidelity and untiring zeal with which they discharged their duties amidst greaterobstacles than had ever obslrucled the course of any previous administration. (Applause.) The tbreign policv of President Taylor was marked by an adher- ence to the principles inculcated in the farewell address of the father of his country. He sought no wars of aggrandizement or conquest. Peace and commerce wirh foreign nations, on fair ai\d honorable terms, were the objects he ajmed at. He regarded war, with the horrors and dangers of which no man was more intimately acquainted, as a mea- sure never to be jesorted to until every effort of honorable diplomacy should be exhausted. |n the front of his whole system of policy in this respect, he m;)nifested a scrupulous anxiety to maintain our neu- tral obligations and the faith of treaties ; and his principles were fully illustrated in the course he pursued towards Denmark and Spain. On the other hand, no man was more sensitive on points of national honor J and the promptitude and energy with which he demanded and recovered the foreigner who, after having sought an asylum on our shores, was kidnaj)ped and carried to Havana, at the very moment when he was maintaining in their true spirit our treaty stipulations with Spain by the suppression of the Cuban expedition, was an evi- dence of that stern determination, which never abandoned him, to maintain, under all circumstances and at all hazards, the honor of his own country. (Great applause ) While abstaining from all inter- ference with the domestic concerns of foreign nations and all entanc- lincr alliances, he did not withhold from such as maintained the re- publican system, or struggled to tiirow olF the .shackles of despotism, 29 tlie full and free expression ^of his own 'generous sympathies. (Ap- phnise.) For he was a republican not merely in name, but in liearl. (Applause.) He rejoiced in the happiness of his fellow men tlirough- out the world, and his bosom throbbed with hope for the succss of every effort, made in eilher hemisphere, for the spread of thost,- liberal principles upon which he profoundly believed their happiness de- pended. At the first dawn of the revolution in Hungary he was rea- dy to recognise her independence, if she should be found able to main- tain it, and at the very moment when an unprincipled press was en- gaged in denouncing him as most friendly to the despotic powers of Kurope, he was directing a mission to evince the interest of this go- vernment in the noble effort of Hungary to become free. (Great applause.) When her unhappy people fell beneath the bayonets of the Czar, he still publicly and proudly avowed, in a messnge to Con- gress, the anxiety he had felt for their welfare. "Though," said he, Hungary has fallen, and her patriotic children are now in exile or in chains, I am still free to say that, had she succeeded in maintaining her independence, we should have been the first to welcome her into the family of nations.'' (Long and continued applause.) He direct- ed our Minister at ( "onstnntinople to tender to tlie Sultan a free pass- age for the unfortunate Kossuth and his companions in captivity on board an American frigate, then lying in the Bosphorus, prepared to bring them to the American sliore. He instituted the first mission to the Helvetic Republic. (Applause.) He thought the period had arriv- ed when the strength of his own country and her high standing among the nations of the earth justified and demanded of her government to take a new position in reference to the affairs of foreign countries — not by assuming an attitude of hostility or by uttering threats of defi- ance to any, but by the manifestation of the strictest regard for the commercial and political rights of the American people as connected with those countries. No man ever sought more earnestly to prevent the interference of foreign governments in the affairs of the American continent. Yet he desired rather to prevent foreign aggressions upon the rights of the weak American republics by remonstrance in their behalt', than by threatening hostilities in iheir defence. (Applause.) In the negotiation of the Central American treaty — to pro- claim the ratification of which wa.s the last ofiicial act of his life — he insisted on a clause, now to be found in that treaty, which de- nied to great Britain any right in future to colonise, fortify, or assume or exercise any dominion whatever, over any part of Cen- tral America or the Musquito Coast — a clause which expressly forbids to Great Britain the right to use any protectorate for the purpose of exercising dominion, and also forbids to her any right to assume dominion for the purpose of maintaining a protectorate. (Applause.) He himself desired to recognise the Nicaraguan