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JosKPH Benson Foraker. 
 
» Cestimonial Souvenir « 
 
 3o$epb Benson Toraker 
 
 Skctcb of tbe Cincinnati Banquet given in bis Ronor on tbe Occasion of bis 
 
 Election as Senator of tbe United States for Obio, 
 
 Tebruary 22, m^ 
 
 " Jl Patriot's is a dangerous post 
 Ulbcn wanted by bis Country most" 
 
 -S7C,//. 
 
 Under Direction of Senator Toraker's Triends 
 
 By George IHatbews 
 
 Cincinnati, i$<)6 
 
Of 
 
 PRESS OF 
 
 The Jones Brothers Publishing Co. 
 
 CINCINNATI, O., l8g6.'"i 
 
A TRIBUTE. 
 
 In leadership the foremost man is he 
 
 Who stands for country and, with lifted hand 
 Calls to the patriot people ! his command — 
 
 A clarion cry heard far by land and sea — 
 
 Awakes the holy passions of the free! 
 
 Grave senates hear him, and his native land 
 Makes him her watchman in her towers, to stand 
 
 And cry the ''AH is weiP' of Liberty ! 
 
 Lo, such is he who rises for his State, 
 
 And leads her thought, and battles in her cause. 
 And wears fresh laurels in her glorious name I 
 Hero and captain, champion in debate, 
 
 Man of the people, maker of their laws. 
 
 Neighbor, and friend, and statesman full of fame* 
 
Joseph Benson Foraker. 
 
 Prefatory 
 
 HE occasion which has called forth this simple 
 brochure and tribute is easily understood. A dis- 
 tinguished citizen of Ohio, honored by the people 
 of the Commonwealth, received on the birthday 
 of the Father of our Country, 1896, a testimonial banquet 
 given by the citizens of Cincinnati as a mark of their esteem 
 and admiration. The recipient of this honor was Senator-elect 
 Joseph Benson Foraker, whose name for a full score of years 
 has been identified with the public life of Ohio. The recent 
 mark of esteem and confidence was one of many such tributes, 
 but it had an important and peculiar significance. The event 
 distinguished the accession of Mr. Foraker to one of the highest 
 electoral dignities in the gift of any people. 
 
 The United States is the greatest free government in the 
 world. The Senate of the United States has no equal as a 
 body of deliberative councilors. It is peculiarly constituted. Its 
 members represent commonwealths as such, and the peoples 
 of the respective commonwealths in their aggregate and several 
 capacities. Though all Senators are of equal rank, there is a 
 sense in which they are most unequal. In their representative 
 capacity they may stand for small commonwealths, or for states 
 of imperial extent. 
 
Such an imperial State is Ohio. Third among the members 
 of the Union in population and wealth, she may be regarded 
 as one of the greatest free communities existing on earth. 
 To represent such a State in the greatest senatorial body of 
 the world, is a distinction of which the most ambitious citizen 
 may well be proud. To be called to such a station at a time 
 of life when most men are still regarded as young, corres- 
 pondingly increases the honor. It is proper that a recipient of 
 so great a distinction should feel a manly and ennobling sen- 
 timent of pride at the honor done him by his fellow-countrymen. 
 
 Joseph B. Foraker is a man so honored. He is Senator- 
 elect from the great state of Ohio. He is a Cincinnatian. 
 He has long been identified with the public welfare of this 
 great city, and the people of Cincinnati have recognized in 
 this event an opportunity of compliment to a leading citizen. 
 
 It has been thought that the complimentary banquet given 
 to Mr. Foraker at the Cathedral of the Scottish Rite in 
 token of the appreciation of the people of Cincinnati, should 
 not pass without leaving some record of itself more per- 
 manent than the passing memory of a busy population. It 
 is for this reason that the facts, circumstances and speeches 
 of the occasion have been gathered and put into a permanent 
 form in this testimonial pamphlet which is sent to the friends 
 of Senator Foraker as a token of friendship and goodwill. 
 
 The Senator is not himself responsible for this publication, 
 or for the terms of compliment in which it is made. It is 
 wholly the work of his friends, who design it as a tribute to 
 a man who has won the applause of the Nation, and at the 
 same time retained the affectionate regard and confidence of 
 his friends and neighbors. 
 
Biodrapbicah 
 
 lOSEPH BENSON FORAKER, recently elected 
 ^^ Junior Senator of the United States from Ohio, is 
 a native of this Commonwealth. He was born 
 near Rainsborough in Highland County, Ohio, on 
 the 5th of July, 1846. He has not yet completed 
 his fiftieth year. In both mind and body he is young, elastic, 
 full of spirits, warmed with a laudable ambition, and kindled 
 with what the author of Ecce Homo calls " enthusiasm of 
 humanity.'' The parents of Senator Foraker are still living. 
 They belong to the class of people who cultivate the soil, 
 and at the same time cultivate men and women. Joseph B. 
 Foraker spent the first years of his life on a farm in close 
 touch with the ground and in sympathy with the ennobling 
 influences of nature. 
 
 Passing from the period of his early boyhood, and with 
 no note of his school-days in the country, we find him at 
 the age of sixteen enlisting in the Union Army. He volun- 
 teered as a member of Company A, in the 89th Regiment of 
 Ohio Volunteers. The date of his enlistment was July 14, 1862, 
 nine days after his sixteenth anniversary. A young soldier — 
 but many such followed the flag and fought our battle. 
 
 Young Foraker served with his regiment until after the 
 fall of Atlanta. By that date he had risen to the rank of 
 First Lieutenant. After the capture of Atlanta he was de- 
 tailed for service in the signal corps and was assigned to duty as 
 a signal officer on the staff" of Major-General Slocum, who was 
 in command at that time of the left wing of Sherman's army. 
 
After the march through Georgia and the CaroHnas Lieu- 
 tenant Foraker was promoted to the rank of Brevet-Captain 
 of United States Volunteers and was assigned to duty as 
 Aide-de-camp on the staff of General Slocum. This position he 
 held until he was mustered out of the service at the close of 
 the war. That event found him, at the age of nineteen, a 
 veteran of three years' service. 
 
 After the war Captain Foraker resumed the studies which 
 he had cast aside in order to enlist, and became a student 
 at Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. From that institution he 
 was graduated at the close of his twenty-third year, in the 
 summer of 1869. During his collegiate course he took up and 
 prosecuted the study of law, so that after his graduation he 
 was able to begin to practice. He came to Cincinnati and was 
 admitted to the bar on the 14th of October, 1869. From 
 that date — distant from the present by more than twenty-six 
 years - — he has practiced the duties of his profession in Cin- 
 cinnati, with only such disturbances as have been incidental to 
 his public life. 
 
 On the 4th of October, 1870, Mr. Foraker was married 
 to Miss Julia Bundy, daughter of Hon. H. S. Bundy, of 
 Wellston, Ohio. Of this union have been born five children — 
 two sons and three daughters — a happy family, all of whom 
 survive. 
 
 The public life of Captain Foraker began in April of 1879, 
 when he was elected Judge of the Superior Court of Cincin- 
 nati. This position he occupied until the first of May, 1882, 
 when, on account of ill-health, he resigned the duties of the 
 judgeship. On his recovery, however, he resumed the prac- 
 tice of his profession in the city of his choice. In 1883 he 
 
received the nomination of the RepubHcan Party for Governor 
 of Ohio, but was defeated by his Democratic opponent, Judge 
 Hoadly. In 1884 Mr. Foraker was a delegate to the National 
 Republican Convention and was chairman of the Ohio delega- 
 tion. In that relation he put in nomination for the Presidency 
 Senator John Sherman. In the following year he was a second 
 time nominated for Governor against Judge Hoadly and was 
 successful. He was chosen Governor of the commonwealth by 
 a handsome majority. In 1887 he was a second time elected 
 to the same office. In the following year he was again a 
 delegate to the Republican National Convention, and was 
 chairman of the delegation from Ohio. In this convention 
 also it was his duty to place John Sherman m nomination for 
 the Presidency, but the nominee failed of gaining a majority 
 of the delegates. 
 
 In 1889 Mr. Foraker was for the fourth time named for 
 Governor, but was defeated by ex-Governor James E. Camp- 
 bell. Mr. Foraker then remained in private life until 1892, 
 when he became a candidate for the office of Senator of the 
 United States for Ohio. He received thirty-eight votes but 
 was defeated by Senator Sherman. In this year he was for 
 the third time delegate at large to the Republican National 
 Convention and served in that body as chairman of the Com- 
 mittee on Resolutions. 
 
 By this time the term of Hon. Calvin S. Brice in the 
 United States Senate was drawing to a close and the voice 
 of the people of Ohio was strongly heard in behalf of Mr. 
 Foraker for the position. In the State Convention at Zanes- 
 ville, held on the 28th of May, 1895, a resolution was unani- 
 mously passed endorsing Mr. Foraker as the Republican 
 
candidate for United States Senator. At the ensuing Novem- 
 ber election a Republican legislature was chosen by a majority 
 of over one hundred thousand votes. The sentiment in favor 
 of Mr. Foraker had become overwhelming, and when in 
 January of 1896 the legislature assembled all show of opposi- 
 tion had melted away. Without the formality of a caucus, 
 and by the unanimous vote of his party, he was elected to 
 the Senate of the United States for the term of six years, 
 commencing with the 4th of March, 1897. 
 
 The State Republican Convention of 1896 was held in 
 Columbus on the loth and nth of March. Senator Foraker 
 presided over the convention as its chairman and was by 
 acclamation chosen for the fourth time to represent the State 
 of Ohio as one of its delegates at large to the Republican 
 National Convention to be held at St. Louis on the i6th of 
 the following June. 
 
 Such is the briefest outline of the career of one of the 
 great men of Ohio. Senator Foraker is in his prime. He 
 is regarded with admiration not only by the people of the 
 State which he honors and that honors him, but also by the 
 people of the whole Nation. He is primarily a man of the 
 people. His sympathies are broad and patriotic. He is strongly 
 on the side of the people and is devoted to American interests 
 in the highest and best sense of that term. His instincts as 
 an old soldier of the Union are blended with the patriotism 
 of the civilian, composing a character as admirable as it is 
 humane. The good wishes of the people of Ohio will follow 
 him to his high place in the Senate with the same confi- 
 dence and pride with which they have regarded him in all 
 the previous stages of his eminent career. 
 
i. 
 
 Cbe Banquet. 
 
Committee of Jlrrandements. 
 
 JOHN A. CALDWELL, Chairman. 
 SAMUEL W. TROvST, Sec'y. 
 GEORGE N. STONE, Treas. 
 THOMAS MORRISON. 
 J. G. SCHMIDLAPP. 
 MAURICE J. FREIBERG. 
 
 ANDREW HICKENLOOPER. 
 THOMAS P. EGAN. 
 RALPH PP:TERS. 
 SAMUEL N. FELTON. 
 PERIN LANGDON. 
 C. M. HOLLOWAY. 
 
