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LIBRARY vx UuliUlLJJUUi >>-> ZS3. >» j>S 2»- t> >: ^P j> i> » >^> J UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, j r> _ZSfc>3 • ^s> ,cs> ^? ; ra> ^s> - >-» > > > > *■ 3> > > »> > > b§2> .o_y J?^>'3 ^1»» ? »7» > -> -> , -, > 3 >» > 1 - > > ~3> J*> •■-* ^ .rar> »;0» ay 3 >S»2^i> 2»lJ2>- X» ^s> ::■> ;> a .>- 2> ' iS^^- » ■>- ■ ;f3P ?^ .-• * g^* K >3 3> ~S~£ ^,3 i> ^5> 7» > Jfi3> "3* „ > 2» > ~r> g>-^?i- 3> 3>^» '_ ^> 3> r» 3 ^> 3> I3»' ^> J> 3> r> 3 z> a» :3* 3^»^2> Z3fc ^> ^5>T^ _•_ _Z> 3> H»> ? . ^> 2> .Z*> ■ 3 Z> S> 3»> __ r> a>\ ^a» ; ->i3>i^a»- '-• IP1BP ^31H^Si > 3>' ^3» 5 - __£P ^ =s ^3» a- ^> > 73>.Z ■38? 31^ 2L3BTTJBE COLONIZATION SOCIETY; AND ON ITS PROBABLE RESULTS; UNDER THE FOLLOWING HEADS: The Origin of the Society ; Increase of the Coloured Population ; Manumis- sion of Slaves in this country ; >ECLARATIONS OF LEGISLATURES, AND OTHER ASSEMBLED BODIES, IN FAVOUR OF THE SOCIETY; ITUATION OP THE COLONISTS AT MONROVIA, AND OTHER TOWNS; MORAL AND RE! J GIOUS CHARACTER OF THE SETTLERS; SOIL, CLIMATE, PRODUC- TIONS, AND COMMERCE OF LIBERIA ; DVANTAGES TO THE FREE COLOURED POPULATION, BY EMIGRATION TO LIBERIA; DISADVANTAGES OF SLAVERr TO THE WHITE POPULATION ; CHARACTER OF THE NATIVES OF AFRICA BEFORE THE HtRUPTIONS OF THE BARBARIANS; EFFECTS OF COLONIZATION ON THE SLAVE TRADE, WITH A SLIGHT SKETCH OF THAT NEFARIOUS AND ACCURSED TRAFFIC. ADDRESSED TO THE HON. C. F. MERCER, M. H. R. U. S. BY M. CAREY. NINTH EDITION. TO WHICH IS PREFIXED THE IMPORTANT INFORMATION COLLECTED BY JOSEPH JONES, A COLOURED MAN, LATELY SENT TO LIBERIA, BY THE KENTUCKY COLONIZATION SOCIETY, TO ASCERTAIN THE TRUE STATE OF THE COUNTRY— ITS PRODUCTIONS, TRADE, AND COMMERCE— AND THE SITUATION AND PROSPECTS OF THE COLONISTS. FOR SALE BY CAREY & HART, PHILADELPHIA. price five dollars per hundred. Sept. 17, 1834. STEREOTYPED BY L. JOHNSON. ZP1A.T of the 'l'(()\v>' 0F a|();vro>^TA, vV o Mox y . □L □en Q^BBB □□amaaizi REFERENCES Writ Stodaon, . 1 Baptist (lunch I ZTown l.m.tni.i itiui Tlei- .1 Jf.-tfi. .,/>.> Chapel 3. Town unirttt Lmauta -school house f> Jf.ni.tzme . I 4 .If. n Art Sifn.nr-t.mJai.> M.w . W-PlMcW&dlOUSC I J Xew.l.jm.y house. II Tnhh. Garden ..nt.immaJ.iat 6 Smitii shop 12 OmrahTown 13 Thompsons Jim THE LIBERIAN COLONY. FROM THE KENTUCKY COMMONWEALTH. The subjoined communication, concerning the proceedings of the Kentucky Coloniza- tion Society, will be read with particular interest at the present time. In our paper aefore the last, we gave a brief summary of the recent riots in the city of New York, svhich had their origin in the unwarrantable jonduct of a set of fanatics who have taken ;o themselves the name of Abolitionists. In some senses of the term they have much ;laim to the appellation ; for they are for iboliahing some of the fundamental laws of luman nature itself. Towards the accom- plishment of the ends which they have in new, there are obstacles, obvious to the eye )f reason, but which fanaticism cannot see. Prejudices of colour, prejudices of habit, dif- 'erences of physical conformation, inequali- ies arising from unequal intellectual culti- vation, a dissimilarity of moral sense — the nevitable result of a state of freedom and a state of bondage — all these, in the frenzied )rains of agitators, are to vanish in the winkling of an eye, and, on the instant, ;uch an assimilation is to take place as vould eclipse all recorded miracles. To •eason with such men is vain ; for, sheltered >y an imaginary superiority in every attri- >ute of intelligence, philanthropy, and vir- ue, they turn a deaf ear upon any sugges- ;ions differing from their own schemes, and ittribute the difference to the calculations of lelfishness or innate inhumanity. If their )lan rested solely on its own merits, its ab- surdity would ensure its failure. That it nust fail, for all practical purposes, even the ibolitionists themselves must now be in some degree convinced. But if they fail hemselves, they are resolved to leave no sffort untried by which they can destroy the solony at Liberia. They have already de- lounced the Colonization Society, its past abours, and its future designs. The good vhich that Society has already done is de- cried as an evil, while its prospective opera- ions are denounced as criminal in motive md in end. Follo^lhg up this purpose, they have, rom time to time, published the most un- dushing falsehoods, as to the actual condi- ion of the colonists, and the character of he country in which they are situated. The tolonists are said by them to be abandoned n morals and habits, while they represent he soil as a barren waste or a sterile desert. They publish a journal, in which they usher forth these misrepresentations to the world with all the outward show of a high order of benevolence, but in reality with the most diabolical intentions. Pure philan- thropy rests on the immutable basis of truth, and scorns the aid of falsehood. In the eastern cities, where the abolitionists have made their greatest efforts, they have been met, by the friends of the Colonization Soci- ety, with facts and arguments which have disabused the public mind of the hallucina- tion into which it had been thrown by a temporary indulgence of unreal sympathy. The Society have had in their favour the con- current testimony of many of our most dis- tinguished naval commanders, and of other gentlemen of high character for intelligence and candour, all going to prove that the colonists enjoy a degree ot freedom and happiness, such as they never could have experienced in this country; that the cli- mate is congenial to the coloured man's con- stitution, and that the soil is fertile to an almost unexampled degree. As the opportunities for personal inter- course with individuals who have visited the colony are not frequent in the Western Country, the Board of Managers for Ken- tucky sent a special visiter to Liberia, with instructions to observe with minuteness every thing which it was material for an emigrant to know. The person selected was Joseph Jones, of Winchester, a coloured man, who proceeded upon his mission, and after a considerable absence has returned and made his report to the Board. We were present at this examination, and can say truly, that we have seldom been more gratified than we were at the narrative which Jones gave of his travels. He is a man of great observation, intelligence, and candour, and has amassed a large amount of useful information. The general inference from his statements, as to the present condi- tion of the colony, is, that it is flourishing; that the settlers possess within themselves the means of rendering their situation com- fortable in every respect ; and that the soil is eminently productive. He remarked that the principal drawback upon the advance- ment of the colony seemed to be in an inor- dinate desire for trade, which had operated injuriously to the agriculture of the eountry ; but that this evil was correcting itself. So I THi: LIBERIA^ COl.ONY. man] embarking in the same business had rendered it unprofitable, and therefore the colonists were beginning to improve their farms as the most certain mode of attaining a comfortable independence. He stated one fact which was of great importance to those wishing to emigrate who had any capital to employ. It wa9 the great abundance of labouring men, and the cheap rates at which labour could be procured. The natives of the country he describes as being perfectly willing to work, and labour- ing with great industry. They can be pro- cured for what here would be equivalent to five cents per day, but in Liberia is esti- mated at about twenty-five cents. Compe- tition among the natives for employment is active, and the) are faithful to their engage- ments. In poi it of personal appearance, he says, that, « hen similarly dressed, it is very difficult to l ^ll a native from an Ameri- can settler. The intercourse between the colonists and the tribes is of the most friend- ly character, and there have been intermar- riages between several of them and the recap- tun d Africans. Many of the natives speak the English language, and a strong desire is manifested for the farther extension of the settlements. As a proof of his own conviction of the many advantages which Liberia offers to the free coloured man over any thing which he can ever expect to en- joy within the limits of the United States, he has determined to return and connect his destinies with those of his countrymen, now in the land which Providence intended they should inhabit. One such man as Joseph Jones will do more actual good to his kind, than an army of abolitionists. He intends accompany- ing the agent to the different towns of Ken- tucky, for the purpose of giving a general diffusion of the knowledge he has acquired of an extremely interesting country ; and we would recommend every person who takes any interest in the colony of Liberia, who may have an opportunity of hearing his account of it, not to let the opportunity pass by unimproved. KENTUCKY STATE COLONIZA- TION SOCIETY. Present Condition of Liberia. The Board of Managers of the Kentucky Colonization Society take pleasure in in- forming their friends, that Joseph Jor.es, a man ol colour, who was sent out by them to examine fully the situation of the co! i Liberia, has returned and has brought back a favourable report. They herewith present to the public the examination which Mr. Jones lias undergone in their pres< ... facing it with two resolutions of the Board, and a letter from the Governor of Liberia. By order of the Board : Thornton A. Mills, Cor. Sec. August 1, 1834. resolutions. Board of Managers, August 1, 1834. The Board of Managers having had an in- terview with Joseph Jones, a man of colour, who was sent by them to Liberia for the purpose of making - a personal examination of the present condition and prospects of the colony, and to make a report to this Board, after receiving from him a full and accurate account of his nrssion, unanimously adopt the following resolutions : Resolved, That the Board of Managers are fully satisfied with the manner in which Joseph Jones has performed the services which were expected from him; that he is entitled to the thanks of the Society for the great amount of useful information which he has, with much toil and labour, acquired for the benefit of the free people of colour in this State, and that the Board recommends him to the kind and respectful consideration of all persons fiiendly disposed to African colonization, as a man of excellent charac- ter, of a clear and vigorous understanding, and possessed of those qualities which make a man useful to scciety. Resolved, That Mr. Jones be requested to accompany our agent to the principal places in this State, for the purpose of giving infor- mation with regard to the colony. gov. pinney's letter. May 10. 1834. Sia : The bearer, Mr. Jones, having, as I fully believe, faithfully executed the busi- ness of the mission on which he was sent, is about to return to the United States, in the schooner Edgar. It the section of coun- trv from which he came ran afford us one hundred men. possessing the spirit of enter- prise, and patience, and perseverance which he has evinced so far, they will bless the colony with their presence. Mr. J< nes's conduct, while here, has been blameless, and a | attern for others, and I trust he will find favour before God and mau. The vessel is to sail in a few hours, and must be an apology for brevity. With great respect, .Ixo. B. Pinney. A. A. C. S. EXAMINATION. \t what time did you leave this country 1 1 left Louisville on the 23d of March, L833, and New Orleans on the 20th of April following, and reached Liberia on the 11th I ily. THE UBERIAN COLONY How long did you remain in the colony? Nine months and twenty-nine days. Did you travel extensively, and what places did you visit 1 I travelled fifty-nine days, and visited all the settlements. How many settlements are there 1 De- scribe each one. There are five. 1. Monrovia, the seat of the colonial government, a seaport and com- mercial town, that stands on Cape Mesurado, at. the mouth of Mesurado river. It is about the size of Winchester, Ky. The soil on the Cape is rocky and gravelly, and not very productive. 2. New Georgia, the set- tlement of recaptured Africans, five miles from Monrovia, on Stockton creek, between Monrovia and Caldwell. Parts of two tribes, the Eboes and Congoes, live in the town, but on different sides of the street. They have intermarried with the colonists. They live partly by getting out lumber, and partly by agriculture. Their houses are built some in the native style, and some after the manner of the colonists. I suppose there are more than one hundred houses in the town. The soil is rich but sandy. 3. Caldwell, ten miles from Monrovia, on the St. Paul's river. It is the largest settle- ment, and extends seven miles up the river. It is more prosperous than Monrovia. Farm- ing is carried on more extensively here than in any of the other settlements. The soil is excellent. 