^m»^'-l[J%^ \JW^ ■H "->, y \.4*% ••attcO'49erman ID er mail rof isro LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. Chaptl... Copyright No Shelf„.«..L,_7-^ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. The Franco-German War of 1870 BY J HENRY PERCY LITCHFIELD GRACEHILL BROOKLYN, L. 1. 1872 f » ^vvAWtRro Put^^W-^1 \^/^> . // 44305 THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS WASHINGTON Copyright, iSqq BY HENRY PERCY LITCHFIELD T^A^O COPIES RECEIVED, cfOS SECOND COP^^^ lf?nicfeccbocl?ec iprees, "new IBorft 'D r^ o> c;? ! Affectionately Inscribed TO My Father EDWIN C LITCHFIELD THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR OF 1870 THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR OF 1870 THE year 1870 opened with as fair a prospect as one apparently could wish for of the continuance of the then general European peace : and no cloud in the political horizon por- tended the coming struggle between two of the first-class Powers of the Continent : still less would it have been predicted that the struggle would have ended as it did. Germany was occupied with the work of Unification. The War of 1866 had resulted in the dissolution of the old Germanic Confederation, and in the formation of two new ones (with the river Main for their common boun- 4 ^be 3franco*(5crman dary) and in the exclusion of Austria from German affairs. These two con- federations were known respectively as the Northern and the Southern. The War of 1866, itself, grew out of the war with Denmark in 1864. The alleged object of this war was to de- liver Holstein (a German- speaking country in the north, whose duke was the King of Denmark) from a foreign yoke. This movement began in 1863. Frederick VII. was then King of Denmark ; but, dying childless in November of that year, he was suc- ceeded by Christian IX., a prince of the House of Schles wig- Holstein, who, by virtue of a previous treaty, ascended the throne in preference to the intermediate heirs. The Holstein- ers, however, refused to recognize the new King as their duke ; upon which, Prince Frederic, son of the Duke of Augustinburg, claimed the duchy. The German Diet then determined that, on account of its German origin, the duchy should be separated from mac of X870 5 Denmark. At this point, Prussia and Austria, thrusting aside the minor States, formed an alliance and com- menced the war on their own account. The Danes resisted heroically, but in vain. They had hoped for the assist- ance of England and France, in which countries the popular feeling was fav- orable to their cause. The sympathy in England for the Danes was doubt- less due, in a great measure, to the fact that the eldest daughter of the new King of Denmark had but recently married the Prince of Wales, and she at once became extremely popular in her adopted country. But as the Crown Prince of Prussia had some years before married the eldest daughter of Queen Victoria, and as his eldest son, the prospective King of Prussia, is the eldest grandson of that queen, it may be considered doubtful whether the Queen of England would regard the aggrandizement of Prussia at the expense of Denmark in the same light as the Princess of Wales. In 6 XLbc 3franco=(5erman any case, the French and English Governments were desirous of pre- serving the peace for themselves ; and the Danes, left unaided, were com- pelled to yield to superior numbers, and to cede, not only Holstein, but also Schleswig, to the enemy. Thus Germany, after clamoring to free Hol- stein, a German-speaking country, from the Danish yoke, did not hesi- tate to impose the German yoke on Schleswig, a country inhabited by a Danish people, speaking the Danish language. The wrong, too, was in- flicted by a powerful State on a weak neighbor, unable to resist. But Prussia, ever since the accession of King William, has, in reality, been governed by his Premier, Count Bis- marck, a bold and able, though un- scrupulous man, whose chief object appears to be the aggrandizement of Prussia, which he would seek to "ac- complish by fair means or foul, and whose only thought would seem to be, how he may most firmly secure her ac- IKaac ot 1870 7 quisitions. He has, accordingly, been very unpopular, personally, both in and out of Germany, though his suc- cess in uniting Germany has caused considerable abatement of the feeling against him in that country. The understanding between Prussia and Austria had been that the spoils acquired from Denmark should be equally divided between them. But, as often happens in such cases, having accomplished their object the parties disagreed as to the division of the spoils. The lust of conquest has al- ways stained the character of the Prus- sian Government, as Prussian history shows ; and Count Bismarck far from abandoning the policy of territorial acquisition, seems to have made it a cardinal point of his administration. This dispute finally resulted in the War of 1866. The war lasted less than a fortnight ; and its shortness and consequences excited universal aston- ishment in Europe. Within this fort- night, the political face of Germany 8 Zbc 3francos'(5erman was changed. Austria, which had been for centuries, the leading State of Germany, and which was esteemed a first-class Power, was signally de- feated by Prussia (a comparatively new State,) and excluded from the affairs of the Confederation. New ter- ritory was added to Prussia, and Ger- many, with the exception of Austria, was formed into two confederations, as stated above. Part of the territory an- nexed to Prussia was Hanover, whose king, George V. (grandson of George III., King of both England and Hano- ver), unfortunately for himself, sided with Austria in this war, and lost his dominions in consequence. This war, it will be seen, increased the power of Prussia, as she became territorially and politically the leading State of Germany, and, indeed, one of the leading Powers of Europe. Her vic- tory over Austria, though it took the world by surprise, was in reality quite natural. Austria was composed of several distinct nationalities, speaking mat of 1870 9 different languages, and which, though under the same sovereign, were united by no common bond. Prussia, however, is inhabited, principally, by a popula- tion descended from a common stock with identical interests. The provinces she acquired in the partition of Poland would appear to be united and in com- plete harmony with the rest of Prussia. Her successes are also due to the ex- cellency of her military institutions. Kvery man is something of a soldier, and liable to take the field in case of necessity. Another result of the War of 1866 was the acquisition of Venice by Italy. Kver since the days of the Roman Empire, Italy had been di- vided into several independent States, at one time feudatory to the German Empire, but which in the Middle Ages became the seats of several fa- mous republics, and the scenes of numberless wars. Italy remained divided until the movement of 1859 united the whole peninsula into one lo JZbc 3Franco=(Berman kingdom, with the exception of Rome and of the adjacent territory, which remained under the temporal sover- eignty of the Pope : and of Venice, which had been an Austrian province ever since the days of the first Napo- leon, and which was not taken from Austria at the same time as Lombardy, which, with the aid of France, Sardinia wrested from that monarchy in 1859. A general movement at that time throughout Italy united the greater part of the peninsula to the dominions of the Sardinian monarch (Victor Kmmanuel) who thenceforth assumed the title of King of Italy. By allying herself with Prussia against Austria in 1866, Italy acquired Venice, which was ceded to her at the end of the war ; and she thus only needed the remains of the Papal dominions to complete the political unity of the peninsula. The continued occupation of Rome by Napoleon III. prevented the immedi- ate union of the city of Rome to the Italian kingdom ; though it was evi- •QXHar of 1870 n dent that the downfall of the temporal power of the Pope was but a question of time, and that, by patiently wait- ing, the Italians would eventually find themselves masters of the city. The removal of the capital from Turin to Florence was regarded as a step in that direction. I have digressed so far, not because Italy took part in the