Scottish Ritp: Cathedral. 
 
the Banquet. 
 
 HE leading citizens of Cincinnati were unwilling 
 that Senator Foraker should remove to Washington 
 to enter upon his duties without tendering to him 
 some public and formal mark of the esteem in 
 which he is held by his home community. It was determined 
 that a public banquet should be tendered him, and for this 
 purpose the Scottish Rite Cathedral on Broadway was selected 
 and the date of Washington's birthday chosen for the occasion. 
 The banquet was in all respects a brilliant and successful 
 affair. The guests were, for the most part, citizens of Cin- 
 cinnati and the personal friends and neighbors of the Senator- 
 elect. They were the men with whom he has been asso- 
 ciated in the varied aud arduous duties of life for many years. 
 They had watched his progress, had sympathized with him in 
 times when the tide seemed to set against his fortunes, and 
 congratulated him when the wave bore him onward to success 
 and honor. Now they met to pay their tribute to him as a 
 representative of the great commonwealth of Ohio in the Senate 
 of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Foraker had not for some days been in good health 
 though his spirits were unabated. It had been feared that he 
 would not be able to participate in the pleasures of the ban- 
 quet, but it is in the nature of such men to rally according 
 to the occasion. Suffice it to say that the Senator did not 
 disappoint his friends but surprised them rather with the 
 
brilliancy and spirit of his manner and address. His speech 
 was marked by all the features which have made his oratory 
 so pleasing and effective ; his utterances had the old clear 
 ring ; his emphatic declarations of Americanism and patriotism 
 touched the right chord and found a harmonious echo in the 
 hearts of all his hearers. 
 
 The table at which the guest of honor and others of his 
 immediate friends sat was beautiful in its arrangement and 
 decorations. The hall in every part was tastefully draped and 
 adorned. The floral decorations were especially fine. Above 
 the principal table "Old Glory" was hung out in several 
 forms and looped up with the figure of an eagle. The 
 motto above was "Our Senator" and this sentiment was re- 
 peated in several places. In the center of the flag displayed 
 was the portrait of Senator Foraker done to the life. The 
 Committee of Arrangements had placed behind the speaker's 
 chair a hedge of evergreen which furnished a pleasing back- 
 ground to the distinguished group. The whole surrounding 
 was tasteful and inspiring. The Committee had selected the 
 honored Mayor of Cincinnati, John A. Caldwell, as toast- 
 master. The Mayor never appeared to better advantage ; his 
 remarks were received with enthusiasm and were regarded as 
 especially appropriate. The guests were seated and the dinner 
 began at half past seven in the evening. The feast proper 
 lasted about two hours when Mayor Caldwell rapped for order. 
 By this time all chill of formality had passed away and the 
 spirits of those assembled had risen to the level of the occasion. 
 There were none present who did not enter heartily into the 
 celebration. 
 

 'i 
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 mm^ 
 
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 K^K 
 
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 J. A. CALDWELL. 
 
Speech by Hon. J. A. Caldwell. 
 
 OUR GUEST, . . . Hon. John A. Caldwell. 
 
 " Heroes in history seem to us poetic, because they are there. 
 But if we should tell the simple truth uf some of our neighbors, 
 it would sound like poetry." 
 
 FeLLOW-CiNCINN ATIANS : 
 
 ' ' Your hearts and mine are glad to-night. On either hand is an 
 every-day trusted friend; across and around this board are our neigh- 
 bors, our business and professional associates, those whose hves are open 
 books to us. We know the story of their beginnings, of their roman- 
 ces, of their aims and ambitions; of their life achievements and triumphs. 
 We know how much of manliness and worth is written there; we know, 
 and are proud and glad to know, that these, our neighbors and friends 
 stand for much that is greatest and best and most progressive in the 
 Cincinnati of to-day. 
 
 Merited distinction— honest fame, can come to no one without his 
 associates and friends, compatriots and fellow-citizens, all being the 
 gainer. The Cincinnatian who wins his spurs in life's contest— who 
 gains the world's applause, and receives signal honors from his fellow- 
 men, places amaranthine garlands over every Cincinnati threshold, and 
 makes a mecca of this fair city to which the hero-worshipers of all time 
 will make sacred pilgrimages. 
 
 And we, my fellow-citizens, are met to-night to give expression as 
 best we may! to the personal gratification and happiness it brings to 
 us, that he who is our guest of honor and who is also our fellow- 
 Cincinnatian, our neighbor, and personal, intimate friend, the very 
 man we have long hailed as one of the foremost Cincinnatians-our 
 
greatest political leader and chieftain, who we know to be worthy of 
 every preferment that an admiring, loving people can bestow, has again 
 been asked to step up higher — and you and I rejoice and are exceed- 
 ing glad that this preferment has come to him and with an unanimlt)'' 
 of party support unprecedented in all the history of first term elec- 
 tions to the National Senate. 
 
 Our guest has long been a commanding national figure, filling 
 the public eye — at once the Richelieu and Admiral Crichton of all that 
 pertains to state-craft and politics, sharing honors with Sherman and 
 McKinley as one of Ohio's political triumvirate, a triumvirate as pre- 
 eminent in national affairs of to-day, as w^as Ohio's galaxy of generals 
 in the War of the Rebellion — Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan, whose 
 undimming fame shines forth resplendent — the most glorious constella- 
 tion in all the star-studded night of war. 
 
 What memories the very name of Foraker conjures; when the brass 
 throat of war thundered forth his country's need — we see the stripling 
 farmer boy take on the full stature of a man and a hero — and march 
 forth to battle valiantly for freedom and for right. Neither hireling 
 nor dastard he — but a volunteer, brave and true, who wrung pro- 
 motion from the hand of power by dint of valor and personal merit — a 
 mere boy in years, but in all else a man doing a man's deeds. 
 
 We see this soldier put off the uniform and don the garb of the 
 civilian, and take up the humdrum life of a student, the better to equip 
 himself for the walks of peace. We see him adopt one of the learned 
 professions and rise in the line of that profession to the bench of the 
 Superior Court of Cincinnati. We see him take on the burdens of a 
 public career — become the idol of ev^ery hustings — whose logic and 
 eloquence and personal magnetism convinced and swayed the multi- 
 tudes ; all the Nation knew when he was in the saddle, when his 
 trenchant tongue — a keen Damascus blade — was making thrust, and 
 parry, and stroke, that found and laid bare everj^ weakness and flaw in 
 the armor of his adversaries. 
 
 We see him become the leader of the young, aggressive, enthusi- 
 astic element of his part}- — binding their hearts to his with cords of 
 steel. We see him twice chosen by the suffrages of the people — Gover- 
 nor of his state and become the very pillar of his party's hope. We see 
 
him a man of deep personal convictions; fearless in defense of the right 
 as he sees the right; hating cant and sham, with an especial hatred for 
 all Pharisaical hypocrites who wear an — I am holier than thou self- 
 adjusted halo. 
 
 We know him as a practical man who believes in practical politics; 
 we know him to be a man of ideas and resources — one who never cries 
 aloud in worship of an echo. We know him for what the whole country 
 knows him, an able statesman, a brilliant orator, a profound thinker — 
 but you and I, my hearers, also know him as a friend and neighbor. 
 We know his heart is a human document in which he writes the names 
 of his friends in indelible characters. We know him as a father, and 
 husband and brother, doing his man's part as only a loving, generous, 
 manly, masterful man can do it — and who fully realizes that station and 
 rank and wealth — the plaudits of his fellow men, the external insignia 
 of success verily brings its own reward — but that beyond the utmost 
 purple of that illimitable ambition, there exists a wider horizon of 
 friendship and love. 
 
 The great state of Ohio is wont to produce sons to be proud of — 
 and she is prouder of this younger son; she will see to it that his is no 
 entailed estate, that no law of primogeniture cut him off portionless. 
 She has given him a United States Senatorship, and there is no greater, 
 broader field of action and usefulness, of honor and trust; public or 
 private within the possibilities of man, that her admiring, loving, 
 patriotic people would not be happy to bestow upon our guest of honor 
 — Joseph Benson Foraker — Senator-elect from Ohio. 
 
 I have the very great honor and pleasure of presenting the Hon. 
 Joseph Benson Foraker, Senator-elect from Ohio. ' ' 
 
 RESPONSE, . . . Hon. Joseph B. Foraker. 
 
 Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen : 
 
 ' ' r wish I knew how better than I do to make fitting response to 
 such an introduction and to such a welcome. Words seem to fail me. 
 I can think of nothing other or better to say than simply, I thank you. 
 (Applause.) That I do with all my heart. I thank you, Mr. Mayor, 
 
for the kind words you have so beautifully and so eloquently spoken. 
 I do not know what could make them more gratifying unless it would 
 be that, happily, somehow or other, I could be persuaded I merit 
 them. (Applause.) And I thank you, gentlemen, one and all. If I 
 had been allowed to prearrange the circumstances attending my elec- 
 tion to the Senate, I could not have ordered them so as to be more 
 gratifying than they have been down to this point. (Cheers and 
 applause.) 
 
 It was gratifying, in the first place, to be elected, as it has been 
 said, without any opposition from my own party. It was gratifying, in 
 the second place, to be elected with so little opposition from the other 
 party. (Laughter and cheers. ) And it has been gratifying beyond 
 anything I shall undertake to express for me to have been made the 
 recipient, as I have been, at the hands of my Democratic friends, of 
 constant kindnesses, courtesies and marks of personal regard and per- 
 sonal esteem, from the beginning of this contest until this moment. 
 (Great applause.) But nothing has occurred in all these incidents and 
 features to which I have referred so gratifying as this occasion itself. 
 (Applause.) You, gentlemen, are my neighbors and my friends ; you 
 are the men in whose midst I have lived for more than a quarter of a 
 century. My goings out and comings in have all been in j'our presence. 
 I am better known to you and by you than to or by anybody else. 
 
 For me to see gathered here to-night the representatives of all the 
 professions, and of every kind of business that is pursued in our city J 
 and especially for me to see gathered here in such goodly numbers my 
 Democratic friends, is gratifying beyond anything I can express. 
 (Great applause.) I thank my Republican friends most sincerely, but 
 I do especially, and from the bottom of my heart, thank my Democratic 
 friends. (Cries of "good, good," and applause.) You make it easy for 
 me to feel, as I do, under such circumstances, in going to the Senate, 
 that I go there to represent the State and the whole State and all the 
 people in the State. (Applause and cheers.) Whenever I can con- 
 sistently do so, it will be a pleasure to me to serve you. I want to be 
 ycur Senator, as well as the Senator of my Republican friends. (Re- 
 newed applause.) 
 
