.W53 Ccfvt (V/ |t must k Irtscitelr. NUMBER ONE. BY GEORaE M. WESTON. There will be found appended, extracts from speeches made in Congress during the present session down to the present date (April 26, 1856) by Southern members, in which is avowed the purpose, in certain contingencies, of dissolving the Union and overturning the existing Federal Government. To enable those who may choose to dp so, to verify either the literal accuracy of these ex- tracts, or their fairness as exhibiting the scope and purpose of the gentlemen quoted, reference is made to the pages of the Congressional Globe and Appendix in which the speeches may be found, excepting those of Messrs. Keitt and Shorter, which (as yet) have appeared only in the Daily Globe. Quotations are only made from those speeches, in which the purpose of dissolving the Union in certain contingencies is avowed directly and without circumlocution. To have extended the range of quotation, so as to have embraced all the speeches of Southern members, in which the same threat is contained only inferentially but not less unmistakeably, would have pro- tracted this article to an unreasonable length. Such an extension of the range of quotation would have included nearly all the Southern gentlemen who have spoken during the present session of Congress. It will appear remarkable that gentlemen, thus in the daily habit of threatening a dissolu- tion of the Union, should assume to be the only "sound," the only "conservative," the only " Aaf. It must be preserved. South Carolina nullification, although instal- led in high places, will be crushed yet again, and this time fatally as well as ignominiously. Most suicidal would it be at this crisis, to en- trust men with the high places of the Govern- ment, who are not ice/Z affected towards it. The command of the ship must not be given to those whose fidelity is suspicious. The UNION TEST must be applied to all candidates for the Presi- dency. Every aspirant for that position, must be made to declare explicitly and without qual- ification, that in any event and under all circum- stances, he will at all hazards and with all his official power, uphold the Union and its laws. If any candidate refuses to subscribe to this test, it will be proof conclusive that he is in collu- sion with Southern traitors. Especially should this test be applied to the candidate of the Cin- cinnati Convention, because from that Conven- tion we have most reason to fear the nomina- tion of a man, to be designated by, and who will be under the influence of, the hatchers of the identical treason, which it will be the first duty of the President of the United States to repress. EXTRACTS rnOM THE FARFAVKLL ADDRESS OF WASHINGTON. " The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. * * *' But !ts this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidious- ly) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your NATIOxN'AL UjNJOJV to your collective and individual happiness; thatvou should cher- ish a CORDIAL, HABITUAL 'and l.ALMOVA- BLE attachment to it; accustoming yourselves lo THINK AND SPEAK OF IT as of the pal- ladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anx- iety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, IN ANY EVENT, be abandoned: INDIGNANTLY FROWNING upon the FIRvST DAWNING of any attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the SACRED TIES which now link together the various parts." EXTRACTS FRO:\I THE SPEECHES OF SOUTH- ERN MEMBERS OF CONGRESS. In the Flouse, Dec. 13, [App.toCong. Globe, page 47,] Mr. W^ALKER of Ala., said:— "After all, it is not the Union — the Union alone, upon which the retlccting man of this country bases his hopes and rests his affections. With him the Union is secondary in importance to the principles it was designed to perpetuate and establish." In the House, Dec. 22, [App. to Cong. Globe, page 48,] Mr. BENNETT of Mississippi, said:— " Now, sir, what is the first proposition of submission endorsed by the South in the Phila- delphia platform? It is, sir, that the I'nion of these States is the paramount political good. What is a paramount political good? It is a good above all others; a good above the preser- vation of tlio Constitution, above the sovereignty of the States, above the protection of the insti- tutions of the South. This, sir, is the first step of submission. * * « The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Banks] * # » * stated, that"at the time of the agitation in the Congress of the United States in reference to the Kansas Nebraska bill, he was opposed to that measure, and that he is now in favor of a restoration of the ■Missouri Compromise, and opposed to the extension of slavery, not only into Kansns, but into any of the Territories. * * The great question agitated in the public mind, is the question of slavei-y ex- tension, and the power of Congress to legislate on the subject of slavery in the Ten-itories. The Abolition party claim everywhere the power of Congress lo abolish slavery in the Territories. * * * We w6uld scorn, sir, as southern