War of 1870, but because the results of that war on Italy were considerable. France, at the beginning of 1870, was in a state of high apparent pros- perity. Since 1848, she had been un- der the government of Napoleon III., who had been elected President of the French Republic towards the end of that year, and who was elected Em- peror in December, 1852. But his seat was far from easy. It is true he was elected by an immense majority of the people ; but there were still par- tisans of the Republic in France ; and also adherents of the Bourbon and Orleans dynasties. He did not marry until after he became Kmperor ; and at 12 XLbc 3franco*(5ermau the birth of his son, the Prince Impe- rial, in 1856, he was already forty- eight years of age ; and, consequently, his age, together with the weight of government, might have carried him off at any time before the Prince Im- perial arrived at the age of manhood, and would have exposed France to another revolution and his dynasty to an overthrow. He was, of course, anx- ious to transmit the throne to his de- scendants ; and the young Prince, had he been twenty years older, would have been more sure of ascending the throne. Finally, towards the close of 1869 the Kmperor seemed willing to grant some constitutional reforms, — such as, the liberty of the press, and greater freedom of discussion to the Corps Legislatif. He accordingly appointed as Prime Minister, "fimile Olivier, a man of liberal views. The Corps Leg- islatif ohos^VL in 1869 contained among its members Gambetta and Rochefort. The former became, before a year had mac ot 1870 13 passed, one of the foremost men of France. The latter had acquired his celebrity, not from any inherent ability that he possessed, but on account of the violent antagonism he had shown to the Emperor, several years before, in a journal of which he was editor, and which had then caused his ban- ishment. He took advantage of the recent amnest}^ of the Emperor to all French exiles to return to France in 1869 and was elected to the Corps Lig- islatif by a district comprising the lowest class of the Parisian popula- tion, who probably supposed that his having been banished, together with his inveterate hostility to the Emperor, proved his competency for the Legis- lature. He took his seat in the lyCgislature and continued his attacks on the Em- peror. But an event occurred early in 1870, which caused great agitation in Paris, and endangered the safety of the Government. Victor Noir, not only one of the partisans of Rochefort, 14 ^be 3fcanco*(5erman but also one of the assistants in edit- ing his paper, called upon Prince Pierre Bonaparte, a cousin of the Emperor. The real object of the visit will probably never be known : but it seems to have had a suspicious appear- ance ; for the Prince, in a heat of passion killed him. The excitement that followed in consequence of this event was immense but was success- fully put down ; and the plebiscite of the following May seemed to estab- lish the Kmperor more firmly on his throne. A war between France and Prussia seemed a possibility of the remote fu- ture, though a possibility which must, sooner or later, become a reality. But the event was nearer than people sup- posed, and the spark that lighted the war came from a quarter whence it was least expected. Breaking out as it did in the midst of profound peace, it shows how difiicult it is to foretell an event a short time before it hap- pens. m^V of 1870 15 Spain, in the southwest of Europe had been governed, since the begin- ning of the eighteenth century, by a younger branch of the Bourbon dy- nasty. The concentration of all politi- cal power into the hands of the King, together with the degeneracy of the last monarchs of that family, had caused Spain to decline in prosperity. The misgovernment of the last queen, Isa- bella II., resulting from a bad educa- tion and evil counsellors, led to the Revolution of 1868, when Queen Isa- bella was driven from the kingdom, and the throne declared vacant. General Prim became the head of Government, and he continued to be the real ruler of the nation until his death (caused by assassination, on New Year's Day, 1871, in the fifty- seventh year of his age) notwithstand- ing that, after the Cortes had decided in favor of a monarchy, Serrano, under the title of Regent, became the nomi- nal chief of the Government. Queen Isabella and her family fled i6 tibe 3franco*(Berman to Paris, where they were received by the Emperor Napoleon ; but they lived there very privately. In the mean- time, it being decided that monarch- ical institutions should be maintained in Spain, the election of a monarch for that country became the practical ques- tion of the hour, and excited much interest in Europe. Several candi- dates were brought forward and re- jected for various reasons. In the summer of 1870, General Prim offered the crown of Spain to a German prince of the House of Hohenzollem, distantly related to the King of Prus- sia ; and he summoned the Cortes to meet about the middle of July for the purpose of electing him. The Prince at first accepted the offer ; but no sooner was his nomination known in France, than Frenchmen of all parties pronounced the election of a German prince to the throne of Spain an insult to their country ; and they declared that the recent nomination had been premeditated by Count Bismarck for mar of 1870 17 the purpose of annoying France, and of acquiring an ally for Germany in the South, in case a war should break out between France and Prussia. Since the dethronement of Queen Isabella, in September, 1868, Europe, generally, had taken considerable in- terest in the question, " Who shall be King of Spain?" It w^as about two years before a suitable candi- date was found. Queen Isabella's re- nunciation of the throne of Spain in favor of her son, the Prince of the Asturias, was not much heeded. The ex-King of Portugal refused the crown in to to. Bspartero, a Spanish gen- eral, though he had some partisans, would not have answered, as he was. already very old, and he had no children to whom the throne might descend ; the other candidates were foreign princes, and were rejected, either on account of their youth, or from deference to the Kmperor Napo- leon. i8 ^be 3franco*(5erman It is difficult to conceive how the news of the nomination of the Prince of Hohenzollern to the throne of Spain could have roused the French to such a pitch of frenzy, for he was as eligible as any of the candi- dates proposed ; neither would his election have been more threatening than that of the others — for it would have been more necessary to his interest as king to seat himself firm- ly on the throne by ingratiating himself in the affections of his sub- jects, than to form an offensive and defensive alliance with his native country. But his German nationality prejudiced the French against him, and brought on the war. We give extracts below from several Parisian journals, showing the state of feeling in France on the subject. The Constitutionnel observed : "The sentiments produced on our mind by the candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern for the crown of Spain, are shared by most of our con- IKUac ot 1870 19 temporaries, there being a general feeling of doubt, astonishment, and suspense. It appears that the Span- iards are about in the same case, al- though so deeply interested in the affair. It is true that they still pre- serve a hope of being consulted. A Madrid journal, the Tiempo, declares that the Prussian candidate, upheld by several ministers, fifteen or twenty deputies, and Marshal Prim, will see formed against him a league, composed of Republicans, Carlists, Montpen- sierists, and the partisans of Alphonso XII., — that is to say,— everybody. The same organ, however, adds' that the question is not so far advanced as has been imagined ; that the present Government has contracted no formal engagement, and that the Prussian Prince puts conditions on his accept- ance which will not perhaps be ac- ceded to. It seems to us, indeed, very improbable that Marshal Prim, who has always piqued himself on a pro- found respect for the national will, 20 ^be 3fi:ancos(5etman would at once overleap it so abruptly, and suppress it. It may also be re- marked, that at present, much is said of the Prince's relationship, and little