4. Millsburg, situated at the Falls of St. Paul's river, 20 miles from Monrovia. The settlement extends about three-quarters of a mile along the river. The land is very productive. There is a saw-mill now building opposite Millsburg. The dam and race are finished, and every thing is ready for the mill to be raised. The St. Paul's river is navigable to Mills- burg. 5. Edina, at Grand Bassa, GO or 80 miles south of Monrovia, on the coast at the mouth of the St. John's river. It has been settled only two or three years, and some suppose it is the most healthy settlement in the colony. The soil is very fertile. There are about one hundred houses here. The St. Johns river is navigable for small ves- sels. There is another settlement about to be made at the mouth of Junk river. This river is larger than the Kentucky, and is na- vigable. Describe the face of the country. It is generally level, with a few small rises, but no high hills. How far is it back from the coast to the mountains ] It is said to be upwards of thirty miles. The ridge of Junk mountains can be seen from Ediua, and the Junk settlement. Is the land well timbered ! Yes; it produces several kinds of wood, that are called oak, poplar, hickory, and hackberry, though they do not resemble our trees, called by the same names, except some slight resemblance in the grain of the wood — the bark and leaves are different ; and also mangrove, brimstone tree, redwood, bay- wood, mahogany, and cotton wood. Coffee plants grow wild in the woods ; also pine- apples, limes, guavas, and plantains. Is the country well watered 1 It has springs, branches, wells, and one of the rivers affords good drinking water. Are the rivers well supplied with fish 1 They have an abundance of pike, macke- rel, cavala, and tarpaun, and several other kinds, to which no name has yet been given ; also oysters and clams. What productions are raised on their farms 1 Rice, cassada, plantains, bananas, sour- sups, guavas, Indian corn, arrow-root, pea- nuts, coffee, and sugar-cane. How does the cassada grow, and how is it used 1 It grows like the sweet potato. It is a root sometimes two or three feet long, and three or four inches in diameter. The top of it resembles the sumach bush. It is planted like the sugar-cane, three or four slips in a hill. One hill will produce from a peck to half a bushel. When ripe it is boiled or roasted, or dried and beaten into flour, and answers all the purposes of flour in this country. How is the coffee raised 1 It is raised from trees or bushes. A tree ! will bear in from four to six years after it has I been planted. One tree will bear from two ! and a half to three bushels in the hulls, or I more than one bushel of clean coffee. Mr. Waring has 1500 trees planted that do not I yet bear. Can cotton be raised ] It can be cultivated almost to any extent. , It will grow from three to eight years with- j out replanting. I have been in Tennessee j Georgia, and North Carolina, and I think the cotton raised in Liberia is superior. j The tree grows from eight to ten feet high, and is topped in order to make it branch out I and become productive. Can more than one crop be raised during the season ] There arc two planting seasons, and two crops can be raised on the same ground. What is the state of morals and religion in the colony 1 The state of morals is much like it is in the United States. There are in Monrovia two Baptist and two Methodist churches, and one Presbyterian church, well supplied with ministers. At Caldwell there is a Baptist and a Methodist church. At New Georgia, there is a Baptist church, and a 4 THE LIBERIAN COLONY. Methodist society that has no meeting-house. \t Millsburg there is a Baptist and a Me- thodist church. At Edina, there is a Methodist church. How is the colony supplied with schools? There are in all seven schools — a male and a female school at Monrovia ; a male and a female school at Caldwell. A school at New Georgia, Millsburg, and Bassa. The teachers are all coloured persons, and are considered competent. The schools are to- lerably well attended — not as well as might be, but as well as could be expected in pre- sent circumstances. There are Sunday- schools at all the settlements, except New Georgia ; and about that I am uncertain. What are the chief articles of commerce ? Camwood, palmwood, palm oil, ivory, gold dust, 'tortoise shell, pepper, beeswax, and hides. Vessels often call, and the har- bour is seldom clear of them. Many of the colonists own small vessels. There are nine in the coasting trade, and two more were building when I left. Most of these vessels were built in Monrovia. What is the government of the colony? The people elect their own officers, ex- cept the governor. I was at an election, and it was conducted as elections are in this country. The laws are well executed. The governor is a very worthy and capable man, and is active and attentive to the wants of the people. Lesser crimes are punished by imprisonment, and stripes, and labour on the public works. No capital offence has yet been committed. Are temperance societies encouraged ? Yes; the Methodist Church conference formed themselves into a temperance society early in January last. In April last, I was at Caldwell at the formation of a temper- ance society — 33 members joined the first night; and there are other societies at other places. How are emigrants provided for on their arrival? They are sent to a large building prepared by the government, and are furnished with provisions from the public store for six months. Their rooms are convenient. After the seasoning is over, each head of a family is entitled to one town lot, and ten acres of ground within three miles of the town, or thirty acres over three miles. What description of emigrants does the colony need ? It needs men — strong, virtuous, enterpris- ing, and intelligent. What kinds of clothing should emigrants be provided with? They should have a mattress and bed- clothes, and a full supply of cotton and woollen clothing. With what kind of tools should they be provided ? An axe, hammer, drawing- knife, hoe, spade, auger, gimlet, saw, and file. How many natives, do you suppose, are in the settlements ? About half as many as the colonists. They are well disposed, and anxious to learn the habits of the colonists. Some of them have adopted our dress, and can read, and have learned trades. Many come in from great distances in the interior. Do the colonists appear satisfied ? I was particular in my inquiries, and I found the large majority well satisfied, and would not return to this country, if they could. What is the military force ? It is strong enough for all necessary pur- poses. The natives are entirely friendly. What the wild and domestic animals in the colony ? The wild are deer of several kinds, hogs, cattle, and goats; and the tame are cattle, hogs, poultry, and a few horses and jacks. How do you like the climate ? The climate is more regular and healthy than in this country. After the colonists become seasoned, they enjoy excellent health. The natives are stout and healthy. What do you mean by the seasoning? Emigrants, in a short time after reaching the colony, are attacked with a fever, and their indisposition is different in duration; some recover in a short time, while others have not entirely gotten over it in two years. A few have entirely escaped. &xwibir@ COLONIZATION SOCIETY; AND ON ITS PROBABLE RESULTS; UNDER THE FOLLOWING HEADS: The Origin of the Society ; Increase of the Coloured Population ; Manumis- sion of Slaves in this country ; DECLARATIONS OF LEGISLATURES, A'ND OTHER ASSEMBLED BODIES, IN FAVOUR OF THE SOCIETY SITUATION OF THE COLONISTS AT MONROVIA, AND OTHER TOWNS; MORAL AND RELI- GIOUS CHARACTER OF THE SETTLERS; SOIL, CLIMATE, PRODUC- TIONS, AND COMMERCE OF LIBERIA ; ADVANTAGES TO THE FREE COLOURED POPULATION, BY EMIGRATION TO LIBERIA; DISADVANTAGES OF SLAVERY TO THE WHITE POITLATION ; CHARACTER OF THE NATIVES OF AFRICA BEFORE THE IRRUPTIONS OF THE BARBARIANS; EFFECTS OF COLONIZATION ON THE SLAVE TRADE; WITH A SLIGHT SKETCH OF THAT NEFARIOUS AND ACCURSED TRAFFIC. ADDRESSED TO THE HON. C. F. MERCER, M. H. R. U. S. BY M. CAREY. NINTH EDITION. TO WHICH IS PREFIXED THE IMPORTANT INFORMATION COLLECTED BY JOSEPH JONES, A COLOURED MAN, LATELY SENT TO LIBERIA, BY THE KENTUCKY COLONIZATION SOCIETY, TO ASCERTAIN THE TRUE .STATE OF THE COUNTRY— ITS PRODUCTIONS, TRADE, AND COMMERCE- AND THE SITUATION AND PROSPECTS OF THE COLONISTS. FOR SALE BY CAREY & HART, PHILADELPHIA. price five dollars per hundred. Sept. 17, 1834. STEREOTYFED BY h. JOHNSON. ADDENDUM TO THE FIFTH EDITION. EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY, DATED JUNE, 1832. "Africa makes her appeal to our sympathy, and charity, in a tone of earnestness and distress, to which we are bound to listen, and which the Board trust cannot be resisted. It is along her dark shores, and over her immense but unculti- vated fields, that the Society will dispense its richest blessings. What a night of gloom and terror has settled, for ages, on her land ! Her immense population covered with barbarism, given up as prey to outrage and violence, cursed by a trallic which has set brother against brother, desolated families and villages, excited the worst passions of savage nature, ruthlessly sundered all the ties of kindred and affection, and, seizing with merciless and unyielding grasp its bleeding and broken-hearted victims, borne them crowded and crushed and dying into foreign and hopeless bon- dage ! And even now, when her cries have pierced the heart of Christendom, when states and kingdoms have legislated and united to put an end to her sufferings, still torn, plundered, and robbed of her children by the pirates of all nations ; she. stretches out her hands and casts an implor- ing eye towards the friends of God and man, in this free and blessed country, for that deliverance, which she has looked for in vain to all the world beside. " But it is asked, will the ignorant and degraded men of colour of this country become the best missionaries to enlighten and regenerate Africa 1 To this we reply, that there are men of colour in the U. S. who are well informed and exem- plary Christians ; that such as these have founded our present African Colony; that the very work to which they are called will develope their powers, and give elevation to their character, and finally, that plans for education and improvement commensurate with the necessities of every settle- ment which may be made, enter essentially into the views of this Society. " If in a little more than two centuries, our own country has, by colonization, been changed from a wilderness into a fruitful field, if a free and en- lightened Nation of thirteen millions has sprung up here, where but lately, the wolf and savage roamed unmolested amid boundless forests, where nature looked wild and rude as they ; if beautiful villages, and populous cities, Halls of Legislation, magnificent edifices, temples of justice, and a thousand churches stand before us the monu- ments of our greatness ; what may we not antici- pate for Africa from the settlement of civilized and Christian men upon her shores 1 And by whom can such settlements be so Well founded as by the free people of colour of the United States 1 Does not Providence clearly invite them to a work of unexampled promise, to their posterity and mankind! And is not this nation urged to assist them by the same Provi- dence, not less manifestly, and by motives as numerous and great as ever wrought upon the human mind. " Tho Managers appeal to the clergy of every denomination, and invite them, annually, on or near the day consecrated to the memory of oui Independence, to bring the claims of the Society before their people, and to receive, in further- ance of its object, such free-will offerings as gratitude to God and love to men may incline them to bestow. " They appeal to the Auxiliary Societies, and urge them to come forward with increased power to the work, to assist in forming other kindred associations, and by widely diffusing information, to excite the whole American community, duly to consider and promote the cause. " To their fair country-women, who are ever first to feel for the wretched, and foremost to ad- minister relief, whose moral influence in society, though their own modesty may undervalue it, humanity and religion acknowledge to be of vast power and unspeakable worth, Africa, darker in her mourning than her complexion, offers in silent grief, her plea, which it were impossible to render more convincing by argument, or touching by eloquence. She looks to American benevolence as to that in which all her precious hopes are treasured up, and for their fulfilment, nature itself will plead more strongly than we can, in every female heart. " Nor would the Managers omit to say to those who control the public press, that almost omni- potent engine for moving human minds to ac- tion, that to them belongs the power of securing to the design of this Society, the amplest means for its speedy consummation. Let every Editor in the country feel himself responsible, to make known throughout the limits of his influence, the views, operations and success of the Society, and that which it has been attempting in weak- ness, will be done with power, that which pri- vate charity has so well commenced, be com- pleted by the bounty of the States and the Na- tion. " In concluding this address, the Managers beg leave to say, that not less than one thousand emigrants are now seeking a passage to Liberia ; that the Colony is prepared to receive them ; that funds only are wanting to enable the Society to prosecute its enterprise on a larger scale ; and that all which can appeal to our interests, en- courage our hopes, or move our hearts to charity now commends the cause of African