peo- ple, to present ourselves as suppliants at the feet of Abolitionists, and claiming mercy at their hands. * * I come in the name of my people, not with threats, but with warnings. If you love the Union, by the high obligations which that sentiment imposes on you, we warn you to preserve it. * • Sir, it was in 1651 that this aggressive spirit on the part of the Noith caused the people of my State to meet in Con- vention; and in that Convention the Union party of the State declared that there were aggres- sions by the North that would amount to intol- erable oppression, and would eventually sever the ties that bind us together, and DISSOLVE THE UNION; and that, contemplating the pos- sible repeal of the fugitive slave bill, a modifi- cation of the same, OR refusal to execute its provisions, the abolition of slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia, OR the refusal to admit a new State into the Union because of its having a pro-slavery constitution — in the efforts to meet these evils the Union of the States must be considered the secondary political good. Upon this platform, which I thought, in 18,51, yielded up everything that could be fairly demanded, I hope now to be permitted to stand; and I warn the Republican party in this House, that they come here elected to do now the very things which the Union partv, in 1851, said could not be done except AT THE PRICE OF THi: SEVERANCE OF THE UNION. * * I am prepared to say, the South will NEVER SUB- MIT to the consummation of those acts which in your election you are bound to carry out. * * * If that conflict must come, 1 for one say, LET IT COMMENCE IN THIS HALL; and I hope sir, that if it be necessary to main- tain our constitutional rights, it may commence on this floor, and that the first drop of HUMAN GORE shed in defence of violated riarhts and insulted honor, mav CRIMSON THE WALLS OF THIS CAPITOL." In the House, Dec. 20, [App. to Cong. Globe, page 30,] Mr. COX of Kentucky, said: — " I make bold to say that the position assumed by them [the Democrats,] and that occupied bv us [the Southern Americans] upon this gr^at question, is the only position that we as national men, can occupy consistentlv with the peace, THE SAFETY, the harmony, the welfare and prosperity of the whole Union. * * If they don't like to be called Abolitionists, I will call them Black Republicans, Republicans, whicii- ever they prefer. I will call them the Anti- Nebraska party — the party which intends to agitate the question of slavery in Congress and out of it, at THE HAZARD OF EVERY- THING that is held sacred in this Union. • * * A gentleman near me says, that they have not said a word yet about the restoration of the Missouri Compromise. Well, they have given one hundred and six votes in this House, and the restoration of the Missouri Compromise is the basis of the union of those one hundred and six in'-mbcrs. * * When you tell me that you in- tend to put a restriction on the Territories, I say to you that upon that subject the South is a unit, and WILL NOT SUBMIT TO ANY SUCH THING. You do not understand that, or you would not press it so pertinaciously." Ca the 19th of December, in the House, [Cong. Globe, page 56,] Mr. CAMPBELL of Kentucky, said: — " We are led to believe that they [the Repub lican party] are ready to push matters to a length which must ultimately lead to a DISSOLU TION OF THIS UNION." Upon being interrogated by Mr. Stanton, as to the proofs upon which this charge was made, Mr. Campbell read the following, which he sta- ted to be a resolution adopted by a convention at Cincinnati: — " That the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise was an infraction of the plighted faith of the nation, and that it should be restored; and if 'efforts to that end should fail, Congress should refuse to admit into the Union any State tolera- ting slavery, which shall be formed out of any portion of the Territory from which that insti- tution v/as excluded by that compromise." Having read this resolution, Mr. Campbell proceeded to speak as follows: " My remarks were based on that resolution. It is an interference with our institutions when our citizens are denied the same rights in the new Territories with the citizens from the North; for that Territory belongs to us as much as it does to you. * * * * Wg regard this Confederacy as secondary in importance, and when a Government falters in carrying out its guar- antees for the protection of life, liberty and property, it is no longer entitled to the fealty of its citizens. And in addition to that, I will avow this sentiment, believing that it will be endorsed by my constituency, that whenever this Government makes a distinction between a Southern and a Northern constituency or citi- zenship, then n'e shall no longer consider ourselves bound to support the Confederacy, but WILL RE- SORT TO THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION, which is recognized by all." On the 20th of December, in the House, [Cong. Globe, page 61,] Mr. McMULLIN of Va., said: — ^ " Let me tell that member [Mr. Giddings] and this House and the country, that should this country ever arrive at that unfortunate state of affairs that the Government should pass into the Hands of the North — of such a Northern fanati- cal character over the way, and that that Gov- ernment should RESTORE THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE, or repeal the fugitive slave law, then in such a case I would have to indorse the declaration of the honorable gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. Campbell;] that is to say, that THIS UNION MUST AND WILL BE DISSOLVED. * * * * One of the great- est misfortunes of the country, Mr. Clerk, is the fact that our northern brethren mistake the character of the South. They suppose that the Southern disunionists are contined to the Cal- houn wing of the Democratic party. This, sir, is the GREATEST ERROR that the people of the North have ever fallen into. And I tell you, sir, and I want the country to know it — 1 want the gentlemen from the free States, our Repub- licans, our Seward Republicaus, our Abolition- ists, or whatever else they may be called, to knov,^ it — that if you restore the Jilissouri Comprom- ise, OR repeal the fugitive slave law,TiiiS UNION WILL BE DISSOLVED." Mr. McMullin then proceeded to say that he made these declarations "in the hearing of the vckok Southern delegation — Whig, Democrat and Southern American;^' and he then added the fol- lowing words : — " 1 HOPE THAT IF ANT GEKTLEMAX DEEMS I DO NOT PROPERLY REPRESENT THE STATE OF PUBLIC FEELING IN THE SouTH, HE WILL CORRECT ME." Neither on that day, or any succeeding day, did any Southern member rise to disclaim the sentiments imputed to the South by Mr. Mc- Mullin, althongh thus expressly called upon by him to do so, if he had misstated Southern views. Mr. McMullin has been four times elected to Congress from Virginia. He has during the present month (April,) in an elaborate printed address to his constituents, reiterated the above views. In the House, on the 24th of December, Gov. Smith of Virginia and others, renewed the lam- entations which had been made on previous days, over the expression imputed to Mr. Banks, that under certain circumstances he would " let the Union slide." At length Mr. BROOKS of South Carolina arose and said: [Cong. Globe, page 77.] " The gentleman from Massachusetts has an- nounced to the world, that in certain contingen- cies, he is willing to "let the Union slide." Now, sir, let his contingencies be reversed, and I am also willing to " let the Union slide" — ay, sir, to AID IN MAKING IT SLIDE. * .* * I hesitate not to say, that if his construction of the constitutional power of Congress over the Ter- ritories shall prevail in this country, I for one heartly indorse the sentiment." In the House, on the 23rd of December, Mr. SEWARD of Georgia, offered a resolve in re- lation to the organization of the House, [Cong. Globe, page 95,] affirming in substance, that all in favor of the doctrine of non-intervention in the Territories, ought to unite on a common candidate for the Speakership. He insisted that it was vital, that Congress should not interfere with slavery in the Territories. Among other things, he said : — " If the question is to be settled by Congress, and decided against the South by a majority from the North, the Government will be endan- gered and THE UNION CANNOT BE PER- PETUATED." In the House, on the 4th of January, Mr. BOYCE of South Carolina, [Cong. Globe, page 143,] said:— " I have thought, and I still think, and I have expressed the opinion, and I still express the opinion, that there arc circumstances which are hurrvine us ALMOST IRRESISTIBLY TO A DISRUPTION. » * * * I have seen at the North the formation of a great party, based upon the single idea of hostility to the institu- tions of the South. The only question with me, then, as to the continuance of the Union, is, whether that party will tak6 possession of the North? If thevdo. in my opinion THE UNION IS AT AN END. ****** -vVhat is that party pledged to? The great boasting idea of that party is, that freedom is national and slavery is sectional. That party, then, are obliged, if tliey come into power, as is recom- mended in the resolutions of the Hlate of Maine presented to the Senate yesterday, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and to pro- hibit it in all the Territories, arsenals and duclv-yards in the United States. Well, then, it seetns to nie that if that party comes into power ])letlged to those measures, we shall be in the midst of chaos and anarchy and revolution." Mr. Boyce, it will be observed, does not charge the ^' great party" being formed at the North, with any design to interfere with slavery in the States. He treats his opponents fairly, and only imputes to them the sentiment and pur- pose which they actually cherish; viz: that freedom ought to be and shall be national and slavery sectional. Rather than submit to the enforcement of such a sentiment and such a purpose, the South, according to Mr. Boyce, will bring on " CHAOS AND ANARCHY AND REVCTLUTION." Mr. Boyce then