 And now, gentlemen, about that service. I have some misgivings 
 about it. I have never had any experience in a legislative body or any 
 
kind of a parliamentary assemblage. I do not know how I will get 
 along. (Cries of 'Oh, you're all right; you'll get along.) I forsee 
 some difficulties. I am so constituted by nature that I reach conclusions 
 quickly, and sometimes have not as much patience as I should have 
 with those who do not agree with me. (Laughter and cheers.) I fear, 
 therefore, that in that ' most august assemblage on earth, ' as it has 
 been termed, I shall be wearied and less useful than I otherwise would 
 be when those long, tedious debates occur about which we have been 
 reading so much during the last two or three years. (Applause.) But 
 notwithstanding that drawback, I intend to take the place. There are 
 some compensations to offset it. 
 
 In the first place, it is a great compensation to follow in the line of 
 succession such distinguished representatives as Cincinnati has had in 
 that body during our day and generation; (Applause and cries of ' 'good! 
 good!") George H. Pugh (applause) , Stanley Matthews (applause) , and 
 George H. Pendleton (applause) . However we may differ as to their 
 respective political views and opinions, we all can agree in ascribing to 
 them, one and all, irreproachable integrity of character and the highest 
 order of intellectuality. (Great applause.) 
 
 There is another compensation in the fact that I am to be the col- 
 league of that grand old representative of Republicanism, who has been 
 there, lo, these many years, in the person of John Sherman. (Applause.) 
 But there is something more attractive than all that to me in going to 
 the Senate at this time. That is the character of questions with which 
 we will have to deal. I do not speak in this connection of partisan 
 questions. If the Democratic party should be in power I imagine I 
 would not have much influence in shaping its policy. (Voice: "You 
 would not; that's right.") (Applause.) If the Republican party be in 
 power its policies are already shaped. (Voice: " That's right.) With 
 practically no dissent, all questions of tariff, reciprocity and currency 
 will be settled according to those policies. The questions I refer to are 
 broader than these. 
 
 The time has come when there is an emphatic demand for a wise, 
 broad, patriotic, progressive, aggressive American statesmanship. (Tre- 
 mendous applause and cheers.) I do not like the idea of our being un- 
 able to step out at either our front door or back door, on the Atlantic or 
 the Pacific side, without seeing England's flag floating from all the 
 
islands that meet our view with her guns pointing wheresoever she will. 
 (Great applause and renewed cheers.) When the Sandwich Islands 
 come knocking at the door wdth a Republican form of government and 
 the American flag, I say let them in. (Tremendous applause.) When 
 a civilized country turns civilized war into barbarism, as Spain is doing 
 in Cuba, I say, in the name of this Republic and in the name of repub- 
 Hcan institutions everywhere, as well as in the name of civilization and 
 Christianity, it is our mission to put a stop to it. (Great applause.) 
 And if as a result the stars and stripes should happen to float over that 
 island, it would be no bad acquisition. (Applause.) 
 
 I want to see the Monroe doctrine, recently .so much talked about, 
 upheld and enforced against all the world. (Applause.) And I shall 
 stand by the administration that stands for America, be that administra- 
 tion Repubhcan or Democratic. (Cheers.) 
 
 I want to see our merchant marine restored. There was a time 
 when our merchant marine was the pride of every American. It is to- 
 day but a mortification to us all. We once carried ninety per cent, of 
 our foreign trade in American bottoms, under the American flag. We 
 now carry less than thirteen per cent. We are paying out annually 
 more than $150,000,000 in gold to foreign ships for transportation of 
 freights and passengers. The time has come to remedy that. The way 
 to remedy it is not with subsidies and bounties, but by going back to 
 the first principles practiced by George Washington and the founders 
 of this Republic when they applied the principles of protection to the 
 water as well as to the land. (Applause.) 
 
 I want to see the Congress of the United States provide that the 
 fifty per cent, or more of imports that come into our country free of duty 
 shall come in free, provided they come in American bottoms and under 
 the American flag. (Applause.) I want to see it provided that the 
 dutiable goods brought in American ships shall be allowed a rebate on 
 that account. (Applause. ) 
 
 And when we make these new reciprocity treaties, which we hope 
 to make soon in the future, I want to see incorporated in every one of 
 them a provision that the goods mentioned in the reciprocity treaty 
 shall have the benefits of that provision, provided they are carried in 
 the ships of the reciprocating countries. (Great applause.) When 
 
that shall be done, as done it can and should be, there will no longer be 
 an elbowing by Great Britain of the American marine off the waters of 
 the globe. ( Applause.) 
 
 Shipbuilding will revive, and once again the flag of the United 
 States will be seen floating in all the channels of trade and commerce. 
 ( Cheers.) And then after that will follow easily and naturally what we 
 should have had ere this, an American navy able to protect us, let come 
 what may. (Applause.) WUen Mr. Cleveland sent to Congress his 
 Venezuelan message it had lyre good results than one. One of its good 
 results was to impress the ^lerican people with our defenseless situa- 
 tion. We should reaUze that the great wars of the future, if there be 
 any at all with which we are to be concerned, are far more likely to be 
 on the water than on the land. We should order accordingly. It is a 
 patriotic duty to do it. 
 
 Then, there is another thing. I do not want to stop to discu.ss all 
 these things, but I read in the newspapers this morning just what I 
 have been looking for for a long time. I read, as you probably did, that 
 in the city of New York there was yesterday tendered by Europeans, 
 the capital to build the Nicaragua Canal. Unless the United States of 
 America build that canal somebody else will build it. (Voices of 
 ' ' That's so. " ) The commerce of the w^orld demands it. 
 
 People will not any longer be content .sailing .ships from the Atlantic 
 to the Pacific Coast, to go ten thousand miles out of the way around 
 the Horn, through tempestuous seas and inclement sea.sons. Every 
 suggestion of patriotism conunands us to do that work. ( Applause. ) 
 I want to see the United States build it, and own it, and control it 
 (applause), without any copartnership with anybody, and without any 
 other nation having any other right with respect to it except only the 
 right to use it for peaceful purposes, on payment of such tolls as we 
 may see fit to levy. 
 
 I rejoice my fellow-citizens of Cincinnati, that I .shall have oppor- 
 tunity to participate in the solution of these great questions. It is but 
 little I can do, but in my humble way whatever I can contribute will be 
 most zealously contributed. ( Applause. ) These are works worthy of 
 the American people. If we but prosecute them to that success which is 
 possible, there is in store for us a destiny greater and grander than any 
 human language can describe. ' ' (Tremendous applause and cheers. ) 
 
Mayor Caldwell : 
 
 Ohio has ever been fortunate in selecting her Governors. They 
 have been men who came from the people and were of the people, and 
 she made no exception in the selection of our present Governor in fol- 
 lowing that rule. He is a Cincinnatian born ; was at one time a market 
 boy, selling the products of his farm from a wagon upon our streets, 
 filled the position of coachman, and he filled these positions with the 
 same zeal, earnestness and integrity with which he is now filling the 
 important position of Governor of Ohio. (Cheers and applause.) I now 
 have the pleasure of presenting the Hon. AsaS. Bushnell, the Governor 
 of Ohio. (Long cheers and applause.) 
 
ASA vS. BUvSHNELL. 
 
Speech by Gov. Asa S. Bushnell. 
 
 OHIO, Gov. Asa S. Bushnell. 
 
 " Glorious in history : rich in statesmauship : famed in presidents." 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Fellow Citizens : 
 
 An ex-governor of the state (not the one here present) said to me 
 on an occasion similar to this — a short time ago — " When you have re- 
 sponded to the toast ' Ohio ' fifty times, as I have, you will get tired 
 of it." I am not willing to admit this, for I love Ohio too well to 
 ever tire of sounding her praises. I never hear the name but my pulse 
 quickens and a feeling of pride comes over nie that T am one of her 
 citizens. 
 
 I feel as the boy did at the revival. The minister requested all 
 those who desired to go to heaven to stand up. All arose but one 
 good-sized boy, who remained quietly in his place. Then the minister 
 asked those who wanted to go to the other place to stand up Not a 
 soul got up. In astonishment he looked at the boy. "What is the 
 matter with you, boy? Don't you want to go to either place?" 
 "No," said he, "Ohio is good enough for me." So I say, Ohio is 
 good enough for me. 
 
 But a few days ago I visited the old mother of Ohio — the state of 
 Connecticut. To-day Ohio has five times the population of the mother 
 state, which a little more than a hundred years ago sent from her 
 abundant population a colony of forty-eight of her sturdy sons to 
 found a new state west of the AUeghenies. Landing at Marietta, they 
 established the first settlement in the Northwest Territory, from which 
 has since grown five of the grandest commonwealths of the nation. 
 
 Ohio ! Grand old Commonwealth ! God bless her and her sons 
 and daughters, wherever they may be. None more loyal than they ; 
 their influence is felt wherever a new settlement is to be founded, a 
 new city built, or a conflict for the right to be fought out ! 
 
That she is ' ' glorious in history ' ' I have but to refer to her 
 achievements in war and in peace. And, first, allow me to refer to 
 her achievements in war. She did not do much in the Revolution, but 
 it was not her fault. If she had been born earlier she would have 
 taken part in that struggle. While she took an active part in the 
 Indian wars and furnished more troops than any other northern state 
 for the war with Mexico, it was in the War of the Rebellion — the great 
 conflict for the life of the nation — for the honor of the grand old flag — 
 that she most distinguished herself. 
 
 Ohio's response to the call of President Lincoln for 75,000 men 
 was immediate. From all parts of the state came proffers of service 
 from tens of thousands, and on the 19th of April — only four days after 
 the call — the First and Second Regiments of Ohio Volunteers had been 
 organized and were on their way to Washington. The Ohio militia, 
 in pay of the state, was pushed into West Virginia, gained the first 
 victories of the war, and drove out the rebel troops. Thus was West 
 Virginia the gift of Ohio. Governor Debison, Ohio's first war gov- 
 ernor, had ere this written, "Ohio must lead throughout the war," 
 and she did. Early in 1864, when more troops were imperative, and 
 President lyincoln was fearful another draft upon the people would 
 result in failure. Governor Brough, Ohio's last war governor, called a 
 convention of the governors of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa and Wisconsin, 
 who, with himself representing Ohio, met on April 21, 1864, and 
 notified Mr. Lincoln that they would furnish him 85,000 men for one 
 hundred days, without a dollar of bounty or a single draft. It was a 
 splendid contribution of the loyal West to the cause of the Union. In 
 sixteen days after the call Ohio had supplied 34,000 men— or nearly 
 one-half the number promised — and put them into the field armed and 
 equipped. The arms of Ohio's sons in the field were sustained by the 
 work of Ohio's daughters at home. As Ohio's soldiers were the first 
 to gain victories, so the women of Ohio were the first to organize aid 
 societies. In five days after the fall of Sumter the Soldiers' Aid 
 Society of Northern Ohio was organized, and these noble women 
 eventually distributed food and clothing to the amount of a million 
 dollars. A similar organization was started in the southern part of the 
 state, which was alike successful. 
 
When the war closed more than one-half the able-bodied men of 
 the state had taken up arms for the Union, and Ohio had shown her- 
 self to have been the most efficient of all the states, supplying, as she 
 had, the most successful generals and the largest number of able men 
 in the cabinet of the President and in the councils of the nation. 
 