Coloniza- tion to the affection and liberality of our coun- trymen. Nor will they, the Managers are per- suaded, remain insensible to the merits of this cause. Every where meet us the indications of its growing popularity. Justice and Compassion, Mercy and Charity, have gone forth in fellow ship, to plead for it, and the Managers trust in the great Author of all good to send forth his spirit to their aid — that Spirit — under whose di- vine illuminations and all-gracious but all sub- duing energies, men of every country and condi- tion shall finally rejoice in peace and love, shar- ers, in unity, of the same faith, and of the samo hope of the great and common salvation." Philadelphia, Sept. 7, 1832. PREFACE. From the ardent opposition made to the "Colonization Society by some of our white V citizens, and by a number of the free coloured ^"population, it might be supposed, by those un- c ; acquainted with tlie nature of the case, that the emigrants were absolutely pressed, like •rJBritish seamen, and hurried off against their inclinations — that they were here in tire en- joyment of all the solid advantages of society, each man "sitting under his own vine and his fig tree, and none to make him afraid," — that in Liberia, they were to be, in some de- gree, enslaved — and that tire climate was pes- tilential, and the soil sterile and ungrateful. Were this a true picture of the case, the op- position to the Society could not be more ar- dent or zealcus. Having treated on the situation of the free coloured population of this country, (p. 27,) we shall not, therefore, refer to it here : but so far as regards the colony at Liberia, it is proved, by evidence of the most undeniable character — of American Captains, Kennedy, Sherman, Nicholson, and Abels ; by that of Mr. Devany, a coloured man, High Sheriff of Liberia, who had been in the colony for six years, made a handsome fortune, and returned to this country to visit his friends and rela- tions; — and more especially by that of a com- mittee of the colonists at Monrovia, appointed to draw up an address to their brethren in this country ; that the project of colonization has fully realized, and not merely realized, but exceeded the most sanguine expectations formed of it by its ardent supporters ; that the contrast between the situation of the colonists and that of their brethren in this country, is immensely in favour of the former; and that the condition of the most favoured of the free coloured population here, is inferior in many important particulars, to that of the great mass of the colonists, any one of whom may, by good behaviour, aspire to the highest office in the colony, and in ek-.ctious, has as free a voice as Mr. Madison or Mr. Adams has, in the election of state and United States' officers. It is, therefore, difficult to conceive what good purpose can be answered by the opposi- tion to the plan of colonization, or by what motive its opposers can be influenced. There are three strong points of view, in which this subject may be considered, which must gain for colonization the zealous and efficient support of every man, white or co- loured, who is not under the dominion of in- veterate and incurable prejudice. I omit other important points, which might be mooted. I. The colony has arrested the progress of the nefarious and accursed slave trade in its neighbourhood ; destroyed some slave factories, .and liberated a number of slaves, who were on the point of being transported across the Atlan- 3 tic, subject to all the horrors of the passage, and, if they escaped with life, to the horrors of perpetual slavery ; and there cannot be a doubt, that at no distant day, the trade will be annihilated on the whole of the western coast of Africa. II. It has been the means of securing the emancipation of hundreds of slaves, in various parts of the United States, who are now in a genial climate, enjoying the luxury of free- dom with all its attendant blessings ; and, from the present disposition of the citizens of some of the slave states, particularly Virginia, there is no doubt that thousands will be emancipa- ted, as fast as means of transportation can be procured. III. It has commenced spreading the bless- ings of civilization, morals, and religion among the natives in the neighbourhood of the colony, whom it has taught to depend on honest industry in the cultivation of the soil, instead of the demoniac operation of setting fire to towns and villages, for the horrible purpose of seizing the wretched fugitives fly- ing from the flames, which was their former occupation. Now I freely appeal to Mr. Garrison, and Mr. Lundy, the most formidable opposers of colonization, and to their friends, and beg them to lay their hands on their hearts, and answer in the presence of their Maker, if any one of those objects does not repay ten fold the sacrifice which the whole have cost! Among the obj actions — how easy to make plausible objections ! — offered to the coloni- zation plan, one is, that considerhig the im- mense number of the coloured people in this country, about 2,400,000, it is impossible to make any serious impression on them by emigration ; especially as the colony at pre- sent, after twelve years existence, contains but 2,700 souls. Let us examine this ob- jection. The annual increase, as 1 have shown, is about 60,000. We will suppose the object is, to keep the numbers to the present stand- ard, which would be a great point gained. The expense to the government, or the So- ciety, will probably be $25 per head, for all the emigrants,- large and small, (taking into consideration those who pay, or whose masters will pay their passage,) or about $1,500,000 per annum, for that number. This sum, pro- vided the subject were cordially taken up by the state legislatures and congress, would not be attended with the slightest difficulty. Indeed, if encountered with the zeal which its importance demands, twice the sum could be easily raised. But then the objectors em- phatically demand, how shall we provide for the transportation of such a number! It appears from Walsh's Sketches of Bra- zil, that there have been as many as 100,000 of the wretched negroes ravished from their IV PREFACE. native land in one yeari If the wretches en- gaged in that nefarious traffic could find means of transporting 100,000 human beings in one year across the Atlantic, surely this powerful nation could, to accomplish the great objects in view, and to rescue itself by degrees from the odious stain of slavery, ac- complish the conveyance of 60, or even 100,000 to a land where they will be "lords of the soil." 00 or 70,000 persons have emi- grated in one year from Great Britain and Ireland. It is asked, how shall provision be made for such a number in Liberia J they will perish for want of sustenance ! Can there exist any fear on this subject, when the soil of Liberia produces two re- gular crops a year, with the most imperfect culture ?* Philadelphia, April 20, 1832. P. S As this page was about to be put to press, the following interesting statement was handed to the writer, who avails himself of a chasm here, to insert it as a proof that sounder and more favoura- ble views of the Society, and of the situation of the colony, prevail in Charleston than among some of the coloured people here. " On the 6th of December, 1831, there was a meet- ing held in Charleston, of a number of coloured people, for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of emigrating to Liberia. The Chair- man, Junius Eden, after stating the object, observed 'The inhabitants invite us to come and possess the land, to assist them to infuse into the natives, notions of pure morality, and to erect temples dedicated to the worship of Jehovah, where the injured sons of Africa may enter, and with united voices raise me- lodious songs of praise to Heaven' s Eternal King.' He said that no sacrifice was too great to be made here in order to secure for ourselves and our chil- dren the blessings of social happiness in Africa, and concluded bv calling on other members of the meet- ing to express their sentiments. " Charles Henry men arose and said, ' Africa, the land of our fathers, alihough surrounded with clouds of darkness, seems to me to be extending her arms towards us as her only hope of relief, and call- * The first edition of this pamphlet, which was distributed gratuitously, wholly at the expense of tne writer, was published Dec. 31, 1831. Two edi- tions, of 7000 copies, and one at Hartford in Con- necticut, have since been published, and it is now stereotyped, and disposed of at the mere cost of pa- per and printing, (85 per 100 copies,) in order to give it general circulation, in the hope of promoting a beneficent undertaking, which the wriler consci- entiously believes, hardly yields in imrwrtance to any agitated in this country, since the establishment of the present coustitutioii. The Theological So- ciety of Princeton, impressed with the same opinion oa the subject as the writer, purchased iOOO copies — the Parent Colonization Society 1600 — and above 30 patriotic individuals 100 each, and some '200 co- pies. These flattering testimonials in its favour, afford the writer the very high gratification to be- lieve that bis labours in this cause have not been in vain. mg on us loudly for help — saying, 'I struggle lot light and for liberty, and call upon you by the manes of your ancestors, to come toiiv help and your rightful possession. Tarry then not, but come over and dispel the darkness from your be- nighted land. Come, and inspire us by your exam pie with sentiments of virtue, and wi;h a love of the duties taught by the meek and lowly Jesus. Come and erect altars, and light them with the pure fire of devotion to the only living and true God, Come and enforce the empire of reason, truth, and Christianity over our benighted minds. Be no longer as a sentinel asleep at your post ; desert net your own people and the country of your ancestors.* Mr. Henry concluded by submitting the following preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. " Whereas it will be unworthy of ns as descend- ants of Africa, if after the bright and inspiring pros- pects which are held out to us of inheriting the land of our fathers, we let go, by supine negligence, the opportunity now offered by the Colonization Society of accepting the invitation of our brethren in Libe- ria to inherit and enjoy alike with them a land, not obtained by the harrowing price of blood and treachery, but by the unspotted gift of heai, en to our ancestors. Therefore " Resolved, That we take the Bible for our chart, with a full supply of love, hope, and faith, and leuve the land that gave us birth, and emigrate to Liberia, in Africa, the land of our ancestors, there to spend the remnant of our days, in peace and har- mony. "Resolved, Thr.t we goto Africa as Harbingers of Peace in the fulness of the blessing of the Gospel of Christ, and determinsd, by every virtuous deed, to set such examples as shall be worthy of the Chris- tian name. " Resolved, That we who compose this meeting, placing our only reliance in an All- wise Providence, and supplicating his guidance and direction in our affairs, do solemnly in his presence, pledge our faith to each other, that we will live in Africa in union and brotherly love as one family. And that they who shall reach Africa first, shall select suitable lands for the remainder ; and that we will mutually assist each other, and afford, when needed, both spir- itual and temporal aid ; and in case of the death of the heads of families, the surviving members shall foster and afford the family of the deceased every possible relief. " Resolved, That our motives for leaving the place that gave us birth, arc honourable, just and right; and for the purity of our intentions, we appeal to the Judge of all the earth. And taking II is word for our standard, we will not harbour or encourage any designs that may tend to disturb the peace and har- mony of this stale, or by any means alienate the af- fections of our brethren who are held as property, from their subordinate channel. •• Resolved, That as soon as our affairs can be brought to a close, we will make application to be conveyed to Liberia." N. B. Major Barbour, a coloured man, who resided about seven years in Liberia, where he has left his family, and where he intends to return, is now in this city. 1 [e was a member of the committee which drew up the address to the coloured people of the U. S. which is to be seen in p. 20, and winch draws such a very flattering picture of the situation of tho colony and of the color* sts. Philadelphia, June. 1832. LETTERS, &c. LETTER I. The Southampton Massacre. — Difference be- tween the State of Slavery in Greece and Rome, and in the United States. — Various Plans of Colonization. — Objects of the Colonization Society. TO THE HON. CHARLES FEXTON MERCER. Dear Sir, — The tragical issue of the insur- rection in Southampton, in which above sixty whites fell a sacrifice to the vengeance of their slaves, and subsequently to which, a great num- ber of slaves suffered the penalties of the vio- lated laws of the state, has awakened the slave states out of their slumbers, and excited con- siderable attention towards our coloured popu- lation, and the awful consequences that may ensue, sooner or later, from the admixture of two heterogeneous castes in the country, with- out the least probability, at any future