proceeds to set out another event, in his judgment likely to happen, and which also, in his judgment will dissolve the Union; viz: that the North will avail itself of its numerical strength to get possession of the patronage of the national government. He says: — " This g-reat sectional party at the North goes upon the idea that, by uniting together at the N orth t/i-cj/ can oblaln tlie control of this Govcrn- menl and ilkpcnse its vast patronage among them- selves, and reduce the people of the South to a secondary and subordinate condition. * * * That parly which places itself upon the position of giving power to the North, will eventually succeed; and when that party does succeed, in my opinion THE UNION WILL BE AT AN END." In other words, if the North with more than two-thitds of the free people and a still greater disproportion of the wealth of the country, presume to dispute the prescriptive right of the South to control the government and enjoy its patronage, THE UNION WILL BE AT AN END. In the House, January 9, Mr. TALBOT of Kentucky, [Cong. Globe, page 176,] said: — " What was the aspect of political parties when we first met at this Capitol ? The Repub- lican party had met at the North and organized themselves into a sectional Free Soil Abolition party, determined, many of them, upon a repeal of the fugitive slave law, and all of themmipon the repeal of the Kansas ^'ebraska bill; the restora- tion of the ^yiissouri restrictive line; the restriction of slavery in the Territories; the non-admission of any more slave States into this Union. This party, Mr. Clerk, promised no good to the coun- try, but, bv its system of polilical warfare, threatened A DISRUPTION OF THE UNION. What else, sir? The great American party, * * * a few days before we met here, held a meeting at Cincinnati, nine States being rep- resented, and they, too, adopted a platform, threatening the institutions of the South, though it MIGHT COST THIS GLORIOUS UNION to carry out their j)rinciples." The platform of the American party here re- ferred to, was the resolution quoted by Mr. : Campbell of Kentucky on the 19lh of Decem- ber. I copy that resolution again: — " That the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise was an infraction of the plighted faith of the nation, and that it should be restored; and if efforts to that end should fail, Congress should refuse to admit into the Union any State tolera- ting slavery, v\hich,' shall be formed out of any portion of the Territory from which that insti- tution was excluded by that compromise." This is the ^^ platform threatening the institu- tions of the South" which Mr. Talbot denounces. It is of this "platform" that he affirms, that an attempt to carry out its principles, MIGHT COST THIS GLORIOUS UNION. • In the House, January 11, :Mr. DOWDELL of Alabama, [Cong. Globe, page 217,] said: — " I make free to declare my opinion, not by way of threatening, but, I trust, as a patriot, who desires the best interests of his country, that if the gentlemen who are in a majority in this House fairly represent the section of the Union from which they come — if tliey are the types of Northern majorities, and the principle which I understand them to profess shall become the settled opinions of controlling majorities in the Northern States, and shall be attempted to be made law in this country, through the forms of Federal Legislation, then the continued Union of the Slates will be AN LMPOSSIBIL- ITY, or if possible, THE GREATEST CURSE which could be inflicted upon any people." And a.ain in the same speech, in reference to the party which he denominated " Black Re- publican," Mr. DOWDELL said:— " Sectional and fanatic, it is bent upon the destruction of the rights of a whole section. It threatens to do that which cannot be done with- out being followed by A SPEEDY DISSOLU- TION OF THESE STATES." No other "pr!)icf/)/es" having been "professed" on the floor of the House by the Republican members, except these, that Congress has power over the subject of slavery in the Territories, and that this power ought to be exercised in favor of freedom; it is easy to understand in what contingency ftlr. Dowdell would regard the Union, either as an IMPOSSIBILITY, or as a CURSE. Indeed, Mr. DOWDELL him- self takes pains to prevent any possible ambig- uity, and defines exactly the particulars in which the " Blade Republicans" are " sectional" and "fanatic." The principle of Congressional non- 6 intervention in the Territories, affirmed in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, is, he insists, "the great and leading question" of the times, and of this question, he says: — " It will decide, in my humble opinion, the destiny of this country. Sir, vpon this great and hading qiiestinn, the gentlemen comprising what is called the Republican party, have taken po- sition sectional in character and aggressive towards the Soiith." In the House, January 11, Mr. STEWART of Maryland, [Cong. Globe, page 220,] after denouncing the North as having attempted in 1820 to deprive Missouri of her constitutional