Glass W Book, ^ r^ r /■ .-n- ./: :^.? -M •:=|a FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE. THE VARIOUS CHARGES AGAINST "S-V" < -:=|« 13RIEFLY STATED AND REFUTED, AND SOME OF THE OBJECTIONS TO THE PRESENT ADMINISTRATION ENU- MERATED. \/ NV V \ a \p (X »-T VI , T c tj^ V W BROWNLOW AND GAKLAND PublishcrS, JOXESBOROUGH 18 4 0. st= i 2^ Vfe_ «!>!( iy'VI1^I.IAM HENRY HARRISON, ^ briefly stated and refuted, and some of the objections to the present Administration enu- merated. Soon after General Harrison was nomin- al ed for the Presidency by the Harrisburg Convention a number of charges were pre- ferred against him in the Democratic news- papers, with the view of deceiving and misleading the people in regard to his char- acter. These cliargcs will be briefly stated and refuted. ABOLITION. Some of the Administration presses have ((uoted the following sentence from one of General Harrison's speeches at Cheviot:— "Should I be asked if there is no way by which the General Government can aid the cause of Emancipation, 1 answer that it has long been an object near my heart to see the whole of its surplus revenue appropria- ted to that object." Here the Democratic papers, with a view of palming a falsehood upon the people, artfully close their quota- tion, and unjustly allege that Harrison is an Abolitionist. But, in the very next sen- tence of the same speech, Gen. Harrison says: "With the sanction of the slave holding States, there appears to me to be no consti- tional objection to its being thus applied, embracing not only the colonization of those that may be otherwise freed, but the pur- chase of the freedom of others.'^ Now it is evident, when the whole of Gen. Harrison's views in that speech are given, that he only desired to see the surplus revenue appropri- priated to emancipation, ^'with the mncliun uf the slave holding States,'' but without their sanction he was not in favor of the measure. This, however, the Democratic presses choose to keej) out of view and thus, with falsehood hypocritically disguised under the covering of a distorted quotation from one of Gen. Harrison's speeches, they have made and repeated a foul charge which can- not be sustained. Gen. Harrison has al- ways been in favor of emancipation, but he never was an abolitionist. If Gen. Harri- son's Cheviot speech makes him an abolition- ist, then Thomas Jefferson, the great Apos- tle of Democracy, was an abolitionist; for, in Tucker's Life of Jefferson, Vol. H. page 466, it is stated that he was in favor of ap- propriating THE PUBLIC LANDS to the eman- cipation of the slaves and that he regarded the result of his project with -'his first en- thusiasm." If Mr. Jefferson (whose au- thority is sacred with the Democratic party) was right in desiring the public lands to be appropriated to emancipation, Gen. Harri- son could not be wrong in wishing to see the surplus revenue appropriated to the same object, and Gen. Harrison's measure would be the least obnoxious, because the public lands were ceded to the Government in or- der to the extinguishment of the debts of the States, and it might well be doubted wheth- er, before the payment of those debts. Con- gress would have had the power to adopt Mr. Jefferson's views. But General Harrison has always been consistent in his opposition to the mad schemes of the Northern Aboli- tionists. Although he lives in a non-slave- holding State, he voted while he was a mem- ber of Congress, on the ICth day of Febru- 4 persons being discharged from imprison- ment according to the provisions of the thirty-seventh section of the Act to which this is supplementary, if it should be con- sidered expedient to grant such discharge. Provided that the court in pronouncing sen- tence upon any persons convicted under this Act, or the Act to which this is supplemen- tary, may direct such person or persons to be detained in prison until the fine be paid, or the person or persons otherwise disposed of agreeably to the provisions of this Act." To any intelligent and unprejudiced man who reads the above law it will be at once apparent that the Van Buren presses have given it a very unfair construction. They assume that Gen. Harrison gave a vote to sell free white American citizens as slaves, but the law is that they shall be sold as^ serv- ants, and that the i-elation which is to exist between the person sold and the purchaser is to be that of master and servant which is the same relation that exists in law between an apprentice and the person to whom he is bound, a laboring man and the person by whom he is hired, a client and the aitorney he employs, a clerk and the merchant with whom he lives, and the people and their public servants of every grade and charac- ter. The Van Buren presses also assert that General Harrison, when he voted tor the above law, voted to sell men /or debt, when it is clear thar he only voted to sell a crim- inal for a fine and costs imposed by a court as a punishment for a criminal oifence. So far from voting to sell free white men for debt, Gen. Harrison has always been in fa- vor of abolishing imprisonment for debt, except in cases of fraud, and in his letter of the 15th September 1836, to J. H. Pleas- ants, he sa)'s that *'it is not a little remarka- ble that if the effort I am accused of having made to subject men to sale for the non-pay- ment of their debts had been successful, I 7night, from the state of my jjecuniary circumstances at the time have been t/ie first victim. I repeat, the charge is a vile calumny." In the same letter Gen. Harri- son shows, from the Senate Journal of the 2d session of the 19th Congrpss page S25, that while he was a member of the Senate he voted for a bill to abolish imprisonment for debt, and voted for the law to that cfl'ect passed at the first session of the 20th Con- gress, as appears at pages 101 and 102 of the Senate Journal of that session. But it is not a little astonishing that the partizans who falsely impute to Gen. Har- rison a doctrine which he never supported and who try to find fault with the above vote are the very men, who, through the late Van Buren Legislature of Tennessee, twice elected the Hon. Felix Grundy to the Senate and that too when he voted for a layv far more obnoxious than the law of General Harrison. By referring to page 79 of the Journal of the House of Representatives of the Tennessee Legislature for 1824 it will be seen that •'A bill to restrain idle and disorderly persons from running at large was taken up on its third and last reading in both houses. Mr. Grundy and Mr. Crockett proposed amendments to said bill which were adopted. Mr. Young moved to strike out that part of sail! bill which provides that any person pursuing gambling for a livelihojd, pretend- ing to feats of balancing on slack wire, rope dancing, ventriloquism, or any other exlii- bitioji of the like kind, who should be un- willing or unable, after the term of ten days imprisonment, under the provisions of this' bill, to pay the fine and costs by this act prescribed shall be sold by the Sheriff to the lowest bidder for the line and costs." On this motion the yeas and nays were required, 31 members voting in the affirmative and six in the negative, among whom was the Hon. Felix Grundy. Mr. Grundy voted against striking out this section and of course was in favor of its becoming a law. The law for which Gen. Harrison voted and the law for which Mr. Grundy voted each contemplate the case of a person imprisoned for a fine and costs ^x\^ unable to pay. Now if it is fair to say, in construing this law, that General Harrison voted to sell free white men for debt, it is equally fair to say that Mr. Grun- dy voted to sell free white men for debt. and that too in a slave State where he would be compelled to live witli slaves. Ami Grundy's law is much worse tlian General Harrison's, because General Harrison's law provides that the relation between the pur- chaser and personsold shall be that of mas- ter and servant, but Mr. Grundy's has no such provision. INIr. Grundy's law is un- constitutional because it provides that tiie per- son shall he snlddb.solulcljj by the Shei'illaiid the relation between the purchaser and the personsold would under this law, be that of MASTER A>'D SLAVE. Geu. Harrisou then only voted to sell a criminal as a servant, while Mr. Grundy voted to sell him as a SLAVE. And yet some of the Van Buren men attach great blame to Gen. Harrison while they have, by their votes, sui)ported JNIr. Grundy. We would earnestly recom- mend them first to cast the beam out of their own eye before they attempt to take the mote out of any body else's eye. But Mr. Grundy's law is cruel in the ex- treme. It attempted to deprive many per- sons of a harmless mode of making a living. What great harm is there in balancing-on a slack wire? Is it worse than to wrc^ile? or in dancing upon a rope'' Is it worse than to go a hop, step and jump or to run a foot race? Or in the performance of a ventriloquist, which is not more hurtful than to tell a good anecdote. And yet Mr. Grundy, with Pharisaical sanctity, voted to prohibit these innocentamusements and thought he ceuUl put a stop to them by connecting them with the vice of gaming. Will any freeman say that a man ought to be sold as a slave, for balancing on a slack wire or dancing upon a rope? How different is the law for which Gen, Harrison voted. It was intended as a relief measure. He shows in the letters above referred to, that by a former law of Ohio, where a person was convicted of a criminal oll'ence and was unable to pay the fine and costs, he was imprisoned in the penitentiary. The object was to amend the law by changing the imprisonment in the penitentiary to whipping. The section, to sell as a servant, w'as introduced in lieu of punishment ifi tiie penitentiary and of whip- ping, and Gen. Harrison voted [kw it, be- lieving that it would be a more humane pun- ishment to sell an luifortunate criminal as a servant than to subject him to the infamy of corporal punishment or to imprisonment in the pcnitentiar}'. And \xz leave this subject in the confident belief that any rational being,, if he were compelled to select the alterna- tive, would prefer being sold as a servant to some honest man than to be impi'isoned in a penitentiary or whipped. BATTLE OF TIPPECAIVOE. This was, perhaps, the most severely contested engagement that ever occurred with the Indians. T.hey attacked the troops under tren. Harrison's command before day and ruslied upon his lines with the utmost impeluositv, forcing one or two companies to give way before the tremendous fury of their onset. Gen. Harrison brought up a companj'^ to tiieir rescue and the Indians were signally defeated. For the achievment of this victory Gen. Harrison was thanked by the Legislature of Indiana, through their Speaker, on the 12th day of Novr. ISll, and by the Legislature of Kentucky on the 7th day of January 1S12. And President Madison in a special message to Congress, on the 18th day of December IS 11, in speak- ing of this victory, complimented "the dauntless spirit of fortitude victoriously dis- played by ever}'^ descrijjtion of troops en- gaged as well as the collected firmness which distinguished THEiii co^tiMXTHDEs. on an oc- casion requiring the utmost exertions of valor and discipline." Evidence so conclusive, furnished soon after the battle occurred and when the facts were fresh in the knowledge of those who acted upon them, one would have supposed would not, after the lapse of nearly thirty years, be gravely controverted. But it was reserved for the Editor of the Baltimore Post and others who were not in the battle, to deny the truth of the recorded statements of two Legislative Assemblies, of the President of the United States and the inqiartial page of history. Party ma- levolence, in regard to this battle,- has, since Gen. Harrison was nominated for President, 6 made ihrce charges against him, 1st. That the Battle Ground was pointed out 1o him by the Indians. 2. That he did not put out either a picket or a camp guard and allowed himself to be surprised and 3. That not a dead Indian was found upon the ground. In answer to the first objection, the read- er is referred 1st to the 5th edition of Brack- enridge's History of the last war, page 24 and 25 where it is said that the Camping ground where the battle occured was select- ed, after a careful reconnoisance, by Ma- jors Taylor and Clark: 2. To the life of Gen. Harrison by Moses Dawson, a Van Buren man, written in 1824, at pages 207 — 8, where he says that the ground was select- ed by Majors Taylor and Clark and that <'vvhen the army of Gen. Hopkins was there in the following year, they all united in the opinion that a better spot to resist Indians was not to be found in the whole country." 3. To the Life of Gen. Harrison by Judge Hall, another Van Buren man, where the same statement is repeated, and 4th. To the letter of General Waller Taylor, (who is the Major Taylor mentioned in the His- tory) addressed lo Moses Dawson, on the 15th July 1823, in which he states that "the Indians did not dictate to the Governor the position to encamp the army the night be- fore the battle of Tippecanoe," and that Major Clark and himself reported to the ^'Governor (Harrison) our opinion about the place which we stated to be favorable for an encampment," and that he "believes the same opinion was entertained by every offi- cer in the army.' In answer to the second charge, the offi- cial report of General Harrison to the Sec- retary of war, published in Niles Register, Vol. 1 page 302, states that < 'the Camp was defended by two captain's guards con- sisting each of four non-commissioned offi- cers and forty-two privates and two subal- tern's GUAKDSof twenty non-commission- ed officers and privates. The whole under command of afield officer of the clay." And Dawson, in his life of Harrison, at page 212 states that — "./?