title by the Nicaraguan treaty, but left the question, after sub- 30 mitting that treaty to the Senate, with an avowal of his willing- ness to ratify it, to be decided as the Senate should think proper. I left the Depavtnient of State before the Senate acted on the subject, and, of course, I have no knowledge of their decision. But I have seen within a few days past a statement purporting to embrace an official letter from Mr. Cliatfield, the British Charge d'Aflfairs, to the Minister of Foreign Relations of Nicaragua, m which it is declared that the treaty negotiated between this Gov- ernment and that of Great Britain, " expressly recognises the Mosquito Kingdom, as aside the rights which you [the Nicaraguan Minister] pretend Nicaragua has on the coast." If Mr. Chat- field ever wrote such a letter, which I confess I greatly doubt, he has been guilty of a perversion of the Treaty which no honorable government could defend for a moment, and which the Britit^h authorities, I am well satisfied, woukl disdain to adopt. (Ap- plauseO The objects aimed at by the President in that treaty were to obtain for our country a speedy passage to the Pacific, not only by a great ship canal, but by any and every other cnnal or rail- way across the Istlimus, which divides North from South America — to secure the perfect neutrality of the vast region embraced in that Isthmus — to save the expense of maintaining any naval or military power to protect these routes — to guard them against blockade in time of war — to bring into closer relations with us our possessions on the Pacific — and to dedicate the highways to the uses of all nations which might agree to extend to them the same protection which the United States and Great Britain had guaranteed. For various reasons it is not my purjjose to discuss these subjects in detail, and I have only glanced at this one for the purpose of preventing any misconception in regard to one of the most important acts of General Taylor's udministiation. — (Applause.) The multiplicity and extent of our foreign relations, Avhich were constantly increasing in interest and importance, made the duties of the department over which it was my fortune to pre- side in the highest degree burthensome and laborious. Such was the pressure of public business, arising from this and other causes, that I was compelled to devote myself to it to the utter exclusion and consequent derangement of my private and per- sonal affairs. I was, therefore, anxious, as soon as the state of the negotiations entrusted to my charge by the President would permit it, to retire again to private life. It was for this reason that, in June last, I tendered to the President, through the hands 31 of my personal friend, the Attorney General, my resignation, accompanied by a pressing request that he would permit me to retire and appoint my successor. He refused to accept the re- resignation ; and when he informed me and my friend that my retirement ^Youkl embarrass and distress him, I felt that, how- ever necessary it had become for my private interest to withdraw, jet I could not leave him while such were his convictions. (Great applause, with cheering.) His influence with me was such that I should never have ventured again to press the subject upon him ; and when he had declared his sentiments and wishes, 1 felt that I would as soon have run aAvay from the battle of Buena Vista as to have deserted him. (Applause.) And now, remembering within how short a time after tliis interview his manly frame and noble heart were laid cold in llic embraces of death, I rejoice that I yielded to his Avishes at any sacriiice of case, or health, or for- tune. (Great applause.) My fellow citizens, it will remain to me a subject of proud con- solation that I enjoyed the perfect confidence and intimate friend- ship of this great and good man during the whole period of Ids administration; and that I laboi-edwith all the devotion of which I was capable to serve hira faithfully as a member of his Cabi- net. Knowing his qualities, as I did — and I think no man had a better opportunity of knowing them than I had — I believe I can speak of him as be was. I knoAV that " All the ends he aimed at were his country's." (Applause.) His moral, like his physical courage, was indomitable. No one ever approached the consideration of a great public question with more deliberation and caution ; and when about to decide it, he "took each njan's censure, but reserved his judgment." — When he had determined, no one was more firm, or could be more resolute in adhering to his purpose. He was one of the few men we meet with in this world who can 7iever descend to a base, mean, or dishonorable action. (Applause.) Though unpractised in the duties of civil administration