of himself, personally. His allies and ancestors are known and that is all. Who is he ? What is he fit for ? What are his ideas ? If the people revolt against legitimate and semi- legitimate rulers, against divine right, it is not, doubtless, for the purpose of choosing fresh princes, guided solely by the sacred pages of the Almanac de Gotha. Either the future King of Spain is only to play the modest part of a master of the ceremonies, in which case it will not be worth while to be so long on the lookout ; or, he is really destined to exercise a considera- ble influence over the country of his adoption, in which event it would per- haps be well to discuss a little the tri- fling matter as to whether he is capable of doing what is expected of him." The following is from the Memorial Diplomatique. Timar of 1870 21 "The present is not the first time that this candidature has been brought forward. In fact, some weeks since, we assigned reasons for the matter falling through. To-day, less than ever, would King William, in his quality as head of the Hohenzollern family, authorize a Prussian prince to accept that crown which Queen Isa- bella has just abdicated in favor of her son, the Prince of the Asturias. I^et the words pronounced by King Wil- liam at the time of his coronation at Koenigsberg be borne in mind. After taking up his position as a reso- lute defender of the principle of I^e- gitimacy, he is not a monarch who would allow a member of his family to usurp a crown in connivance with the Revolution." The Nord says : "The probability is, that the part taken by Count Bismarck in the can- didature of Prince I^eopold has been singularly exaggerated. That the lat- ter has accepted the offer of Marshal 22 zhc 3francos(5erman Prim is probable ; that King William, whose authorization is necessary, has consented, may also be true ; but the fact seems to be more than doubtful that the Prussian Government con- sented eagerly to the wishes of the Spanish Prime Minister. One quality which no one can deny to the Federal chancellor is practical common sense ; and endowed as he is with that fac- ulty, he could not help seeing the difficulty in which his country would almost inevitably be involved by the accession of a prince of its royal house to the throne of Spain. The stability of the new Peninsular dy- nasty would be far from secure." The Debats observed on this sub- ject : "As we do not suppose that Prim, if he had been carrying on an in- trigue, would have had the kindness to impart to the correspondent of the Agency an answer to his question, in order that he might inform the whole of Kurope, we do not attach the slight- •QWar of 1870 23 est importance to the denials of the telegraph. What is rather more se- rious in the despatch of which we speak, is the fact that it contradicts the statement of there being an inten- tion of proclaiming a king without the approval of the Cortes, given, not by a simple, but by an absolute majority, in conformity with the law recently voted. It must be confessed, that if there had been an attempt to go to work in any other way, as the first telegram seemed to indicate, and to impose Prince I^eopold on Spain, without hav- ing first consulted the representatives of the country, it would have appeared more as if those in authority were seeking to light up the flames of civil war, than to find a king for this throne, vacant now for nearly two years." The Avenir National spoke thus : *' Prince I^eopold is not only a firm Catholic, but of a pleasant disposition, and little inclined to opposition. He will be, in Prim's hands, an instru- ment not less docile than his brother 24 Zbc 3franco*i5crman has been for the various ministers who have succeeded each other at Buch- arest, since his accession to the throne of the Danubian Principalities. He is just the candidate for a minister who is ambitious, and anxious to hold sway. Another advantage that this pretender would have in Prim's eyes is, that, in his quality of eldest son, he would one day inherit a fortune, considerable even for a prince. He is not a younger brother, as the Patria has it. The fer- vor of the Catholic sentiments of the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen family did not prevent it from enriching itself with the property of the abbeys in the beginning of the century. Be- sides, Napoleon I. behaved very gen- erously to the grandfather when this latter married a Murat princess, as he generally did to the members of the royal houses who consented to form alliances with his family. Finally, the cession of the Principality with its forty thousand inhabitants made by the father to the King of Prussia in mac ot 1870 25 the midst of the troubles of 1849, did not take place without a heavy pe- cuniary indemnity in the shape of a very high annual income which the Prussian Treasury pays every year. Prim would have shown only an ill- grace had he presented to the Spanish people a Pretender insufficiently pro- vided for, needy, and on his knees for a five-franc piece, as Beaumarchais has it. Evidently, he who casts a doubt on the pecuniary resources of the candidate was misled by the mod- erate means of the reigning family in Prussia. Prim's protigS is in no way like the other princes of that country, being of an unwarlike disposition, a fervent Catholic, studious, and rich, whilst his cousins are soldiers from head to foot, Protestants, not very deeply lettered, and with small for- tunes." These extracts would appear to show that the feeling of France gen- erally was opposed to the election 26 ^be 3francos»(5crman of a Prussian Prince to the throne of Spain, notwithstanding the fact that the candidate was more nearly related, through females, to the Emperor Na- poleon, than to the King of Prussia. It would hardly be worth while to bring the candidature so prominently into notice, but for the fact of its in- strumentality in bringing on a war which led to the most important re- sults to the countries engaged, and which led indirectly to other results of equal importance to the world at large. I will refer to these in the proper place. The father of Prince Leopold re- nounced in behalf of his son all claims to the throne of Spain as soon as he saw the difficulties it would give rise to in Europe ; but the renunciation did not have the desired effect. The nom- ination of the Prince was made known to Europe, July 5, 1870 ; a week after, on the 12th, he notified the French Government of his renunciation. This renunciation was apparently as satis- •Qmac of 1870 27 factory as could be desired ; but it was not enough. Tbe King of Prussia was staying at the time at the water- ing-place of Bms ; and on the morn- ing of the 13th, he was met by M. Benedetti, the French Ambassador, on the Promenade. The King handed M. Benedetti a Cologne newspaper, containing the news of the Prince's renunciation. This, M. Benedetti said he already knew. On the King's say- ing the matter was finally settled, Benedetti made the unexpected de- mand for a distinct assurance from that monarch that his consent would never be given to the candidature, if it should be made in future, which as- surance the King firmly refused to give, though repeatedly urged to do so by the French Ambassador. The King, later in the day, denied an in- terview to Benedetti, on the ground that his final answer was already given, and giving him to understand that communications must proceed regularly through his ministers. On 28 ^bc 3franco*(5ernian the following day, the French Am- bassador left Ems, after taking an in- formal leave of the King. On the 15th, M. Olivier, Prime Minister of the Kmperor Napoleon, announced to the Corps LSgislatif the determination of the Government to break off all diplomatic intercourse with Prussia. In this communication, after giving an account of the nego- tiations, the Premier added : ' * Under these circumstances, the Government would have forgotten its dignity, and also its prudence, had it not made preparations. We have prepared to maintain the war which is offered to us, leaving upon each that portion of the responsibility which devolves upon him. Since yesterday, we have called out the reserves, and we shall take necessary measures to guard the in- terests, the security, and the honor of France." This address was generally accepted, not merely by the