// the guards that could be used in such a situation, and all such as were used by Gen. Wayne were employed on this occasion, that is, Camp guards fur- nishing' a chain of sentinels aroiuid the whole camp at such a distance, as to give notice ef the approach of an enemy 'time enough for the troops to take their position, and yet not so far removed as to prevent their retreat in the event of their being over- powered by numbers." In answer to the charge that Gen. Harri- son was surprised at the Battle of Tippeca- noe, the reader is referred to the 5th edition of Brackenridge's history, to Dawson's life of Harrison and to Hall's Life of Harrison, each of which states that, when the confer- ence which General Harrison had with the Indians on the day before the battle termina- ted, he told his officers that, from the looks and movements of the Indians, he had no doubt they intended an attack that night, and according to custom, had his troops encamped in a hollow square and in order of battle, so that they could face the enemy at any point. In Dawson's Life of Harrison page 229, C. Larrabee, an officer who served under Gen. Harrison, states that from the time Gen. Harrison's army started from Vincen- nes into the Indian country, he had his men "formed in the order of battle against the attack of Indians; that they were never out of this situation till they returned;" that the army rose from rest and "were ready to re- ceive the Indians in two minutes after the report of the first fire, and were in line and READY TO receive THEM AS THEY CAME UP." In Dawson'sLife of Harrison page 221— 2, Joel Cook, a Captain in the 4th Reg. Infantry, states that "the position of the men during the night, together with myself while at rest was laying on our arms with our clothes on" and that his men were all paraded and at their posts in tiuo minutes. In the same work at page 220, Captain JosiAH Snelling, (the charge of whose company put the Indians to flight and ended the battle) states — "General Harrison rode up and ordered me to cover the left flank of the encampment, where the riflemen of Maj. Robb had fallen back. He (Gen. Harri- son) rode with the company and pointed OUT THE POST / shoulil occiipy. la this situation I liad an opportunity to hear the order given to Major Davis to charge and saw the unfortunate issue of it. The fire growing warmer, I asked and General Har- rison gave me permission to charge, and I am fully confident that evej-y movement of my company during the action was .nude by his orders in person.^^ Eleven of the officers who served in the battle of Tippecanoe, viz : — Joel Cook, Josiah Snelling, R. C. Barton, 0. G. Bur- ton, N. P. Adams, Charles Fuller, A. Hawkins, George Gooding, H. Burchstead, Josiah D. Foster, and Hosea Blood, publish- ed a statement after the battle in which they say that General Harrison, <' throughout the campaign and in the hour of battle, proved himself the soldier and the General ; that on the i.ight of the action, by his order we slept on our arms and rose on our posts ; that not- withstanding the darkness of the night and the most consummate savage cunning of the enemy, in eluding our sentries and rapid- ly in rushing through the guards we were not found unprepared ; that i&w of them were enabled to enter our camp and those few doomed never to return ; that in pursu- ance of his orders, which were adapted to every emergency, the enemy were defeated with a slaughter almost unparalleled among savages." The charge that " not a dead Indian was found on the battle f eld of Tippecu- 7ioe" is falsified by Gen. Harrison's Report to the Secretary of War, (Niles Register, page 304, Vol. 1.) where he says that "the Indian's left from thirty-six to forty on the field." This statement is confirmed by Dawson at page 216 of his work where he says that " the Indians left thirty-eight warriors dead on the field and buried several others in the town, which, with those who must have died of their wounds would make their loss at least as great as that of the Americans." All the slanders in regard to the glorious achievement at Tippecanoe are thus nailed to the counter by evidence so conclusive that it requires no comment. THE KIVER RATSIIV. It was charged in the Baltimore Post, and the charge has been reiterated at Demo- cratic meetings and by Van Buren stump orators, that Gen, Harrison allowed 500 brave Kentuckians to be sacrificed at the River Raisin to his jealous hatred of Gen. ^Vinchester. It is not denied that Gen. Winchester sur- rendered to the British and Indians at the River Raisin and that hundreds of Ken- tucky's bravest and most gallant soldiers fell in the battle and after the surrender were butchered in cold blood by the Indians. — But Gen. Harrison is not responsible for it. Impartial history has ascribed the blame — if blame should rest any where — to the rash- ness of Gen. Winchester and to his jeal- ousy of Gen. Harrison. Before the battle of the River Raisin Gen. Harrison had formed the plan of a campaign against the British and Indians in Canada and was mak- ing his preparations to carry it into effect. — Gen. Winchester, without apprising Gen. Harrison of his intention, and without giv- ing Harrison the slightest opportunity to as- sist him if it was necessary marched his troops to the River Raisin and was defeated before it was possible for Gen. Harrison to assist him, although the latter, notwith- standing the disobedience of Winchester, used every exertion in his power to assist him. In the 5th Edition of Brackenridge's His- tory at page 87, it is stated that the move- ment of Winchester was made " contrary to the general plan of the campaign." Gen. M'Afee, a Van Buren man, wha also wrote a History of the last War, states in his work " that Gen. Harrison is not an- swerable for the advance of the detachment,, fo the River Raisin. It was sent by Gen. Winchester, without the knowledge or consent of Harrison, and contrary to his- views and plans for the future conduct of the campaign, and to the instructions com- municated with his plans through Ensiga 8 Todd bcCore the left wing had marched lor llie Rapids." The same writer also .shows that when Gen. Harrison, ))veviousto the battle of the River Raisin, received information indi- rectly that Gen. Winchester ":jeditated SOME UNK?;owN MOVEMENT " agaiasE the enemy, he was so anxious to prevent him from nriUinsit without the proper assistance, thata1lhouo;h he was then "between sixty and seventy-six miles from the R^i^pids, and idjout thirty-eii^ht more Irom the River Rai- sin" he immediately sent an express to the Rapids for information, gave ordes for a corps of 300 men to advance with the ar- tillery and escorts to proceed with provis- ions, and in the morning he proceeded him- self to Lower Sandusky, at which place he arrived in the night (ollowing, a distance ot forty miles whivdi he traveled in seven hours and a half, over roads requiring such exer- tion that the horse of his aid, Major HakfU, fell dead on their arrival at the fort." — "Gen. Harrison then determined to pro- ceed to the Rapids himself to learn person- ally from Gen. Winchester his situation and views." Understanding that Winchester had sent a detachment to the River Raism and that some bkirn.i'^hing liad occurred, McAfee, the historian fur;lier states, that Gen. Harrison v/as so anxious ''to prevent or remedy any misfortune which miglit oc- cur," ' ' that he started in a sleigii with Gen . Perkins to overtake the battalhon under Cotom the South — a man who had ac- quired no laurels during that war — and placed him at the head of the Army, to the great dissatisfaction of the soldiers who had serv- ed under Gen. Harrison. (See Bracken- ridges History 5lh ed. p. 159.) The Sec- retary of War also assigned to Gen. Harrison the command of the district in vvhicii Ohio was included — a district where no fighting was to be done — a district from which Gen. Harrison had already bravely driven the British and Indians — a district where, too, he would be drawing pay as a General with- out rendering any actual service. Nor was this all. The Secretary of War carried his petty malice against Gen. Harrison so far as to assign to adjutant Holmes, a subordinate officer under Gen. Harrison, a separate com- mand within his district and to correspond directly with him. (See Hall's Life of Har- rison p. 283-4.) Every body knows and admires the elevated pride wliich prevails among high minded military men. Gen. Jackson, who was a Maj. General of the Tennessee militia, refused to accept the rank of Brigadier in the United States Army, be- cause he considered the station inferior to the one he held, and by his refusal compelled the Government to confer upon hini the rank of a Major General in the army of the U. S. Generaljackson was as punctilious in matters of military etiquette as any man ever was and always scorned to be trammelled by instruc- tions that he considered dishonorable And Gen, Harrison, actuated by the same honor- able feeling, scorned the insult offered to him by the Secretary of war and resigned his commission. When old Isaac Shelby, that sterling pa- triot who fought in the Revolutionary as well as in the last war, heard of Gen. Harri- son's resignation, having fought by his side and knowing the value of his sei-vices, he addressed a letter to President Madison ur- ging hiin not to accept the resignation. In that letter he tells the President. •' I fed no hcsitalion to declare to yon that I be- lieve Gen. Harrison to be one of the first mUitary characters I ever knew, and in addition this, he is capable of makina; greater personal exertions than any offi- cer with lohom I ever served.^'' Mr. Madison when this letter reached Wash- ingtun, and at the time when Gen. Harri- son's letter of resignation was received, was absent on a visit to Virginia. The Secretary of War took it upon himself to receive the resignation without consulting the President, and Mr. Madison afterwards expressed his regret that Gov. Shelby's letter had not reached him atan earlier period. [See Hall's Life of Harrison p. 2S.3-4.] And who, let us ask, was the Secretary of War whose malice caused him so insul- tingly and unjustly to treat Gen. Harrison ? Why, he was a man who had spent a consid- erable part of his time in Europe. [See Brackenridges Historj'^ page 158.] He was the author of the celebrated Newburg Let- ters which were \vritten about the close of tlie Revolutionary War for the treasonable purpose of exciting the officers to deeds of violence against their country and against the great and good Washington or any body else who might oppose them. Gen. Wash- ington, in speaking of these letters, to a con- vention of these officers, says, in quoting from the writer. " If peace takes place, never sheath your swords, says he [Gen. Armstrong ] until you have obtained full and ample justice. — ■ This dreadful alternative [says Gen. Wash- ington] of either deserting our country in the extremest hour of her distress, or turning our arms against it, which is the apparent object, unless Congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has something so shocking in it that humanity revolts at the idea. My God [continues Gen. Washington] what can this writer have in view by recom- mending such measures, in either alterna- tive impracticable in their nature." The officers'of the Army unanimously re- 14 solved that l.liey "viewed with abhorencc and rej'^.cted with disdain the infamous prop- ositions contained" in tlie Newburg letters ofvehicli Gen Armstron}«, has since acknowl- edged himself to have been the author. What was the result of Gen. Armstrong's preference of Gen. Wilkinson to Gen. Har- rison as the Commander of the expedition against Canada ? It is shown in Bracken- ridge's History that, notwithstanding our Government had incuired immense expense in prepai-ing for the invasion of Canada, and altho' public opinion elated by the victory of the Thames and the successes of our in- trepid seamen on the Lakes, anticipated the most brilliant conquests, Gen. Wilkinson was compelled to retire from Canada without striking a single blow towards the accom- plishment of the objects of the campaign. — This clearly demonstrated the stupidity, not to say the criminal culpability of the Secre- tary of War. Had Gen: T^^^arrison been ap- pointed to the command, the result would no doubt have contributed to the glory of our arms and the extent of our possessions. His whole military career had been run in the North. He was familiar with the state of things in Canada and would have known better how to proceed than Gen. Wilkinson who was suddenly called from the South and could not have had half the knowledge pos- sessed by Harrison either in relation to the. country or the movements to be made in it. But this is not all. Gen. Armstrong is the same man whose duty it was, as Secre- tary of War, to see that the country was pre pared to defend itself at all points of attack but he was so negligent as to allow the Brit- ish to march through the very heart of it, to take Washington City and to inflict upon our Nation the disgrace of burning its capitol. But an indignant and outraged people would not always submit to his blunders. Popular indignation was so much excited that Gen. Armstrong, the very man who had mali- ciously and criminally accepted General Harrison's resignation, was h'lmseU cofJipc/- kd to resign the office of Secretary of War. [See Brackenridgc!? History 5th ed. page 254.] In reviewing this subject no high minded man, it is believed, will censure Gen. Har- rison for his course, while suspicions of the darkest character must always attach to the Secretary of War, for his conduct in assign- ing Harrison to the command where no fighting was to be done. May it not be that Mr. Secretary Armstrong was secretly under British influence ? May it not be tiiat he was playing into the hands of our enemies and was fearful that the bravery and vigilance of Harrison would defeat their de- signs^against our country. Let it be remem- bered that Gen. Armstrong spent several 3'ears in Europe — that he wrote the Newburg letters, the apparent object of which Gen. Washington said was "to induce the officers to desert their country in the extremest hour of her distress or to turn their arms against it" — let it be recollected that he was com- pelled to resign because of the popular indig- nation on account of his failure to place Washington City in an attitude of defence — and who must not suspect that the man who would advise the soldiers of Washington to desert their country or to turn their arms against it, and who would allow the Capitol of the Nation to he burnt may, in his treat- ment of Gen. Harrison, have been actuated by a desire to favor the enemies of our coun- try .'' Nothing could have benefitted the enemy more than to order a successful and accomplished General to the station to which Harrison was ordered, so as to keep him out of the way, and to place a man at the head of the army who was'incapable of coming up to public expectation and made a total failure in the