before he entered the executive mansion, his stroncj and viirorous intel- lect, aided by a profound knowledge of human nature, for the acquisition of which no one ever enjoyed better opportunities, amply supplied the want of experience as a civilian ; and the kindness and benevolence of his nature never failed to win the hearts of all who came within the circle of his intimate acquain- tance. Surrounded by enemies, who daily sought to stab the 32 reputation he had earned by a long life of public service, his conscious rectitude enabled him to "smile at the drawn dagger and defy its point." (Applause.) This was his shelter arnidst all the storms of political opposition ; and the confidence of se- curity from all dangers, resulting from this consolation, never deserted him even in his dying moments. When informed by his physician that his last hour Avas approaching, his simple re- mark indicated the feeling that had pervaded his bosom and sus- tained him through life : "I am not afraid to die," said the ex- piring patriot, — "I have endeavored to do my duty." (Great applause. Mr. Clayton was here so overcome by his emotions that he was compelled to pause.) 'J'his was the feeling which bore him unappalled through the perils of battle. This upheld him through that long and dreary night of blood and fire, when he w^on the first brevet in the war of 1812, by his successful defence of Fort Harrison against more than fifty times his numbers. In Florida the scalping knife and tomahawk of the savao;e had no terrors for the soldier ... ■who felt that he had always endeavored to do his duty. Amidst the thunders of Palo Alto and Reseca de la Palma, when he broke the Mexican power, and gave that confidence to his conn-* trymen which insured their victory in all the subsequent contests — in the blood-stained streets of Monterey, and in that tempest of shot which was poured upon him and his little army on the proudest field of his fame at Buena Vista — at the very moment when his garments were torn by the bullets of the enemy — the meyis conscia rec^i still rose serene, self-possessed, and triumphant through the terrors of that conflict. (Great applause.) He was snatched from his country before an opportunity had been allowed to develop his whole system of civil policy, and on tho very eve of the execution of purposes, devised by him for the public good, the knowledge of which must now forever sleep with him in his grave. But he had done enough for fame; and while a sentiment of gratitude continues to throb in an American heart, his memory will be cherished as that of one of the few ■who were not born to die. (Loud and long continued cheering.) The most cordial and earnest applause followed the conclusion of this great speech, which, throughout, elicited the warmest expressions of approbation, and made, evidently, a deep impres- sion upon the auditory. It was felt to be a noble and powerful vindication of President Taj'lor's administration, and a just, as well as scathing rebuke of those, who, from various motives, and in divers wavs, had exerted themselvcb to embarrass und defeat 33 its success, Tlic regular toasts were proceeded with in their order, as follows : 4. The memory of Washlnf!;ton nnd tlmt patriot band of sages and heroes who achieved our independence, and who laid the foiiiidation of this great and mighty Em])iie. Dead March. 5. The sovereignty of the Constitution and Laws of the United States, over every other human power. Il/til Columbia. eetate of Delaware, which has never yet failed to have some bright particular star in the gahxy of American statesmen. I regret extreme- ly to find that my attendance on the occasion will be rendered im- possible by a professional engagement here, which 1 cannot avoid. I offer you the following sentiment : "The Sons of Delaware — The pride of one State and the admira- tion of all." 1 am, gentlemen, with great esteem and regard, very truly yours, VV. M. MEREDITH. Hon. John Wales, J. R. Latimer and John Connell, Esqrs. By the Committee. — Hon. Wm. M. Meredith, Pennsylvania's dis- tinguished son: — integrity and patriotism are synonymous with his name. MoRRisTowx, November 13tb, 1850. Gentlemen — I have had the honor to receive your kind invitation to meet the friends of your distinguished lellow-citizen, John M. Clay- ton, at a public dinner in Wilmington on the 16th inst. It would afford me much pleasure to join the Whigs of Delaware in this manifestation of their regard for Mr. Clayton, and gratitude for his eminent and patriotic services to the country. By his diplo- matic skill and liberal statesmanship, he has latelv gained additional claims to respect and admiration, not only from his political friends, but also from the whole country and the age in which we live. While a member of the late Cabinet of Gen. Tavlor, he success- fully maintained, under the most difficult circmnstances, the honor and faith of the Government ; strengthened the bonds of peace with the nations of the earth; and secured to the commerce of the world a great and common thoroughfare of trade, which will connect the two oceans that wash the eastern and western shores of our extensive and mighty Republic. 