Corps LSgislatif ^ but by Europe, as a declaration of war, mat of 1870 29 as it virtually was ; for it showed that the war had been definitely decided upon by the French Government, though the formal declaration was de- layed some days longer. On the day this address was delivered, the Due de Grammont, the Minister of Foreign Aifairs, told the English Ambassador in Paris, that the ' ' Prussian Govern- ment had deliberately insulted France, by declaring to the public that the King had affronted the French Ambas- sador. It was evidently the intention of the Government of Prussia to take credit with the people of Germany for having acted with haughtiness and discourtesy : in fact, to humiliate France." On the 20th, the Duke, in a speech to the Corps Ligislatif^ said : ' ' In conformity with the law or cus- tom, and by order of the Emperor, I have requested the French Charge d^ Affaires at the Court of Berlin to notify to the Prussian Government our resolution to seek by force of arms the guaranties we have not been able 30 tibe 3fcanco*(5ecman to obtain by discussion. That step has been taken, and I have the honor to inform the Legislative Body, that consequently, a state of war exists since yesterday, the 19th, between France and Prussia. This declaration also applies to the allies of Prussia, who lend to that Power the assistance of their arms against us. ' ' The Declaration of War sent to Berlin was in the following terms : " In fulfilment of the orders he has received from his government, the un- dersigned Chargi d' Affaires of France has the honor to make known to his Kxcellency the Minister of Foreign Affairs to his Majesty the King of Prussia, the following communication : The Government of his Majesty, the Bmperor of the French, not being able to regard the design of raising a Prus- sian Prince to the Throne of Spain, as anything but an enterprise directed against the territorial security of France, found itself under the neces- mar of 1870 31 ^sity of requiring from his Majesty the King of Prussia an assurance that such a combination should not be carried into effect without his consent. His Majesty, the King of Prussia, refused to give the assurance, and stated, on the contrary, to the Ambassador of his Majesty the Emperor, that he reserved to himself for that eventuality, as in all others, the power of taking ac- count of circumstances. The Imperial Government could not but perceive in that declaration on the part of the King, reservations which were threat- ening for France and the general halance of power in Europe. A second fact gave still more gravity to that declaration : The announcement made to all the Cabinets of Europe of the refusal to receive the Emperor's Am- bassador or to enter into further con- ferences with him. In consequence, the French Government felt it to be a duty to take steps for the immediate defence of its honor and interests, and to adopt all the measures required by 32 Zbc 3Franco*(5ecman the position of affairs. Consequently, from this time it considers itself in a state of war with Prussia. lyE) SOURDK.'* The Premier also sent circulars to the archbishops and bishops of the Roman Church ; and to the heads of the Reformed Churches, requiring prayers to be offered up for the suc- cess of the French arms. The cir- cular ran as follows : " MoNSKiGNKUR : I request you in the name of his Majesty, to order public prayers in your diocese. Put France, and her Chief, and the noble child about to go to war before the required age, under the protection of Him who holds in His hands the ordering of battles and the destinies of nations. And at the moment that our heroic army sets out on its march, pray God that He will bless our arms, and that He will permit a glorious and durable peace soon to succeed to the pains and the sufferings caused by war. TKHar of 1870 33 "Accept, Monseigneur, the assur- ance of my high esteem. *'feMII.K OlvIVIKR." The above document was dated July 26, 1870. The circular addressed to the Re- formed Churches was slightly different from the above. The lycgislative Body made the fol- lowing address to the Kmperor Na- poleon on the occasion of declaring war: its President, M. Schneider, acting as spokesman : "SiRK: The I^egislative Body has terminated its labor, after voting all the subsidies and laws necessary for the defence of the country. Thus the Chamber has united in an effective proof of patriotism. The real author of war is not he by whom it is de- clared, but he who renders it neces- sary. There will be but one voice among the people of both hemispheres, throwing the responsibiHty upon Prus- 34 Zbc afcanco:s(5ecman sia, which, intoxicated by unexpect- ed success, and encouraged by our patience and our desire to preserve to Europe the blessings of peace, has imagined that she could conspire against our security and wound our honor with impunity. Under these circumstances, France will know how to do her duty. The most ardent ■wishes will follow you to the army, the command of which you assume, accompanied by your son, who, anticipating the duties of maturer age, will learn, by your side, how to serve his country. Behind you — ^be- hind our army, accustomed to carry the noble flag of France — stands the i^hole nation ready to recruit it. I^eave the Regency, without anxiety, in the hands of our august Sovereign, the Empress. To the authority com- manded by her great qualities, of which ample evidence has already been given, her Majesty will add the strength now afforded by the liberal institutions so gloriously inaugurated mac of 1870 35 by your Majesty. Sire, the heart of the whole nation is with you, and with your valiant army." The Bmperor made the following reply : ' ' I experience the most lively satis- faction, on the eve of my departure for the army, at being able to thank you for the patriotic support which you have afforded my government. A war is right when it is waged with the assent of the country, and the ap- proval of the country's representatives. You do right to remember the words of Montesquieu, that ' the real author of war is not he by whom it is de- clared, but he who renders it neces- sary.' We have done all in our power to avert the war, and I may say that it is the whole nation that has, by its irresistible impulses, dictated our de- cisions. I confide to you the Empress, who will call you around her, if cir- cumstances should require it. She 36 Xlbc ^ranco»0erman will know how to fulfil courageously the duty which her position imposes upon her. I take my son with me : in the midst of the army he will learn to serve his country. Resolved ener- getically to pursue the great mission which has been entrusted to me, I have faith in the success of our arms : for I know that behind me France has arisen to her feet, and that God protects her." On July 20th, the French Govern- ment issued the following declara- tion concerning Prussian interests in France : "The Emperor has determined, on the suggestion of his Excellency, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the subjects of Prussia, and of the allies affording her armed assistance against us, who are now in France or her colonies, shall be allowed to remain as long as their conduct affords no grounds for complaint. •Mar or 1870 37 ' ' The admission into French terri- tory of subjects of Prussia and her allies, is from the present date subject to special authorizations, which shall only be granted exceptionally. *' With regard to the enemy's mer- chant vessels now in the ports of the Empire, or which may enter them in ignorance of the state of war, his Maj- esty has been pleased to order that they shall be allowed a period of thirty days to leave those ports. Safe con- ducts will be given to them to enable them freely to return to those ports to which they belong, or to go direct to the port of their destination. ' ' Vessels which shall have shipped cargoes for French ports, and on French account in the enemy's or neu- tral ports previous to the declaration of war, are not subjects to capture. They may freely discharge their freight in the ports of the Empire, and will receive safe conducts to re- turn to the ports to which they belong." 