expedition. THE PETTICOAT FALSEHOOD. It has been repeatedly stated, both in the press and by the Van Buren speakers, that the ladies of Chilicothe voted a sword to Major Croghan and to Gen. Harrison a pet- ticoat. At some of the Democratic meetings in Tennessee resolutions were adopted call- ing Gen. Harrison "an old Granny" — "a 15 petticoat general" — and "oncof the most dis- tinguiv'hed ladies that adorns the nineteenth century." As we have reason to believe that many honest Democrats who joined in the adoption of these resolutions were im- posed u])on by the falsehoods contained in the Democratic papers, and that they are now heartily ashamed of their agency in giving currency to these slanders, we for- bear to give their names or to make a par- ticular reference to their proceedings. Suf- fice it to say, that Judge Burnett of Ohio, a distinguished citizen who was for a longtime one of the Judges of the Supreme Court in that State, in a speech delivered by him at the Harrisburg Convention, pronounced the petticoat story "an infamous slander of Gen. Harrison and a base insult to the ladies of Chilicothe." In tracing this slander to its origin, we are informed that it was told by a Maj. Allen, [now a Van Buren Senator in Congress'from Ohio,] at a public meeting held in Colum- bus in 1836. On the 30th of January 1836, Major Generid James T. Worthington pub- lished a card in the Sciota Gazette a Chil- icothe paper, in which he pronounced the statement a miserable fabrication, and also added : *' In order to sustain my own recollec- tions, I have inquired of a number of the oldest and of the most respectable residents of our town, of both sexes and of all jjolitical pai-ties, as to the truth of this report [which I will not sully my paper by copying] and have uniformly received the reply that it is entirely false and unfounded." In the same paper Brigadier Gen. W, S. Murphy [under whom Allen was a Major] published the following card : " To Major Allen, Sir: I publish you as a liar and a scoun- drel for having slated to a public assembly at Columbus on the Sth of January 1836, that the ladies of Ciiilicothe voted Gen. Har- rison a petticoat, as a reward for his military services. W. S. MURPIIY.»' So far as we know. Major Allen never attempted the slightest vindicntioa of hi-i statement, but remains to this day branded asaliar and a scoundrel. VVc sincerely be- lieve that no honest or intelligent Democrat who is acquainted with these facts will dis- grace himself by giving either credence or currency to the statement of a man having this mark of infamy attacliedto him in his own town and at his own door. VOTE OF THE SEiVATE. It has been publisiicd that, on the 16th day of July 1816, Gen. Harrison wrote a letter which was published in Niles' Register in which he said, " A vote of the United States Senate has attached to my niime a disgrace which I am convinced no efforts of mine will ever be able to efface. Their censure is indeed negative but it is not on that account the less severe." It may be that Gen. Harrison wrote this letter, but under what circumstances did he write it ? A resolution had been reported to the Senate by the Committee on Military affairsof which Mr. James Barbour of Vir- ginia was Chairman, to thank Gen. Harrison and Gov. Shelby for the achievement of the victory of the Thames. The resolution was discussed in the Committee of the whole, separated from the responsible action of the Senate itself, and when the vote was first ta- ken a majority in the Senate were in favor ofstrikingout the name of Gen. Harrison. It was probably at this time Gen. Harrison wrote the letter now quoted by his enemies. But when the Senate came to vote upon the resolution a majority of one in that body, on the ayes and noes being taken, refused to strike out the name of Gen. Harrison, and afterwards, on the 20th of April 1816, the Senate recommitted the report to the Com- mittee on Military alTairs for further consiil- eration. And why was ii that the Senate was sO' closely divided in regard to the vote of thanks to General Harrison? Mr. C. Gushing, a representative in Congress from Massachu- setts, in two letters published by him in the National Intelligencer, tiie one dated Mth 16 .March 1840, and the olhcr dated April 2, 1840, explains from theJournahs and records of the country, the whole transaction. He shows, in suhsiance, that the reason why the Senate refused to give Gen. Harrison a vote of thanks was that Gen. Harrison had heen charged hy persons concerned in some of of the Army contracts for the supply of the Northwestern army, with improper conduct in the management of thatbnsiness. As this charge had heen made against Gen. H. some of the Senators were unwilling to vote in favor of the resolution of thanks, until it was explained. And how did Gen. Harrison act? "So soon as the charge was publicli/ made by the persons in question, he addres- sed a letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, demanding generally in- vestigation of hiseonduct as to the expendi- tures in the eighth Military District while under his command, which letter is to be found in the National Intelligencer of the 22nd March 1816." The whole matter was first investigated by the War Department whose "answer caine in at the beginning of the next session of Congress" and it being referred to a select committee of the House of Representatives of which Colonel R. M. Johnson, now vice President of the United, States, was Chairman, that committee made a report, on the 23rd day of January 1817 in which they staled that "the Committee are UNANIMOUSLY of opinion that Gen. W^v- r'lson stands above . suspicion as to his hav- ing had any pecuniary or improper connex- ion with the officers of the commissariat for the supply of his army; that he did not wan- tonly or improperly interfere with the rights of the contractors; and that, in his whole conduct, as the commander of said army, he was governed by a laudable zeal for, and devotion to, the public service and inter- est." On the yist of March 1818, James Barbour of Virginia delivered a speech in the House in which he stated, in substance, that Gov. Shelb)', at his own request, did not, in the first instance receive a vote of thanks, because he was unwilling to receive it at the expense of Gen. Harrison whom he believed, deserved it as well as himself. And in the same speech Mr. Barbour, in speaking of General Harrrison, remarked, that "his character had been entirely puri- fied from the censure which had been im- properly cast upon it, and that the meed now dispensed has the sanction of the delib- erate judgment of the nation unbiassed by passion or the false fire of the moment." Congress then passed the resolution, herein before referred to, unanimously in the Sen- ate and with but one dissenting voice in the house, voting thanks and a medal to Gen'. Harrison and Gov. Shelby. And let it be always remembered by our democratic fel- low citizens, that the resolution was intro- duced by Mr. Dickerson who was after- wards a member of Gen. Jackson's Cabinet. In reviewing this charge and its refuta- tion, the mind can come to no other con- clusion than, that the whole affair was sig- nally honorable to Gen. Harrison. If, in the first instance, the secret malice of his en- emies had poisoned the minds of Senators against him by making false accusations, and had caused them by their votes to attach dis- grace to his name, that stain was most trium- phantly washed away by the calm, deliber- ate and cautious investigation of the War De- partment and of the House of Representa- tives and by the subsequent unanimous vote of Congress. Gen. Harrison's character was placed on the most elevated ground by the investigation. All the scrutiny of Con- gress, procured and directed by the vigilance of his enemies, whose charges made it ne- cessary for him to demand an investigation, could not detect the slightest error in his conduct, or the least flaw in his character. Like gold tried in the crucible. Gen. Harri- son's deeds, shone the brighter by being subjected to the ordeal of a scrutinizing in- vestigation and the result was more honora- ble to him than if Congress had passed the resolution in the first instance. GEIV. HARRISON AND MR. WEBSTER. The Van Buren presses, with that reck- less disregard of truth which has characteri- 17 red most of their assaults upon the reputa tion of Gen. Harrison, have generally pub not on friendly or speaking termn for serwal years aftervvardSjbut on the 26lh day of Dec. mr. ^^*-";:7 ____.. „__,^ u.. ,.;.„., ,.,.1 cmn" and Mariin and John are now acta.^ the same ticket with Gen. Harrison, and that he refused, observing that Gen. Harri- son was the pity of his friends and the scorn and derision of hisfocf." Mr. Webster, in a letter dated Washing- ton March 2S, 1S40, addressed to the Edit- ors of the Harrisburg Telegraph and Intelli- gencer at Harrisburg Pa., contradicts the a- bove report in the most positive terms. He says that *'when he heard of Gen. Harri- son's nomination by the Harrisburg Conven- tion he took the earliest opportunity to de- clare publicly that he approved the nomina- tion and should join heartily with his fel- low-citizens in giving it support." In the Cian" anu iviarnn anu jonn are uuw acun^ together, as it is believed, for the unho! v' purpose of overthrowing this Government. But to return to Gen. Harrison. The De- mocratic presses have charged that he was recalled by President Jackson "because he interfered with the domestic relations of the nation." This charge, like every other has been met and vanquished, " On th> 10th day of November 1828, Gen. Harn son, as Minister to Columbia, embarked from the United States on his mission. On the 27th day of February 1829, he presented his credentials at Bogota and was received with great respect," the Official Gazette at nu- brief but l^ogota complimenting him as a distinguish- ;ioquent tribute to the man of tlfe people's ed citizen and anticipating the best results choice. -Gen Harrison has long been before OT','"'! T'n °''- u l^th day of he country in war and peace. ^The history March 1.829, Gen. Harnson was superseded p,- IT u u- i \^ K..„.,^ ,.r,\.\\J- by the appointment of Ihomas P. Moore of his life shows him to be a brave soldiei, "J; li i\ u u a . . .,. 1 . „^. „,„„ Tf • ot Kv., only fitteen days alter he had p a patriotic citizen and an honest man. It is "^ * .> ' J -^ . K too late, quite too'late, for detraction to do its office upon his reputation either miwta- RY OR CIVIL." If the Van Buren presses thought the supposed testimony of Daniel Webster against Gen. Harrison was entitled to the respect and confidence of the people, we suppose that his evidence /or him ought to be equally'^as powerful, and should induce the editors wlio vvete so eager to have Mr. Webster on their side, now to give in their adhesion to Gen. Harrison. GEN. HARRISOiVS MISSION TO CO LUMBIA. Gen. Harrison was appointed as Minister to Columbia by President Adams and was re-called by President Jackson. Martin Van Buren was appointed Minister to Eng- land, but the Senate refused to confirm the nomination, one John C. Calhoun, Vice President ot the United States, giving his casting vote against it, and thus occasioning the recal of Mr. Van Buren. They were pre- sented his credentials and when it was im- possible that his course in Columbia could have been known \\\ the United States.— Niles Register, from which the Van Buren presses have made many quotations, in speaking of Gen, Harrison's recal, says — "The charges against Gen. Plarrison appear to have been frivolous arul unjust, if not ridiculous. They foli^owed close upon the information that he had been super- seded in his mission which, indeed, seems chiefly to have caused or supported them." It has thus been shown that the pretend- ed reason for Gen. Harrison's recal did not exist. Whether the President recalled him because he disliked the idea of having a suc- cessful rival in Military glory, or for sorao substantial reason wiiich has never been as- signed, we are unprepared to say. GENERAL HARRISON IN AN IRON CAGE, The Globe, with its accustomed love of falsehood, has published a long article m which it asserts that Gen. Harrison has heen placed in an iron cage, denied the use of pen, ink and paper and is kept, like a pris- oner, by a corresponding Committee. Tiie origin of this charge is briefly this. A letter was addi-essed by a certain Miles HoichJciss, the corresponding Secretary oi the Ui'ion Association of Oswego, to Gen. IJarri.^on, requesting information as to his political o- pinions. The Madisonian states that Hotch- kiss is " the keeper of a nine pin bo/ling alley and a groggery for loafers"- — that he is a Deist and a follower of that profane and impious wretch Fanny Wright. The letter he addressed to Gen. Harrison was answered by David Gwynne, J. C. Wright a ltd INI. O'. Spencer, a corresponding Committee, on behalf of Gen. Harrison. The reason assigned for the action of this Committee was that Gen. Harrison received so many letters daily that his answer in person was ahogether impracticable. The Globe, in commenting upon this proceeding, called it an ^'example of Whig management un- paralleled in our political annals.^'' The NJadisonian, in reply to this article of the Globe, shows conclusively that there is an example in our political annals for Gen. Harrison's course and that the example WAS SET BY Gen'l. JaCKSON HIMSELF. When he was a candidate for the Presiden- cy, "he had a confidential committee to re- lieve him of the burden of his correspond- ence." Harry Lee was one of that commit- tee. But this is not all. David Gvvynne, one of the person's composing the corres- ponding committee to whom Gen. Harrison handed the letter from Oswego, was ojie of the persons loho cotnposed the correspond- ing cominittce of Gen. Jackson himself. When we see the leading newspaper of the Democratic party in the United States, nay, the very organ of Mr. Van Buren's admin- istration blowing hot and cold in this way, may we not well ask, *'oh shame, where is thy blush ?" And what must honest Demo- crats ihink of an argument of the Globe which applies with equal force to their own favorite,and v^^hich places Gen Jackson him- self in an iron cage and afraid to speak his own sentiments when he was a candidate for the Presidency. The truth is, however, that Gen. Jackson is now out of power, that the Globe has a peculiar reverence for ."the powers that be" and does <|pt scruple to s'ab Gen. Jacksonlinder ii.e fifib rib when he thinks Martin Van Buren is,t.o be bene- fitted by it. Will the Democratic-friends of Gen. Jackson tapiely submit to such treat- ment of their favorite? GEr-ositiou of the enemy, has always appeared to mc to have evinced a high degree of military talent. I concur with the venerable Shelby in his general approbation of your conduct in that campaign." The Hon. Langdon Chcves, in speak- ing of that battle on the floor of Congress said: — "The victory of Harrison was such as would have secured to a Roman General i" the best days of the republic, tlie honors of a triumph. He put an end to the'vvar in the uppermost Canada." Thomas Pitchie, the present Van Buren Editor of the Richmond I^nquirer, when publishing a letter of Gen. liarrison^a writ- ten during the war, said: — "Gen. Harrison's letter tells us every thing we wish to know about the officers except himself He does justice to every one but Harrison, and the world must there- fore do ju^Jtice to the man who was too mod- est to be just to himself." Col. Richard M. Johnson said, in a speech delivered by him in Congress, so late as the 2d of March, 1831.