rights, "in a spirit of aggression and propagan- dism," proceeded to say: — " It had to he disposed of, and now again must he met. Tiie question of the admission of a new State from the Territory in dispute will soon be presented. ***** Minor ques- tions, however important otherwise, must be subordinate to this great national exigency which involves in its settlement possibly THE DESTINIES OF THIS GLORIOUS UNION." In the House, January 30, Mr. BOYCE of South Carolina, [Cong. Globe, page 320,] said: — " I look upon the election of Mr. Banks as one of the greatest misfortunes that could hap- pen to this country. * * * * I look upon his principles, if carried as DEATH to the Con- stitution and TO THE UNION. The result of his principles, if carried out, would be INEVI- TAliLY REVOLUTION. * « * * For my own part, whenever that question is put to me ■ — to-day, to-morrow, next week, or next j'ear, if it be anarchy, or the extreme anti-slavery opinions of Mr. Banks, I shall say, ANARCHY FOREVER." In the House, January 19, Mr. BOCOCK of Virginia, addressing himself to the Republicans, [Cong. Globe, page 264,] said: — "You cheat yourselves with the delusion that your platform makes you national. You declare war on the institution of slavery wherever the strong arm of this Government can reach it, and call that a national platform. To justify so absurd a position, you love to employ the spe- cious phrase that " freedom is national and sla- very sectional." I tell gentlemen that it is a cheat and delusion. * * * When in your platform you come forward and say that your institutions alone are entitled to the protection of the government, and that ours are to be dis- countenanced and restricted by its action, then you lay down a sectional platform and array your- selves into a sectional party. You put us be- yond the pale of the Constitution, and you force us to fight you by every fair and honorable means; and WE SHALL DO IT." Mr. Giddings and others. Agreed ! Mr. Bocock. Rest assured that WE WILL DO. IT." In the Senate, March 5, [Cong. Globe, page 584,] Judge BUTLER of South Carolina, said:— «■ * « << I have such confidence in the good sense of the people of this country, that I be- lieve Republican institutions might survive the present Union. Really it is broken already. « « «• I would rather that it should be DIS- SOLVED TO-MORROW— I wish my words measured — in preference to living in a Union without the protection of a Constitution which gives me an equality. I should tell my people so to-morrow." In the Senate, on the 27th of March, [Cong. Globe, page 758,] the foregoing remarks of Judge Butler being made a subject of comment, he said: — "I say now, calmly, that when a Northern majority shall acquire such a control over the legislation of this country as to disfranchise the slave holding States in any respect in which they have an equality under the Constitution of the country, I will not agree to live under this Gov- ernment, when the Union can survive the Con- stitution. * * ■•■•■ All that I have contended for, is, that the common domain of this Govern- ment, acquired by the common blood and trea- sure of all parts of the United States, shall be just as free to one class of citizens as another. ■•■•• * * But, sir, if an insulting, interference were to be made by a majority of Congress, or such an interference as would exclude a slave- holder on the broad ground that he was unwor- thy of equality with a non-slaveholding popula- tion, do you suppose I would stay in the Union if I could get out of it?" In the House, January 17, [App. to Cong. Globe, page 60,] Mr. STEPHENS of Georgia, said: — " I was willing to divide as an alternative only, but a majority of the North would not consent to it; and now we have got the great principle, established in 1850, carried out in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, that Congress, AFTER REMOVING ALL OBSTRUCTIONS, w not to intervene against us. This is the old Southern Republican primciple, attained after a hard and protracted struggle in 1850, and I say, if Con- gress ever again exercises the power to exclude the South from an equal participation in the common Territories, I, as a southern man, AM FOR RESISTING IT. The gentleman from Tennessee does not say xchat he would do in that contingency." In the Senate, Feb. 25, [App. to Cong. Globe, page 95,] Mr. JONES of Tennessee, said: — " We have a question before us and the coun- try which I think of far more importance to our interest and honor, and to the perpetuity of our institutions, than the question whether or not Mr. Crampton shall be withdrawn. * * •■ *" The beginning of the diflicultics may be found in an earnest, ardent, and — pardon me for saying — a RECKLESS determination to repeal that clause of the Kansas-Nebraska bill which abrogates the Missouri restriction. ■■■' •■■ * * We ask nothing but Avhat the Constitution guar- antees to us. That much we do ask. That much WE WILL HAVE. I do not wish to be excited about this matter. We do not mean to be driven from our propriety; but there is a