 Ohio is to-day in the very heart of the nation, and, being on its 
 great highway over which its commerce and travel flow and where its 
 people must mingle for an interchange and broadening of ideas, she 
 must be national and broad in her policy and character. Her soil is of 
 the richest and there is no one industry which predominates to give her 
 citizens a one-sided development. Agriculture, manufacture, mining 
 and commerce are so equally divided that she may be said to be the 
 most evenly balanced state in the Union, and to this should be added 
 prominence in education. 
 
 The large number of colleges — cheap and accessible everywhere — 
 have given multitudes the prime requisite of the higher education 
 which is mental discipline and the use of the instruments of knowledge. 
 In instructors in learning she has produced a host, and to-day in the 
 department of religion she shows an unsurpassed spirit of Christian 
 enterprise and self-sacrifice, leading all the states in the number of 
 missionaries to heathen lands. 
 
 The noble history of Ohio, the heroic character of her sons and 
 daughters, signally shown by the eminent leaders she has produced in 
 every department, will remain an imperishable inspiration to the young 
 born upon her soil, to further advance the commonwealth in everything 
 which will inure to her moral and material grandeur. 
 
 ' ' Rich in statesmanship ! ' ' Yes ; in the living and in those who 
 have finished their mission and left their works to follow them. Chase, 
 the great financier, an incident in whose life right here at home I can 
 not refrain from relating. Here was the voting place of the great 
 Secretary, and rarely did he miss coming here from Washington to 
 exercise the right of suffrage. On the occasion of an election m 1863 — 
 I think it was — under the old regime, when there was always a great 
 crowd around the polls, Mr. Chase came to his precinct to vote. The 
 crowd separated to make clear a passage for Mr. Chase to reach the 
 window to deposit his ticket. A large, brawny fellow, of Irish nation- 
 aUty, stood somewhat in the way, seeing which some one called out. 
 
" Stand back, Mike, you don't vote the Republican ticket." " I know 
 that," said he, "but don't you suppose I want to see the man that 
 makes the greenbacks?" Mr. Chase smiled and touched his hat to 
 the man who had such great respect for him as the author of the 
 greenbacks, if he could not vote for his party. 
 
 Stanton, the great War Secretary ! Another statesman of whom 
 Ohioans can all be proud. Then Giddings, Wade, Thurman, Pendleton, 
 and a host of others, make up in part the riches of Ohio in statesman- 
 ship. Among those who have contributed, and are yet to add luster to 
 her crown of jewels, are Sherman, McKinley and Foraker. 
 
 Virginia, the " Mother of Presidents," was famed for the great 
 chief executives she furnished the nation ; but Ohio will herafter con- 
 test the title of ' ' Mother of Presidents, ' ' and claim for herself that 
 distinction, for what presidents of greater fame than Grant, Hayes and 
 Garfield, men who brought great distinction to their state and to the 
 nation in peace and in war? It is worthy of national consideration 
 that no candidate for president from Ohio was ever defeated. 
 
 Ours is a great state in its resources and extent, but greater in its 
 people. I love my state and my country, and I pray to Almighty God 
 that He will give us vigor and energy and power until the pillars of the 
 Union shall be planted so firmly in American soil that no power on 
 earth shall be able to shake them. To make our government thus 
 strong we must stand by it— not complain of it, but praise it ; not 
 defame and abuse its highest officials, as has recently been done. 
 While I believe in free speech, I hope that no man will be allowed to 
 use such language in reference to the chief executive of this nation as 
 was uttered in that most august legislative body, the U. S. Senate, by 
 Senator Tillman, of South Carolina, without rebuke. If the state- 
 ments were true, they were better unsaid ; if he had no respect for the 
 chief executive, he should have respect for the high office he holds, for 
 he is the president of the greatest nation on earth. The people of our 
 country should be taught to respect those who have been chosen to make 
 and to execute her laws. 
 
 We should adopt such policies as will furni.sh our government 
 revenue sufficient to meet all obligations and make the nation still 
 richer and still more powerful. To illustrate this, let me relate an 
 incident which came under my observation a few years ago. It 
 
occurred while traveling on the cars in the northern part of the state 
 with a friend, formerly prominent in the politics of the state, and 
 known to many of you. My friend, as we rode along, pointed out to 
 me, first on one side and then the other, beautiful farms, which by 
 economy and careful investment of his means he had been able to 
 purchase. Finally, after the last one had been passed and I had 
 congratulated him on his magnificent possessions, he said, in a half 
 undertone, and with apparent satisfaction, "Friend Bushnell, a little 
 money is a good thing to have ; it commands respect at home and 
 abroad." 
 
 Let us have our government rich, that she may build ships of war 
 and have a navy equal to that of any nation on earth, to the end that 
 we may demand that more respect be shown our citizens and our flag 
 on land and sea. We have heard much talk of war of late. Our 
 nation is not prepared for war ; our navy could not cope with the great 
 ships of the British. What we want is more money. Let us get that, 
 then build war vessels, strengthen our forts, and then — though we hope 
 " war has gone to come again no more " — if it does come, we shall be 
 prepared for it, and be able to, enforce our demand that England shall 
 be more careful in fixing the boundary lines of her territory. 
 
 Ohio must do her part in this further work for the greater glory of 
 America. Our record has been such that there must be no failure in 
 the future — no loss of opportunity to prove again that our state is 
 always ready to advance the cause of Americanism, to do that which 
 speaks of loyalty to our common flag, and tells again that which has 
 been a pride to all Ohioans — the patriotism and the strength of our 
 commonwealth. 
 
 I congratulate all — and by that I mean the people of Ohio and 
 of the nation, as well as those present at this gathering of some of 
 Cincinnati's foremost citizens — upon the fact that 'another who, by 
 training, education, ability, patriotism and enthusiasm for his country, 
 will in but a little more than a year's time be received as a member of 
 America's highest and most distinguished legislative body, and will 
 therefore add to the fame which has ever attended the Senate of the 
 United States. We all know this Ohio man. He is the honored 
 guest of this evening, and one w^ho occupies a more than prominent 
 
place in the affections of the people of this and other states. He is 
 known as a self-made man, as a soldier who achieved a highly honorable 
 record, as a jurist who was respected in all ways, as a chief executive 
 of Ohio who gave a most excellent administration, and as a citizen who 
 enjoys the approval of his fellow-men. 
 
 Such a man as Joseph Benson Foraker can be, and I am sure will 
 be, of inestimable value to his country and to his state in the U. S. 
 Senate. He is equipped as few men are for the duty before him, and 
 he has the desire to do his utmost for the common good. I wish him a 
 long life of happiness and continued usefulness ; a life replete with all 
 that can make the hearts of his friends rejoice. 
 
 It has given me the greatest pleasure to be present to-night. I 
 have delighted in the opportunity of again attempting to sound a faint 
 measure of praise for my state and our people. It has been a .source of 
 sincere gratification to join you in doing honor to my friend Judge 
 Foraker. It has given me great satisfaction again to meet old friends, 
 and to clasp the hands of new ones. Gentlemen of Cincinnati, I con- 
 gratulate yoii upon this dinner to your most distinguished citizen, and 
 I thank you for having given me the privilege of addressing a'ou upon 
 so notable an occasion and upon so worthy a topic. 
 
 Mayor Caldwell : 
 
 The next toast, "Our Country." We have with us one of our 
 distinguished citizens, who has gained exceptional prominence in his 
 profession, who will respond to this toast. I have the honor and 
 pleasure of presenting the Hon. E. W. Kittredge. (Ivong cheers and 
 applause. ) 
 
E. W. KlTTRlvDGE. 
 
 
Speech by Hon. E. W. Kittredge. 
 
 OUR COUNTRY, . . Hon. E. W. Kittredge. 
 
 ' ' Be there a man with soul so dead 
 Who never to himself hath said, 
 This is my own, my native land! " 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : 
 
 The toast "Our Country,'" to be responded to on Washington's 
 birthday, naturally recalls Washington's excellently wise advice to his 
 countrymen as to the relations it should be our policy to maintain with 
 the nations of Europe. 
 
 The position of the United States as the foremost nation on the 
 American continent is not merely one that should contribute to our 
 national pride, and still less should it be allowed to stimulate any 
 national arrogance, but it does carry with it a corresponding duty of 
 high obligation to all the American nationalities. 
 
 The peoples of the old world are organized under powerful govern- 
 ments, with immense resources, with powerful armies, with resistless 
 navies, and with all the wealth and means that the highest civilization 
 of the world has accumulated. The ability, if they had the desire, of 
 either France or England or Germany to overwhelm the comparatively 
 weak nationalities of Central or South America can not be doubted. 
 
 It is a matter of profound concern to our country what should be 
 our attitude to the questions and controversies that arise between these 
 powerful European governments, on the one hand, and the weaker 
 nationalities of the American continent on the other. 
 
 The recent unpleasantness over the Venezuelan boundary, happily, 
 by the good sense and sober second thought of the English and Ameri- 
 can people, now in the process of a peaceful solution, has brought the 
 attention of the entire community to the consideration of the principles 
 
that underlie this whole subject, and that are of the highest importance 
 to the welfare of this country and the peace of the world. 
 
 When Mr. Olney asserts in his letter to Lord Salisbury that 
 " to-day the United States is practically sovereign on this continent, 
 and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposi- 
 tion ;" and when the president practically asserts that the Monroe 
 doctrine has become a part of international law ; if these assertions 
 are true, the position of the United States is certainly one of great 
 responsibility, and of very doubtful ladvantage 'to compensate for the 
 obligations that it incurs. 
 
 I believe the more correct statement of the fact is that the Monroe 
 doctrine is a political dogma, and that like all dogma, it is subject to 
 growth and development. Its interpretation is always very largely 
 determined by the conditions at the time, and the circumstances 
 attending any case to which it is sought to be applied. That the 
 United States should look with disfavor upon every attempt of an 
 European nation to oppress or despoil without right any American 
 state, is inevitable. When such a controversy is pushed to its utmost 
 limit, the unselfish defense of the weak against the strong, even to the 
 extremity of war, is alike a wi.se and honorable policy for us as a 
 nation, and it will surely command the support of the American 
 people. But there should be no mistake about the principle upon 
 which this policy rests. It is not at all that "the United States is 
 sovereign on this continent, "-and it is not at all that we have the right 
 or the duty to, control the negotiations or treaties that other sovereign 
 states may see fit to enter into. It is the just interest that we, as the 
 foremost nation in America, have a right to take, and wisely take, in 
 the free and unrestrained development of the institutions and commerce 
 and prosperity of every American people. In the long future such a 
 development is sure to be, in many ways, of the highest importance to 
 us as a nation. 
 
 The assertion of this national policy in the past has been in ever}- 
 instance opportune, and in its results has commanded recognition of its 
 wisdom. It matters not by what name we call the doctrine — its sub- 
 stance is that we have a direct concern in preserving the integrity and 
 free development of every American nationality, and that as occasion 
 arises we will interpose for the accomplishment of that object. 
 