1 sincerely regret that my engagements at home during the short 39 vacation of Con2;rPss, will prevent me from being with you on so agreeable an occasion. With much respect, yours, &:c., J. W. MILLER. To the Hon. John Wales, John R. Latimer, John Connell. By the Committee. — Senator Miller, of New Jersey; — An honor to that heroic State, whose soil, durino: our revolulionary war was long crimsoned with the blood, and whitened by the bones of its in- habitants. Boston, Nov. 13th. Gentlemen — I am greatly honored by your communication of the 5th inst. It would give me true pleasure to meet the Whigs of Delaware at their approaching festival, and to unite with them in a jniblic mani- festation of their regard and gratitude for tlie patriotic services of their distinguished fellow-citizen, Mr Clavton. I regret that my engagements will not allow me to leave home in season for the occasion. Believe me, gentlemen, very sincerely, your obliged and obedient servant, ROBT. C. WINTHROP, Jir. To Hon. John Wales, John R. Latimer and John Connell, Esqrs. By the Committee. — The Honorable Robert C. Winthrop:— The dignified Speaker of the late House of Representatives of the United States — a patriotic descendant of a patriot race. Providence, Nov. 11, 18.50. Gentlemen — I am honored by your invitation to attend ,the Dinner to be given to the Hon. John M. Clayton, by his fellow "citizens of Delaware, on the Itith inst. My personal relations with that distinguished individual, and a just appreciation of his "eminent and patriotic services in our national councils," hardly allow me to /orego the pleasures of joining in your festivities — or in anything to do him honor. But the near approach of the session of Congress, and a necessarily limited opportunity to attend to my private affairs, preclude the possibility of my attendance. Allow me to tender to 3'our acceptance, this sentiment. "John M. Clayton— The Patriot Statesman of Delaware. — His laurels were not won by the sword, nor are they appreciated by Delaware alone: his fame is ideutitied with his country and its Union." Accept my thanks for the courtesy you have been pleased to extend to me, and believe me cordially and faithfully, Your obedient servant, JOHN H. CLARKE, To Messrs. John Wales, John R. Latin. er and John Connell. 40 By the Committee. — Senator Clarke, of Rhode Island: — An honor to that gallant Whig State, and a credit to the public councils of the nation. MoNTPELiER, Vt., Nov. 12th, 1850. Gentlemen — Yours of the 5th instant, extending to me an invitation to bf' present at a public dinner to be given to the Hon. John M. Clavton, by his political friends, on the 16th of this month, at Wil- mington, Delaware, has been received. If 1 were in the enjoyment of usual health, nothing would be more gratifying to my feelings than to unite with the Whigs of Delaware in the reception of their distinguished guest. Mr. Clayton has, by his eminent services, both in the Senate and in the Cabinet, proved him- self worthy of the highest honors his fellow-citizens can bestow upon him ; and I am glad to leani that you are about to make a manifesta- tion of your regard for, and your attachment to a public servant who has done so much to advance the prosperity, elevate the character, and increase the glory of his country. I thank you, gentlemen, for your kind invitation, and assure you that ill health alone prevented its ac- ceptance. I am, gentlemen, with the highest respect, your ob't. serv't. WM. UPHAM. Hon. John Wales, Hon. John R. Latimer, and Hon. John Connell. By the Committee. — The Hon. William Upham, Senator from Ver- mont: — The enlightened representative of the ''Bright Whio- Star" that never sets. W^sHiACxTON, D. C, Nov, 13, 1850. Gentlemen — -I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor inviting me to be present at a public dinner, to be given on the 16th inst., by the Whigs of Delaware, as a just tribute of re.-pect to their distinguished fellow-citizen the Hon. John M. Clayton. It would afford me great satisfaction to unite with you in this ma- nifestation of the respect due to the long and eminent political servi- ces of an able and distinguished public servant ; and I regret that my official eng;igements growing out of the accumulation of business in- cident to the near approach of a session of Congress, compel me to decline your invitation. 