fixed, immutable, universal determination on the part of the South NKVKll TO Bli DRIVEN A SINGLE ix\CIl FUR-THEil. * * * If we are not to enjoj' our rights under the Consti- tution, tell us so; and if wo may, LET US SEPARATE peaceably and decently. « * * * 1 tell you in every hand there will be a knife, and there will be tear to the knife AND THE Ki\lFE TO THE HILT." In the House, March 13, [App. to Cong. Globe, page 153,] Mr. TAYLOR of Louisiana, said: — " If the counsels of these men [the Republi- cans] find favor with us, a few short weeks, or months may be sufficient to fill a land where it has been all sunshine, with " clouds and dark- ness;" and amid the surrounding gloom such contentions and conflicts may arise, in which section may be arrayed against section, State against State, and perhaps man against man, in DEADLY STRIFE, as would uuike all men * * * shudder with fear." In the House, March 13, [App. to Cong. Globe, page 230,] Mr. LETCHER of Virginia, said: — " So far as the South are concerned, sir, I will tell you now what 1 have no doubt will be the fact— what I believe firmly and conscien- tiously, that if you [tlie R.epublicans] should have power here, and undertake to pass mea- sures to carry out the principles which you pro- fess, you would find tliat we had spirit enough to SEPARATE FROM YOU, and make the ef- fort, at least, to take care of ourselves. A VOICE. What measures ? Mr. LETCHER. If you undertake to repeal the fugitive slave law, and deprive us of the means of recovering our property when it is stolen from us. * *• * If you undertake to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia and proliiltit it in the Territories of the United States by Congressional legislation. * * You will find that the South, if il has a particle of self respect — and I know that it has — will be prepared to resist ANY, and all, such mea- sures." In the House, April 1, [App. to Cong. Globe, page 297,] Mr. WARNER of Georgia, said: — " We have been told by those who advocate this line of policy, that they do not desire to in- terfere with slavery in the States where it ex- ists; and yet it is their intention to prevent the extension of slavery, by excluding it from the common Territory. * * It matters but little with me, whether a man takes my pioperty out- right, or restricts me in the enjoyment of it, so as to render it of but little or no value to me. * * * Slavery cannot be confined within certain specified limits without producing the destruction of both master and slave; it requires fresh lands. * ••' * * * If the slavehold- ing States should ever be so regardless of their rights, and their power, as co-equal States, to be willing to submit to this proposed restriction, * * «- they could not do it. * * « They OUGHT NOT to submit to it upon principle, if they could, and COULD NOT IF THEY WOULD. It is in view of these things, sir, that the peo- ple of (icorgia have assembb'd in Convention, and SOLEMNLY RESOLVED that, if Congress siiall pass a law excluding them from the com- mon property, ivilh their slave property, they will DISRUPT THE TIES THAT BIND THEM TO THE UNION. This position has not been taken by way of threat or menace. Georgia never threatens, but Georgia always ACTS." In the, House, April 4, [App. to Cong. Globe, page 351,] Mr. SMITH of Tennessee, said : " In my humble jud<:ment, we should first look to the preservation of the Constitution of the United States ; secondly, to the protection of the rights of the States ; and, thirdly, to the preservation of the Federal Union. * * * So far as I am con- cerned, after the preservation of the rights of the States, which I, as an individual, or as a Repre- sentative, will never agree to see infringed, the next most imjiortant object which ought to ac- tuate every patriot of this land is the preservation of the Union. * * I believe that it [the Wil- inot Proviso] is unconstitutional, unjust, and wrong. * * Unless the South can unite and defend these men of the North, who stand by the guarantees of the Constitution, for the rights of the States, THE UNION IS GONE. * * » In , the struggle which is soon to come oft' — a struggle on the issue of which are suspended the mighty doctrines of this nation — ves, sir, in mv humble opinion, THE VERY E"K;ISTEXCE OF THIS UNION, the true hearted, conservative, and patriotic men of the whole country, * * * will stand bravely together around the broad banner of the democratic jjarty." In the House, January 9, [App. to Cong. Globe, page 54,] Mr. BOWIE of Maryland, said: " They [the Republicans] sa^' they are not Abolitionists, because, forsooth, they are not for interfering with slavery in the States. Why, sir, did you ever see or hear of a fanatic who was fanatical enough to go to that extent? They are called Abolitionists, and justly so, because they advocate the power of Congress to abolish Slavery in the Territories of the Union and iu the District of Columbia. •■■ * There is a majority here in favor of the priucijdes of non-intervention of Con- gress ou the sulject of domestic slavery in the Territories. That