The distinguished citizen whom we are here to honor has been 
 known among those who would be ready, perhaps eager, to assert the 
 right of our country to intervene in questions of this character. We 
 may properly express to him the hope and belief that he will in the 
 discharge of his high duties, firmly, but temperately, stand for the 
 American principle which finds its common expression in the saying, 
 ' * America for the Americans. ' ' 
 
 Mayor Caldwell : 
 
 The next toast is "The Law-making Power" of our country. 
 Who so capable of responding to this toast as our beloved fellow- 
 citizen, the ideal lawyer, the Hon. John W. Warrington ! (Cheers and 
 applause.) 
 
J. W. WARRINGTON. 
 
Speech by Hon. J. W. Warrington. 
 
 The IvAW-Making Power, Hon. John W. Warrington. 
 
 ' ' Law is the supreme will of the people, expressed 
 through their legislative bodies." 
 
 We have no public power whose existence is so necessary and 
 whose exercise is watched with so much anxiety as that wielded by our 
 legislative bodies. Is this owing wholly to per\^erseness of political 
 parties, to selfish influences, to w^ant of patriotism, or to all combined ? 
 Is it not due in large part to the indifferent way in which we regard 
 and study the power? Shall we ever, as a nation, consider special 
 training as always requisite to the science of legislation, as we do with 
 respect to every other science or art, as also every occupation? We 
 select some great legislators. But have they predominated? Lord 
 Campbell, when sitting as chief justice of the Queen's Bench, said of 
 certain acts of Parliament : ' ' One-half of our time is consumed in 
 making sense of other people's nonsense." This is largely true in our 
 own country. An instance occurred in England, wdiere a penalty was 
 claimed under a statute which declared that of any penalty recovered 
 under it one-half was to go to the Crown and one-half to the informer. 
 What was the feeling of both the informer and the Crown when they 
 learned that the only penalty mentioned in the act was two years' 
 imprisonment ? 
 
 The right to make laws is the greatest of sovereign powers. No 
 matter through what agency legislative power has ever been exercised, 
 it has always controlled, and it must always control, the vital relations 
 and the destiny of mankind. The trend of modern civilization, not to 
 mention ancient instances, has been more and more toward confining 
 the power within the limits of constitutions. These constitutions are in 
 theory founded upon the consent of the governed. In order to ascertain 
 the true limit of the law-making power under any constitution it is 
 
necessary to know not only its exact scope as an entiret}', but also where 
 the right to amend it resides. For illustration, in England, Germany 
 and France this right to amend is given to the legislative bodies them- 
 selves. True, in Germany and France certain peculiarities as to form 
 and majority must be observed, and in Germany it is claimed by some 
 commentators that the Emperor maj' defeat a change by refusing to 
 promulgate the act. But it is plain that the legislator there may regard 
 the ultimate limits of his constitution with more or less indifference, for, 
 after all, an infraction would be but a potential change. 
 
 In view of the conditions prevailing here, it is difficult for us fully 
 to understand the nature of legislative power which includes the making 
 of both organic and ordinary law. We have set bounds for our legisla- 
 tures, and, indeed, for ourselves. We have done this through written 
 constitutions defining powers, and through declarations respecting cer- 
 tain inalienable rights, for the government both of the United States 
 and of the states themselves. The power to change these instruments 
 is guarded by modes fixed for referring proposed amendments, either 
 directly or indirectly, to the people themselves. Thus constitutional law 
 can not be made in this country by any legislative body alone. 
 
 This limitation of the power of amendment in our country marks 
 another important distinction between the law-making power here and 
 that in the other countries named. If a legislative body here usurp a 
 power not granted or violate an inhibition made by the constitution 
 governing it, the judiciary is bound, whenever a proper case comes 
 before it, to declare the statute void. And we have a universal custom 
 thereupon to treat the statute as abolished. Our respected citizen, Mr. 
 Bowler, has the courage to insist upon the right of an officer to deter- 
 mine the validity of a statute which he is called on to carry out. If it is 
 not within constitutional limits it is not a law. If, therefore, he is not 
 right, at least to the extent of referring the act to the judiciary, then 
 what becomes of the boasted safeguards of a written constitution ? But 
 where the power to amend the constitution resides in a legislative body, 
 that body itself becomes the final interpreter of its own action, and 
 consequently the supreme power. 
 
 It is therefore even more important that the legislator in our Con- 
 gress should be able to interpret and elucidate the constitution of the 
 United States, than it is for the legislator in any one of the other conn- 
 
tries I have mentioned, to understand his constitution. It should he no 
 less true of the American than it was of the Roman Senator, of whom 
 Cicero said that: "It is necessary for a senator to be thoroughly 
 acquainted with the constitution ; and this is a knowledge of the most 
 extensive nature ; a matter of science, of diligence, of reflection, with- 
 out which no senator can possibly be fit for his ofhce." 
 
 In order to take an active and intelhgent part in legislation in our 
 Congress one must have unusual ability and training. It calls for more 
 than the faculty of criticism. It demands creative intellectual power. 
 This power is rare. This power involves the faculty of seeing a public 
 need and of originating an accurate plan to supply it. According as 
 such a need increases in importance, so the minds fit to cope with it 
 become fewer. 
 
 Philosophers diflfer as to the true principle of reasoning in legisla- 
 tion. For in.stance, Herbert Spencer differed in this regard from Jeremy 
 Bentham, But, remembering that Lord Macaulay placed the latter in 
 "the same rank with Gallileo and with Locke," no one would question 
 the correctness of Bentham, who said, in respect of legislation : "To 
 know what is good for the community whose welfare is at stake con- 
 stitutes the science ; to find the means of producing that good constitutes 
 the art. ' ' When we apply this test to the demands and welfare of seventy 
 millions of people ; when we understand that the legislator must know 
 what is wise and effectual for that vast body and what effect his proposed 
 statute will have upon all other existing statutes ; when we reflect that 
 his action must conform with certain delegated powers of a written con- 
 stitution, according as that instrument is construed by the judiciary ; 
 when these things are all considered, then we shall gain some adequate 
 idea of the character of duty which a competent legislator has to perform. 
 
 But we still have only partially considered his functions. The 
 power we are examining is to be exercised in the uj^per branch of the 
 American Congress. The Senate possesses also certain executive and 
 judicial powers. These are not within my subject. I may say, how- 
 ever, that it was thought by Alexander Hamilton that they would 
 overshadow the legislative power. But great as those two powers are 
 the other has kept pace with and surpassed them in importance. All 
 these powers combined were originally intended to be the conservative 
 force, the anchorage between the lower house of Congress and the 
 
Executive. But while this is true in theory, would it not be more so in 
 practice if our Senators were elected directly by the people ? Practically 
 speaking, Ohio has just furnished an example. For who, during the 
 last 3^ear, was in doubt as to the Senatorship ? 
 
 Yet in spite of custom or courtesy, of petty jealousies or differences, 
 of individual cases of demagogy or buffoonery, which temporarily 
 shadow that body, the Senate as a " check and balance " in our system 
 of popular government still stands unrivaled. 
 
 Naturally such a place would attract great men. It brings its 
 members into touch with the leading questions of the day. It affords 
 competent and conscientious men the opportunity to render valuable 
 ser\ace to their countr3\ It presents rare chances for cultivating political 
 science, statesmanship and the highest type of forensic debate. When 
 dominated by strong and patriotic men it opens a fruitful field for the 
 highest aims of laudable ambition. 
 
 An Englishman's denial of any right in the Crown to govern except 
 by law, was once illustrated to me by his saying : "I pass the Prince 
 with indifference ; I pass the Premier or Judge with lifted hat. ' ' Indeed, 
 when rightly considered, what aim could be loftier than a desire to make 
 wise laws for the United States? Ours is a Government of law. Our 
 sovereign is the law. True, as Mr. Lincoln said this is a " Govern- 
 ment of the people, by the people, for the people." Yet the people 
 govern through law. They yield to no earthly power except the law. 
 It is part of the high office, then, of a Senator properly to interpret the 
 reason of the people, their common consciousness of right and policy. 
 Resolving this into form is the expression of the American sovereign. 
 It at once becomes the idol and master of a vast Nation. 
 
 No higher testimony can be given of the importance of such a scene 
 of action than the names of great men who have been actors in the 
 Senate. Webster and Clay, Sumner and Fessenden, Pinckney and 
 Calhoun, Douglass and Benton, Conkling and Blaine, Chase and Pugh, 
 Wade and Ewing, Matthews, Pendleton and Thurman are some who 
 have gone, and John Sherman is one who remains, of our illustrious 
 line of American Senators. 
 
 Ohio has just called to that body Joseph Benson Foraker. With a 
 remarkable record as soldier, lawyer and judge, as governor and orator, 
 
possessing wide culture and striking versatility, he is splendidly equipped 
 for leadership in the Senate of the United States. While he will not 
 have to debate some of the great questions whose discussion made some 
 of his predecessors immortal, and whose solution was wrought in the 
 blood and treasure of the country, yet we still have questions oi vast 
 moment. Think of the example recently given of the ease with which 
 the country, although nearly defenseless, could be launched into serious 
 war. Think of what can be done by the law-making power toward 
 providing for arbitrating international disputes, and toward procuring 
 national defensive means when that plan fails. Think of the stimulus 
 the law-making power can give to an American merchant marine, which 
 could also be chartered with conditions for naval service in times of war. 
 Think of the strengthening arm the law-making power can extend to 
 the judiciary in repressing and controlling menacing social disorders. 
 Think of the great questions of finance, especially of the importance of 
 a measure to forever destroy the heresy that unequal things can be 
 made equal by law. Think of the important economic questions which 
 involve both our external and internal schemes of taxation. Think of 
 a great Government like ours in piping times of peace borrowing money 
 to pay current expenses. These and kindred problems call for the 
 analysis of masterful and patriotic minds. 
 
 We predict that Senator Foraker will contribute largely to their 
 true solution. There is abundant room for the full play of his marked 
 intellectual supremacy and acknowledged patriotism. He was supported 
 and chosen for this high position by an unprecedented following and 
 vote. We wish him God-speed. 
 
 Mayor Caldwell : 
 
 The next toast, " Our Internal Commerce," will be responded to 
 by one of our most distinguished, most enterprising and most successful 
 citizens, the Hon. M. E. Ingalls. (Cheers and applause.) 
 
M. E. INGALLS. 
 
Speech by Hon. M. E. Ingalls. 
 
 Our Internal Commerck, . . Hon. M. K. Ixgai.i.s. 
 
 " Conmicrce and industry arc the best of a nation." 
 
 Mr. Chairman, my Friends and Fellow-Citizens : 
 
 I would suggest that those of you who are tired go home, and let 
 the balance of us have a night of it. At this hour of night and in this 
 condition of the atmosphere, it will be impossible to make one heard 
 unless we have your closest attention, and I have a \-ery carefulh- 
 prepared speech which will last for a long time. 
 