38 Zbc 3Francoss(3erman The King of Prussia opened the Parliament of the North-German Con- federation in person on the 19th of July, and, in a speech from the throne he informed the House of the rupture with France. Information of the dec- laration of war was given to Count Bismarck on the same day. The Par- liament, in reply, made the following address : " Most Skrene I^ord ! Most Gra- cious King and Sovkrkign ! "The sublime words which your Majesty has addressed to us in the name of the Confederated Govern- ments, meet with a powerful response among the German people. *'One thought, one will, moves the German heart at this moment. ''The nation is filled with joy- ous pride at the great sternness and high honor with which your Majesty treated the unheard-of demands of the enemy, who thought to humble us, TDClar of 1870 39 and who invades the Fatherland with ill-considered pretexts. " The German people have no other wish than to live in peace and friendship with all nations that re- spect the honor and independence of Germany. ** As in the celebrated times of the wars of independence, so does Napo- leon force us again to-day into sacred strife for our rights and liberties. *' All calculations of the moral force and determined will of the German people, based upon the meanness and perfidy of mankind, are now, as form- erly, brought into disgrace. " That portion of the French people, led astray through jealousy and am- bition, will learn too late the terrible results that await all nations that en- gage in bloody strife. ''The cautious policy of our people has not succeeded in preventing the crime directed against the welfare of the French, and the friendly relations of the two nations. 40 tTbe 3fi:ancos!(5crman " Germany knows that a great and terrible conflict awaits her. ' * We confide in the bravery and patriotism of our armed brethren, on the unshaken determination of a united people, to venture all temporal goods, and not to suffer the foreign conqueror to bend the neck of the German citizen. ' ' We confide in the guidance of the gray hero-king, the German general whom Providence has appointed to lead to a decisive end in the evening of his life the great struggle which he fought as a youth, half a century ago. "We trust in God, whose justice punishes bloody transgressions. ' ' From the shores of the seas to the foot of the Alps the people have risen at the call of their patriotic princes. * ' No sacrifice is too great for them. '' Public opinion throughout the world recognizes the justice of our cause. ' ' Friendly nations behold in our victory their deliverance from the TKHar of 1870 41 weighty oppression of the Bonaparte domination and the expiation of the wrongs perpetrated on them. "The German people will finally find on the victorious battle-field — ground valued by all nations — a more peaceful and independent unity. ' 'Your Majesty and the Confederated Governments find us prepared, like our brethren in the South. ' ' It touches your honor and our freedom. " It touches the tranquillity of Eu- Tope, and the welfare of the people. ' ' In deep reverence we remain, "Your royal Majesty, ' * Most loyally and faithfully, "The Reichstag of the North German Confederation . ' ' The King, before leaving for the war, issued the following proclama- tion : ' ' I am compelled to draw the sword in consequence of a wanton attack. 42 ^be 3Prancos:(5erman which must be warded o£f with all the strength at the command of Germany. It is a great consolation to me before God and man, that I have not in any- way given occasion for the onslaught. My conscience is clear as to the right of this war, and I am confident before God of the justice of our cause. The conflict is earnest, and it will entail heavy sacrifices on my people, and on Germany at large. But I depart for war, looking up to an all-knowing God, and appealing to His all-power- ful help. Already I have occasion to thank God that, at the first whisper of war, all German hearts were ani- mated by one feeling : a feeling of in- dignation at the attack, and of glad trustfulness that God would grant victory to the rightful cause. My people will stand by me in this con- flict as they stood by my father, who now rests in God. With me they will make any sacrifice to restore peace to the nations. From my youth up I have learnt to confide in the omnipo- mar of 1870 43 tence of God's gracious help. In Him I hope, and I call on my people to have a like confidence in Him. I bow- before God in acknowledgment of His mercy, and I am convinced that my subjects will do likewise. For this reason, I appoint that Wednesday, the 27th of July, be kept as an extraor- dinary general day of prayer, when Divine service will be held in the churches, and public business shall be suspended in so far as the pressing necessity of the time shall permit. I also appoint that, during the continu- ance of the war, in every public Divine service, prayers shall be offered up that God may lead us to victory, that He may be merciful even to our enemies, and that He may graciously conduct us to a peace that will secure the honor and the lasting independence of Germany. " W11.1.1AM. "Be)ri,in, July 21, 1870." The leading states of Europe de- 44 ^be 3Franco*(5erman Glared themselves neutral. Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland at first sent troops to their frontiers to defend their neutrality. Some excitement was cre- ated by the alleged discovery of a secret treaty between France and Prussia — before the war had fairly begun — said to have been drawn up in 1864, in which France agreed not to oppose the unification of Germany, while the Prussians were to support France in annexing the kingdom of Belgium and the Grand Duchy of lyuxembourg. The difl&culty in accounting for this treaty was, that it was in the hand- writing of Benedetti (the French Am- bassador at the Court of Berlin), and in the possession of Bismarck, which gave it an appearance of genuineness. But the indifferent French of the origi- nal, combined with other mistakes, caused its genuineness to be doubted. Bismarck maintained that Benedetti offered to make such a treaty with Prussia, on behalf of the French Gov- ernment : while Benedetti affirmed "Omac of 1870 45 tliat one day, being in conversation with Bismarck, at his request, he (Benedetti) took down the heads of a treaty, and left it with him. This, however, is a digression, as the subject did not loom up again during the war. At the end of July, the hostile arm- ies were moving to the frontiers of France and Germany and each was nominally commanded by its respective sovereign in person. The South Ger- man States had, after a momentary hesitation, declared their adhesion to the national cause ; so that Germany now presented an unbroken front to the French. The Emperor Napoleon issued the following proclamation at Metz, July 28th, on taking the command of the Army of the Rhine : "I place myself at your head, to defend the honor of the nation. You will fight one of the best armies in Europe : though other armies, equally 46 XLbc 3franco*(5erman able, could not withstand you. The struggle will to-day be equal. The war will be long and painful, but noth- ing surpasses the tenacious bravery of the soldiers who fought in Africa, in the Crimea, in Italy, and in Mexico. Whichever way we turn, beyond the boundaries of our country, we find continually the glorious footsteps of our forefathers, and we will show our- selves worthy of them. All France follows you with her best wishes ; the world has its eyes fixed upon you ; upon your success hang the destinies of freedom and civilization. I^et each one do his duty, and the God of Battles will be on our side ! ' ' Bach belligerent thus claimed to be fighting for right, justice, and liberty. Before leaving Paris, the Emperor had appointed his consort, the Em- press, Regent of the Empire during his absence. He was accompanied to the theatre of war by the Prince Im- perial, a boy of fourteen, whom he wished to accustom to war. Mar of 1870 47 Under the French Emperor were three marshals, who were probably the real leaders of the army. Foremost among these was Marshal MacMahon. He was of Irish extraction, and was born in 1808 ; he was consequently sixty-two years of age at the outbreak of the war. He had already served in Africa and the Crimea, and likewise in Lombardy. Marshal Canrobert, born in 1809, who took command of the Sixth Corps, had served in Algeria, and, as a general of division, in the Crimean War. The