— "Of the character of Gen. Harrison I need not speak— the history of the West is his history. For forty years he has been iden- tified with its interests its perils and its hopes. Universally beloved in the walks of peace and distinguishc;! by his ability in the councils of his country he has been yet more illustriously distinguished in the field. Du- ring the late war, he was longer in active service than any other general officer, he was perhaps oftener in action than any one of them and never sustained a defeat.'' Gen. Lytic of Ohio, in a speech deliv- ered by him at Cincinnati in the fallcfioSS, speaking of Gen. Harrison, uses the follow- ing language, which is quoted in the Lynch- burg Virginian of 29lh January^ 1S40: — "It is true \hat that gentlemen (General Harrison) and myself arc now as we have sometime been, opposed to each other in some of our views, perhaps in most, as to the public" men and measures of the day ; but were we as widely separated as the poles, I can neither be made to forget his virtues nor withhold from him just commendatioa for his many eminent services. Sir, I would be a traitor to my own nature if 1 found inyself capable of disparaging the claims of a public servant so eminent, so well tried, and v^^ho.se life has been a history of such usefulness and gallantry as that of Gen. Harrison. Rather than rob the tem- ples of that justly honored and time worn piililic servant of a single laurel, I would 20 V — wv>im2< -., m Justice and gratitude, to heap although T am unaccustomed to speech malt, chapletson his brow. '^ ing, I hope the House will bear with me for J. O' Fallon, one of Gen. Harrison's a lew moments, for I shall not trouble it aids, states in his letter of the 26th Februa- Jong. I shall only reply to some particular ry, 1840, herein before mentioned, matters. I shall not deal in generalities. We "At the commencement of the battle of have had too many of them already. Sir, Tippecanoe, when the first gun was fired at I have heard members of this House charge our advanced picket, I was at the tent of Gen. Harrison with cowardice, whom he de- Gen. Harrison who was then up at the fire, fended and protected from the war-knife and I had an opportunity to observe his manner; tomahawk of the Indian, when ihey were he was cool and collected, and every move- sleeping in their mother's arms, ment of his countenance and every word he Mr. Speaker:— I know something of Gen. uttered at that trying moment— perhaps the Harrison; and something of his history, and mostembarrassuigin thelife oi a soldier— something of his deeds. I know individu- denoted the highest order of personal cour- als who were with him during the last war ; age. Pie mounted his horse instantly and, who were with him in the^battle of the accompanied by his staff, hastened, in the Thames, Fort Meigs, and Fori Stevenson, direction of the line first attacked. A part I know, sir, that cannon balls and chain-shot of this line, unable to withstand the fierce and bomb-shells, flew thick around him in and desperate onset of the Indians, the Gen- these battles. The gentleman from Cler- eral met retiring within our lines in some mont, (Mr. Buchanan,) said that Gen. H. disorder and confusion, closely pressed by was not, during the battle of Fort Meigs, the Indians, some of whom were in the near enough to have the scales knocked off midst of them. Gen. \Ivlyv\sov\ led iji jyer^- of him. Well, sir, if he was not near son a company of the 4th Infantry to the enough to have the scales knocked off, he breach; and such was the effect oi his bold was near enough to have the scales and dirt and fearless behaviour and so great was the knocked on to him by cannon balls. (Who confidence of his army in his ability to con- saw it.? asked some member.) I saw it, sir. duct them to victory, that his presence and I was in that battle. I saw a cannon ball voice at once rallied the retreating detach- strike within two feet of Gen. Harrison du- ment and they took position at a point equal- ring that fight. I was there. I saw bomb- ly exposed where half of their number, if shells and chain-shot flying all around him. not more, were either killed or wounded. — Horses were shot down under him. I was During the battle Gen. Harrison was seen also at the battle of Fort Stevenson. I saw ijoherever danger icasinost imminent wher Gen. H. there, and was in the hottest and ever the fight luas the thickest. His Aid, hardest of the fight, and where balls flew Col. Owen, was killed at his side, and al- thickest, and where steel met steel the fierc- most at the same moment a ball passed est, there would you find Gen. H. I speak through the GeneraVs hat, grazing his what I know, and what my eyes have seen. head.*' Gen. Harrison is not a coward, and those Mr. Pollock of Muskingum, recently who call him a coward know nothing of made the foHowing brief but eloquent reply him. He was a brave, prudent and fearless to Messrs. Buchanan and P'lood, two mem- General. He took the right course during hers of the Ohio Legislature, who had as- the last war— he acted a noble part, and his Bailed Gen. Harrison's bravery. country has honored him for it. Ask the "Mr. Speaker:— I have listened to the soldiers who fought by his side, whose arms dabate, thus far, with much patience. I were nerved by his presence; whose hearts have heard abuse heaped upon Gen. Harrison, were cheered by his valor; and who were by men who are comparatively young; and led to triumph and to victory by his eour- age, and bravery, aim skui. Ask ihem, had almost saitl of the phronzy) wl.ich you sir, if Gen. Harrison was a coward — and allow your polity altachmeiUs and animosi- they, sir, will tell yon, no! ties to engender — assume the cool a'ul gen- Sir, I have done. I only wished to give erons frame of mind which sr well hefits my testimony in favor of Gen. Harrison, the free and enlightened citizen (and snch and to state what I have seen, in opposition you are) and calmly answer the enquiry. to the statements of those who are ignorant "Who is he whom we are descrihing as of his character, and who know nothing of the petticoat General— a superannuated and his bravery and skill." pitiahle dotard?" Yourselves will answer — The Nashville Banner of 21st Februa- and that not on compulsion — political aspi- ry 1840, contained an article from a Van rations out of view, yourselves will answer Buren paper in Ohio, which is so honorable most frankly, — he is a tried, and a worthy to the editor and so difi'erent from the course citizen: ay, 'seven times tried is he' — in generally pursued by the Van Buren press the ordeals of fire and water. While yet a that we copy it entire. stripling, you will say, he gave himself to "The following rebuke to the traducers of the arduous service of his country; he ex- Gen. Harrison, is from the Ohio Confedc- changed the joys and the safety of family rate, a Van Buren paper. Wo commend and home, for the perils and hardships of a it to the attention of our Van Buren con- dreary wilderness and a savage enemy. For temporaries in this quarter: forty yeais^ thence forward, did he devote GENERAL HAllHISON. himself to his country; in peace and in war, "A superannuated and pitiable dotard." in danger and security, in the camp and in O. S. Bulletin. the closet, ii; ihe Senate and the batlle-lield, "As the PETTICOAT General passed through did he serve that country in true fealty and town," &c — Dem. Si'ARK. untarnished honor; until, even now, grown If we did not entertain a high respect for grey in that hard service which has brought the papers from which we have made the him nothing but a glorious reputation and a foregoing quotations, we would avoid theli- conscience void of oflence against the obli- abilities to which we know w^e are exposing gations of patriotism, he stands m his old ourself, when we take exception to these age, among the millions who surround him, expressions. But it is precisely because we a model of oflicial purity and uncorrupted esteem them influential and worthy journ- integrity. And this is the toil-worn soldier als, that we are not at liberty to forbear the and honored citizen who is described as " a objections which we have against them, or of superannuated and pitiable dotard,'* and a the imputation of a fault-finding disposition, '•'•petticoat General"!! Can it be, brethren, that the cause which Brethren, if wc believe another to be the you espouse, the principles you prefer, can better statesman, let us say so. If we think only be secured by the use of such means as the aged patriot entertains opinions and sen- this? Are the truth and the beauty and the timents adverse to the important interests of power of Republicanism to be established our country, let us canvass unreservedly by detractory aspersions of individual char- those sentiments and opinions. But, in the acter? Are Mr. Van Buren's claims to the name of humanity and gratitude, let us not respect and confidence of the people, and taunt the war-worn veteran with the decrepi- his title to the highest honor of the public tude of years, which come to. all of human service, only to be maintained, or any de- kind, nor touch with rude, unfeeling hand, gree assisted, by contumelious treatment of his hard-earned garlands, won on many a his rivals in popular favor.-* Surely there is bloody tield, where brave men fought! — error in this thing. Divest yourselves, if Gentlemen, there is a vast difference be- but for a moment, of the excitement, (we twcen the goose quill and the death-dealing sword — a mighty contrast between the suf- ferings and the danger;? of a tented field, and the soft and easy life of the crilic who des- pises it. When under the impulse of political acer- bity, one feeis prone to di.«para.i:;e the just claims of General Harrison to the considera- tion of the people, there «re two circumstan- ces, the i-ecollection of which oui^ht, it would seem, to arrest the incipient purpose. It should be remembered, in the first place, that three years haye just gone by, when a majority of the citizens of Ohio would have raised him to the loftiest post of responsi- bility and honor— and that such an express- ion of popu'ar opinion is entitled to some weight, in estimating individual character. And, in the second place, let it not be forgut- ten ('by future generations it will not be) that from the service of the State, continu- ing through all the active years of a length- ened life, he retires in poverty. When the fact becomes so common as no longer to be remarkable, let his countrymen cease to hold it as a token of Harrison's worth; but while as yet, it remains the solitary instance, save one, in which the love of money has been totally lost iu the noble love of country and honor, let it be acknowledged the proudest monument of his greatness and the best me- morial of his virtue. '^ GEX. HARRISON'S CiVTL^QUALJFIGA- TIONlS. We have sho-vn that Gen. Harrison's military character stands on the most elevat- ed ground. The best evidence of his capa- city as a statesman consists in the number of public stations he has filled. He was appointed by President Washing- ton, first as an Ensign and then as a Lieu- tenant in t!ie army, in 1791 aiid 17.93. He was appointed as a Caplaiii by Presi- dent Adams, and then Secretary of' the North Western Territory, in 1795 and 1797. He was elected by the people as the,, dele- gate from the North Western Territory to Congress, in 179S. He was appointed Governor of the Indi- ana Territory for twelve years, by Presi- dents -JelTerson and Madison, in 1801 ;tiul 1S09. He was appointed by President Madison and the Senate a Brigadier and then a Major General in the United States Army, in 1812. He was appointed by President John Q. Adams minister to the Republic of Colum- bia. in lSj.4 aiid 1315 he was appointed by the President as a Comniissioner to make a treaty with the Indians. In 1816, he was elected to Congress from Ohio. In 1819, he was elected to the Ohio Senate. In 1832, he was beaten for Congress be- cause he was not an abolitionist. In 1824, he was elected Senator to Con- gress from Ohio and was afterwards appoint- ed Chairman of the Committee of Militar}^ Affairsin place of Gen. Jackson who had resigned Iris seat. In 1827, he was appointed Minister to Columbia, and in 1836 received a ^n:iajority of ten thousand votes for President in the State of Ohio where he lives. THE LAND SYSTEM . In the sketches orthe civiJ and rsiiiitary ser- vices of (ien. Harrison by Mes!>rs Charles S. Todd and Benjamin lirake it is shown that in October ITy') Gen. Harrison was t'!eeleg"ate ofthe North VVes- lein Tertilory and took his seat in that body in Janua.iy iSUO. ''His first effort was to el- iecta ch»[Ky v^•hieh this odious feature in the then ejiistiny laws was repealed; tiie public ];ui.is taken cut ofthe exclusive control of the riei^ arjsloeraey, sold in sectious of six hun- diad and forty and half sectious of three hun- dred and twenty acres, an'.i the purchasers required to pay only one fourth in advance and ll'.o balance in instalments oi' one, two three and four year^3. The effects of this law were to place tiio })oor man in a tiettcr condition to purchase the public lends than he had ever i)pcn placed by any former law of Congress, and to increase thfe population and wealth of that immense region of country which now coostitutos^several free and in<1ej,enflont States. In tho a!)ovo work, atpagefe'il uiut 22, it Is ' jilso sfiowii Ural 'Muring' the same sei^- ion of Oon«:i'Pss, 31i*. Harrison olit;;iiied an e.xt>-^t;^ion of tin- time oC piiymentlbr tho prc-cinj>lipners in (lie nortlu-rn part of the Mimni pnrcl);.so, wliich enableil them to seoiire llu-ir farnis. la tijl;! matter there was some colIi.