 This entertainment is divided into two parts ; you have had a 
 committee who have been very careful in preparing it ; they have 
 labored hard, and one of the conditions was that all early speeches 
 should be carefully written out and submitted to a committee and after 
 that they put in poor Melish and myself and told us we might go as we 
 please . ( Applause . ) 
 
 They have had one of the most beautiful models for speaking that 
 ever was in the city ; I suppose every one of you read the Commercial- 
 Gazette — if you do not, }ou ought to — and I do not charge anything for 
 this advertisement. (I^aughter. ) A few days ago, they had an editorial, 
 telling what an after-dinner speech ought to be. I understand that 
 that was so important that it was submitted to the Directors of that 
 company, and they were not quite sure of it and then they sent for 
 General Ryan and asked him to look it over. (More latighter.) He is 
 the Ward McAllister of Cincinnati on after-dinner speeches, and he 
 said this course was right, and the result is that every speech this 
 evening has been hewed on that line. Now, I am afraid that my friend, 
 the Mayor, may think I am getting off the track and intend to talk 
 about the city government and taxation. (Renewed laughter.) But 
 you need not be afraid, I shall not say anything wrong. I am like 
 
the girl who started out in the early morning with her bloomers on, to 
 take a spin on her bicycle. She met a minister — one of those people 
 who can never see anything good in matters out of the usual course — 
 and he said to her: " Miss, don't you think bloomers are wicked?" 
 " Well," she said, " Parson, I don't know what you might have found 
 in some, but there is nothing wicked in mine." (Long and continuous 
 applause and laughter.) 
 
 So I can say to you, gentlemen, that you can listen with composure, 
 there is nothing bad in m}- speech. I am very glad to be here, how- 
 ever and pay my tribute to our guest — not because he is a Republican 
 Senator — for I did not vote for him — not because he is a distinguished 
 Republican, for I am a Democrat, and he has said many unkind things 
 of my party in his day, but he is no sneak and you always know where 
 j;o find him. He has been a bold, manly fighter in politics and has 
 given and taken. But I come here tonight with great pleasure to join 
 in this celebration, because he is my friend and neighbor and I know 
 him and love him for that. (Cheers and applause.) And I believe in 
 dinners like this and believe that if you have a friend that you love, 
 you should say so, and say so in the morning and before he gets too old 
 to enjoy it. (Applause.) And in this city we have not had, perhaps, 
 too many great men, and it is just as well that we should pay our tribute 
 to those that we have and thereby we may teach others to go and do 
 likewise. I hope for him in his career everything that he wishes. 
 
 The career of a statesman is like a traveler climbing a mountain 
 that reaches into the snow-clad air. It is a long and weary way, and 
 if by chance he slips in climbing, he goes down to an unknown grave, 
 politically. In these days, when the reporter is everywhere, when the 
 telegraph flashes all over the country every word that is said, it requires 
 something more of capacity to be a statesman than it did in the days of 
 "Webster and Clay, when they delivered a speech and took a week to 
 revise it, and then gave it to the newspapers. (Cheers and applause 
 and laughter.) So I hope that our friend may reach the summit of 
 that mountain that he is climbing, and when he gets to the top let the 
 plaudits of the world satisfy him. That is not everything that we work 
 for ; in life there are many things that we strive for. Life is made up 
 of various things, " honest love, honest work for the day, honest hopes 
 for the morrow. Are these worth nothing more than the hand they 
 
make weary, the heart they have saddened, the Hfe they leave dreary." 
 No, there is something else that man works for and the reward he works 
 for, the reward that he prizes more than anything is the respect and 
 good will of his friends and neighbors. (Cheers and applause.) 
 
 And our friend may go forth to Washington as your Senator— in 
 later years he may reach a still higher place, and I hope, personally, lie 
 may. (Renewed cheers and applause.) But no matter what honors 
 may come to him, no matter what crowns may hereafter reward him, he 
 will turn back to this hour as the happiest of his life. 
 
 He has been tried by his neighbors and they have approved of him. 
 No higher commendation can a man want than that. And when he 
 goes down to that Senate in Washington, I hope he will carry with him 
 the same vigor and the same keenness for fight he has always had. 
 I know of no body on earth that needs a man of his intellect, of his 
 intellectuahty and brain more than the Senate of the United States. 
 (Long and continuous cheers and applause.) It looks to me as though 
 the moss of years, as though the fruit of egotism has gathered there, as 
 though communism and populism were making their last stand in the 
 Senate of the United States, and I am glad that we are sending out from 
 Ohio and from the city of Cincinnati, a man who can lead and, if neces- 
 sary, fulfill the essential requirements of present demands. 
 
 You have all read the story told by Macaulay of the old cavaliers 
 of England, who were driven out of England by Cromwell's troops ; 
 they went to Germany and France and, while there, they saw these 
 same soldiers drive before them the French and achieve victory. 
 Although they were exiles and in a strange land, yet they were filled 
 with delight that it was England that was winning the battle. So as 
 our friend goes down to Washington to the Senate, while those who are 
 Democrats may heave a sigh that he is not of our political faith, we 
 will still rejoice that he is from Cincinnati. (Cheers and applause.) 
 
 But, gentlemen, I was told to speak upon the internal commerce of 
 this country. (Laughter. ) Why, on the twenty-second day of February 
 shall we talk dollars and cents ? What we need in Cincinnati is not 
 trade, but more public spirit. (Applause.) What we need is not so 
 many millionaires as a higher citizenship. (Renewed applause.) If I 
 were going to pick out the best things in the history of our guest 
 tonight, I should say that in his administration as Governor, the 
 
Bi-partisan Police Bill was passed, and the Police Commissioners were 
 appointed ; the Bi-partisan Board of Elections were appointed ; the 
 Board of Public Works, that laid our streets and expended our four 
 million dollars, were appointed by him, and he can put these three 
 things in his crown and wear them, for they are the best he will have. 
 (Cheers and applause.) 
 
 And now, gentlemen, I will not talk shop to you tonight. I might 
 tell you that the great line from here to Washington is the Chesapeake 
 and Ohio. (Laughter. ) I might talk about the steel rails, the electric 
 lighted trains, and trains on time. We w'ill take the Governor down 
 there, and if you all w'ant to go and see him inaugurated, you can all 
 go for a reasonable compensation. (More laughter.) But this is the 
 night of all others, as I say, when our thoughts should turn to our 
 country. One hundred and sixty-four 3'ears ago was born the greatest 
 patriot that ever lived, and we should think of him and turn our 
 thoughts to better things. ' ' Let the men who are men who hate mean- 
 ness and lying be true to the vi.sion that Washington saw." It is well 
 that once in a while we should turn our eyes from trade and traffic and 
 turn them back to the history of our country and resolve that we will 
 establish here a higher citizenship — that we will do more for humanity. 
 What we ask here is, that our guest should lead and we will follow. 
 (Cheers and applause.) 
 
 Mayor Caldwell: 
 
 The next speaker — Col. Wm. B. Melish will respond to the toast 
 "The Croaker." Col. Melish needs no introduction to a Cincinnati 
 audience. He has been successful in commercial life ; prominent in 
 social affairs ; and we presage for him a very honorable and brilliant 
 military career. Now that he is promoted to that exalted military 
 position of Colonel — Gentlemen — I present Col. Wm. B. Melish. 
 
\V. B. MELISH. 
 
Speech by Col. W. B. Melish. 
 
 THE CROAKER, . . . Coi.. W. B. Mki.ish. 
 
 '' An old frog lived in a dismal swatnj) 
 
 In a dismal kind of a way ; 
 And all he did, whatever befell 
 
 Was to croak the live long day." 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : 
 
 I am aware that it lacks but a few minutes of Sunday, therefore, 
 as soon as the noise made by the Sunday-School scholars leaving the 
 hall permits, we will proceed with the next toast of the evening, 
 "The Croaker." 
 
 I have approached this topic with a great deal of doubt and mis- 
 givings of mind, but, after hearing the distinguished speaker who pre- 
 ceded me speak on the subject of "Internal Commerce," much after the 
 style of Petroleum V. Na.sby's lecture on " Milk," which even a cow 
 could not recognize, (laughter) I have come to the conclusion that all you 
 have to do is to go ahead as you please, and never allude to your subject. 
 
 I have studied a good deal over the ways of the " Croaker." It is 
 the toughest thing I ever tackled. I have talked about a great many 
 things, but how or why a man .should talk about the " Croaker " at a 
 congratulatory banquet, is a conundrum to me. 
 
 In time of distress you call on your friends, .so I called first on the 
 Mayor, the chairman of the committee, who addressed me as ''Colonel,'' 
 in capital letters, and then asked me to respond to this toast. I said : 
 ' ' Mr. Mayor, what are your ideas about croakers ; you are trying to 
 run this town and consequently see lots of them ; therefore, what is a 
 croaker?" He said: "Look in the dictionary." We were standing 
 in front of the Gibson House, and I said : " I have been to the diction- 
 ary, that is the slang dictionary, and it .says: 'To croak is to die mth 
 a gurgling, ratthng sound in your throat,' " (laughter), and, although 
 
standing in the presence of a Colonel, the Ma5^or suggested nothing 
 which would make either a gurgle or a rattle, although I was ready to 
 furnish the throat. (Renewed laughter). The Mayor said that the 
 gentlemen responsible for this thing was General Hickenlooper ; that 
 he, the General, was rather stuck on getting up toasts to which he 
 could not respond himself, and that he fired them at his unsuspecting 
 friends. So I went down to see the General, and he said : " That is 
 one of the greatest toasts you ever heard of." I said : " Well, what is 
 your idea about a croaker ?' ' And he said : "It is enough for my great 
 intellect to get up the toast, and not to furnish the speech." (More 
 
 laughter) . 
 
 " An old frog lived in a dismal swamp, 
 In a dismal kind of a way ; 
 And all he did, whatever befell. 
 Was to croak the live-long day." 
 