period, however remote, of an amalgamation between them, in consequence of the diversity of colour. In this respect our situation is widely differ- ent from that of Greece or Rome. The great mass of their slaves were of the same colour as their masters, and a complete amalgamation might take place in a generation or two. — Against such a result, there is in this country, an insuperable barrier. This subject had occupied the attention cf some of the wisest and best men of the coun- try, for above half a century. Several attempts were made in different provinces before the re- volution, to prevent the importation of slaves, and acts were passed for the purpose ; but they were uniformly rejected by the governors, un- der instructions from the British privy council — or by that council when the acts were trans- mitted for royal approbation. So early as 1772, the house of burgesses of Virginia, unanimously agreed upon an address to the king of Great Britain, praying him "to remove' those re- straints on the governors of the colony, which inhibited them from assenting to such laws as might check so very pernicious a commerce." "The importation of slaves into the colonies, from the coasts of Africa, has long been considered as a trade of great inhumanity, and under its encourage- ment, we have too much reason to fear, will en- danger THE VERY EXISTENCE OF YOUR MAJESTY'S American dominions. " We are seasible that some of your majesty's subjects in Great Britain, may reap emolument from this sort of traffic ; but when we consider that it greatly retards the settlement of the colonies with more white inhabitants, and may, in time, have the most de- structive influence, we presume to hope, that the in- terests of a few will be disregarded, when placed in competition with the security and happiness of such numbers of your majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects." This and various other efforts were entirely fruitless. The trade remained unrestrained until the declaration of independence, when Virginia and some other states prohibited it altogether. Unfortunately, the sound sentiments so ex- plicitly expressed by the burgesses of Virginia, in 1772, were forgotten, or had lost their influ ence in 1787, when the federal constitution was formed. By that instrument congress was pro- hibited from passing laws to prevent the im- portation of slaves for twenty years ! A courtly style was employed. It was not thought pro- per to introduce the word " slaves." "The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year 1808 ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." In consequence of this unfortunate constitu- tional legitimation of the slave trade, it was carried on for twenty years on a large scale, and sowed a seed which has germinated with fatal fertility, and threatens a heavy retribution. In the discussion of the best means of avert- ing, or at least of mitigating the evil to be dreaded, from the existence among us of a class of people, who, although free, and there- fore entitled to the advantages and privileges of freemen, were, nevertheless, in a great degree, debarred from them by the inexorable force of public prejudice, and, in most of the states, were subject to rules and regulations and proscriptions, of the most oppressive and galling kind — in this discussion, I say, public opinion unanimously settled down in favour of an extensive system of colonization. On the subject of the location, there was not the same degree of unanimity. Some of our citizens were in favour of selecting a portion of the vacant territory of the United States, and setting it apart for the purpose. Others were, and some still are, for making an ar- rangement with the government of Mexico, and sending the class in question to Texas. Others, again, advocated a settlement on the western coast of Africa, being the natale solum of their ancestors, the climate being better suited to the great majority of the coloured people of this country. The last plan was finally adopted. The objects of the friends of colonization are — \ I. To rescue the free coloured people from the disqualifications, the degradation, and the proscription to which they are exposed in the United States. II. To place them in a country where they may enjoy the benefits of free government, with all the blessings which it brings in its train. III. To avert the dangers of a dreadful col lision at a future day ot the two castes, which must inevitably be objects of mutual jealousy to each other. IV. To spread civilization, sound morals, and true religion throughout the vast conti- nent of Africa, at present sunk in the lowest and most hideous state of barbarism.' 6 LETTERS ON THE V. And though last, not least, to afford slave owners who are conscientiously scrupu- lous about holding human beings in bondage, an asylum, to which they may send their manumitted slaves. The last item has recently assumed a greatly increased importance. Manumissions are prohibited in some of the slave states, un- less the parties remove beyond their bounda- ries ; and the entrance of free negroes into others is prohibited; so that manumissions without deportation, appear to be almost wholly at an end. With such noble objects in view, it is truly wonderful, that although the society has been in existence for sixteen years, the whole of the contributions, public and private, (except the support by the government of the United States, of negroes captured from slave traders) received up to the present day, by the society for carrying them into effect, has been but about §165,000, little more than a cent a head for the entire population of the most prosper- ous nation in the world ! a nation, moreover, in which other objects, some of them of infe- rior usefulness, are most liberally supported ! This must have arisen from an impression entertained by many, that the scheme is ab- solutely impracticable. Hence, many liberal individuals have wholly withheld their con- tributions. Of this opinion was the writer of these letters, at an early stage of the exist- ence of the society. He regarded it as one of the wildest projects ever conceived by en- lightened men ; and therefore, in the language of Sterne, respecting the monk, he was " pre- determined not to give them a single sous." Mature reflection has, however, convinced him of his error: he is now satisfied that the project is not more benignant and beneficent, than practicable, provided the general and state governments, and public-spirited indivi- duals yield it a support in any degree commen- surate with its importance. In the hope of converting others, as he him- self has been converted, he believes he may render an acceptable service to his country, by placing before the public, in plain, una- dorned language, the leading features of the case, under the following prominent heads. 1. On the early plans of colonization, and the origin of the Society. 2. The purchase of Liberia. 3. Inciease of the coloured population. 4. Expense of the passage of the emigrants, 5. Manumissions that have taken place, with a view to emigration to Liberia. 6. Progress of the colony, compared with the difficulties and disasters, experienced in the settlement of Massachusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina. 7. Decided approbation of the Society by legislatures and other public bodies. 8. Testimonies of the prosperous situation of the colon ists,by various American captains,&c. 9. Soil and climate, commerce, and produc- tions of Liberia. 10. Disadvantages of slavery to the whites, and the advantages of colonization to the free people of colour. 1 1. Situation of Africa, before the irruptions of the barbarians. 12. Effects of the colony on the slave trade, with a slight sketch of that nefarious traffic. April 8, 1832. LETTER II. Early plans of Colonization. — Mr. Jeffer- son's and Mr. Thornton's. — Resolve of the Legislature of Virginia. — Ineffectual Ne- gotiations. — For?natio7i of the Colonization {Society. — Granville Sharpe, Anthony Be- nezet, Paul Ciiffec. As early as the year 1777, Mr. Jefferson proposed to the legislature of Virginia, to be incorporated in the revised code of that State, a plan for colonizing the free coloured popu- lation of the United States. The particulars I have not been able to obtain. There is rea- son to believe, that he proposed the settlement in some of the western vacant lands. Be that as it may, the project proved an abortion, owing partly to the distractions and difficul- ties of the war, and partly to the novelty and magnitude of the undertaking. How much to be deplored the result ! Had it succeeded, what a source of danger and disaster would have been dried up for ever ! In the year 17d7, Dr. Thornton of Wash- ington, formed a project for establishing a co- lony of that population on the western coast of Africa, and published an address to those residing in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, inviting them to accompany him. A suffi- cient number of them agreed to iro, and were prepared for the expedition. But this project failed, in consequence of the want of funds. The public mind was not then prepared foi affording pecuniary support Previous to the year 1S01, the legislature of Virginia, twice debated in secret session, the subject of colo- nizing the free people of colour, without coming to any decision on it. But in 1801, they passed a resolution, instructing Mr. .Mon- roe, then governor of the state, to apply to the President of the United States, and urge him to institute negotiations with some of the pow- ers of Europe possessed of colonies on the coast of Africa, to grant an asylum, to which our emancipated negroes might be sent. Mr. Jef- ferson opened a negotiation with the Sierra Leone Company, for the purpose, but without success. At that period, the colony was in a verv depressed and decaying state, being un- der the command of a private company, who found its support extremely burdensome. They did not choose to increase their difficulties by an increase of the population. It was soon af- terwards surrendered to the British govern- AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. ment. Mr. Jefferson subsequently applied to the government of Portugal, for an asylum in their African possessions, and equally failed. The project was then abandoned as hopeless. In the session of the legislature of Virginia, in 1816, the subject was again brought for- ward, an:l the following resolution was adopted by a large majority. "Whereas, the General Assembly of Virginia have repeatedly sought to obtain an asylum, beyond the limits of ihe United States, for such persons of co- lour as had been, or might be emancipated, under the laws of this commonwealth ; but have hitherto found all their efforts frustrated, either by die dis- turbed state of other nations, or domestic causes, equally unpropitious to their success : "They now avail themselves of a period, when peace has healed the wounds of humanity, and the principal nations of Europe have concurred with the government of the United States, in abolishing the African Slave Trade, (a traffic which this Common- wealth, both before and since the revolution, zeal- ously sought to exterminate,) to renew this effort, and do therefore, — " Resolve, That the Executive be requested to cor- respond with the President of the United States, for the purpose of obtaining a territory on the coast of Africa, or at some other place, not within any of the states or territorial governments of the United States, to serve as an asylum for such persons of colour as are now free, and may desire the same, and for those who may hereafter be emancipated within this Commonwealth; and that the Senators and Repre- sentatives of this slate, in the congress of the United States, be requested to exert their best efforts to aid the President of the United States in the attainment of the above objects. ''Provided, That no contract or arrangement re- specting such territory shall be obligatory on this Commonwealth, until ratified by the legislature." _ Thus the scheme of colonization, which is now so violently denounced, in some of the papers in South Carolina, as a conspiracy against the rights and property of the slave holders, and forms a part of the means whereby the dangerous effervescence in that state has been excited, originated with the great lead- ing slave state, which possesses more than a third of all the slaves in the five original slave states. It appears that the idea of a Colonization Society, originated with the Rov. Robert Fin- ley, of New Jersey, a man of great humanity and benevolence, who, in February, 1815, wrote a letter to a friend,* in which he deeply * Basking Ridge, Feb. 14th, 1815. "The longer I live to see the WTetchedness of men, the more I admire the virtue of those who de- vise, and with patience labour to execute, plans for the relief of the wretched. On this subject the state of the free blacks has very much occupied my mind. Their number increases greatly, and their wretch- edness too, as appears to me. Every thing connected with their condition, including their colour, is against them : nor is there much prospect that their state can ever be greatly meliorated, while they shall conti- nue among us. Could not the rich and benevolent de- vise means to form a colony cm some part of the coast of Africa, simil'ir to the one at Sierra Leone, which might gradually induce many free blacks