fC Hollinger Corp. pH8.5 1 LUNCH GIVEN IN HONOR OF MONSIEUR OCTAVE HOMBERG. MONSIEUR ERNEST MALLET. and THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD READING. G. C. B.. LORD CHIEF JUSTICE OF ENGLAND. SIR EDWARD H. HOLDEN. BART., SIR HENRY BABINGTON SMITH. K. C. B.. BASIL P. BLACKETT. ESQUIRE. C. B.. MEMBERS OF THE ANGLO-FRENCH CREDIT AND FINANCE COMMISSION. BY THE FRANCE-AMERICA COMMITTEE OF NEW YORK, AT HOTEL KNICKERBOCKER, NEW YORK, OCTOBER 1. 1915. By transfer The Ifhlte House. - LUNCH •-. GIVEN IN HONOR OF >^- MONSIEUR OCTAVE HOMBERG. MONSIEUR ERNEST MALLET, AND ^ THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD READING, G. C. B.. LORD CHIEF JUSTICE OF ENGLAND. SIR EDWARD H. HOLDEN. BART., SIR HENRY BABINGTON SMITH, K. C. B.. AND BASIL P. BLACKETT. ESQUIRE, C. B.. MEMBERS OF THE ANGLO-FRENCH CREDIT AND FINANCE COMMISSION, BY THE FRANCE-AMERICA COMMITTEE OF NEW YORK, OCTOBER I, 1915. In the absence of the President of the Committee, Mr. Hepburn, the Vice-President, Mr. Guthrie, presided, and at the end of the lunch made the following remarks : Gentlemen : I ask you to rise and lift your glasses high to the joint toast of His Excellency the President of the United States, His Excellency the President of the Republic of France and His Majesty the King of England. I ask you again to rise and lift your glasses high to the joint toast of the other Allies: to His Majesty the King of the Belgians, whose valiant and heroic people have suffered so frightfully and have again shown, as Cffisar taught us, that "Horum omnium fortissimi sunt Belgae;" to His Imperial Majesty the Czar of all the Eussias, whose brave soldiers have stood so much of the brunt of the battle and paid such an awful toll, and to His Majesty the King of Italy and his courageous army and navy, whose help may yet prove decisive. As the permanent object of the France-America Com- mittee, which was organized long before the present war, is to perpetuate the traditions and bonds of friendship whicli bind the governments and peoples of France and America together, our guests will readily appreciate why France should seem, at the moment, to be foremost in our thoughts. Monsieur Homberg, Monsieur Mallet : Le Comite France-Amerique de New York eprouve un tres vif plaisir a saluer en vous les delegues de la Eepub- iique Frangaise. Le Comite tient a vous temoigner I'amitie des Americains pour la France, notre admiration de I'heroisme que le peuple frangais de toutes classes a montre pendant 1 'annee atf reuse qui vient de s 'ecouler, nos ardentes sympathies pour vos souffrances, et nos sou- haits pour votre avenir. Notre hospitalite est malheureusement impregnee d'une tristesse poignante, car un souci de tous les in- stants ne nous permet pas d 'oublier la guerre brutale et feroce qui a devaste une grande partie de la France et presque toute la Belgique, et qui menace non seulement les libertes des peuples frangais et beige, mais la civili- sation de toute I'Europe. II est vrai que notre gou- vernement national, pour des raisons d'etat, se trouve force de maintenir une neutralite legale, tache si dif- ficile et si complexe, mais le peuple americain ne saurait etre indifferent aux malheurs et aux detresses des Fran- gais. Un grand Americain a bien dit que c'est en ap- prenant I'histoire de son pays que I'enfant americain ap- prend a aimer la France. Nous ne pourrions jamais oublier I'aide genereuse, la sympathie, le devouement, et le desinteressement que le peuple frangais nous a temoignes au debut de notre liistoire. Le souvenir, Messieurs, en est ineffagable. Innombrables sont mes compatriotes qui prient de tout coeur qu'une nouvelle Bataille de Poitiers contre les Sarrasins delivre bientot la belle et sainte terre de France de ses envahisseurs. Le service que la France a rendu aux Etats- Unis est souvent raeconnu et quelquefois oublie. L'lieure est venue de refuter et les denigrements et les prejuges. Le Comite France-Amerique voudrait saisir cette occasion pour rappeler liautement ce que nous devons a la France et exprimer la reconnaissance profonde que le peuple americain ressent envers le peuple frangais. La plupart des liistoriens, clierchant leurs materiaux dans les archives des gouvernements et dans les notes des rois et de leurs ministres, ne voient trop souvent qu'un calcul ou un motif interesse dans I'aide que la France nous a apportee et dans I'amitie qu'elle nous a temoignee pendant notre Guerre d'Independance. Mais ceux qui cherchent consciencieusement a penetrer jusqu 'a I'ame du peuple frangais pendant les annees de 1776 a 1781, comme Tavait fait I'historien Americain, James Breck Perkins, feu le president du Comite des Affaires Etrangeres de notre Congres National, attestent que cette aide, qui fut si efficace et qui seule a rendu notre succes possible, etait desinteressee et n'etait inspiree que par sympathie pour un peuple faible et par amour pour la liberte et la justice politique. La Fayette, I'ami intime et devoue de Washington et de Franklin, etait veritablement rincarnation du sentiment d'enthousiasme exalte et de sympathie ardente que les Frangais ressentaient alors dans toutes les classes pour un peuple qui voulait etre libre. Sans doute Louis XVI et Vergennes y voyaient des avantages incidentels et des raisons d'etat, mais c'etait bien le peuple impatient et I'entliousiasnie et le sentiment public de