 Who would have supposed that the President of the Gas Company 
 would ever waste the gray matter of his brain on a toast like that ? Can 
 anybody imagine that a man, who is at the head of a corporation which 
 pays twelve per cent, dividends is a croaker, and croaks all the time? 
 We can readily imagine that if it was a ' ' dismal sivavip ' ' that it was the 
 wrecking of some opposition company. I said, "General, if you are 
 responsible for this, give me an idea ;" and, says he, " I will tell you a 
 croaker story : A fellow met a friend who was a chronic kicker, and he 
 vSaid to him, ' I had a dream about you last night.' 'Well, what did 
 you dream?' 'I dreamt that I was in Heaven,' and the other said, 
 'Well, that was pretty good for you, what else?' 'Yes,' said the 
 fellow, ' and the most singular thing was that you were in Heaven too.' 
 ' Do tell,' says the other fellow, ' and what was I doing?' ' Oh, doing 
 just like you were always doing here on earth — grumbling. There you 
 were, sitting by the throne, and I distinctly heard you say, ' Why in 
 the devil don't they make these halos so they will fit?' " (Laughter). 
 Now, that was the General's idea of a croaker. Then I thought I 
 would go to our mutual friend, the Honorable Jimmy Glenn, but the 
 Honorable James said that since his hard job of enlightening the dear 
 public about the Price Hill tanks, his own ' ' think-tank ' ' was out of 
 order ; that he had not had an idea since then, and he declined " wid 
 
tanks." Thinking that a croaker who was Hving in a dismal swamp 
 would like to get out, either by an aqueduct or a viaduct, I thought I 
 would go and see a man who is an authority in the viaduct business, and 
 so I hunted him up. I understood that he was something of a croaker, 
 and, to be perfectly " Frank," I had to "Alter" all that. Then I was 
 directed down on Third street, to another good " Citizen," for authority 
 on Water Works, and there I found that the Circuit Court had 
 "Ampt"-u-tated that authority. Dr. Graydon, who is always solicitous 
 about budding orators, offered to loan me a poem on " Pessimism," but 
 I declined solely in your interest, gentlemen, because I have always 
 held the Doctor as an authority on poetry, especially since his two 
 o'clock a. m. effort at the " Burns Club," where he asserted that the 
 "Immortal Bobby" was the authority of the lines, 
 
 "A mon 's a mon, for a' that and a' that, 
 Be he a Republican or a Democrat." 
 
 I have come to the conclusion that there are no croakers here in 
 Cincinnati. I am certainly not one, and, if I was, I could never croak 
 on an occasion like this. I doitbt if we can find a man or woman, 
 Democrat or Republican, black or white, who has any croak coming at 
 all because J. B. Foraker has been elected Senator. Why in the mis- 
 chief they should put down a toast like this on an occasion like this, is 
 more than I can understand. I have come to the conclusion that the 
 only thing to do is to follow M. E. Ingall's " vestibuled-throughout, 
 Chesapeake and Ohio " style, and get off the track, run on a switch and 
 abandon the subject entirely. (Long and continuous cheers, applause 
 and laughter). I conclude that the best thing to do is to talk about 
 the Day, George Washington's, and I propose to organize a new 
 society — Americans are great on societies — and I shall call it ' ' The 
 Sons of Evolution." I have already decorated the Governor of Ohio 
 and the Mayor, and the Senator-elect wears the badge of the society. 
 Ivook upon these hatchets, these cherries, and these twigs, and with 
 bowed heads think of what they mean. This is our day ; we are the 
 lineal descendants of the truth tellers of George Washington's time. 
 The reason we are called ' ' Sons of Evolution ' ' is because history says 
 
that George Washington could not tell a lie — when he was a boy — 
 but after he had grown up, had gone into politics, and got an office — 
 well, historj' is silent, and wisely so. (Laughter and applause). I 
 wanted the Governor especially to wear this badge, because during his 
 term of office he will not have to tell a lie — that is if he will rely on 
 his four generals and his eighteen colonels. I am sure that even if 
 you cannot all be "Sons of Evolution" you will join us in an Ode 
 to the natal day of our mutual friend. 
 
 TO WASHINGTON. 
 
 " Washington, yours was a noble deed. 
 
 Your cherry tree and ax have sown the seed 
 
 Of rectitude within the youthful mind, 
 
 Which might have been to other thoughts inclined. 
 
 But George, dear boj-, for each one you 've inspired, 
 
 Pray, don't forget, you 've made the balance of us tired." 
 
 MORAL. 
 
 The moral is, that you need never tell a lie when the old man has 
 cherry trees to burn. (Cheers and applause). 
 
 As none of you are leaving the room, as I had expected, permit me 
 to again allude to ' ' Croakers. ' " Going back to the dictionary about 
 the "Croakers," I learned in my wanderings around Old Point Com- 
 fort, (and this is no advertisement of the Chesapeake and Ohio Road), 
 that the " Croaker" is a fish, which is frequently caught down there, 
 which Colonel Billy Walker says ' ' tastes something between a sea- 
 horse and a boiled rubber over-shoe," and which, by authority of Mr. 
 Ingalls, is served upon the Pullman dining-cars on that road, but, as I 
 .said, to return, not to our fish, but our croaker. In any and all the 
 relations of life, the croaker has a prominent place — more's the pity. 
 Your average croaker is merely a pessimist gone to seed. Graduating 
 as a pessimist, he fills his pockets with bombs and becomes an Anarchist. 
 When he becomes bilious and feels mean, he is satisfied that he is either 
 too good or pious for the balance of us ; or else he feels patriotism, of 
 the croaker stamp ; is concerned about the good of his party, and wants 
 an office, so that he can reform it. 
 
 He feels like he is a new man in opposition to the new woman, and, 
 
"While his wife takes in sewing, to keep things agoing, the croaker 
 superintends the earth." He is like a mustard plaster, in that he has 
 no curative properties, but is simply a counter-irritant, and also, like a 
 mustard plaster, he is usually raising hell behind yoiu- back. (Laughk-i 
 and applause). 
 
 In a battle — I do not speak now in my military capacity, but 
 rather of business or political battles — while others carry arms, the 
 croaker shoulders a telescope that he may foresee disaster, looks wise 
 and prophesies defeat, and lets out section after section, that he may 
 magnify awful disaster out of the minor weaknesses of his brethren. 
 He, too, would be a .soldier, were it not for the fact that his grandfather 
 met with an accident, and he has inherited the symptoms. (Laughter). 
 
 As a politician he understands the villainies of all other parties, 
 and is utterly ignorant of the good things of his own. He is as badly off 
 in his definitions of things as the little girl in the Parish Church, who 
 had carefully been drilled to answer correctly the one question in the 
 Catechism which the teacher supposed would be propounded to her, 
 but, unfortunately, the little girl ahead of her was absent, and so, in- 
 stead of being asked by the Priest, " What is Purgatory?" she caught 
 the question "What is Matrimony?" and she responded, "That state 
 of torment in which souls are punished for their sins." "Tut, tut," 
 said the father, " that is the answer to Purgatory." But the Bishop, 
 who was doubtless more experienced, said, " Howld on, let the child 
 alone, for all you and I know, she is telling the truth." (Laughter 
 and applau.se). 
 
 But, brethren, it is your bu.sine.ss croaker who is the typical cuss 
 alluded to in the sentiment accompanying this toast, who sits in the 
 swamp all the day long and does nothing but croak. He pervades com- 
 mercial and financial centers and with his depressing outlook, flaps the 
 owl wings of gloom in the face of a rising sun of Prosperity, and 
 declares that financial di.saster is the unquestioned interpretation of 
 Daniel's dream, and that the weird beast with seven heads and ten 
 horns is to trample the credit of business circles in the dust. Your 
 croaker is a hybrid .sort of an animal, Hke a bat, half mouse and half 
 bird ; he is not a first-class flyer, and as a sprinter he is a dismal failure. 
 
And yet this good old government can borrow a hundred milHon of 
 dollars any day from we bloated aristocrats, and we still have money 
 for banquets. 
 
 The croaker is always ready to add to disaster, whether justified or 
 not. He is as bad as the man whose wife sent him down to the cellar 
 for a pitcher of milk. He stumbled unfortunately on the top step, and 
 he went down into the cellar, with such casual interruption to his career 
 as each step afforded as he struck them in succession. As he lit on the 
 stone pavement of the bottom, he was comforted by his wife asking him, 
 with that tender solicitude which wives can assume on like occasions : 
 "John, did you break the pitcher?" and John said, " Naw, I didn't, 
 but d d if I don't ;" and he did. (Laughter and applause). 
 
 Whatever hindrances there are in our municipal affairs, our busi- 
 ness advance and our commercial interests as a city , they have been and 
 are largely due to the croakers who lay down when the columns of 
 united interests are ordered to advance. L,et us hope that all the sore 
 spots which the croaker exhibits will be made by the heels of enterprise, 
 which trample him into the dust on their onward march to success. 
 (Applause) . The average croaker is an ambulance with a loud gong, 
 going about the streets but belonging to no hospital. But let us dismiss 
 the croaker, and bury him under the ruins of any business which he 
 murders. On his tombstone let an inverted hand be carved, its fingers 
 pointing downward, and over it the legend : " Buried with the burial of 
 an ass ;" and under it his last words : "I told you so." 
 
 My brethren, fluctuations in demand may in time deceive even an 
 optimist as to the possible supply. Over production must necessarily 
 depreciate values, adv^erse conditions and very strained relations may 
 sometimes be very hard to bring into close fellowship, yet. while the 
 day ma}^ be protracted between seed time and harvest, between invest- 
 ment and return, the return comes when energy is wedded to an unfal- 
 tering determination to win, and Mahomet will start for the mountain, 
 when he has ascertained that the mountain has no intention of moving 
 toward him. 
 
 Now a few words in conclusion. I don't know whether the Senator- 
 elect \\ould like to hax'c any advice about his course in the Senate from 
 
the croakers present, but we are ready to give it to him if he wants it. 
 We would Hke to suggest, when he goes to Washington, that he 
 arrange to have a government under which we can have an American 
 chance to earn a living, and the right to keep it when we earn it. 
 We would get it honestly, of course. We would also like his help to 
 make this country the best place on earth to live in, to work in, and to 
 die in ; and the other little places, which we have not" annexed, like 
 Venezuela and Cuba, can wait a short time, until we have straightened 
 these things out. 
 
 As to our brother Foraker, he has heard a few onl>- of the good 
 things of himself in which we all concur. We do not begrudge him 
 these because we all love him, and, like my distinguished friend. vSir 
 Henry Irving, as quoted to me by his friend, Dr. Graydon : 
 
 " Give nie my sword, ' Excalibur," 
 Why listen to this ' Cro-aker,' 
 Are we not all tried, trusty friends, 
 
 A toast to him, our ' For-aker.' " (Laughter). 
 
 Brother Foraker has been sentenced by the people to a term of six 
 years in the Senate, for his repeatedly expressed contempt of the High 
 Court of the Democracy. He says he doesn't know just what he will 
 do there or how he wnll do it. It strikes the average Republican that if 
 any one crosses swords with the Senator-elect, it will be a case of what 
 the other fellow^ will do. We commend such to a stud}^ of the doughty 
 warrior in " Twelfth Night," for he will doubtless have occasion to .say, 
 " Plague on't, and I thought he had been valiant and so cunning in 
 fence, I 'd have .seen him hanged ere I 'd have challenged him." 
 
 If Brother Foraker has any trouble about the distribution of the 
 offices, either local or otherwise, we can assure him he need not worry 
 about that. If he will select any three or four of the gentlemen present 
 to-night, we will gladly attend to all such matters for him, and thus 
 save him a great deal of trouble and correspondence. 
 