-jio.i of inter- e;_-t between ihe settler? anif the original i>ro-" [)rietor, John Cieves Syinnies, the lathcr«in* : law ol' Mr. iilarrij-on. He wa;? con-efjnently placed in a deiicaie and responsihle gituntiou.^ I>at his condtiel was marked by that intc-:.i- ou^ly sustained ll f the ineiito. purcliasers." For Ills noble condiut in re,c:n!"eration or lelerence to tho will of the peo()le, to he ascertained at the succeeding elections. "5. That he should never yuHcr tijc influ- ence of his odice to I'o used for purjioses of a purely pi'riy character. "o,. That in removals from odice of those who hold their appointments during the pleas- ure of t!i0 executive, the cause of such remo- val should be stated, if !'eque&»ed, to t!ie fcsen- ate at the lime the n&inination ofu successor is made. " And lacf not least in iniportance ♦•8. Tl5«t bo should not sulfer tiie Exeoulive Department of tiie Oovernment to become the source of legislation, i)at leave the whole bu- si.ic.-* ; of making laws for the union lo the de- it to which tho Constitution has ex<'lu- -i.rncd it, until they hnvtj assumed that . where and when alone the secntive may Im? heard." ;! ;.:. l;;tlar ofistMay IStjfi toShcrtod Wil- .is, Gen. IJarrison states 1st that he Avas in i vor ofdistrJbi(tingthasur()lus revenue among the statfes according to the fetleral population of each. 2. That he is now in' favor of dis- ti'ibiiting the proceeds of the sale of the public lands to each state accorcJing to federal pop- ulation. i>. That he would approve bills ma- king njjpropriatious for impiovemenis clearly and exclusively national. 4th. That he would feign a bill to charter another bank if it were clearly ascertained that the public interest in relation to the collection and disbursement of the revenue would matcriaiiy suffer without one, and theiv^ were unequivocal manifesta- tions of pubiic opinion in its favor. Tlil] CtJi;!^ENCY. - It is not intended in this [)ai)qihlet to enter into an elaborate disiuissiou of the many intri- ■tiate and important questions connected with this subject. IJut we^)ropose briefly lo estab- lish the following propositions: 1st. 'i'hat, when Gen. Jackson came into power, we had ^isound and uniform currency. 2. That Gen. Jackson, when he commenced the war-fare .upon the United States Bank, proposed to furnish the people in lieu o/'its notes a goi.d a.\9 aitVER cL'r.RiiNcv. 3. That soon discovering his inabilily to produce an exclusive metallic cur- rency, he selected the State Danks as deposi- taries of the public money and insisted that as such they were equally as safe as tho U. y.hank were not objecuonable in a political |)oint of^vievv, and could furnish as good a circula- ting medium as had been afforded by that in- 'Stitution. 4. That Gen, Jackson, in his last i?bessuge to Congress, said the experiment had hnswered all the purposes that were expected and eulogised the State Banks. 5. That Mr. Van iJaren, in his fir.st and subsequent messa- ges to Congress, abandoned Gen. Jacksoo'» 24 expfrimciit, udniitteil its t'nikire and (ifuoun- cetl the Sstate Banks. G. That Lieu. JarUson AViis in favor of A bank of the United States, aitho' he was opi'osed to the Bank. 7. That Mr. Vail Eoren has airain wandered from the footsteps' of his " illustrious predecessor" be- cause hestanils plrdfjed to go aj^ainwt a Bank nndTHRbank. 8. That, when the question was first diseussed in Congress, ten years ago, the increaseofthc Sfate Banks, their susj)en- sion ofspecie payments and the finaneial ruin of the country were preoictki). 9. That the predictions then made have been fiiilfiUed to the very letter. 10. That our bitter experience huth in war and peace, has demonstrated the util- ity and absolute necessity of a United States Bank, and that such an institution can only re- lieve the pecuuiiiry distress of the country. — li. That, Gen. Harrison stands pledsred to go in favor of such a measure of relief. 12. That M\' VanBuren stands pledged to go-.igainst it. The proofs in support of each of the forego- ing propositions will be concisely stated in the order in which they are presented. FIRST. When the circumstances of a private indi- vidual are involved in einharassmont, when he is largely indebted beyond liis ability to pay, his credit is impaired, his resources are dimin- ished and if he ever prospers again, ifhis cred- it is ever restored, it is only uiter years of care- ful mauagemeiit and laborious industry. So, when the circulating medium of a nation be- comes obstructeti, when its banks fail to pay specie, when their notes are not in good credit, and when a community ceases to have confi- dcnceiu them, years of prudential management and cautious dealing muot elapse l)efore the currency can be restored to a healthful condi tion. This truth was powerfully iilustratetl by the experience of the United States during the last war. Thelirst Bank ofthe United States received the deliberate sanction of tJen. Wash- ington, the father of his country and the Presi- tlent of the Convention that formed the Consti- tution. Its charter expired in 1811, shortly be- fore the last war with Great Britain. Mr. Jef- ferson, I\Ir. 3Iadison, I^Ir. Clay and many of the most distinguished men of the country were opposed to the renewal of the charter audit failed. T!ie State Banks were thus left with- out any great National Institution lo check and control them. Mr. Wisk, in a speech de- livered by him in Congress, on the 13th October 1837 showed that the capital of the State Banks in 1811 was $52,600,OU0, and that in 1815 it rose to the enormous sum of $82,200,000. thus showing an increase of ntsarly thirty millioiisi in the short period of four year?. These State Banks flooded the country with a spurious cur- rency. The Governtnent borrowed their pa- per to carry on in part the expenses of the war. This paper was in many instances and upon n(". average fifteen per cent below pur, and Mr. RicDuffie, Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, shows, in a report made by him to the House of Uepresentatives on the 13th of April 1830, at page 10, that "the Government borrowed during the short period of the war eighty millions of dollars" on which it sustained in tke short period of threeyears, upon the discount of the bank paper borrowed and the value of the stock given in exchange for it. a loss of forty six millions of dollars. In the same report, at pages 12 and 13, l>Ir. McDuffiesays that "soon after the expiration of the charter of the first Bank of the United States, an immense num- ber of local banks sprung up under the pecun- iary exigencies produced by the withdrawal of so large an amount of bank credit, as necessa- rily resulted from the winding up of its con- cerns — an amount falling very little short of fifteen millions of dollars. These banks being entirely free from the salutary control which the Bank of the United States had recently ex- ercised over the local institutions, commenced that system of imprudent trading and exces- sive issues which speedily involved the coun- try in all the embarassments f a disordered currency." 'I'he paper of the State Banks was at a discount ranging between seven and twen- ty five per cent, and in some instances it was greater. The Sate Banks in 1815 and 1816 generally suspended specie payments. At {•age 15 of Mr. McDuffie's report, it is stated that "it appears from the report of Mr. Craw- ford, the Secretary of the 'I'reasury, in 1820, that, during the general suspension of specie payments by the local banks, in the years 1815 and 1816, the circulating medium of the United States had reached the aggregate amount of one hundred and ten millions of dollars and that, in the year 1819, it had been reduced to forty five millions ol'doUars, being a reduction of fifty nine per cent in the short period of four years." The experience of the country durin/^ the war and the deplorable condition to which the currency had been reduced, in the absence of a United States Bank, induced 31r. Madison, Mr. Clay and many others who opposed it, in 1811, to recommend and to support it, in 1816, and the last Bank of the United States was then chartered by a Republican President and a Republican Congress. When the last Bank was chartered, the currency w^as so deranged that it was impossible for the Bank suddenly to bring it back to a sound condition and for 25 some yefli'sanrr tlu» Bank was chaitneil, tho notes oftlio ^tate lianks cotilimied lielovv pur, Imt prior to tho fxpiration of its oiiarter t))is great object was accomplished. At page 2Z of Mv. McI)u-:iio'i» report, it is stated that '•one ofthe ino?:t JMip.ortiint purposes which tho Hunk \v;5 3 desio^tied to accoiiiplish, and which it is confidently believeil no other human ag-cn- cy could iiave eflVctcd, under our federative system ofg^overmuent, wa3 the enforcement of specie payments on the part of numerous local hanks tleriving' their charters from the several States, and whose i)aper, irredeemable in specie and illimitable in its quantity, con- stituted the almost entire currency of the coun- try. Amidst a combination of the greatest dillicuities. the bank has almoir't completely succeetled in the performance of this arduous, delicate and painful duty. With exceptions, too inconsiderable to merit notice, all the iState Bunks in the Union have resumed specie pay- ments. And, at page 23 of the same report, it is shown that the State Banks wei:e aided in the resumption by the United States Bank and could not have resumed specie payments without its assistance. At pages IS and ly of the same report, it is further shown that the United iState.^! Hank had '* ac'ualh/ fufnishcd a. drcalating medium of more uniform value than specie' and "a currency of absolutely uniform value in all places, for all the purposes of paying (he pul)iie contributions and disbursing the public rcveijiie." Such were the ends accnnspliiihcd by the United States Bank; and the recollection of every intellisrent and honest man will sustain the facts thus stated by Mv. I>IcDntfie i£« 18:30, viz : that the notes of the United States Bank were then equal in all parts of tho Union to gold and silver, and that the notes of the aitate Banks were then nearly of the same vulue, tho only difference being a difference in exchange of from one to two per cent. SECOND. Such was the condition of the currency when Gen. Jackson first commenced his warfare up- on the United States Bank. We now proceed to show that he and his friends, in lieu of it, proposed to give us a gold and silver currency. iMany extracts might be given in proof of this proposition, but the following are deemed suf- ilcient. Gen. Jackson drank iho following ton?t ut a public dinner given to him at Vauxhall in 1833. " The true conslilulional currcnc>/ is gold and silver coin : It can cover and protect the labor of our country without the aid of a National Bank, an institution which can never be other- wise than hostile to the libertieH of the people, because its tendency is to associnte wealth with undue power over the public inter- ests" OnthelOth of July 1834, the Washington Globe — the ollicial organ of Gen. Jackson's Administration — published an article, under fhi> head of '"the gold currency," in which the fidlowing golden promises are made^lo hum- bug the people. " Then a great stream of gold will flow up the Missifdpinfrom JVew Orleans, and diffuse itself all over the great IFejt. JVearly all the gold coinage of the J\'ew H'orld will come to the United States ; fur, all the coinage of the new Governments of Mex- ico and South America, being the coinage of rebel provinces, cannot go to old Spain or any of her de- jicndencies and therefore uill come to the United States as its natural and best market. T^his will fill Iha fFest with doubloojis and half joes ; and, in eight or nine months from this time [I6th July l!334] every snbstantial citizen will have a long silken purse of fine open net work, through the interstices of which the yellow gold idill shine and glitter. Tiien travellers will be free from the pestilence of ragged, filthy and counterfeit notes. Every substantial man and every substantial man's wife and daughter will travel upon gold." Eight months — nny, nine times eight months have elapsed since the above sage prediction was made. Bat where is the promised Ooi-- DE.