1 beg to assure you of my grateful appreciation of the kindness and regard which prompted your invitation. 41 I am, g-entlemen, with o;reat respect, very truly your obedient ser- vant, N.K.HALL. Messrs. John Wales, John R. Latimer, and John ConneU. By the Committee.— The Hon. N. K. Hall, the able and efficient Post Master General:— Modest merit seldom goes unrewarded. Georgktown, Nov. 15, 1850. Gentlemen — I have had the honor to receive, and extremely regret that it will not be in my power to accept, your polite invitation to the dinner to be given to Hon. John M. ClMVton, in the city of Wil- mington, on the IGth inst. Numerous private and professional en- gagements of a pressing nature, in anticipation of my speedy departure and absence from home for several months, will deprive me of that pleasure. Did circumstances permit, I need not assure you, gentlemen, how happy 1 should be to unite with you in the well merited honor which you propose to pav to our distinguished friend and fellow-citizen on the occasion referred to, and to add the tribute of my personal pre- sence to this public manifestation of regard and gratitude on the part of his polilical friends in this State, for his long and eminent services in the Councils of the country. For twenty years he has been ident- ified with the fame and fortunes of the Whig party of this country, and during that period he has been known and recognised in every State of the Union, as one of the most able, eloquent and etficient ad- vocates of its principles and policy, while in the distinguished and re- sponsible post which he has more recently filled, he has achieved by his skilful, firm, and patriotic conduct of our foreign relations, a repu- tation for ability and success, both at home and abroad, which has ne- ver been surpassed by any of the enlightened statesmen who have oc- cupied the same station since the foundation of the government. It was mv good fortune, as well as pleasure, to enjoy much of his society during the short period he presided over the State Department; and if there was any thing more than another' which, next to his admitted skill and ability, excited my especial admiration and respect for him in that high and responsible position, it was the intrepid and patriotic American spirit and feeling which actuated him in the discharge of all its difficult and arduous duties. His only ambition seemed to be, to use the last words of the lamented President under whom he served, to do his "duty" — to advance the true interests and permanent glory of this great Republic ; and how well he succeeded in those noble ob- jects is already amply attested by the enlightened judgment of impar- tial men without distinction of parties amongst us. The good faith, 6 42 honor, and dignity of the country were alike fearlessly asserted and scrupulously maintained by him in all its intercourse and relations with foreign governments — the greatest as w-ll as the smallest ; and he left the oftice after having conducted the Department through ma- ny difficulties and perils of no ordinary nature, without once incurring, from any respectable quarter, the imputation of having compromised either by timidity or bad management. This 1 am aware is high praise, but, making due allowance for personal feelings and private friendship, I am convinced that it is not more than the future history of his countiy and the world will award him. 1 have the honor to be, with the highest respect, your ob't. serv't. JOHN W. HOUSTON. Hon. John Wales, John R. Latimer, Esq., John Connell, E>q. By the Committee — The Hon. John W. Houston: — The sterling Whig, and approved Representative. Philadelphia, Nov. 15, IS.tO. Gentlemen — I am honored with your invitation to join the friends of the Hon. John M. Clayton, at a public dinner to be giv^n to that distinguished statesjnan, but a continued indisposition deprives me of the pleasure which your invitation proposed, and which until this morn- ing 1 hoped to enjoy. The discriminating voice of Delaware has, from the adoption of the Constitution, c illed to the National Councils men whose talents, at- tainments, and lofty patriotism have reflected honor upon their con- stituency, and it is most meet that evidences of appreciation of such worth should distinguish those who thus represent and ihushonor their native Sta'e. The honors which you are about to confer on your distinguished fellow-citizen, are evidence of true self-resp'^ct and becoming State pride, in you and those you represent, as well as of grateful recollec- tion towards the recipient. And though the faithful fellow-servant may receive his party honors around the pai'ty hearthstone, yet neigh- hors who have wiMiessed his willing sacrifices and enjoyed the bene- fit of