 But let us call a truce to all this pleasantry and jest. We are to 
 end this delightful opportunity of laying our garlands of love and 
 respect at the feet of otir neighbor, our friend, our brother — brother in 
 
the great fellowship of the universal brotherhood of man ; banded to 
 make each other happier and the world better by our living in it. We 
 have given our honored guest our sincere congratulations. We send to 
 that noble woman who has been, and is, the inspiration of his public 
 and private life, our heart echoed wishes that all happiness, health and 
 prosperity may be the measure given the home circle for many, many 
 years. 
 
 In this, the closing hour of night, our closing words to brother 
 Foraker are, that either here, or in Washington, or wherever he is ; 
 
 " Our hearts, our hopes are all with thee. 
 Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears. 
 Our faith triumphant o'er our fears, 
 Are all with thee, are all with thee." 
 
 (Cheers and applause) . 
 
D$t of 6ue$t$. 
 
Ayres, James M. 
 Ampt, \Vm. M. 
 Alter, Franklin. 
 Allison, Robert. 
 Altenberg, Geo. P. 
 Archibald, R. M. 
 Alms, Fred. H. 
 Ackerland, Max. 
 Alms, Wm. H. 
 Addy, Matthew. 
 Archibald, R.J. H. 
 Butterfield, A. P. 
 Brown, Dan'l W. 
 Bradford, E. F. 
 Bullock, George. 
 Bettinger, Albert. 
 Bernard, Lewis G. 
 Breen, John. 
 Braemer. Tlieo. 
 Buckland, Geo. 
 Burch, Wallace. 
 Bushnell, A. S. 
 Burton, Stephen R. 
 Bode, A. H. 
 Buchwalter, M. L. 
 Burgheim, Max. 
 Bailey, Sam'l, Jr. 
 
 Bauer, Morris 
 Bosworth, C. A. 
 Brown, Chas. Edgar. 
 Bundy, Wni. E. 
 Bromwell, J. H. 
 Bradley, F. A. 
 Brannan, J. D. 
 Ballman, F. H. 
 Bettman, Morris L. 
 Brown, Adolph L. 
 Biddle, W. P. 
 Bettman, B. 
 Black, L. C. 
 Brewster, J. W. 
 Bader, Fred. 
 Bohrer, Geo. H. 
 Carl, Alvin. 
 Colter, Archibald. 
 Cox, Benj. H. 
 Carroll, R. 
 Campbell, B. W. 
 Cox, Geo. B. 
 Cox, Joseph. 
 Carew, Jos. T. 
 Corre, A. (i. 
 Colston, Edward. 
 Crane, Clinton. 
 
Cox, Joseph, Jr. 
 Conro}^ A. J. 
 Caldwell, John A. 
 Gushing, Wade. 
 Clore, J. C. 
 Comstock, F. D. 
 Crawford, L,. J. 
 Commercial Gazette. 
 Critchell, B. P. 
 Davis, David. 
 Davis, Nat. Henchman. 
 Dana, S. F. 
 DuBrul, Nap'n. 
 Davidson, A. 
 Davis, Charles. 
 Dunbar, H. B. 
 Diem, F. J. 
 Dodds, Milo G. 
 Ermston, Jas. D. 
 Espy, James. 
 Ezekiel, H. C. 
 Ellison, Jas. D. 
 Emerson, L,owe, 
 Egan, Thos. P. 
 Ernst, Rich'd P. 
 Ehrman, Benj. F. 
 Ellis, Frank. 
 Ebersole, Geo. R. 
 Evans, Chas. 
 Ernst, John P. 
 
 Enquirer, The Cin'ti. 
 Freie Presse, The. 
 Foraker, J. B. 
 Freiberg, Maurice J. 
 Fisher, Wm. Hubbell. 
 Freiberg, J. W. 
 Felton, Sani'l M. 
 French, Tilden R. 
 Furst, Abe. 
 Ferris, Howard. 
 Fechheimer, J. S. 
 Fleischmann, Chas. 
 Fleischmann, Julius. 
 Fechheimer, Henry S. 
 Foraker, Jos. B., Jr. 
 Fisher, George. 
 Fitzgerald, J. W. 
 Frey, John. 
 Foraker, Jas. R. 
 Ford, Collin. 
 Ford, Wm. 
 Fries, Gus. R. 
 Fagin, Morgan H. 
 Fisk, Chas. H. 
 Garrard, Jeptha, 
 Griffith, G. P. 
 Guthrie, J. V. 
 Gano, Gazzam. 
 Goodman, Wm. A. 
 Goetz, John, Jr. 
 
Graydon, Dr. T. W. 
 (xansel, Chas. O. 
 Gregg, E. B. 
 Grant, W. C. 
 Goldsmith, A. W. 
 Galvin, John. 
 Granger, W. W. 
 Gray, Adrini. 
 Greenwald, C. E. 
 Gordon, W. J. M. 
 Good ale, Levi C. 
 HoefinghofF, Chas. 
 Hooker, Jas. J. 
 Hunt, W. L. 
 Hoyt.Jas. H., 
 Hall, E. C. 
 Hicks, James. 
 Harper, J. C. 
 Heuer, W. H. 
 Hunt, Chas. J. 
 Hadden, C. B. 
 Herrmann, Aug. 
 Hickenlooper, A. 
 Hinkle, A. Howard. 
 Hoffheimer, Harry M. 
 Hafer, George. 
 Hollo way, C. M. 
 Herlinger, A. L. 
 Harrison, W. H. 
 Hendley, Frank W. 
 
 Hutton, J. M. 
 Hoi lister, Howard C. 
 Henshaw, (ieorge. 
 Huschart. Frank M. 
 Holmes, C. R. 
 Hutton, Wm. E. 
 Heekin, James. 
 Hunt, Samuel F. 
 Heath, Perry S. 
 Hertenstein, Fred. 
 Heath, Thos. F. 
 Harrison, Jos. T. 
 Ingalls, M. E. 
 Immenhart, Henry. 
 Isaacson, W. J. 
 Irwin, Wm. T. 
 Jones, Rankin D. 
 Jelke, Fred'k, Jr. 
 Johnson, J. W. 
 Jackson, W. H. 
 Knopf, Sam'l. 
 Kramer, Adam A. 
 Kuhn, Ivouis. 
 Kineon, Sol. P. 
 Kittredge, E. W. 
 Kenan, N. G. 
 Kellogg, Chas. H. 
 Keck, Lee R. 
 Kirchner, Frank. 
 Kilgour, John. 
 
Kingsbury, C. G. 
 Kelley, Thos. H. 
 Kaliii, Clias., Jr. 
 Kroger, B. H. 
 Kirchner. F. H. 
 Kurtz, Chas. L. 
 Krohn, M. 
 Kuhn, Oscar W. 
 Knaul, M. 
 
 Kvimler, Judge Phil. H. 
 Kinsley, J. R. 
 Langdon, Perin. 
 Lewis, Eugene L. 
 Ivippencott, W. J. 
 Laws, Harry L. 
 Law.son, F. H. 
 Lowen .stein, Gus., Sr. 
 Lolze, C. M. 
 Luebbing, G. G. 
 Laidley, F. A. 
 Levy, James. 
 Logan, Thos. A. 
 Mayer, L. 
 Maxwell, S. N. 
 McCrea, C. T. 
 Mack, Thos. A. 
 Morrison & Co., James. 
 Melish, W. B. 
 McNeill, Aaron. 
 Mosby, John B. 
 
 Mullane, A.J. 
 Monfort, E. R. 
 Morgan, R.J. 
 Markbreit, Leopold. 
 Mulvihill, T. J. 
 Mclntyre, Marion. 
 Mackey, John. 
 Mack, M. J. 
 Miller, I. J. 
 Mullen, Mike. 
 Murphy, John P. 
 Minor, Thos. C. 
 Martin, D. B. 
 McCally, E. L , 
 McCormick, E. O. 
 Marfield, Elliott. 
 McDowell, Jos. J. 
 Nippert, C. L. 
 Oskamp, Henry. 
 Outcalt, Miller. 
 Prendergast, J. W. 
 Pfiester, Fred. 
 Peaslee, John B. 
 Pluemer, Adolph. 
 Prior, C. E. 
 Pugh, A. H. 
 Peters, Ralph. 
 Peabody, W. W. 
 Pistor, Wm. 
 Peebles, Jos. S. 
 
Pullen, R. T. 
 Peck, Hiram D. 
 Paxton, Thos. B. 
 Pattison, John M. 
 Pedretti, R. M. 
 Post, The Cin'ti. 
 Ryan, Michael. 
 Ravolgi, A. 
 Rheinstrom, Sig. 
 Rettig, John. 
 Roth, E. N. 
 Roe, G. M. 
 Rosenbaum, Harry. 
 Rulison, H. M. 
 Rowe, Casper. 
 Robertson, CD. 
 Rowe, W. S. 
 Ricketts, Merrill. 
 Robinson, J. M. 
 Rendigs, Wm. 
 Reamy, Dr. Thad. A. 
 Shattuck, W. B. 
 Shipherd, John J. 
 Strauss, Isa. 
 Swing, Jas. B. 
 Smith, Jackson. 
 Senior, Edw. 
 Schwill, Albert. 
 Swing, P. F. 
 StTunk, Wm. 
 
 Santmej'er, C. A. 
 Sterritt, Ceo. T. 
 Smith, Amor, Jr. 
 Scarlett, J. A. 
 Schmidlapp, J. O. 
 Stanley, H.J. 
 Smith, Rufus B. 
 Smith, J. H. Chas. 
 Stone, Geo. N. 
 Sayler, John R. 
 Seasongood, Lewis. 
 Sullivan, John J., 
 Smith, J. M. 
 Spiegel, Fred. S. 
 Stephens, Chas. H. 
 
 Sullivan, J. J.. 
 
 Shears, D. C. 
 
 Thrasher, A. B. 
 
 Trost, Sam'l W. 
 
 Taylor, J. Gordon. 
 
 Tullidge, Frank G. 
 
 Tucker, Alf. A. 
 
 Trost, Jacob. 
 
 Taft, Chas. P. 
 
 Tharp, Willis P. 
 
 Tribune, The Cin'ti. 
 
 Times-Star, The. 
 
 Traub, L. 
 
 Voorheis, A. B. 
 
 Vandergrift, Geo. .\. 
 
Volksblatt, The. Winkler, Philip. 
 
 Volksfreund, The. West, Robt. H. 
 
 Weir, Fred. C. Waddell, Robt. S. 
 
 Wright, D. Thew. White, Alfred. 
 
 Wiborg, F. B. Wilson, Robt. 
 
 Warrington, J. W. Wabnitz, Geo. 
 
 Woodmansee, D. D. Wilder, Stephen H. 
 
 Wilson, M. F. Walker, Wm. P. 
 
 Washburn, John B. Yergason, H. C. 
 
 Webb, T. D. Zumstein, John. 
 
 Wulsin, Drausin. Zumstein, Frank C. 
 
 Woods, Wm. Ziegler, H. M. 
 Whetstone, John C. 
 
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