la nation entiere qui ont finalement force le gouvernement du Eoi a nous envoyer une armee disciplinee sous Bocbam- beau et une flotte de guerre sous d'Estaing et de Grasse. L 'importance incalculable du service rendu par les Frangais pent etre estimee en nous rappelant que les deux tiers et les mieux equipees des troupes alliees a Yorktown etaient frangais et que ce fut a Eocliambeau que le commandant anglais avait cru devoir rendre son epee. En prenant part a notre Guerre d'Independance, le peuple frangais savait parfaitement que son aide lui couterait un prix enorme et que les impots deja trop lourds devraient etre encore augmentes. L'liistorien Perkins declare que le montant des depenses de la Prance pour liberer I'Amerique s'est eleve a sept cent soixante douze millions de dollars, c'est a dire, a plus de trois milliards huit cent millions de francs. En ce temps-la, I'argent valait probablement deux fois ce qu'il vaut aujourd'hui. De cette enorme depense, qui a mine le tresor royal, pas un sou n'a ete rembourse a la Prance. Elle ne I'a jamais reclame, et elle en refuserait fierement aujourd'hui le remboursement en nous rappelant qu'elle avait stipule dans le traite d 'alliance avec les Etats-Unis d'Amerique du 6 Pevrier, 1778, qu'elle ne recevrait aucune indemnite pour sa cooperation et ses sacrifices, et que meme si le Canada etait conquis, la contree serait annexee aux Etats-Unis et non pas retournee a la Prance. Ce traite, sans precedent en generosite dans I'liistoire du monde, etait le premier de tous les traites que les Eitats-Unis ont faits et le seul traite d 'alliance dans notre liistoire. Ne serait-il pas souverainement juste, si le peuple ameri- oain, cent trente quatre ans apres la bataille de York- town, reconnaissait ce service — je me refuse a I'appeler dette — en offrant au peuple f rangais un credit commercial du principal, c'est a dire, sept cent soixante douze millions de dollars, remboursable quand la France le pourrait? Ce ne serait que 1 'equivalent d'une contribution de sept dollars et demi par chaque citoyen des Etats-Unis, bien moins que I'impot qui a ete paye volontairement et de bon coeur par le peuple francais du dix-huitieme siecle pour nous aider. Quelle noblesse, quelle gloire, quelle splendeur de coeur, d'ame et d 'esprit si les grands banquiers ameri- cains avaient pu proclamer au monde qu'ils avaient eux- memes fixe le cliiffre de sept cent soixante douze millions en reconnaissance du passe! Nous serious vraiment fiers de notre generation si elle pouvait ecrire une page aussi sublime, aussi imperissable dans I'histoire du monde. Alors, Messieurs, nul doute ne sub- sisterait quant au succes eclatant de votre mission, sur- tout si une parole eloquente pouvait toucher le coeur des Americains et leur rappeler combien ils doivent a la France, a cette republique soeur, et combien la question aujourd'hui n'est pas seulement une affaire commerciale pour leur propre profit avec leurs meilleurs clients, mais aussi une question de gratitude pour un ami loyal et devoue et de sympatliie effective pour un grand et noble peuple qui souffre. Au nom de cette reconnaissance et de cette sympatbie americaines que j'ai essaye d'exprimer en interpretant, j'en suis convaincu, la pensee de tons les Americains reunis ici, je leve mon verre en I'lionneur de la Eepub- lique Frangaise, de la France blessee mais si vivante, si valiante, et de ses representants distingues qui nous lionorent de leur presence, M. Octave Homberg et M. Ernest Mallet. Messieurs, j'ai I'honneur de vous presenter M. Homberg. M. Homberg replied in French most graciously and eloquently, and Mr. Guthrie then continued: My Lord Chief Justice of England and Gentlemen of the British Commission: After the eloquent tributes of last night at the Pil- grims, I find it extremely difficult to express and convey to you the full import and sincerity of our welcome. Every tie that can bind one people to another binds the American people to the English. Most of us are of the Anglo-Saxon race and have the same blood coursing through our veins. To the great majority of Americans, England has ever been the mother country. We speak the same language, read the same literature, strive for the same ideals, are governed by the same principles of politics and jurisprudence, and entertain the same funda- mental conceptions of right and wrong and justice as be- tween men and between nations. The greater part of England's history is our history; her Magna Carta is our Magna Carta, and the immortal deeds of valor of the Eng- lish, Scotch, Irish and Welsh are our heritage and the source of our inspiration. Our hearts, therefore, cannot but beat faster day after day as we read of the splendid heroism and noble self-sacrifice of that great race. To our minds the noblest and the most truly glori- ous page in the history of England was written by Sir Edward Grey when, on behalf of your Government, my Lord, he refused to break the plighted faith of England to avoid involving her in the greatest and most disas- trous war in the history of the world, a war for which England was not prepared, for which Sir Edward and his colleagues knew she was not prepared, and which threatened and might involve the ruin of the British Em- pire. There is a nobility and sublimity, inexpressible by mere words, in the act of sending that small but now im- mortal British