\ Age? AVhere are the long silken purses offuieopcn net work with the yellow gold shining and glittering through their intersticei?? Where is that great stream of gold flowing up the i>Iississippi ? Where are the men the wives and the daughters who can get gold to travel upon ? Echo answers where ! Has not the (country been deluded with State Bank paper, and have not the Slate Banks twice suspended specie payments since the United States Bank was put down ? And can a man now obtain even gold enough to bear his ex- penses on a long journey ? T II I R D. It has thus been shown that Gen. Jackson, in the commencement of his war upon the Bank, expected to furnish the country with h gold and silver currency. But he soon found out his mistake and made a failure. He then began a second experiment and took the State Banks under the wing of his protection. la his i>Iessage of Dec. 1, 1834, Gen. Jackson says : ''Happily it is already illustrated that tho Agency of such an institution (as the United States Bank) is not neces^wary to the fiscal op- erations of the government. The State Banks 26 are fully adequate to the pes'formance of all services which were required of the bank of the United States, quite as promptly and with the same cheapness." " Those institutions have already shown themselves competent to pur- chase and furnish domestic exchange for the convenience of trade, at reasonable rates, and not a doubt is entertained that, in a short peri- od, all the wants of the country in bank accom- modations will be supplied as promptly and as cheaply as they have been by the Bank of the United States." Gkn. Jackson, in his I^Iessage of December 7, 1835, at page 18, uses the following lan- guage : " The experience of another year has con- firmed the utter fallacy of the idea that the Bank of the United States was necessary as a fiscal agent of the Government. Without its aid as such, indeed in despite of all the embar- assments it was in its power to create, the revenue has been paid with punctuality by our citizens ; the business of exchange, both foreign and domestic, has been conducted with convenience and the circulating medium has heen greatly improved. By the use of the State Banks, which do not derive their charters from the General Government, and are not controlled by its authority, it is ascertained that the mon- eys of the United States can be collected and disbursed without loss or inconvenience and that all the wants of the community in relation to exchange and currency are supplied as well as they ever have been before," FOURTH. Continuing his partiality to the State Banks and still determined to persevere in his second experiment, Gen. Jackson, in his last Annual 3Iessi»ge to Congress, dated 5th Dec. 1836, says at page 15 — " Experience continues to realize the expec- tations entertained as to the capacity of the State Banks to perform the duty of fiscal a- gente for the Government at the time of the removal of the Deposites. It was alleged by the advocates of the Bank of the United States that the state banks whatever might be the reg- ulations of the Treasury Department, could not make the transfers required by the Government or negotiate the domestic exchanges of the country. It is now well ascertained that the real domestic exchanges, jierformed through discounts, by the United States Bank and its twenty five branches, were at least one third less than those of the deposite banks for an e- qual period of time and if a comparison he in- stituted between the amount of service render- ed by these institutions on the broader basis which has been used by the advocalfs of the United States Bank in estimating what they consider the domestic exchanges transacted by It, the result will be still more favorable to the deposite banks " And, in his farewell address, in March 1837, Gen. Jackson said " I leave this great nation PROSPEROUS and HAPPY." It has thus been established that Gen. Jack- son had the fullest confidence in the state banks. Those institutions in which the public money had been deposited had been stimulated by two Circular letters from the Treasury De- partment, the one dated July 7th 1S34, and the other Feb. 22d 1836, to issue an immense _a- mount of bank notes on the faith of the public deposites, consisting of the surplus revenue of the U. States which were by a law of Congress removed from the !*itate banks and given o* loaned to the several states. On the 11th July 1836, the Treasury Department issued a circular, directed "to Receivers of Public mon- ey and to the Deposite Banks," by which they Avere "instructed, after the 15th day of August next, to receive in payment of the public lands nothing except what is directed by theexistingf laws, viz : gold and silver and in the proper cases Virginia land scrip." In consequence of this order, the state banks, which had, for a series of years, been stimula- ted to expand their circulation, were compell- ed to suspend specie payments in May '37, and Mr. Van Buren, in his first message to Con- gress, on the 4th Sept. 1837, at page 10, ac- knowledges, in the following words, the sig- nal failure of Gen. Jackson's experiment and thus departs from his footsteps. Speaking of the deposite system, Mr. Van Buren says : " In the first stages the measure was emi- nently successful, notwithstanding the violent opposition of the Bank of the United Statee, and the unceasing efforts made to overthrow it. 'I'he selected banks performed with fidel- ity and Avithout any embarassment t& them- selves or the community their engagements to the Government, and the system promised to be permanently useful. But when it became necessary, under the act of June 1836, to with- draw from them the public money, for the purposeof placing it in additional institutions^ or of transferring it to the states, they found it in many cases inconvenient to comply writh the demands of the Treasury, and numerous and pressing'applications were made]' for indul- gence or relief. As the instalments under the deposite law became payable, their own c»n- 2" baraesments und the necessity untler which they hiy of curtailing their discountiS and call- i.iff ill their debts, increased the jreneral dis- tress and contributed with other causes, to hasten the revulsion in which, at length, they, in cointnon with the other banks were fatally involved." " We have no emergencies that a great proportion of the abusea which havo, in his opinion, been practised by the existing bank." EIGHTH AND N I N T il Mr. Binney, in the i)rogress of the debate which occurred in the liouse of Representa- tives, in 1^34, und'in reply to .Mr. Polk, made make banks necessary to aid the wants of the the following prediction Treasury; we have on oc^.nal deposite a large '"If the Secretary's plan wras carried into surplus. JVo public interest, therefore, now requii-es effect there would be a hundred banks starling vp the renewal of a connexion (with the state banks) tchich circumstances have dissolved '' In hisIMessage ofSlh Dee. 1837, page 10, Mr. Van Buren again stabs the state banks by saying "' they have no right to insist on a connexion to iaketlie place of the proscribed United !Stale$ Hank. 'I'hey would have them shooting out their paper missiles in all directions. They would come from the 4 quarters of the Union." Similar predictions were made by Mr. Clay, with the Federal Government nor on the the use of Mr. Webster and others in the course of the the public money for their own benefit'^^ and again numerous debates that arose on thissuhject — insists that the connexion which circumstances These predictions were disregarded, but they have dissolved ought not to be renewed. In have been fulfilled. his Message of Dec'r. 183S, Mr. Van Buren 3Ir. Wise, at page 8 of his speech on the 13th spoke more kindly of the state banks and com- Oct. 1837, shows that, when the warfare was plimented them for their eagerness to resume first waged against the U. Slates Bank, there specie payments. In his message of Dec. 1839 were then 3'2U state banks; that this number Mr. Van Buren again abuses the state banks was increased to 677, besides 14fi branches ; for the second suspension of specie payments that there was an augmentation ofia>iA!/i£r ai/y- and, at page 13, renews his objections to any t7a/ in the United States, from ife 145, 192,268 to connexion whatever between the Government $324,240,292 an increase of $179,000,000; an and the State Banks so highly praised by expansion in //le ctVra/a^fon o( bank notes from General Jackson. SIXTH AND S K V E N T H . Gen. Jack.son, in his veto 3Iessage of July 10, 1832, says, "a bank of the United States is, in many respects convenient for the Govern- ment and useful to the people." And asrain : "That a bank of the United States, competent to all the duties which may be re quired by the Government, might be so organ- ized as not to infringe on our own delegated powers, I do not entertain a doubt. Had the executive been called upon to furnish the pro- ject ofsuch an institution the duty would have been cheerfully performed." Gen. .Tackson, therefore, alfho' he was oppos- ed to the late bank of the United States, be- lieved that a Bank could be chartered which would steer clear of constitutional objections. But i>Ir. Van Buren has again wandered from "the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor," in the letter which he addressed to the Hon. Sher- rod Williams in 18-36, where he says — "1st That he holds that Congress does not possess the power to establish a national bank in any of the States of the Union, nor to establish, in any such states, the branch of any hank located in the District of Columbia; and 2nd That he is, therefore, decidedly opposed to the establish- ment of a National Bank in any of the States und is also opposed to the establishment of opinion would sanction tub suspknsion or at any such bank in the District of Columbia, as i-east an evasion of sfkcie payments." unnecessary and inexpedient and as liable to Has not this prediction also been fulfilled $61,323,000 to $185,762,506— an increase of paper money of upwards of $124, 000,000; — and an extension of tlie amount of bank loans and discounts from $200,451,214 to $590,892,661— an increase of upwards of $390,000,000 ! ! The predictions of 3Iessrs. Binney, Clay, Webster and others, as to the increase of the state banks and the expansion of their circula- tion, are thus most abundantly verified. But this is not all. We propose to sho^v that the suspension of specie payments by the state banks was predicted ten years ago. Mr. McDuffie, at pages 27-8 of his report, made on the 13th April 1830, says : " Ifthe Bank of the United States were des- troyed, and the local institutions left without itsrestraining influence, the currency would al- most certainly relapse into a state of utisoundness. The very pressure which the present Bank, in winding up its concerns, would make upon the local institutions, would compel them etthcr to curtail their discounts when most needed or to sus- pend specie payments. It is not difficult to predict which of these alternatives they would adopt under the circumstances in which they would be placed. The imperious wants ofa suffering community would call lor discounts in lan- guage which could not be disregarded. Thk PUBLIC NECESSITIES WOULD DE.MANU ANO PUBLIC 28 to iKo vpry letter? lias not tlie ourrency re- lapsed into a t^tnto of unsosmdneris, s^ince the 11, S. Bank was prostrated ? Have not the state banks curtailed their disconnts when f hey were most needed ? Have they not suspended specie payments ? Were not tlie Democrats false prophets when they predicted a ffoid and silver currency in eiorht months? Were they not false prophets when they said we could get along' without a United Statrs Bank? Were they not eflrrefjriously mistaken when thry said the state Banks would supply its place? And have not all the forebodings of the WhijS's been Jiterally realized ? Does not a wide scene of pecuniary disaster and distress pervade tiie land? And has not experience clearly dem- onstrated tliHt the miserable experiments which have been made with the currency have proved the utility of a United Stales Bank and the impossibility of manag'ing' the fiscal atfairs of ti»e government without it ? T K N T H AND E L E v E NTH. It has been before demonstrated tiiat, after th'^old United States Bank charter expired, a number of state banks immediately sprun!eJged to support a Unitetl States Bank, if the ;>eop!e desire if, and if, as has been proved, the public monies cannot be safely collei-ted, kept and disbursed without its aid. Let everjr man then, who wishes to see the currency re- stored to its sound condition and who hopes to witness the banislimcnt of state bank shin plasters, except ^o far s.^ the slate banks may be able to redeem them, forthwith resolve to eniijt in the great Whig cause of " Harrison AND ReKORM."' THE SUB TREASURY. So nuich has been already said in regard to thocurrenry Mint notiu'iff niore tniin n (ur«o- ry viewof t!io t^ub Tirnsiiry sclipm« will he prescntctl. U is provisc. one fourth of all the payments to the Government shall be made in specie; after ,fu no ls4C. three Jburths to be paid in specie, and after June 1313 oil dues lor postages or otherwise shall be paid in gold and^sil ver only. The SOth seetion ofthe bill provides that, after June 15^13 all disbursemenlg oRpayment% made by the United ."rotates or the Post Master Gen- eral sliall !»e made in gold or eilver eoin only. The other sections of the bill provide for the erection of onives for the receivers;'' fix the mode of securing the revenue &;n. &c. Ir is believed that none of the friends ofthe Sub Treasury scheme have the hardihood to say that it proposes to relieve the pecuniary ilistressosof the country. All the merit claim- ed for it, by its friends, is that it simply provides for the safe keeping and disbursement of the public monies. There are several objections to this scheme, either of which, it is believed, should be deemed of sufficient importance to vender every one but the ofTice holders hostile to it. J St. the Sub Treasury is the third experi- ment which, in the course of seven years, has been made to supply the jdace of a United SStates bank. The./(V.si experiment was to fur- nish an exclusive metallit^ rurrecicy. 'i'hat ex- periment most signally failed and we are now further from such a currency t!mn when it was commenced. The ^econs^ experiaient consist- ed in an eflort to make t!jo ^^tate Banks an- swer the purpose. Gen. Jackson said that experiment hatl succeeded, lllr. Van Buren admitted it had entirely fell short ofthe purpo- ses intended. The third experiment of the Hub Treasury, has iieen in operation ever since Congress in 1S37 nuthorized the issuance of Treasury Notes.' But those notes have been drawn for large sums. IVone ofthein arc cfa Jess denomination than fif\y dollars. Few of them have ever passed through tlie hands of the great body ofthe people. They h.averor- xlituted a currency for the Government and fur lilt- (j.ii • M 7 li.-. - idi! ail')!' I.';I :n !*:!i>f or nc- comnioilation to the people. A;id while the people in all their dealings havo to rely on the <|f pieciated notes ol'the State Baidts. i>lr. Van B.iren, tiie members of Congress, and the of- fi<'e ijoiders have received their salaries in Treasury Notes or the equivalent of specie. 