his patriotic services may fet-l a desire to participate in the fa- mily festival. Deprived of that privilege, though grateful for an in- vitation to participate, I respectfully offer a sentiment, with the as- surances of profound respect for those whom you represent, and per- sonally for yourselves. I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant, JOSEPH R. CHANDLER. Messrs. John Wales, John R. Latimer, John Connell. The Sta'e of Delaware — The nursing mother of laborious statesmen: like Gokonda, though limited in geographical dimensions, she is dis- 43 tingiiisln^d by the biilliancy and worth of that product from which the national jewels are constructed. By the Committee. — The Hon. Joseph R. Chandler, the inflexible Whig representative of Philadelphia: — A bright exam[)le that indus- trious habits and spotless morals are sure passports to honor and re- nown. [Thus far the proceedings are copied from the "North American."] Morton McMichaei, Esq., in an eloquent speech, replied to a toast coiiipliinentary to the Press, and in support of the great interests of the Whig party. VOLUNTEER TOASTS. By J. P. Comegys. Charles J. Dnpont, President of the Day — The Whig party of Delaware is proud to number amongst its most cherished leaders this eminent citizen; one in whom are illustrated those virtues of head and heart which make man noble. May he long live to enjoy the respect and admiration which are felt for him by all classes of his fellow-citizens. By diaries .1. Dupont, P'esident of the Day — Universal Education: The best security for [jublii liberty: and, next to religion, the best safe- guard of public morals. By Z. B. Glazier. The Whigs of Delaware — like the Whigs of the Revolution, to whom defeat was always a prelude to victory. By Major John Jones. Delaware — The first to adopt, so she will be the last to abandon, the Constitution. By B. G. Grayson. The Whig party of the Confederacy — Whilst the union of the first continues, the perpetuity of the other is secure. By W. T. Jeardell. J. M. Clayton— Delaware's noble, patriotic and cherished son. By Wm. Sloanaker, of Philada. The Union — It will outlive all the assaults of its enemies. By Eli Crozier. Mijor John Jones — His indefatigable exertions in behalf of Whig principles will never be forgotten. By John Connell, one of the Vice Presidents The first duty of every true patriot — the first duty of every good citizen — SUBMIS- SION TO THE LAWS. By John A. Allderdice. William D. Lewis, Collector of the Port of Philadelphia — Persecution has tried him in a crucible, and found him pure gold. 44 Mr. Lewis, being loudly called for, rose and returned thanks to the following effect : I rank, said he, Mr. President, among the happiest incidents of my life my presence here this evening. It is no small honor to have been invited to share with you the delight of hearing the unanswerable defence, to which we have just listened, of the last administration, and its late lamented chief whose heartbeat only for his country, and in whose pure mind I have a right to say calumny could make no lodgment. But the allusion so kindly made to my humble self by your principal guest, our great statesman and friend, and the distinction just conferred upon me by the company, call for special acknowledgment. They shall always be held by me in grateful remembrance. Could it be otherwise ? My lot having been long cast elsewhere, I am now standing almost on the spot of my birth. The air of Dela- ware is my natal air ; its sweet odor, " breathing the smell of field and grove," has lingered in my memory through all my wanderings, during an exile of more than forty years. Among those who surround me are some of my earliest friends, and the rest are descended from the friends of my ancestors. Thanking you, gentlemen, with all my heart for the compliment you have paid me, the value of which is enhanced by the fact of its having been proposed by one of your eminent citizens whom I meet to- day I believe for the first time ; and assuring you that, as it is my pride to possess, so shall it be my endeavor to retain, your good opinion, I ask leave, in conclusion, to offer the following Bentiment : The State of Delaware — a second Eden ; her sons living beyond her borders never cease to look back upon the spot once "their happy seat," with regret at their separation from it, and fond yearnmg for the hour of their return ! The toast Avas received with much enthusiasm, and, after sev- eral other volunteer toasts, the company adjourned at an early hour, highly gratified at the successful result of the brilliant festival, which was closed with nine cheers for the Honorable John M. Clayton. LIBRfiRY OF CONGRESS 011 897 615 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 0011897 6150