Second and Fifth Corps were commanded respectively by Froissard and Failly, Marshal Bazaine, who took command of the Fourth Corps, had served in Mexico. The King of Prussia took the field in person at the head of his army ; but the real director of the military movements was Count von Moltke, a Dane by birth, and a veteran of long experience, who continued till the end of the war the chief military adviser of the Prussian monarch. The Crown 48 Ebe f ranco*(5erman Prince of Prussia was appointed to the command of the South German con- tingents. Prince Frederic Charles, — the King's nephew, known as the Red Prince, — Von Rittenfeld, Von Falken- stein, Manteuffel, and Steinmetz, were among the other principal command- ers. Some of them were born in the times of the French Revolution. Count Bismarck also followed the army, though he took no command. Germany was able to put in the field 1,100,000 men ; France was able to put in the field only 600,000 men. Though the military force of Germany was thus nearly double that of France, yet, as the Southern states wavered for a moment, it was expected that the French generals would take ad- vantage of this hesitation, by making a sudden raid into Southern Germany, thereby alienating them from Prussia. This might have secured Austria (still smarting under the defeat of 1866) and Italy. It was in general looked upon as a matter of course that the French Timar ot 1870 49 arms would be successful in the begin- ning of the war, even by many who thought they would not be ultimately successful. Had the French Emperor been able to follow out this plan, he might have influenced in a great measure the subsequent course of the war. For a week or more after the French Emperor had issued his procla- mation to the army, all Europe was awaiting the movements of the hostile armies with breathless anxiety. In the meantime, the German troops, both of the Northern and Southern Confederations, were enabled to as- semble ; and soon after the ist of August, they were all at the seat of war. The two armies stood confront- ing each other all along the frontier of France and Germany between Swit- zerland and Belgium. Before the actual outbreak of hos- tilities, the Prussians blew up the rail- way bridge between Strasburg and Kehl, on the Rhine ; thereby prevent- ing the bridge from being used for the 50 XLbc 3Ft:ancos(5erman transport of French troops across the Rhine. It was afterwards explained that the continued inaction of the Emperor Napoleon was due to the fact that the forces on which he was counting were not forthcoming, thus forcing him to remain in Metz longer than he in- tended. He had at first proposed marching with 250,000 men that were to have assembled at Metz and Stras- burg into Southern Germany in order to secure the neutrality of that Con- federation ; after which they were to march against the Prussians. In the meantime, 50,000 men under Marshal Canrobert were to protect the north- eastern frontier. In point of fact, only 100,000 had assembled at Metz, and 40,000 at Strasburg, instead of 150,- 000 which were awaited at the former place, and 100,000 at the latter. On the 2d of August the first shot of the campaign was fired by a French division, under General Ba- taille, who attacked and carried the mar of X870 51 Heights of Spicheren, in the neighbor- hood of Saarbruck, a Prussian town near the frontier. The battle lasted about three hours. The Prussians re- tired upon their next line of defence : the French, after the battle, appear to have withdrawn across their own border to Metz. Some importance was attached to this battle, as it was fought in the presence of the Kmperor and the Prince Imperial ; the latter was said to have received his baptism of fire in this battle. This success, small as it was, was almost the only one on the French side during the whole course of the war. For the German forces being assem- bled about this time, they took the offensive soon after the battle of Saar- bruck, and advanced into the French territory. The Crown Prince of Prus- sia, with 40,000 men under him, ad- vanced upon Weissenburg, a French town near the frontier, in which neigh- borhood they found a division of the French army under General Douay. The division consisted of the 74th and 52 Zbc 3francos(5entian 50th regiments of the line, the i6th battalion of foot, a regiment of Tur- cos, and one of mounted Chasseurs. The Crown Prince came upon them unexpectedly on the morning of the 4th, and at once attacked them. The French fought vigorously, and main- tained the unequal conflict (the Prus- sians having the advantage of numbers) during the greater part of the day ; leaving tents, baggage, etc. in the hands of the enemy, they lost 800 prisoners, and had their commander, Douay, killed in the field. Marshal MacMahon, commander- in-chief of the army to which this division belonged, was then at Metz, attending a council of war ; he no sooner heard of the French defeat than he hastened to join his army, and with 50,000 men encamped near Woerth, a little farther in the interior of France than Weissenburg. The Crown Prince advanced with 130,000 troops from Weissenburg, and attacked MacMahon on the 6th. The mar of 1870 53 battle was fought with great vigor on both sides, and ended, like the former, in the total rout and defeat of the French, who lost 10,000 men put hors de combat, and 7000 taken prisoners: 4000 being taken in battle, and the remainder during the pursuit. The German loss was 7000 put hors de combat. On that same day, Saarbruck was evacuated by the French. A battle fought on the Heights of Spicheren, near Saarbruck, resulted, likewise, in the defeat of the French : but in this case, the French had the numerical advantage. The French army concen- trated in Metz on the loth. During this time, great commotion prevailed in Paris. A report was cir- culated on the 6th that Marshal Mac- Mahon had gained a great victory over the Germans, and had captured the Crown Prince and his army. This caused great excitement : but when it was found that the news was false, a reaction set in. The defeat of the 54 ^be 3franco==(5erman French was announced by telegram by the Emperor Napoleon, who added : ' ' All may yet be well. ' ' These events resulted in the resignation of the Oli- vier Ministry, and in the formation of a new one, with Count Pelikas as Premier. The premiership of the Count was necessarily short-lived, be- ing overthrown with the Empire in September. The demand of the peo- ple for arms, was complied with, and the Department of the Seine was at once declared in a state of siege. The great excitement that prevailed also made the populace suspicious of stran- gers, and the cry of ' ' spy ' ' was con- tinually raised against foreigners, and it was as continually proving false. The defeats of the French were made known to them by the Ministers in Paris, in the following proclamation : ' ' FRKNCHM:eN ! We have told you the whole truth : it is now for you to do your duty. Let one single cry issue from the breasts of all, from one TKnar of 1870 55 end of France to the other. Let the whole people rise, quivering, and sworn to fight the great fight. Some of our regiments have succumbed to overwhelming numbers, but our army has not been vanquished. The same intrepid breath still animates it : let us support it. To a momentarily success- ful audacity, we will oppose a union which conquers destiny. I^t us fall back upon ourselves, and our invaders shall hurl themselves against a ram- part of human breasts. As in 1792 and at Sebastapol, let our reverses be the school of our victories. It would be a crime to doubt for an instant the safety of our country, and a greater still not to do our part to secure it. Up, then, up ! and you, inhabitants of the Centre, the North, and the South, upon whom the burden of the war does not fall, hasten with unanimous enthusi- asm to the rescue of your brethren in the Bast. I^et France, united in suc- cess, be still more united in adversity. And may God bless our arms." 56 ^be 3franco*(3erman The Government followed up this proclamation by active measures for the prosecution of the war. They asked for more men, calling out all citizens under forty for the services of the National Guards who were to de- fend the capital, and repair the fortifi- cations. The people seem to have been