to go and settle, devising' for them the means of getting there, and of ■protection and support till they were establish d ? Could they be sent back to Africa, a threefold bene- deplored the calamitous and degraded state of the free people of colour, and suggested the plan of forming a colony on the coast of Afri- ca, for their reception, as a means of improv- ing their morals and manners, and rescuing them from the debasement under which they labour in this country. He counted largely on the advantages that such a colony would insure to Africa, by the introduction of civili- zation and Christianity. Full of these benevolent views, he repaired to Washington, in December, 1810, and with considerable efforts, assembled a meeting of citizens of influence and respectability, among whom were Bushrod Washington, Henry Clay, John Randolph, of Roanoke, Col. Mer- cer, Elias B. Caldwell, Francis S. Key, &c. &c, to whom the project of forming a Co- lonization Society was submitted. Bushrod Washington presided at the meeting. The subject was fully and eloquently discussed, among others by Mr. Clay and- Mr. Ran- dolph. The latter observed, that — " If a place could be provided for their reception and a mode of sending them hence, ihere were hun- dreds, nay thousands, who would, by manumitting their slaves, relieve themselves from the cares at- tendant on their possession." At this meeting, a letter from Thomas Jef- ferson, dated January 21, 1811, was read, in which he stated his abortive negociations with the Sierra Leone company, and with the Por- tuguese government. The following extracts are taken from this letter : " You have asked my opinion on the proposition of Ann Mifflin, to take measures for procuring on the coast of Africa, an establishment, to which the peo- ple of colour of these United States might, from time to time, be colonized, under the auspices of different governments. Having long ago viade up my mind on this subject, I have no hesitation in saying, that 1 have ever thought that the most desirable measure that could be adopted, for gradually drawing off this part of our population — most advantageous for them- selves as well as for us ; going from a country pos- sessing all the useful arts, they might be the means of transplanting them ambng the inhabitants of Africa; and would thus carry back to the country of their origin, the seeds of civilization ; which might render their sojournment here a blessing, in the end, to that country. Indeed, nothing is more to be wished, than that the United States would, themselves, under- take to make such an establishment on the coast if Africa." A society was formed; Bushrod Wash- ington was appointed president, and Messrs. Crawford, Clay, Rutgers, Howard, Gen. Jack- son, Rev. R. Fialey, &c. vice presidents. An eloquent memorial to Congress was drawn up, which Mr. Randolph undertook to present to that bodv. It may not be amiss to mention here the names of the two persons, who, during the last fit would arise. We should he cleared of them. Wo should send to Africa, a population partly civilized and christianized for its benefit. And our blacks themselves, would be put in a better situation. Think much upon this subject, and then please to write me when you have leisure."— Robert Finley LETTERS ON THE century, were in the highest degree instru- mental in directing the public attention to slavery, and the horrors of the slave trade. Although numbers of persons on each side of the Atlantic, had previously borne strong testimony against both, the pre-eminence in efficiency is due to Granville Sharpe, in En- gland, and Anthony Benezet, in Pennsylva- nia. The labours of the latter commenced about 1760, and of the former in 1770. Sharpe's career began with the case of J. Strong, who ha/1 been cruelly treated by his master, a planter of the island of Barbadoes, oy whom he had been brought to England, and being found useless, partly by disease, and partly by the inhuman treatment he had ex- perienced, was abandoned to perish in the streets of London, or to depend on mendicity for a support. Sharpe, becoming acquainted with his forlorn situation, took him under his protection, and recommended him to the care of his brother William, a respectable physi- cian, by whom he was restored to health. The brutal master asserted his claim to Strong, as soon as he had recovered his powers of use- fulness. The brothers resisted the claim, and protected Strong, for which, a prosecution was commenced against them by the master. The result is not stated in the life of Sharpe, but it is highly probable that the cause of human- ity triumphed. This case, however, and two others, of a similar character, which occurred subse- quently, did not settle the question, whether slavery could exist in England, which was brought to issue by the case of Somerset, a negro slave, (belonging to a Charles Stewart, a Virginian.) whose liberty was claimed by Sharpe, on the broad ground, that the soil of England could not be polluted by slavery. The case was brought before Lord Mansfield, in the court of king's bench, whose opinion on the subject was so far unsettled, that he declared to the counsel, on the opening of the case — that, "If it came fairly to the general question, what- ever the opinion of the court might be, even if they were all agreed upon one side or the other, the sub- ject was of so general and so extensive a concern, that, from the-nature of the question, he should cer- tainly take the opinion of the judges upon it." The case was argued three times, in Janu- ary, February, and May 1772, and the deci- sion three times postponed, on account of the doubts of the chief justice. At length, on the 22d of June, he pronounced judgment, which concluded as follows: — " There is no necessity to refer the question to the judges. Immemorial usage preserves positive law, after the occasion or accident, which gave rise to it, has been forgotten ; and tracing the subject to na- tural principles, the claim of slavery never can be supported. The power claimed never was in use here, or acknowledged by the law. Upon the whole, we cannot say the cause returned is sufficient by the law: and therefore the man must lie discharged." Anthony Bcnozet was ;m indefatigable ad- vocate of the rights of the coloured people, and an ardent, enemy of the execrable slave trade, on which he wrote a number of pam- phlets, the distribution of which had a pow- erful effect in producing the efforts that led to the abolition of that traffic. Several per- sons, belonging to the society of Friends, in this country, had previously laboured in the same cause of humanity, among whom were William Burling, Ralph Sanfbrd, Benjamin Lay, and John Woolman. But their labours, though highly meritorious, were by no means so effectual as those of Benezet, who, how- ever, had the advantage, that he found the public mind rather better prepared by those estimable pioneers, for the reception of his doctrines. The first emigration of coloured people from the United States to Africa, was conducted by Paul Cuffee, an amiable, benevolent, and liberal coloured man, born at New Bedford, in 1759, of an African father and aboriginal mother. In the year 1815, he sailed from Boston, in a vessel of his own, and took with him nine families, containing thirty-eight per- sons, of whom only eight paid their expenses. The whole expense of the remaining thirty, amounting to above three thousand dollars, was defrayed by the noble-minded Paul Cuf- fee. He landed them in Sierra Leone, where they were kindly received. Had he means, he might, in 1816, have taken 2000 from New England, as nearly the whole were willing to take passage with him. " Paul Cuffee, by industry and enterprize, guided by an uncommon snare of plain sense and prac deal wisdom, arose from poverty to opulence. He was largely concerned in navigation ; and, in many voy- ages, particularly to Russia, England, Africa, the West Indies, and the Southern states, commanded his own vessel. A man of sterling integrity and ac- tive benevolence, of modest and dignified manners, he was known and honoured by persons of the first respectability, in England and the United States." Philadelphia, April 10, 1832. LETTER III. Agents sent to Africa to explore the coast for a suitable situation. — Land purchased. — Conflict with the natives. — Agent seized by them. — Monrovia besieged. — In immi- nent danger. — Colonists triumph. — Peace. In November, 1819. the society appointed two agents, the Rev. S. J. Mills and Mr. Ebe- nezer Burgess, to proceed to the coast of Africa, via England, to make the necessary explorations and inquiries as to a suitable lo cation tor a settlement. The object of land ing in England, was, to procure letters to the leading men at Sierra Leone, and also to gain such general information respecting the coast of Africa, as might be attainable. They suc- ceeded in both objects, and procured, more- over, recommendations from the court of Co- penhagen, to its colonial authorities on the coast They sailed from the Downs on the 7th of February, 1830, and arrived at Sierra AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 9 Leone early in March. They visited all the ports from Sierra Leone to Sherboro. At this fast place, they found a small colony of co- loured people, settled by John Kizel, a South Carolina slave, who had joined the British in the revolutionary war, and at its close was taken to Nova Scotia, from whence he sailed with a number of his countrymen to Africa, where he established this small settlement, which was, at the arrival of the agents, in a prosperous situation. By Kizel and his peo- ple, the agents were kindly and hospitably received. After gaining all the information necessary for their purpose, they sailed from the coast in May. Mr. Burgess arrived in the United States in the following month. Mr. Mills died on the passage. On the 2d of March, 1607, an act was passed by the Congress of the United States, prohibiting the slave trade, from and after the 1st of January, 1808, under heavy penalties. Its chief features were, I. Any person engaged in fitting out a ves- sel for that trade, was liable to a penalty of 20,000 dollars. II. Any person taking on board a vessel on the coast of Africa, any negro, mulatto, or person of colour, was subject to a penalty of 5000 dollars. III. All vessels of the United States, found at sea by our cruisers, having been engaged in the slave trade, were to be forfeited, with all their tackle ; the captain or master to be tried, and, if found guilty, to be subject to a fine of $10,000, and to imprisonment for not more than ten, nor less than five years. This act contained a clause, whereby ne- groes brought hito the United States, in con- sequence of its provisions, were to be " sub- ject to any regulations, not contravening the provisions of the act, which the legisla- tures of the several states or territories might thereafter make, for disposing of such ne- groes." By an act passed by the legislature of Geor- gia, on the 18th of J3ecember, 1817, all ne- groes, mulattoes, or persons of colour brought into the state, in pursuance of the above act of Congress, were directed to be claimed by a person to be appointed by the governor, taken to Milledgeville, and there sold, after sixty days notice in a public gazette. It is obvious that the law of Congress, abo- lishing the slave trade, would be a solemn mockery, unless an asylum were provided for the captured negroes. If landed in Georgia, or any other of the slave-holding states, they would be sold as slaves, and in that case, the only effect of the law of congress would be, to change the location of the victims from the Havanna or Rio de Janeiro, to Augusta, or Savannah, or Milledgeville. And the non- slave holding states would never consent to be burdened with negroes who could not speak their language, nor be able, for a long time, to earn a support, and who would there- fore become paupers. The law of Georgia, however, contained a clause which authorised and required the go- vernor to deliver to the Colonization Society, all captured negroes, landed in the state, pro- vided the society paid all the expenses incur- red by the state, since their capture and con- demnation. A slaver, containing thirty-eight negroes, was captured by one of our government ves- sels, and brought into Georgia. The negroes were advertised for sale, on the 3d of May, 1819, at Milledgeville, in pursuance of the above act. The Colonization Society, then in its infancy, availed itself of the clause refer- red to — paid the expenses incurred by the state, and rescued the victims of piratical cu- pidity from a perpetual slavery. Cases of this kind which had previously oc- curred, drew the attention of congress to the necessity of providing an asylum tor the cap- tured negroes ; and accordingly, an act was passed on the 3d of March, 1819, whereby the president was "authorized to make such regulations and arrangements as he might deem expedient, for the safe keeping, support, and removal beyond the limits of the United States, of all such negroes, mulattoes, or per- sons of colour, as might [in this manner,] be brought within their jurisdiction ; and to ap- point a proper person or persons, residing upon the coast of Africa, as agent or agents, for receiving the negroes, mulattoes, or per- sons of colour, delivered from on board vessels seized in the prosecution of the slave trade, by