army to Belgium in August of last year, to face tenfold its number, to die for strangers— for a mere ''scrap of paper," as it was cynically and immorally called— solely that the honor of England might be kept inviolate. England has never been grander or nobler than on that day. The glory she then gained cannot fade. Gentlemen, the Anglo-Saxon race never rose to higher re- nown than when the British statesmen of today showed on such a grand scale that the spirit of the Light Brigade at Balaclava still lives : " Their 's not to reason why. Their 's but to do and die." And we Americans were then prouder than ever before to belong to the Anglo-Saxon race. You Englishmen may prevail in this war, or you may fail. We hope and pray that you will prevail. But what- ever may happen, wliatever may be decreed by Provi- dence, your magnificent and unselfish heroism in spring- ing to the defense of Belgium has added to England's renown and to our race a glory which is priceless and in- finitely beyond the whole cost of the war, a glory worth dying for, a glory that will thrill and uplift generations of men for all time, a glory that will ever inspire acts of patriotic service and valorous self-sacrifice, of chivalry and honor. Although, gentlemen of the British Commission, tlie deep sympathy of the great majority of Americans is in- tensely with the Allies in the present war, we want you to return to England appreciating why we must loyally sup- port the neutrality which the President of the United States has proclaimed. The policy of this country in re- gard to European wars was fixed in 1793. The most im- portant and enduring service that President Washington rendered to the United States was when he stood firm as a rock against the abuse and clamor of that day in up- holding and enforcing neutrality in favor of England as against the demands of her then enemies. We have con- sistently adhered to that principle for more than one hun- dred and twenty years. It has been our fixed and constant policy, not a football of politics, or of newspaper propa- ganda, or of temporary emotion or expediency, but the sober judgment and conscience of the Nation. The es- sence of this policy is that it is the duty of our govern- ment not only to the present but to future generations to avoid being drawn into European wars unless our honor or our vital interests become involved. During more than a century we have invited the inhabitants of every nation of Europe to come here and become a part of our coun- try, and we have impliedly assured them of our adher- ence to this traditional policy of neutrality. If, now, we also should draw the sword, out of heartfelt sympathy and friendship for the Allies, or in indignation at the 9 outrage of the violation of Belgium, we might be here- after constantly involved in European conflicts in which we would have no other than a humanitarian interest, and as a result find the devoted friends and relatives of today the inflamed and bitter enemies of tomorrow. My Lord and Gentlemen of the British Commission, we want you to return to England realizing how diffi- cult and complex is the task of our President. Under our system of government, he alone can speak for the Nation and commit us in our foreign relations, upon him alone is imposed the awful burden of responsibility and duty, and patriotism commands us as Americans loyally to support him, whatever may be our individual opin- ions or sentiments as to particular measures or omis- sions. We want you to return profoundly convinced that in standing by our policy of neutrality, we are not indifferent, or callous, or pusillanimous, or mercenary; but that our President is striving on our behalf to do what is right as God gives him to see the right, not only by the Americans now living but by those future gen- erations for whom we are the trustees. Above all, we want you to return to England firmly believing that we unqualifiedly approve and extol the noble and heroic action of England in drawing her sword in defense of Belgium, and that our heartfelt sympathy and good wishes are with you and your heroic sailors and soldiers at the front. Gentlemen, I ask you to rise and lift your glasses high and drain them in honor of the distinguished representa- tives of England. I have the pleasure of presenting to you The Right Honourable Lord Reading, the Lord Chief Justice of England. 10 After a stirring response by Lord Eeading, Mr. Guthrie in conclusion said: On behalf of the France-America Committee of New York, I tender our thanks to the distinguished guests from France and England who have so graciously ac- cepted our hospitality and granted us this opportunity to meet them and enjoy their company. I likewise thank the distinguished American guests too numerous to men- tion by name, though including the Chief Judge of our Court of Appeals, Judge Bartlett, our ex- Ambassadors to France, Greneral Porter and Mr. Bacon, and Admiral Peary, who have come here to join and participate with us in this welcome. Finally, I direct that a minute be entered on our rec- ords voicing the regret of all that the President of the Committee, Mr. Hepburn, should have been prevented by duties elsewhere from being with us and presiding today. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 020 915 878 4 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 020 915 878 4