confident as to the ultimate issue of the war, as the following extract, taken from a Parisian journal after the first defeat, shows : * ' There exist in the life of nations solemn and decisive moments in which God gives them an opportunity of showing what they are and of what they are capable. That hour has come for France. It has sometimes been asserted that, though intrepid in the dash of success, the great nation supports reverses with difiiculty . What is now passing before us gives the lie to this calumny. The attitude of the people is not one of discouragement : it is one of sublime and patriotic rage Mac of 1870 57 against the invaders of France, who in France must find a tomb. ' ' All Frenchmen will rise, like one man : they remember their ancestors and their children : behind them they see centuries of glory : before them a future that their heroism shall render free and powerful. Never before has our country been better prepared for self-devotion and sacrifice : never has it shown in a more imposing and mag- nificent manner the vigor and pride of the national character. It shouts with enthusiasm : ' Up ! To arms ! ' ' To conquer or to die, ' is its motto. ' ' While our soldiers heroically de- fend the soil of France, Europe is justly uneasy at the successes of Prus- sia. People ask themselves to what lengths the ambition of that insatiable Power would carry her, if she were intoxicated with a decisive triumph. "It is an invariable law of history, that any nation which, by unbounded covetousness, disturbs the general equi- librium, challenges a reaction against 58 JLbe 3franco:=(5erman its victories, and turns all other coun- tries into opponents. This truth can- not fail to be demonstrated by the results. Who is interested in the re- surrection of the German Empire? Who desires the Baltic to become a Prussian lake ? Can it be Sweden, Norway, or Denmark ? countries that a Prussian triumph would annihilate ! Can it be Russia — Russia, which is interested more than any other Power in saving the equilibrium of the North against German covetousness ? Can it be England, which, as a great mari- time Power, and as the protector of Denmark, is opposed to the progress of the Prussian navy ? Can it be Hol^ land, which is already so much threat- ened by the audacious intrigues of Count Bismarck ? With regard to Aus- tria, the restoration of the German Em- pire to the advantage of the House of Hohenzollern would be the most fatal blow, not only to the dynasty of the Hapsburgs, but to the existence of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Prussia mar of 1870 59 will certainly attempt to make prom- ises to the Cabinet of Vienna : but it is well known what faith can be placed in the word of Count Bismarck. Can any pretended guaranty ever be stronger than the ties which united Prussia to the Germanic Confederation, and which Prussia, contemning all her duties, and obligations, so violently tore asunder? The decisive victory of the Hohenzollems would not be less fatal to Italy than to Austria. A Ger- manic Empire would at any price wish to acquire a sea-board. It would want one in the south as well as in the north, and would demand Venice and Trieste, as well as Kiel and Amster- dam. Thus the regeneration of Italy would be compromised. ' ' We appeal with confidence to the wisdom of governments and nations to root Prussian despotism out of Eu- rope, to aid us, either by alliance or sympathy, in saving the European equilibrium. There is good ground already for noting the favorable ^o ^be 3Pranco*(5ei:man symptoms apparent in England, which country is fully satisfied with the dec- larations we have so categorically and loyally given with regard to Bel- gian neutrality, protecting as it does our northern frontier, and which she shows herself ready to defend, on the side of Belgium, should Prussia wish to violate that country's territory. Sweden, Norway, and Denmark show an attitude trembling with patriotism. The Emperor of Russia honors our Ambassador with his particular good will, and the best authorized organs of the Russian press hold a language unfavorable to the Prussian cause. Those Vienna journals which at first timidly manifested some sympathy with Count Bismarck are compelled to give way before public opinion, and now speak in terms harmonizing with the true interests of Austria. The Emperor Francis Joseph, the King of Italy, and their governments, manifest dispositions more and more satisfactory towards us. Austria and Italy are mar of 1870 6i actively arming. The Ministers of Vienna and Pesth obey a united im- pulse, and the moment approaches when Prussia will encounter from that quarter the most serious and grave embarrassments. Our diplomacy will not be less active than our army. France is making a supreme effort, and our patriotism rises equal to every danger. The more serious the cir- cumstances, so much the more will the nation be energetic. All divisions cease, and the French press unani- mously expresses the most practical and the most noble ideas. ' ' The concurrence of the Senate and the I^egislative Body is about to lend fresh strength to our troops : and the French of 1870 will show the people of Europe that we have not degenerated." At the beginning of the war each of the belligerents was confident of being ultimately victorious. The French had no doubt of success ; and it was 62 Zbc 3franco*(5erman generally supposed, from their acknow- ledged military superiority, and the impetuosity of their character, that, on whichever side the fortune of war should ultimately incline, the French would have the advantage of the first victories. But no sooner had the war fairly begun, than victory after victory was announced on the German side. One army, commanded by the King of Prussia in person, and Count von Moltke, followed the French Imperial Army, commanded by the Bmperor. While the French army was being driven by the enemy into the interior, and was keeping near the frontier, the Army of Southern Germany, under the command of the Crown Prince, struck into the interior ; but its pro- gress was kept more secret than that of the army commanded by the King. The French army continued its re- treat. Resigning the command of the troops stationed at Metz to Marshal Eazaine, the Kmperor retired to the Mac ot 1870 63 camp at Chalons. During the third week of August, three battles were fought in the vicinity of Metz. The Prussians attacked the French in the neighborhood of Courcelles, a small village at some distance from Metz, on the 14th. The losses on both sides were immense : and both sides claimed the victory. On the i6th the Third Prussian Corps attacked the French troops, who were commanded by Frois- sard. Notwithstanding their enormous loss, which amounted to 16,000 men, the Germans gained the victory, captur- ing 7 guns, 2000 prisoners, and driv- ing Bazaine back seven miles towards Gravelotte. Here, on the 17th and 1 8th, a third and equally decisive battle, favorable to the Prussians, was fought between the two armies. The result of these battles was to blockade Marshal Bazaine and his troops in Metz, from the 22d of August until the end of October. In order to prevent MacMahon, who, at the head of 100,000 men, was to advance to the 64 Zbc 3Franco*(5erman relief of Bazaine, from taking up a de- fensive position to the north of Chalons, a considerable portion of the German army, under the Crown Princes of Saxony and Prussia, was sent to hold him in check. MacMahon took up his position in the Vaux, where, on the 30th of August, he was attacked by the enemy, and defeated, with the loss of 7000 men and 20 guns. He and his army, with the Kmperor, then re- treated to Sedan. Next to the siege of Paris, that of Sedan must be regarded as the most important of the war, not in its length (it was of short duration), but in the magnitude of its results. The same fatality that followed the French army since the beginning of the war was against it at Sedan. On September I St, a general action took place around Sedan, the French being defeated : 20,000 prisoners were taken by the enemy ; thousands fled across the Bel- gian frontier. In these conflicts, Mac- Mahon himself, was wounded ; being IKHar ot 1 870 65 unable to retain his command in con- sequence, the leadership of the French forces was assumed, early on the 2d, by