2. The JSai> Treasisry is again objecfionable because it gives tlie. Preeidcnl the indinct control of the cn'ire revenue ofthe United Sia/cs, a power greater than any monarch in Gurbpe ;posscss- es. The Prcsifb-nt nominates the receivers general; and all the officers ot'tho revenue hold their orticcs eiliier directly or indirectly under liim and are rcmoveable at his pleasure. — These OiHcers are- generally his friends and disposed to u^^e the patronage and power of their- oHices in proniotiug his views and, if tiiey f.iil to do so, could be displaced, so as to make room for his suppliant tools. iVIoney is power, and an ambitious President would know how to use it. 3. The Sub Treasury is odious because its object is to enable the government to collect the public revenue in gold and silver. AlVer the yeariyi'i, the notes, even of specie paying i)anks, will not be received. W it is right for iheOeneral Government to collectthe revenue or taxes in gold and silver, it is equally proper that the Estate governments should collect their taxes in;g:old and silver and who. in the State of Tennessee, would like to be compelled to pay his taxes in gold and silver? If the State Banks continue the suspension, could the great mass ofthe people obtain gold and silver e- nough to pay their taxes^ 4. Thh Sub Treasury is the worst experi- ment that has yet been m;ide because it is the most expensive. When the public money was irr,NSATioN trom tmi? TKBASURV.' But although the bill now pend- ing in Congress i)roposes to pay the receiver* a compensation out of the Treasury, Col Polk 30 has chan;trejectiou was forcibly stated by Gov. Polk in the same speech made in 1835. He said that the Gov- ernment money would be "safer in the hands of a bank than it could be with an individual. Banks — continues Gov. Polk — when they are safe recommend themselves to the Treasury for other reasons. 1st. The increased facility they possess over individual collectors or re- ceivers, in making transfers of public money to distant points for disbursemeat without charge- to the public. Indked this is a servick which INDIVIDUALS, TO THE EXTENT OF OUR LARGE REV- ENUE COULD NOT PERFORM. 2nd. It Hiay happen in the fluctuation of the amount of revenue and expenditure, that there will be at some times a considerable surplus in the Treasuiy, which, though it may be but temporary, if it be ivith- drawn from circulation and placed in the strong BOX OF A RECEIVER /,'ie amount of circulation u'ill be iNjumousLY disturbed by hoarding the drposite by which every article of merchandize or property would be ajfected..^' Gov. Polk and his friends have tried to ex- plain away this speech, but the reasoning a- bove quoted is so plain that no man in his sen- ses can misunderstand it, and the objections thus taken by him against a Sub Treasury in 1835 are equallj"- powerful against a Sub Trea- rury in 1840. 6 The Sub Treasury ought to be regarded as dangerous to the liberty ofthe people, be- cause the principal argument introduced by Mr. Van Buren in its favor in his message of Deer 2, 1839 is in these words; — "From the results of inquries made by the Secretary of the Treasury, in regard to the practice among them, T am enabled to state that in twenty two out of taventy seven foreign governments from which undoubted Information has been obtain- ed, the public monies are kepi in charge of public officers. This concurrence of opinion in favor of that system is perhaps as great as exists on any question of internal administra- tion." Mr. Van Buren has thus shewn that he wishes to have the moneys of this Republic kept in the same way that twenty two mon- archs have the moneys of their governments kept. But his friends say there is nothing wrong in this as mo^^t of the laws by which ■\\e are governed are borrowed from EnglanJr. Bdchannan of Penn- sylvania. 3Jr. Davis of Massachusetts cen- sured it in the severest terms. Mv. Uuchannan afterwardsi denied that he had used any such argument, but in his piinted speech in the Globe he says; "From the great redundancy of our currency, articles are manufactured in iPrance and Germany lor one iialf of their ac- tual cost in this country. Here is an exam- ple; In Germany, tchere Ike currency is jmrehj me- tallic and the cost of every thing reduced tr) a hard money standard, a piece of broad cloth can be manufactured for fifty dollars, the man- ufacture of which in our country, from the ex- pansion of our paper currency would cost one hundred dolla:-s." And again he says: ''Re- duce our nominal to the real standard' of prices throughout the world and i/ou cover our country jvith blessings and benefits/'' Mr. Buchannan then in- stitutes a comparison between England and France and Germany and shows that, in the latter countries, owing to the leduced wages of labor, articles can be manufactured much cheaper than in England. The same course of argument in favor of tlie sub treasury was a dopted by Col. Benton, who says: 'To our southern states, to the whole cotton, rice, to- bacco and sugar growing region now so griev- ously afflicted with the curses of the paper system, I would say study the financial histo- ry of Holland, France and Cuba. Follow their example. Imitate thrm." The boasted argument, then, of two of3Ir. Van Buren's most efficient supporters in favor of his darling sub treasury scheme, is, that it will reduce our nominal to the real standard of prices throughout the world. And how is this to be done except by reducing the wages of labor? The people are asked to imitiate the hard money countries ofFrance, Germany and Cuba, and to reduce the standard of|)rices to the wages given in those countries. This would suit the rich, overgrown capitalist well enough, but let us enquire how it would an- Bwer the poor laboring man, the sweat of whose brow is the best evidence of what the wages of labor ought to be? 3Ir. Merrick, in a recent speech delivered in the senate on the eub treasury, gives a talde of the wages of labor in hard money countries. In France, the yearly wao-es of ploughmen, shepherds laborers and farm servmits range from two to ticelve dollars a year where their boarding is furnished and from nine' to fourteen cents per day. In Germany, the wages of labor range from three to twelve dollars per year ichere the la- borer is boarded, In Italy the tcagcs of laborers range from two to five dollars per year, boarIr. Van Bu- ren's sub-treasury refer you. They tell you to reduce our nominal to the real standard of prices throughout the world. If this is done, your wages will have to come down to from two to twelve dollars a year ; you would have to live upon potatoes, with a little meat doled out to you like it is to the southern slaves : your bread, half rye and half wheat: ahd your vegetable soup rarely flavored with meal. — And such would be the consequences of the sub-treasury, as its |own friends told you. They now try to deny that tley ever said so, but their own printed speeches are on record and they cannot get out of it. And suppose you re-elect Mr. Van Buren, and his sub-treas- ury bill is passed — suppose your wages come down and your wives and your little childien 3 O ^ f.lioiil.1 i)est;trvini,'' ni-siiivoiiiiir aiouiul yon— himself. At page 9 he says : << The nres- =.u|)|.o.«e t.II your toil and laln.r ^liouid oiiiy en- g^t condition of the defences of our nrinri- jible yoii lo earn the feesiiilv einis;i^ti-iue oi a , . i ^ i ' , Mississippi iugro-%vl)Ht would ?Jr. Van ]?n- pal seaports and liavy yards, as represented ren care ? He vvoidd have his salary or5^2o,- "Y tne accompanying report of the Secreta- ()<10.(!0 a year—enuid ''fare siiinptuously every vy of War, calls for the early and serious at- day" and" take pleasure trips in his English tcnlion of Congress ; and as connectin"- k- earriage with his livered.rrvanf.s and tlxank self intimately with this subject, I 6aSnot Heaven that he hud at List irottliesub-trcatury * j j ^^ ^ bill passed anri broi.o-ht theneck^ of the nee- KECOM33END TOO STRONGLY TO VOUR CON- pleund.rhis Act. Mr. Y.>n Buven i? a New SIDERATION TPIE PLAST SUBMITTED BY THAT York Daner plnn was not endorsed 67/ Mr. Van Buren that "when the righteous are in ^uUho^,■^ y the hu I made on the. Secretary's own respon- people rejoiee; hut when the wicked ! " y," and hundreds of the readers of luie, the people inourn. 1 1 .1 • 1 j i ^1 ' ' ' .1 ; aper were, doubtless, misled b}' the bi;re-iaced falsehood so impudently publish- THESTA^^D3KG A1I31Y. ^d. And what is the measure from the re- In Ih.e " Tennessee Sentinel" of the 29th sponsibility of which the former editor of Feb. ISIO, an editorial article appeared iin- the Sentinel thus deceptively and falsely at- der the head of "okgakizatiom of the tempted to shield the President ? What is MILITIA." T!ie pi'oposition of Mr. Pctn- the i)roposition for the organization of the SETT, — Mr. Van Ikiren's Secretary of Vv'ar militia that the President thus endorsed ? — - — is published and the Editormakcs the fol- At page 44 of Doc, No. 2, 26th Congress, lowing remark : " Thus we give the whole 1st Session, the original proposition, endors- paragraph which contains the proposition of ed by the President, is stated in the follovv- tlie Secretary lor the b.'^'ter organization of ing language by his Secretary of Vv'^ar, Mr. the militiaoitlie United !: 'aies — A measure, Poinsett : BY THE BY, WHICH HAS NOT BEEN " It is proposed to divide the United States ENDORSED BY MR. VAN BUREN into eight military districts, so as to have a BUT MADE ON THE SECRETARY'S body of twelve thousand five hundred men OWN RESPONSIBILITY, and submitted in aciive service \ and another of equal num- to Congress for their reception or rejection; ber as a reserve. This would give an arm- for, it will be borne in mind that the ed militia force of two hundred thousand President (much less th.e Secretar}?) cannot men, so drilled and stationed^ as to be levy an army or do any act of the kind, un- ready to take their places in the ranks in less the Representatives of the people clothe defence of their country whenever called up- him with that authority.'* on to oj^posc the enemy or repel the inva- We ask every candid Democrat in \V; sh- der. The age of the recruit to be from 20 ington County to mark how- grossly the then to thirty seven. The whole term of service Editor of the Sentinel attempted to deceive to be eight years ; four years in the first its readers. He says, emphatically, that class and four in the reserve. One fourth the measure was not endorsed by Mr. Van part, twenty five thousand men, to leave the Buren, when he must have known that ^■ert'U'C ever}^ year, passing at the conclusion, Mr. Van Buren did endorse it. This into the reserve, and exempted from ordina- statcment, as to the ^..'sehood of the Sentinel, ry militia duty altogether, at the end of the J.S |)roved by the Message of Mr. Van lAuen second. In tliis manner twenty five thou- 33 sand men will be discharged from militia friends that his project above quoted only duty every year, and twenty five thousand contemplated a bare organization of the mi- fresh rfcr?///? he rcce'wcd luU) fhe service, litia. The plan mentioned by Mr, Poinsett It will be suflicient for all useful purposes, wns not submitted with the message, but that the remainder of the militfa, und-.-rcer- Congress called upon him for it and, on tho tain regulations provided for their govern- 20ih of March eighteen hundred and forty, ment, be enrolled and be mustered at long nearly four months after the measure wa$ and stated intervals ; for in due process of recommended, the Secretary of War, in X\me, near/f/ tlieicholemu.'^fi of the militia obedience to the call, addressed a letter to will pass through fhe first and second the Hon, R. M, T, Hunter, Speaker of tho classes and be either members of the active House of Representatives in which the de- corps, or of the reserve, or counted among tails of this monstrous measure are given, the exempts, who will be liable to be called in forty sections. The letter is of such great upon only in periods of invasion or imminent length that, it would swell this pamphlet to peril. The manner of enrolment, the num- too large a size to copy it here entire, but we ber of days of service, and the rate of com- subjoin an extract of an able article from pensation ought to be fixed by law : but the the XJadisonian of May 14th 1840, in which details had better be left subject to regula- the substance of each section is given togeth- tion ; a plan of which I am prepared to sub- er with the comnients of the talented editor mittoyou." of that paper. We ask the people to read In order to evade the force of this direct it, to reflect upon it, and to say whether or endorsement, some of '.he Democrats say that not they are willing, under the Sub Treasu- itwasMr. Von Buren's duty as President ry system, to vest Mr. Van Buren or any to present the proposition of the Secretary to other President with the control of one bun- Congress, no matter whether he approved of dred thousand office holders and the whole it or not. This arg-umeut is in direct oppo- revenue of the United States, and to give sition to the doctrine of Gen, Jackson who him or any other man the command of 200, contended that he was responsible for the 000 soldiers— selected in a manner similar acts of all the Secretaries composing his cab- to those of Cromwell and Napoleon— with inet, which, as he said, ought to be a unit, whom and the public money Congress could Butwhat did Mr. Van Buren mean when he be turned out of doors and a crown placed said/ cannot reco?n?nend too strongly to upon his head. Under the. 14th section, the your consideration the proposition of "" the mass of the militia are divided into districts. Secretary of War ? Walker defines the The seventh district is to be composed of the meaning of the word recommend in his Die- States of Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana tionary. He says it means— "to praise to and Tennessee, and of course, the men would another ; to make acceptable ; to use one's have to be called into service at some central interest with another in favor of a third per- point in the district. How would the gal- son; to commit with i)rayers." Mr. Van lant militia of Tennessee relish the idea of Buren therefore, when he recommended the being forced to march twiceai/ear.'ma. proposition, praised it— wished to make it time of profound peace, to New Orleans, acceptable— used his interest in favor of it Mobile, or such other point in the District and committed it with prayers for its safety as might be pleasing to the President? Or to the consideration of Congress. 'J'he con- how would they like to be conipelled to temptible quibbling of the Democratic party furnish a horse and their own equipage— o^ is thus clearly exposed and the proposition their own expense— and be called from their for a standing army is shown to be endorsed families and homes twice a year to figure by the President. in camps and flourish upon parades for tha ■'it was contended by Mr. Van Buren's gratification of Dandy Martin or his puissant 34 Secretary of War? And what would he the effpot upon the morals of the country if this rKiioiis stanuing army should he effected hy Fi'om tiiJ" IVIiidisnniiin. J\iK. POi.'VSEVrS 20(U!nO U. STATES miLiriA FOKCE. We puhlish to-day the notahic scheme of the Secretary of War, as detailed by himself ♦o Cor.irress. We propose to analyze it more fully than we have yet done, and sh.ow it t) be a most darinp;, dangerous and uncon- stitutional project- No man of discernment can examine it without feeling it to he the duty of a patriot to souud the alarm and aro'.!.