commanders of the United States' armed vessels." It was obvious that the objects of the go- vernment could be better accomplished in conjunction with the Colonization Society, than separately. Accordingly, in the year 1820, the Elizabeth was chartered, and took out to the coast two agents of the govern- ment, one from the Society, and about eighty emigrant* The latter were to be employed at tlie expense of the government, in prepar- ing accommodations for the reception of re- captured negroes. They were, in the outset, extremely un- fortunate. They found it impossible to obtain a suitable place, and " were compelled, by a variety of untoward circumstances, to make a temporary establishment in the low, un- healthy island of Sherboro." Here they were detained some time, endeavouring to purchase land — a nd were attacked by fatal diseases, which carried off the three agents, and twenty of the colonists. The colony was in a lamentable state, in the spring of 1821. Great confusion and want of subordination prevailed, in conse- quence of the death of the agents. At that time, four new ones arrived, Messrs. An- drews, Wiltberger, Winn, and Bacon; the 10 LETTERS ON THE two first on the part of the Society, and the others on that of the United States. They brought out twenty-eight emigrants — and, from the difficulties that had occurred in pro- curing land, they proceeded with the old and new hands to the neighbourhood of Sierra Le- one. One of the agents, Mr. Bacon, being taken sick, returned- to the United States. Mr. Andrews died in August, and Mr. Whin in September. This was a most appalling state of things, and would have discouraged ordinary men from a prosecution of the scheme. Fortu- nately, such timid counsels did not prevail. The Society determined to persevere, trust- ing that more experience, and the choice of a more salubrious situation, would guard against a repetition of those disasters. A new agent, Dr. Ayres, was appointed, who, with Lieutenant Stockton, on the part of the Unked States, sailed in November, 1821, and arrived on the coast of Africa in December. On a careful examination of the coast, they purchased the country called Mont- serado, where the colony is now settled. The price agreed upon, was three hundred dollars, payable in powder and ball, fire-arms, tobac- co, clothing, &c. The Africans who had been landed at Sierra Leone, were now sent for, and affairs wore a promising aspect, when an untoward circum- stance occurred, which threatened a total failure of the scheme. A small slave vessel, prize to an English schooner, with thirty recaptured slaves on board, and bound for Sierra Leone, put in for water at Perseverance island, part of the pur- chased territory, where the colonists were stationed. Having unfortunately parted her cable, she drifted on shore, where she was wrecked. The custom of the coast appropri- ates to the petty chief on whose lands a wreck takes place, the vessel and her entire con- tents. King George, on whose territory the accident happened, sent his people to take possession. They were resisted by the cap- tain and crew, and were discomfited. While the natives were preparing to renew the at- tack, the captain sent to the agent for assist- ance, which was readily granted. A boat was instantly manned, and sent to his relief, and a brass field piece on the island brought to bear on the assailants, who were accord- ingly routed, with the loss of two killed and several wounded. The crew and slaves were brought in safety to land, but the vessel went to pieces, and most of the stores and property was lost. This exasperated the natives, not merely by the loss of their plunder and their men, but by the prospect it held out of similar interfer- ences in future. They anticipated the total interruption of the slave trade, which was their principal dependence for procuring sup- olios of whatever they might want. They therefore determined, to extirpate the colony, while in its feeble and defenceless state. Only part of the goods had been delivered, and the natives refused to receive the remain- der, insisting on returning what they had re- ceived. This, of course, the agent refused, and they had recourse to a stratagem to ac- complish their purpose. They invited him to an amicable conference, and as soon as they had him in their power, made him a piisoner, and detained him until he consented to take the articles back. Then they insisted on the colonists withdrawing from the settlement altogether. Pleading the difficulty of re- moval, for want of a place to which to retire, he was permitted to remain till he could make a purchase of land. Meanwhile, he made an appeal to Boatswain, one of the native kings, who enjoyed a sort of supremacy among them, and who, on hearing the respective al- legations, gave an award in favour of the co- lonists, that the bargain had been fair on both sides ; that there was no ground for rescind- ing it ; and therefore, that the natives should receive the stipulated goods, and relinquish the purchased territory. With this judgment his perfidious regal brethren were forced to comply, as he threatened them with ven- geance, if they proved refractory. < Notwithstanding this favourable decision of the dangerous controversy, the colony was at the lowest ebb at that period. It had to dread the vengeance of its neighbours, on the departure of Boatswain, whose territories were considerably remote, and before whose return, for their defence, they might be crushed by the overwhelming numbers of their enemies. And, unfortunately, through the unskilfulness of the colonial engineer, the thatch of the store house, wherein were contained the pro- visions, arms, ammunition, merchandize, and other public property of the colony, had taken fire, in their conflict in the defence of the English prize ship, and the house and nearly all its contents, amounting in value to about three thousand dollars, assorted for the settle- ment, and all of the first necessity, were con- sumed. The powder, a few casks of provi- sions, and a scanty supply of other stores, were with difficulty, rescued from the flames, by the exertions of the colonists. " The houses were yet destitute of roofs, for which the materials were to be sought for, in the almost impenetrable swamps of the country. The rainy season hail already commenced. The island (Per- severance,) if much longer occupied by the colo- nists, must prove the grave of many. Sickness was beginning to be prevalent, and ihe agents were among the sufferers. The store of provisions was scanty, and all other stores nearly exhausted." In this gloomy state of affairs, Dr. Ayres determined to remove the Colonists, their pro- visions, sCores, &c. to Sierra Leone. The Society's agent, Mr. Wiltbergcr, opposed this project ; convinced that if the Colonists re- moved, the land purchased could not be reco- vered. At his instance the Colonists heroically AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 11 rejected it, and determined to remain, in the hope of a melioration of their affairs. At this eventful period, to cheer the hopes and to revive the courage of the settlers, a vessel arrived from Baltimore, with a number of recaptured slaves, and thirty-seven free co- loured people, under the superintendance of the Rev. Mr. Aslimun; who, on landing 1 , found, to his great surprise, that the agents had returned to America, having left the co- lony under the care of a coloured man. The natives were brooding over, not only their discomfiture in the attack on the En- glish vessel, but on the very unwelcome deci- sion of Boatswain, of the controversy about the soil. As soon as he had retired, they be- gan to make preparations for an attack, in or- der to extirpate such formidable neighbours, before they had gamed sufficient strength to set them at defiance. The colonists were in a very indifferent state to meet the attack. " Of the native Americans, twenty-seven, when not sick, were able to bear arms, but were wholly untrained to their use, and capa- ble, in their present undisciplined state, of making but a very feeble defence. There were forty muskets in store, which, with re- pairing, were capable of being rendered ser- viceable. Of one brass, and five iron guns attached to the settlement, the former only was fit for service, and four of the latter re- quired carriages. Some of them had been nearly buried in the mud on the opposite side of the river. Not a good abattis or other fencework, had been completed. There was no fixed ammunition; nor, without great dif- ficulty and delay, was it possible to load the only gun which was provided with a sufficient carriage." The colonists, by means of " a spy in the enemy's camp," had information of all their plans of attack, and made all the preparation in their power to repel them. But their num- ber was small, having only thirty-five effec- tive men. Their defences were incomplete, and the most alarming feature in their affairs was, that the agent, the Rev. Mr. Ashman, a man of the most extraordinary zeal, ardour, and energy, was dangerously ill, confined fre- quently to his bed, and at tunes, rather deliri- ous, and wholly unable to attend to his duties. " From the middle of September till the first week in November, he continued in an ex- tremely low and dangerous state; so en- tirely debilitated in body and mind, as to be nearly incapable of motion, and insensible to every tiling, but the consciousness of suf- fering." The attack was made on the 8th of No- vember, 1822, by a force of above eight hun- dred men. In consequence of the sickness of the agent, and his inability to enforce his orders personally, one pass had been neglected to be properly defended. There, the enemy found an entrance, and captured one of the guns ; which, very fortunately, they knew not how to manage. At this awful crisis, when total destruction seemed inevitable, the colo- nists were saved by the want of discipline of the assailants. They had captured four houses, and betook themselves to plunder them, whereby they got into confusion, and afforded the colonists time to rally. Had the enemy availed themselves of their first suc- cess, resistance, on the part of the besieged, would have been in vain. But the latter hav- ing recovered from their surprise, recaptured the gun, and turned it on the enemy, among whom, as they were wedged in a solid mass, it made a horrible havoc. They lost sixty or eighty men, and fled in utter confusion. The loss of the colonists was nearly in the same proportion to their numbers. They had three men and one woman killed; two men and two women severely wounded ; and lour chil- dren captured. , Although thus completely discomfited, the natives did not abandon their design of ex- terminating the colony. They determined to renew the attack with additional forces, collecting auxiliaries from as many of the neighbouring tribes as they could induce to unite with them. The colonists, on their side, were equally on the alert, and made incredi- ble exertions to prepare for repelling the as- sailants. They reduced the extent of their works, and thus rendered them more defen sible than they had been on the former at- tack. But the number of effective men was less, being only thirty. The attack was made on the 30th of No- vember, and incomparably better concerted than the former one. It took place almost simultaneously on three sides of the fortifica- tions. The assailants displayed a tact and skill that would have done credit to more ex- perienced warriors. But they were received with that bravery and determination which the danger of total destruction, in case of de- feat, was calculated to inspire, and were finally defeated with severe loss. The gar- rison had one man killed, and two badly wounded. The skill and talent, and energy of Mr. Ashmun, mainly secured the triumph. He received three buliets through his clothes, but was not wounded. The action continued an hour and a half, and was renewed three times, with the ut- most desperation. " There was, at this time, little surgical knowledge, less skill, and absolutely no in- struments — not a lancet nor probe in the settlement. Its little dispensary had no lack of James's powders, and stores of febrifuges , but for medicating broken bones, and ex- tracting fragments of pot metal and copper ship bolts from the shattered limbs of the colonists, there had been no provision what- ever. A dull penknife and a common razor were substituted in the place of the first, 12 LETTERS ON THE and a priming iron made to answer the pur- pose of the last." His Britannic majesty's schooner Driver, fortunately arrived in the harbour at this time, and the commander kindly offered his services as mediator, which were gladly ac- cepted by both paities, as they were equally tired of " the unprofitable contest." The na- tive princes signed an engagement " to ob- serve an unlimited truce with the colony, and submit all their differences to the arbi- tration of the governor of Sierra Leone." Since that period the colonists have not been molested. They are the objects of re- spect and veneration, and their friendship is sought after by all the petty kings in their neighbourhood. A regular form of government was adopted in 1824, which produced the happiest effects on the morals and manners of the colonists. In truth, this period may be stated as almost the commencement of the establishment — the four preceding years having been the reign of anarchy