Wimpffen, who had hurried from Aj&ica for the purpose. He was obliged that same day to sign a cap- itulation, surrendering his whole army — 80,000 in all — as prisoners of war to the Germans. The Emperor Napoleon is said to have exposed his person in these conflicts round Sedan, evidently court- ing death. On the 2d, the day of the capitulation, he sent his sword to the King of Prussia, requesting an inter- view. The interview was held at the Chateau of Frenois, after the signing of the capitulation. The French mon- arch refused to discuss politics, de- claring that the Germans must treat with the Empress Regent and the Government at Paris, who, as his representatives, had full powers to sign a treaty ; he also declared that his surrender was purely personal. The King appointed him his residence at 66 ^bc 3Franco*(5ecman Wilhelmshoehe Palace, formerly the dwelling of the Electors of Cassel, and also, in the reign of Napoleon I., of the King of Westphalia, uncle of Napoleon III. The Kmperor left for the palace on September 3d. The news of this event was not long in being confirmed. It reached Paris on the 4th, and caused great excite- ment. A crowd of the populace rushed into the hall where the Corps Ligis- latif was sitting, and demanded the proclamation of the Republic. The President of the Corps Legislaiif left the chair, and most of the members left the House. Those who remained ex- ported the people to respect the free- dom of legislative deliberation : but the only answer was, " Vive la Ri- puhlique ! ' ' The surrender of the Emperor was repudiated by the crowd, among whom was repeatedly heard the cry, *'An Kmperor dies, but does not surrender ! ' ' Finally the crowd and the remaining members of the House dispersed, and at four that Mar of X870 67 same afternoon, the Republic was pro- claimed from the steps of the H6tel de Ville, before an immense crowd, by M. Gambetta, a member of the Corps Ligislatif^ and always a staunch Re- publican. Gambetta at once leaped into notice, and became the virtual ruler of France for the remainder of the war, as a member of the Provisional Government, which was installed on September 4th ; it contained the fol- lowing members : General Trochu, President of the Council ; M. Gambktta, Minister of the Interior ; Juleps FavrK, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; Count Kera- TRY, Prefect of Police ; JuLKS Simon, RocHKFORT, JUI.BS Ferry, Ernest PiCARD, Ernest Pei.i.etan, and Arage, Mayor of Paris. Trochu had been appointed by the Kmperor Mili- tary Governor of Paris, and a few days before the events spoken of above, he had refused the appointment of Dictator of France tendered him by the Legislature, on the ground that 68 Zbc 3franco*0erman existing circumstances did not permit it : though he afterwards acted in con- cert with the Republic, and retained his post as Military Governor of Paris throughout the war. Rochefort, whose name appears as a member of the Gov- ernment, though he exercised but little influence on the course of affairs, was liberated on that eventful day from the confinement to which his seditious proceedings against the Emperor dur- ing the previous winter had subjected him. The Empress Regent, refusing to resort to violence to uphold the Imperial Government, at once fled from the Tuileries, and, joining the Prince Imperial in Belgium, went with him to England, and settled down at Chiselhurst. The new government assumed the title of " Government of National Defence, ' ' and it was gradu- ally recognized throughout the whole of France ; though it is doubtful whether the country in general desired this change of Constitution. The Senate and the Corps Ligislatif met mai of IS70 69 for the last time on the 4th of Sep- tember. ^ The most important of the indirect results of this war was the annexation of Rome and the surrounding country to the dominions of Victor Emmanuel, thus completing the movement for Italian unity, begun in 1859-60. In itself, it was an event of considerable importance, and would have been so regarded, but that the Franco-German War engrossed the attention of Europe. The Popes had long claimed dominion over the city of Rome and a large portion of Italy, extending through the centre, from the Mediterranean to the Gulf of Venice, as their temporal sovereignty . These acquisitions, known as the States of the Church, they had obtained, by gift or other- wise, at various times in the Middle Ages, beginning with the reign of Pepin, King of France. The temporal, as well as the spiritual, authority of the Popes was great during the Middle 70 Xlbc 3Fraiico»(5crman Ages, though they had been declining gradually since the Reformation. In the movement which culminated in the union of the Italian peninsula into one kingdom under Victor Em- manuel (then King of Sardinia), in 1859-60, the eastern districts of the States of the Church joined the new monarchy, while the city of Rome and the adjoining territory remained under the dominion of the Pope. This was due, not to the attachment of the people to the temporal sovereignty of the Pope (for they were averse to it, and were strongly desirous of political union with the rest of Italy), but to the Emperor Napoleon III., who sup- ported the pretensions of the reigning Pontiff, though the union of the rest of Italy was effected through his instru- mentality. How much longer the temporal sovereignty would have stood if the Emperor Napoleon had remained on the throne cannot, of course, be known ; though its eventual downfall was looked upon as certain. Mar of X870 71 The Revolution of the 4th of Sep- tember hurled from power the man who had hitherto supported the Pope, and the temporal sovereignty, having no moral hold upon the people, at once fell, and resulted in the annexa- tion of what remained of the Papal States to the Italian Kingdom. A popular vote was taken soon after, in which the annexation was ratified with great unanimity. It was not until a year afterwards that the King of Italy entered Rome ; but his troops took possession of the city in his name before the end of September, 1870, almost unopposed. The Italian Parliament held its first session in Rome in the course of the ensuing year. The interest excited by the Franco- German War enabled Spain to choose and enthrone a king in comparative quiet. In view of the grave compli- cations it had led to, Prince Leopold was not to be thought of ; instead of a prince of the House of Hohenzollern, 72 Zbc 3Francos0ennan Prince Amadeus, younger son of the King of Italy, was induced to recon- sider his previous declination, and to become a candidate for the vacant throne. When the Cortes met, later in the autumn, to elect a sovereign, this prince received more than the requisite number of votes, and he was accordingly declared to be duly elected King of Spain. The King-elect took possession of his throne early in Janu- ary, 1 87 1, but General Prim, the man to whom he owed his throne, and who had been the virtual ruler of Spain ever since the Revolution of Septem- ber, 1868, fell by an assassin's hand on Christmas Day, 1870, and expired from his wounds on New Year's Day, 1 87 1. The new monarch, then only twenty-five or twenty-six years of age, was thus, at the commencement of his reign, thrown almost entirely on his own resources, in a countr}^ where, as a stranger, he must necessarily meet with much opposition to his government. mar of 1870 73 The surrender of the Emperor Na- poleon had no effect in putting an end to the war, but rather prolonged it. The surrender, as we have stated, was followed by the downfall of the Re- genc}^ the proclamation of a Republic, and the establishment of a Provisional Government. Their continued success exceeded the most sanguine hopes of the Ger- mans, and thus enabled them, or rather encouraged them, to demand conditions of peace more favorable to themselves than they might otherwise have done. Peace might have been made at once after the capitulation of Sedan, had the Germans been content with more moderate terms, and had the French been in a state of mind to make peace. The conditions of peace demanded by Count Bismarck at the time were the surrender of that part of France formerly known as Alsace and Lor- raine, which had, nearly two centuries before, been wrested from a divided 74 ^be 3francos'(5erman Germany by France under I