-ethe people. \Ve repeat this now, be- tnu^e we see the monster beginning to stir tIk- Senate. From the details of the plan we gather the following recommendations: 1st. sec. Every free able bodied white male citizen of the several States between the ages of 20 and 45 shall be enrolled in the militia of the United States, and within three months after, shall arm himself at HIS OWN EXPENSE. 2d sec. All office holders in any way connected with the Federal Government shall be exempt. 3d sec. Citizens thus enrolled to consti- tute the first class, to be denominated the JWass, audio be divided and organized. 4th. Each regiment shall furnish two companies of light infantry or riflemen — each division one company of artillery and one of horse, who shall be clothed and equip- ped AT THEIR ow^N EXPENSE. The officers to hfive a cut a jid thrust sword. Officers of c-'v^lry and dragoons to furnish themselves 'vii/r. horses, saddles, bridles, breast plates, flp'^ "., pistols, sabre, crupper, &c. &c. r.' 1. Proposes colors and martial music. oth. ^8. record of the men \oho kept in the Adjutant General's office of each Slate, &c. 7fh. An Adjutant General shall be ap- pointed in each State, with colonels rank, to distribute orders, attend reviews, perfect the discipline, explain the principles of returns, reports, and to report to head quarters, &c. and finally to make returns to the Secretary of War, who shall give the proper directions as to how they shall be done. Sth. Defines the dut}' of Brigade Inspec- tors. 9th. Appoints a Quartermaster General in each Slate. 10th. Witliin months after the adop- tion of the plan, 100,000 men to be drafted for active service., to be denominated the ac- tive or moveable force. mil. Said force shall be organized and held to service foryb/;r years; one-fourth going out annua!l3\ 12th. 'I'hcre sball be a third class denom- inated the reserve or sedentary force — to be composed of those who have gone through the active \)Yohd.\ion — to continue thus sub- ject four years, and to be subject to no fur- ther military duty, unless in case of invasion or a levee en tnasse. loth. The deficit occasioned by the dis- charge to be made up by draught on the mass 13th, The "territory of the U. States" shall be divided into ten districts. 15th. Order of precedence shall be as fol- lows : 1. Troops of the United States. 2. Militia of the United States in this order, viz: 1. The active force. 2, The sedentary force. 3. The mass. 16th. Officers of the militia to he appoin- ted as the State Legislature shall direct. 17. The President of the United States may call out the 100.000 men twice a year, and while out and including the time when going to and returning from the place of ren- dezvous, they shall be deemed 2?z the service of the United States, and he subject to such regulations as the President may thinh proper to adopt for their instruction discipline, and improvement in military knowledge. ISth. In case of invasion or insurrection the President may call forth such numbers as he may judge sufficient. 19th. When the U. S. laws shall be op- jiosed, or their execution obstructed, the President may call forth sufficient of the militia to cause the laws to be executed- 35 20th. The inililia of the 6'. ,S'. ,\vhea in service, shall be subject to the same rules and articles of war as the troops of the U. States. 21st Eve finest train that ever was conceived. He has prevail- ed upon the popular old President to set an example of absoluteism and independence which perhaps no other man in that country would have allcmpted. He will uUimately, mildly and cautiously, but having tb.e sup- port of the Democracy he will undoubtedly succeed i n bringing the whole Union under the sway of a few enlarged and cultivated minds which are the source of stability and order in every country. Tlie people cannot govern themselves any more than a public school can govern itself without the super- intendence of A MASTER. It must be merely an increased round of clamor and contention. We have now more hope for America than ever we had since her declara- tion of Independence. Mr. Martin Van Buren has succeeded in running down a Na- tional Bank wJiich was the most formidable obstacle to executive control and has collect- ed in his hands the reins of a good team of State Institutions which will draw well to- gether and bear him upwards like the steeds of Pegasus. The Republic of the United States like that of Venice will become an oligarchy, but it will be, unless we are mis- taken, a more enduring one. It will not, like Venice, become a splendid ruin of pal- aces; for it lias arterial springs of commer- cial pro-^pcrity which nothing can paralyse and whicii do not depend upon the diseased stomachs of Europe for a healthy action For fifty years or more, it will be a clever oligarchy and then the people will wisely and cheerfully consent to its becoming a lim- ited monarchy. Va)i Buren, ive believe, has a son or two and be wiU probahlxj ES- TABLISH A SOUND AND USEFUL DYNASl'Y FOii THAT GREAT CON- TINENT." Such was the prediction of a British Ed- itor in relation to Mr. Van Buren's last e- lection. And has not that projihecy in many respects been fulfilled? Cannot any unpre- judiced man see that under the guise of de- mocracy Mr. Van Buren and many of the leaders of his party conceal more aristocra- cy than any other men in the United States? Look at his English Coach, drawn by for- eign horses and driven by foreign servants. But his friends say that those who make this objection dress in English broadcloth. But if men of all parties do dress in Engliah br >ad eloth who but iVfr. Van Buren has in troduced into the U. S. the royal fashion of dressing hisservants in livery. Mr. V. Buren as minister to England, associated with the noblemen of that country and if he would try to imitate them in the peculiar mode of dressing his servants, is it at all impossible that the British editor was mistaken when he supposed that Mr. Van Buren would try to "bring the Democrats round to a rational system of monarchical obedience?" Does not his strong argument in favor of a Sub Treasury — that it has been adopted in twen- ty two out of twenty seven foreign govern- ments — look like the British editor did not make a bad guess as to his course? Has not Mr. Van Buren already sent two of his sons to England to learn the same monar- chical principles which their father learned in that country? Did he not write a very anti-republican letter to the Pope of Rome? Has he not said, in his last message to Con- gress, that the exenitivt is a eoinponent 38 part of the legisluli (Ive power, when the ve- Fi'om 4th Murch, 17SD, to3lstDec. ry first line of the Constitution declares that *J^^' l,919r589, 5*2 the legislative power shall be vested in the V'^^n ?'7m'^^'^' .^^ Senate and House of Representatives? Has ItW 3'50o'54r' r" he not for the fourth time pressed the Sub 1795,' 4.3o().65b' 01 Treasury upon Congress in the hope that he 1796. 2,53-2,y30, 40 can get the absolute control of all the public • money? Has he not, in his last message •« «t"l '» <-S1,986.524 82 port recommending a standing army oi two j-n- o 0T4 "lOO «)r hundred thousand men? Is he notgras])ing 1798 4'623'223 54 at unlimited power and does he not seek to 1799, 6,481,166 72 change our free government into a monarchy J8{i0, 7,411,369 97 as the British editor predicted? ' ,„ . ,, „ , . . , y . ., , . , , . Total, in Mv. John Adam s Let the people examine these things.— Administration, 821,450.35119 let Van Buren's friends show how he has Average each year, 5 362,687 79 ever served the people — what battles he 1801, 4,181,669 90 fought in — what great public measure he ev- 1802, 4,737,079 91 er advocated. And let every freeman de *^'*'^' 4,002,824 24 lermine whom he will support— M////;i V^l^J rQ-'-'S? l\ rr n n i i . 180o, ,b,3o/,234 62 yan JJuren, the man who has never served ij^OG^ 6 080 209 36 his country — the man who is trying to 1807, 4'984.'572 86 change the government and is too proud to 1808, 6,504,338 85 live according to the manners of his own . . ' nrMi.,f..TT,-,-,cj„ .^,. A,V»T X . A ,. IT lA . , 4i Total in .l/r. .TelTerson's countrymen;or William 11. Harrison, the . , ■ . , a\ rtncxn^a nc XT 1 o/ . .1 » /- • 1 Aihninistialion, 41,300,788 66 Hero and Statesman, the poor man's friend, Average each year, 5,162-598 58 the advocate of theold pensioners, and of the jg(j«) 7414 672 14 widow and orphan — the plain, republican 1810," 5^311,082 28 farmer — the honest man — the independent 1811, 5.592.604 86 politician and the true patriot who loved his 1812, 17,829.498 ^0 country and showed that love where blows ^^u of/i|'^'^^^ 3h fell hot and thick — where brave men fought iyj.3' 26'95.3'571 00 and fell, and where the stoutest hearts were 1816^ 23^373^432 58 "Jo battle's magnificently stern array." '^^^^J '" i^^'' {'I''^''^^^' ^ ° J J Adminisralion, 144,604.439 86 — Average each year, 18,085,617 48 EXPENSES OF THE GOVERNMENT. 1817, 15,454,609 92 The editor of the Madisonian published a ^'l/^' i6%^(5o 3/3* 44 statement of the public expenditures, in 1820, 13,134,540 57 «rK,-ol. t.o «nv« 1*^'' 10,723,479 07 which he sa^s: ^^^,^ 9.827.513 51 The following table is made up from a 1823, 9.884,154 59 letter of the Secretary of the Treasury of 1^24, 15.339,134 71 the United States, to the Committe on Re- 1 ■ ni nt ' trenchment (April 9th, 1830,) and from pub- ^Td.ni'nfstnUion"''"' ' 104.463.400 59 he documents smce that date. Average each year, 13,057,925 07 E^peyises of the Government from the 4th 1825, 11,490,459 fg March, 1789, to 3lst. Dec. 18,39. 1826, 13,063,316 27 3$) 1S27. 12.653,000 f>5 IS'JS, ia.2})G041 45 Total, in Mr. J. Q. Adams's Administralion 50,501,914 CI Avera^fe each year, 12,625,478 5'-* 1829, 12.060.160 00 1830, 13,229.533 00 1831, 13,864.807 00 1832, 16.516.388 00 1833, 22 713,756 00 1834, 18.425.417 00 1825. 17.514,950 00 1836, 30,868,164 00 Tolal in (jlcn. Jaclison's A(linii.i»=tiation, 145,702,735 00 Average in each year, 18.224.091 88 18;J7. 49.151.745 00 1838. 40.427.218 00 1839, 31. SI 5.000 00 Total in Mr. Van Buren's 3fir.*t years 111,406,033 07 Averajre for eaoh ypar.37, 135,654 33 Population of the United States in 1790, isoo, 1810, 1820. 1830 3,929.827 5,3<»5.925 7.289.314 9.638.131 . . 12 856.407 Supposed to be about 1840, 17,0{H),000 From the Tennessee Whipr of March 5. MR. VA\ BURENS LETTER TO THE POPE. We embrnre tliis opportunity of laying- before our numei'ons readers, the letter of Martin Van Buren to one of the subordinates of Rome, in- tended expressly for the eye of his holiness. — This extraordinary letter refers to others — to a private correspondence, which had been «'ar- ried on between the Pope and IMr. Van Buren, and which to this day, has never been publish- ed, for reasons obvious to every reflecting mirxl, anfl no doubt satisfactory to the parties. For the first time in the history of this gov- ernment, we see a man seeking the highest of- fice in the country, carrying his electioneering intrigues before the Pope of Rome, and wri- ting him a most fulsotne letter— calls him 'Ho- ly Father.^ congratulates him on his accession to the jT/arrfiT— gives him to undersland that he is his devoted friend— that his church finds favor in these United States— and that the dog- mas of his church will be tolerated to the ful- lest extent in this country ! Oh ! my country, art thou fallen so low, and nrt thou so debnfjed, tlint thy Chief Mngistrnte. will supplicate n foreign tyrant, for the sole purpose of obtain- ing the votes of his minions within thy bor- ders? And will our people any longer sup- port this cryino tliey not see theobjectof his f?ervile devotion to a corrupt « espot. Washington, July 20. 1830. Your letters of the lllli April, and 5th of I\5ay, the Hist anticipating the (avorai>le sen- timents of his Holiness the Pope, towards the Government and the people of the United States, and the last confirming your anticipa- tions, have been received at tliis department, and submitted to the President; by whom I am directed to tender his Holiness tbroucii the same channel, an assurance ofthe satisfaction.^ which he derives from his communication of the FRAMv AXD LIBKRAL OPINION ENTERTAINED BY THE APOSTOLIC ^EE towards the (Jovernment and the peo- ple, and ofthe policy which you likewise state his Holiness has adopted: and which is SO WORTHY THE HEAD OF A GREAT CHRISTIAN CHURCH— assiduous to culti- vate in his intercourse with foreign nations, the relations of unity and good will, ami sedu- lously to abstain from all interference in their occasional dilficulties with each other, except with that benignant view oCelfecting reconcili- ation between them. You will accordingly seek an early oppor- tunity to make known to the Pope in terms and manner best suited to the occasion, the light in which the President views the communication referred to, and likewise you will assure him that the President reciprocates in their full ex- tent and spirit the friendiv and liberal senti- ments entertained by his Holiness, towards the government ofthe Apostolic See, and the peo-^ pie of the Slate and the Church; and it is the President's wish that you should, upon the same occasion olfcr his congratulations to the Holy Falhcr upon his recent succession to the TmVr/, notfiom any hereditary claims on his part, but from n preponderating influence which a just estimation of his talents nnd private vir- tues naturally had upon the enlightened coun- cils by which that high distinction was con- ferred: and which afibrds the pledge that his pontificate will be n safe and a beneficent one. You will take care likewise, to assure his Holiness, in reference to the paternal solici- tude which he (expressed in behaif of the Ro- man Catholics of the United States, that all our citizens professing that religion stand up- on the elevated ground which citizens of other religious denominations occupy, in regard to the rights of conscience— that of perfect liber- fy con-trailifctiiiguishcti fi-oni toleration: tliat they enjoy an entire exreption from coercion in every possible shnpe n|)on the score oi' re- Ijo^ioii'* fnilii. and that they are free, in cointion vvitli tlieir fellow