and confusion. Philadelphia, April 12, 1632. LETTER IV. Increase of the Coloured population. The dangers arising from the great in- crease of a caste in the nation, who are by immemorial custom or prejudice, the eradi- cation of which can scarcely be hoped for, cut off from all chance of amalgamation with their fellow beings of a different colour, are yearly augmenting by the natural horror of slavery, which is constantly gaining strength in the breasts of the slaves ; by the unceas- ing discussions in our papers, especially by those that recently took place in the legisla- ture of Virginia; and by the inflammatory publications, which are clandestinely spread among the slaves, in spite of the vigilance and denunciations of their masters. Circum- stances, too, are occasionally occurring, which tend to fan the flame; among which may be reckoned, the general manumission of the slaves in the royal colonies of Great Britain, and the steady persevering efforts, in and out of parliament in that kingdom, to procure a total emancipation in all the Bri- tish colonies. In the discussion of this subject, it is only necessary to cast a furtive glance at the scenes in St. Domingo, and more recently in Jamaica, and the various insurrections plan- ned and attempted in this country, to be sa- tisfied, that the subject has not hitherto at- tracted that consideration in general, to which it is entitled by its great magnitude and importance. Although there is, we hope and trust, no great danger of such insurrec- tionary attempts proving successful, yet they may, and in ail probability will, produce re- petitions of the horrible scenes which took place at Southampton, at which humanity shudders. On this view of the subject, it could scarcely have been anticipated, that the scheme proposed by the colonization Society, of removing such of the free people of co lour as are disposed to emigrate to the land of their fathers, and such slaves as are eman- cipated, on condition of removal to that land, and attbrding strong inducement to emanci- pation, of whose benign effects, we have re- cently seen so many instances, should have met with any opposition. It is, nevertheless, certain, that it has been violently opposed in two quarters, where it might have rationally been supposed likely to meet with most fa- vour, in South Carolina, and among some of the free blacks, of whom, the latter were for- merly decidedly in favour of the views of the Society. We shall, in the sequel, consider how far the actual very depressed situation and future prospects of the free coloured peo- ple, warrant their opposition to a scheme calculated to confer on them all the advan- tages and blessings of freedom and indepen- dence, from so many of which they are de- barred in this country. At present, we shall confine ourselves to the case of South Caro; lina. That state is by tar more particularly interested in the success of the scheme than any other, except perhaps Louisiana; as these are the only two states in which the- slave population exceeds that of the whites. Population of South Carolina. Whites Slaves. In 1760 131,181 107,094 1830 257;878 315,565 Thus it appears, that while the slaves very nearly trebled their numbers in forty years, the whites did not quite double theirs. The relative situation of the white and co- loured population east of the Blue Ridge, in Virginia, places this subject in a striking point of view. It appears that the latter have gained on the former in forty years, 106,1 76, being more than a fourth part of the number of whites at present in that part of the coun- try. To render this case more remarkable, it is to be observed, that during this period, the shipment of slaves from that portion of Virginia to the more southern states, has been carried to an enormous extent. Population East of the Blue Ridge. Total. Majority. Whites. Blacks. Whites. Blacks. In 1790 31 1,523 2S9,425 25,098 1800 336,289 339,293 3,004 1810 33-y"f>3 3^6.942 48,389 1820 347,872 413,928 66,056 1830 375,935 457,013 81,078 The following table exhibits the increase of the free coloured people in the United AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 13 States, from the year 1790, to the present time. In 1790 59,481 In 1820 233,530 1800 110,073 1830 319,467 1810 18(i,468 A multiplication of nearly six fold in forty years, and above 33 per ct. in the last 10 years. Number of slaves at the different periods of taking the census. 1790 697,697 1820 1,538,128 1800 896,849 1830 2,011,320 1810 1,191,364 The disparity of increase of the white and coloured population in the rive original slave states, deserves attention. 1790. Whites. Slaves. Maryland 208,650 103,036 Virginia 442.127 292,627 North Carolina 288 204 100,572 South Carolina 130,178 107,094 Georgia 52,836 29,264 1,122,045 632,593 1830. Whites, Slaves. Maryland 291,093 102,878 Virginia 694,439 469,724 North Carolina 472,433 246,462 South Carolina 257,878 315,665 Georgia 296,614 217,407 2,012,457 1,352,136 It thus appears, that the whites, in forty years, increased only about eighty per cent., while the slaves increased one hundred and twelve. In North Carolina, the whites in- creased but sixty-four per cent., while the slaves increased one hundred and forty-five. The number of slaves in Maryland has slightly decreased, partly by manumissions, and partly by the shipment of slaves to the more southern states, both of which have taken place in that state, on a large scale. The free coloured population in 1790, was only 8,042 ; whereas, in 1830, it was 52,942. Table of the number of coloured people, free and slaves, in the United States, at the various periods of taking the census, together with a statement of the numbers that will be in the country every decennial census, till 1880, at the rate of increase that took place between 1 820 and 1830, viz. 35 per cent. 1790 757,178 1840 3,145,552 1800 1,006,922 1850 4,246,494 1810 1,377,819 1860 5,732,768 1820 1,771,558 1870 7,739,236 1830 2,330,187 1880 10,446,968 Wbat fearful presages arise in the mind, when we consider that in 1830, at the pre- sent rate of increase, the population of the U. S., then above 54,000,000, will embrace more than 10,000,000 of a distinct race, be- tween whom and the majority, cordiality can scarcely be expected ! What an admo- nitory lesson in favour of colonization ! Philadelphia, April 14, 1832. LETTER V. Expense of Passage. It remains to ascertain, as nearly as possi- ble, the expense of emigration. The passage is, at present, calculated at about twenty dollars, and the expense for the maintenance of each emigrant for six months, at about 15 dollars; making all to- gether, 35 dollars. But children from two to twelve years of age, are taken at half price, and below two years, free of charge ; allowing for a due pro- portion of children, thirty dollars would be a tolerably fair estimate for passage and sup- port. Moreover, when the situation of the co- lony becomes better known, and the preju- dices which have been industriously created against it, are done away, many emigrants will defray their own expenses; and many humane and charitable masters will, as has taken place already, pay the passage of their manumitted slaves. Again, for a long time to come, there will be, as there is at present, a great demand in the colony for labourers; and able-bodied men will, immediately on landing, be able to procure employment. In a former report it was stated, that of the whole number of emi- grants that arrived in one vessel, only seven were unemployed in twenty days. Consider- ing all these circumstances, we might be au- thorized to assume an average of twenty dol- lars for each ; but if we err at all, it is better to err on the safe side, and assume twenty- five. It appears that the annual increase is a lit- tle above 2\ per cent. In the first edition we erroneously assumed '3L Two and a half per cent, on the present number of coloured people in the United States, probably 2,400,000, amounts to 60,000 annually. Supposing the object to be the prevention of any increase, and that there- fore provision would have to be made for the conveyance of 60,000 annually, at 25 dol- lars each, the expense would be $1,500,000. This sum is large, and would require con- siderable sacrifices. But was any grand ob- ject ever attained without great sacrifices 1 We were, when in a comparatively feeble state, able to raise $100,000,000 in a year and a half, for the support of a war. Our revenue has been, for years, 'from 20 to $25,000,001), and the national debt is nearly paid off. The direct tax,pf the state of Penn- sylvania in the year 1815, was $730,968, and that of Virginia, $738,036, which were paid without any oppression of the citizens of either. And surely, if reason and com- mon sense have fair play, it will not be diffi- cult to procure an amendment of the consti- tution, (if such an amendment be necessary, which is doubted by many of our citizens) by three-fourths of the states, allowing the ap- II LETTERS ON THE propriation of a sum necessary for the pur- pose ; and never did a nation make a more useful appropriation. Tliere are thirteen non-slaveholding states. There can be no doubt that these would ra- tify such an amendment; and from the pre- valence of the conviction in .Maryland, Vir- ginia, and North Carolina, of the dangers that menace the country from this source, their immediate concurrence might be cal- culated on: and the consent of two more would probably be had in a year or two, as the subject came to be more fully discussed, and of consequence, better understood. Philadelphia, April 15, 1832. LETTER VI. Manumissions, with a vieto of sending the emancipated slaves to Liberia. Among the most promising and encourag- ing circumstances attending the career of this society, are the numerous manumissions that .have taken place in almost all the slave states, on the express condition of the freed people being sent to Liberia. These manumissions have occurred on a scale that the most sanguine friends of the scheme could not have anticipated. Entire families have been blest with their freedom, from the most pure motives, a conviction of the immorality and injustice of slavery — and in many cases ample provision has been made for the expense of their passage, and in some, for their support in Liberia. They have been thus released from the debase- ment and degradation of slavery, and sent to the land of their fathers, to partake of all the happsness that freedom and the certainty of enjoying all the fruits of their labour, can inspire. It would be endless to enumerate the cases of this kind that have occurred. ' Some of them must be recorded, that the acts and the names of the parties, where known, may have the applause to which they are entitled, and, what is of more consequence, that they may serve as stimuli to others, to follow the noble example. A lady, near Charlestown, Va. liberated all her slaves, ten in number, to be sent to Liberia ; and moreover purchased two, whose families were among her slaves. P'or the one she gave $450, and for the other $350. The late Wm. Fitzhugh, bequeathed their freedom to all his slaves, after a certain fixed period, and ordered that their expenses should be paid to whatsoever place they should think proper to go. And, " as an encourage- ment to them to emigrate to the American colony on the coast of Africa, where," adds the will, "I believe their happiness will be more permanently secured, I desire not only that the expenses of their emigration be paid, but that the sum of fifty dollars be paid to each one so emigrating, on his or her arrival in Africa." David Shriver, of Frederick co. Maryland, ordered by his will, that all his slaves, thirty in number, should be emancipated, and that proper provision should be made for the com- fortable support of the infirm and aged, and for the instruction of the young in reading, writing, and arithmetic, and in some art or trade, by which they might acquire the means of support, i Col. Smith, an old revolutionary officer, of Sussex county, Va. ordered in his will, that all his slaves, seventy or eighty in number, should be emancipated; and bequeathed above $5000 to defray the expense of transporting them to Liberia. Patsey Morris, of Louisa co., Va. directed by will, that all her slaves, sixteen in num- ber, should be emancipated, and left $500 to fit them out, and defra}' the expense of their passage. The schooner Randolph, which sailed from Georgetown, S. C, had on board 26 slaves, liberated by a benevolent individual near Cheraw. Of 105 emigrants, who sailed in the brig Doris, from Baltimore and Norfolk, 62 were, emancipated on condition of being conveyed to Liberia. Sampson David, late a member of the le- gislature of Tennessee, provided by will, that all his slaves, 22 in number, who are mostly young, should be liberated in 1840, or sooner, at his wife's decease, if she died before that period. Herbert B. Elder, of Petersburg, Va. be- queathed their freedom to all his slaves, twenty in number, with directions that they should be conveyed ■ to Liberia, by the first opportunity. A gentleman in Georgia, has recently left 49 slaves free, on condition of their removal to Liberia. Mrs. Elizabeth Morris, of Bourbon co. Va., provided by will for the emancipation of her slaves, about forty in number. David Patterson, of Orange co. N. C, freed eleven slaves, to be sent to Liberia. Rev. Fletcher Andrew, gave freedom to twenty, who constituted most of his property, for the same purpose. Nathaniel Crenshaw, near Richmond, li- berated sixty slaves, with a view to have them sent to Liberia. Rev. Robert Cox, Suffolk co. Va., provided by his will for the emancipation of all his slaves, upwards of thirty, and left several hun- dred dollars to pay their passage to Liberia. Joseph Leonard Smith, of Frederic co. Md., liberated twelve slaves, who sailed from Baltimore lor Liberia. Of 107 coloured persons who sailed in the Carolinian, from Norfolk for Liberia, 45 were emancipated on condition of being sent there. AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. J5 In the brig Criterion, which sailed from Norfolk for Liberia, on the 2d August 1831, there were forty-six persons who had been liberated, on condition of proceeding to Li- beria ; 18 by Mrs. Greenfield, near Natchez ; 8 by Mr. Williams, of Elizabeth city, N. C. ; 7 by Gen. Jacocks, of Perquimans, Ohio ; 4 by Thomas Davis, Montgomery co. Miss. ; 2 by two other individuals; and 5 by some of the Quakers in North Carolina. Of those liberated slaves, 2 only were above 40 years of age, 31 were under 35, and 22 under 20. A gentleman in N. C. last year, gave free- dom to all his slaves, 14 in number, and pro- vided 20 dollars each, to pay their passage to Liberia. Mrs. J. of Mercer co. Kentucky, and her two sons, one a clergyman, and the other a physician, lately offered the Colonization Society sixty slaves, to be conveyed to Li- beria. Henry Robertson, of Hampton, Va., be- queathed their freedom to seven slaves, and fifty dollars to each, to aid in their removal to Liberia. William Fletcher, of Perquimans, N. C.', ordered by will, that his slaves, twelve in number, should be hired out for a year after his death, to earn wherewith to pay for their conveyance to Liberia. 