majority ought to be brought together in some mode of conciliation ; for it must be admitted that no other question is half so VITAL TO THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION. * * * These are interesting ques- tions, [relating to the naturalization laws] to be sure, but they strike no chord in our hearts which vibrates with sounds of national disunion. They bring no tears to the eves of the i)atriot, when brooding over the BROKEN FRAGMENTS OF A RUINED COUNTRY. » « « But let this Congress attempt to strike down the Constitu- tional rights of the South, then you and I and all of us WILL STRIKE, though bloody treason flourish over us." In the House, April 7, Mr. KEITT, of South Carolina, said : "Sir, the next contest will be a momentous one. It will turn up the question of Slavery, and the 8 constitutional rights: of the South. The South should establish in the platform, the principle, that the right of a southern man to his slave is equal, in its length and breadth, to the right of a 'northern man to his horse. She should make the recognition of the right FULL, COMPLETE, and IXDISPUTABLE. * * * » Let the A'orth refuse admission to a State because of slavery in her constitution, and the HISTORY OF THISUNION IS CLOSED. •****» If it [the government] becomes the puppet of Abolitionism, if it becomes, in our very midst, to us, a foreigji Government, the South will TEAR IT DOWN from turret to foundation stone. Abolish the iuter-State slave trade, and we will TRAMPLE your usurpations UNDER FOOT. Repeal the fugitive slave law, and the South Avill MEET YOU WITH GAUNTLETS ON. In the next presidential election the North will decide the probable fate of the Union. If the banner of Black Republicanism is lifted to victory, the South will raise aloft her symbol of sovereignty, and inter- l)ose her own shield for the safetv of her citizens. LET THE CONSERVATIVES OF THE NORTH BEWARE!" In the House, April 9, Hon. E. S. SHORTER of Alabama, said : " Do 3^ou believe that the South, less patriotic now than in the days of the Revolution, will quietly submit to the sacrifice of her rights, and STILL CLING TO THE UNION? If such is public opinion at the North, let it be at once un- deceived. We understand, gentlemen, what our rights are under the Constitution, and with the blessing of God we mean to maintain them. We ask for nothing more — will he cotitent with nothing less. I hope and pray God that my section of the Union may never again, in an evil hour, be in- clined to "compromise" with the North on the subject of slavery. I believe in the right of a sovereign State to se- cede from the Union whenever she determines that the Federal Constitution has been violated by Congress ; and that this Government has no con- stitutional power to coerce such seceding State. ******** I think South Carolina mistook her remedy — secession and not nullification ought to hare been her watch-word. • •••••• The extraordinary exertions made by Massachu- setts and the Black Republican party of the North, to rob the South of her equal rights in the Terri- tories, has had one cfcct. You have thoroughly aroused the southern States to a sense of their danger. You have caused them COOLLY TO ESTIMATE THE VALUE OF THE UNION ; and we are determined to maintain our EQUALITY IN IT, OR INDEPENDENCE OUT OF IT. ******** The South has planted itself where it intends to stand or fall, UNION OR NO UNION, and that is, upon the platform laid down by the Georgia con- vention. We tell you plainly that we take issue with you ; and whenever you repeal the fugitive slave law, OR refuse to admit a State on account of slavery in her constitution, OR our equality in the Ter- ritories is sacrificed by an act of Congress, th'-n the star of this Union will go down to RISE NO MORE. Should we be forced to DISSOLVE THE UNION in order to preserve southern institutions and southern civilization, we will do it in peace, if we can ; IN WAR, IF WE MUST ; and let the GOD OF BATTLES decide between us. The shadows, sir, of the COMING STORM al- ready darken our pathway. It will soon be upon us WITH ALL ITS FURY." The reader who has patiently waded through all this " damnable iteration'^ of passion and trea- son, deserves something by way of episode and re- lief. A short farce after a tragedy, removes disagreeable impressions. The reader may therefore, if he pleases, look at the following, selected at random from a vast deal of the same kind, uttered by Southern gentlemen in reference to Mr. Banks : — On the 15th of December, in the House, [Cong. Globe, page 43,] Gov. SMITH, of Virginia, said: "Did he [Mr. Banks] not declare, that under certain circumstances, he was willing to let the Union slide? I remember to have read, with SURPRISE, in the papers, during the summer, such a statement of his position. I read it also with a feeling of INDIGNATION, that one so gifted, and one so worthy, in many respects, should be so FALSE TO HIS ALLEGIANCE TO HIS COUNTRY," LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 464 422 5 mmZl "^ CONGRESS inii 011 464 S 5 Hollinger Corp. pH8.5