'A gentleman in Kentucky, lately wrote to the secretary of the Society, " I will wil- lingly give up twelve or fifteen of my co- loured people at this time ; and so on gradu- ally, fill the whole, about sixty, are given up, if means for their passage can be af- forded." On board the Harriet, from Norfolk, of one hundred and sixty emigrants, between forty and fifty had been slaves, emancipated on condition of being sent to Africa. In addition to these instances, several others might be added, particularly that of Richard Bibb, Esq. of Kentucky, who pro- poses to send sixty slaves to Liberia — two gentlemen in Missouri, who desire to send eleven slaves — a lady in Kentucky offers 40 — the Rev. John C. Burress, of Alabama, in- tends preparing all his slaves for coloniza- tion — the Rev. William L. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, manumitted 11 slaves, who sailed a few weeks ago from New Orleans. In this work of benevolence, the society of Friends, as in so many other cases, have nobly distinguished themselves, and assumed a prominent attitude. They have, in North Carolina, liberated no less than 652 slaves, whom they had under their care, besides, as says my authority, an unknown number of children, husbands and wives, connected with them by consanguinity, and of whom, part went to Canada, part to Liberia, part to Hayti, and a portion to Ohio. In the perform- ance of these acts of benevolence, they ex- pended $12,759. They had remaining under their care, in December 1830, 402 slaves, for whom similar arrangements were to be made. It holds out every encouragement to the Colonization Society, that the applications for the transportation of free negroes, and slaves proposed to be emancipated on condi- tion of removal to . Liberia, far exceed its means. There are, in North Carolina and the adjacent states, from three to tour thou- sand of both descriptions, ready to embark, were the Society in a situation to send them away. Philadelphia, April 17, 1832. LETTER VII. Progress of Liberia. — Inauspicious com- mencement in Massachusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina. A brief comparison of the progress made in Liberia, with the colonization of Massa- chusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina, will place the first on high ground, and dispel the doubts of the most sceptical, as to the ul- timate success of this magnificent and be- nignant undertaking, if it receive a due de- gree of support. Let it be observed, that the society never made any calculation on being able to accomplish the mighty object of their enterprise by private resources alone. That would have been extravagant folly. The success must, they well knew, ultimately de- pend on the patronage of the general and state governments, united. This patronage they fondly hope to obtain, as soon as the prejudices that have been created against this enterprise, have been dissipated. The society has done its duty in proving the prac- ticability of the scheme, and will steadily continue its exertions on a scale proportioned to the means placed at its disposal. Furthei than this it never promised. The first expedition to Liberia, took place in 1820 ; but the colonists, as has been al- ready stated, met with so many difficulties and embarrassments at the commencement, that it was not until the year 1824, that or- der or srood government was established. All that" has been accomplished worth no- tice has, therefore, taken place within the last eight years. What, then, is the state of the case"? There are now above 2000 souls settled, contented, happy, and prosperous ; enjoying all the apparatus of a regular government; an improving agriculture; a prosperous and increasing commerce; settlements rapidly extending; a large territory, possessed of ex- traordinary advantages of soil, climate, and situation for commerce, fairly and honoura- bly purchased, about one hundred and fifty K LETTERS ON TIIE miles on the coast, and extending into the interior of the country thirty or forty miles; several slave factories destroyed, and the slaves liberated ; the slave trade abolished for about 40 miles above and below the co- lony ; the circumjacent aboriginals tranquil- izer, regarding the settlers with reverence, and looking up to them for protection from the ferocious violence of those hostes humani generis, the slave traders ; the attacks of a host of confederated petty kings repelled in 1822, in the very infancy of the colony, and in its most feeble state ; education care- fully attended to; the children of the natives sent in for instruction to the schools of the colonists; morals and religion flourishing. In a word, the most sanguine expectations of the founders of the colony more than real- ized, at this very early stage of its existence. It may be doubted whether any colony ever throve more, and few, so completely, in so short a space of time. One feature in this colony most honoura- bly distinguishes it from almost every other colony, established in ancient or modern times. Of all other colonies, the founders were impelled by a desire of conquest; a thirst of aggrandizement, or of the acquisi- tion of wealth. With no such views, were the founders of Liberia actuated. Pure be- nevolence alone, inspired the illustrious men, the Finleys, the Thorntons, the Wasli- ingtons, the Mercers, the Ashmuns, the Cald wells, the Meades, theGurleys,who pro- jected or aided in the formation of the so- ciety. The ben&fit of the colonists, and the peace and happiness of this country, were the objects. For the attainment of those im- portant objects, they devoted their time, and their substance, and have patiently endured the scoffs, and ridicule, and scorn, to which their grand enterprise, in common with all other great and novel undertakings, was sub- jected. Let us now cast an eye on the early re- sults of the attempts at the colonization of Massachusetts, Virginia, and North Caro- lina. The pilgrims who commenced the settle- ment of Massachusetts, landed in December, 1620, 'M the number of 120; and so ill were they provided with provisions and clothing', and so inclement was the season, that about fifty of them perished in the course of the winter and the ensuing spring.* And, al- though they received frequent reinforce- ments, there remained but three hundred in the year 1030, one half of the whole num- ber having perished in the severe winter of 1629-t What a striking contrast Liberia exhibits! How exhilarating and encouraging to its * Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. I. page 49. * Idem, page 102. friends, and how useful a lesson does it hold out to its enemies, to cease their opposition ! But inauspicious as the incipient opera- tions were in Massachusetts, the result was far worse for 21 years in Virginia. The first attempt at a settlement took place in 1585, and was succeeded for years by several nu- merous reinforcements, which, in a great measure, fell victims to their own irregulari- ties, or to the hostile attacks of the Indians, whom those irregularities provoked. In 1610, the heroic Smith, the father of the colony, brought out a strong reinforcement, and re- turned home for further supplies of men provisions, arms, and ammunition, leaving the colony, as he supposed, secure against any contingency, however adverse, whether from the severity of the weather, or the as- saults of the Indians. But all his calcula- tions were miserably defeated by the worth- lessness, extreme insubordination, and licen- tiousness of the colonists. " Smith left the colony furnished with three ships good fortifications, twenty-five pieces of cannon, arms, ammunition, apparel, commodities for tra- ding, and tools for all kinds of labour. At James' Town there were nearly sixty houses. The settlers had begun to plant, and to fortify at five or six other places. The number of inhabitants was nearly five hundred. They had just gathered in their Indian harvest, and, besides, had considerable provision in their stores. They had between five and six hun- dred hogs, an equal number of fowls, some goats, and some sheep. They had also boats, net.*, and good accommodations for fishing. But such was the sedition, idleness, and dissipation of this mad people, that they were soon reduced to the most miserable circumstances. No sooner was Captain Smith gone, than the savages, provoked by their dissolute prac- tices, and encouraged by their want of govern- ment, revolted, hunted and slew them from place to place. Nansemond, the plantation at the falls, and all the out-settlements were abandoned. In a short time, nearly forty of the company were cut off by the enemy. Their time and provisions were ciiiis mned in riot; their utensils were stolen or de- stroyed ; their hogs, sheep, and fowls killed and car- ried off by the Indians. The sword without, and fa- mine and sickness within, soon made among them surprising destruction. Within the term of six months, of their whole number, sixty only survived. These were mostly poor, famishing wretches, sub- sisting chiefly on herbs, acorns, and berries. Such was the famine, that they fed on the skins of theii dead horses; nav. they boiled and ate tho flesh of the dead. Indeed, they were reduced to such ex- . that had they not been relieved, the whole colony, in eight or ten days, would have been ex- tinct." Sueh are tlie dire ellects of idleness, faction, and want of proper subordination."* All the difficulties and disasters that have occurred in Liberia, from the commencement of the settlement till the present time, fa,ll far short of a tithe of the calamities which befel the settlers in Virginia in six months. We have not as many details of the disas- ters in North Carolina. Williamson, its his- torian, is very brief on the subject ; but he tells enough to prove that similar disorders, and similar disasters took place there. The * Holmes's Annals, Vol I. page 60. AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 17 colony was commenced in 1668; and in 1694, " the list of taxables was only 787, be- ing little more than half the number that were there in 1677," seventeen years before " Such," says the writer, " were the baneful effects of rapine, anarchy, and idleness."* Philadelphia, April 18, 1832. LETTER VIII. Legislative and ecclesiastical proceedings in favour of Colonization, and of the So- ciety. — Connecticut, New Jersey, Ken- tucky, Delaware, Massachusetts, Tennes- see, Indiana, Pennsylvania, Muryland,er- mitted to derive nothing 'but barbarianism, from in- tercourse with the countries which stand at the head of civilization? It is not possible. "I know it is said, that it is impossible to civilize Africa. Why ? Why is it impossible to civilize man in one part of the earth more than in another? Con- sult history. Was Italy — was Greece, the cradle of civilization ? JN'o. As far back as the lights of tra- dition reach, Africa was the cradle of science, while Syria, and Greece, and Italy, were yet covered with darkness. As far back as wc can trace the first ru- diments of improvement, they came from the very head waters oi the Nile, far in the interior of Africa; and there are yet to be found, in shapeless ruins, the monuments of this primeval civilization. To come down to a much later period, while the west and north of Europe were ytt barbarous, the Mediter- ranean coast of Africa was Jill' d with cities, acade- mies, museums, churches, and a highly cieilizi d popu- lation. What has raised the Gaul, the Belgium, the Germany, the Scandinavia, the Britain of ancient geography, to their present impro\ ed and improving conditions Africa is not now sunk lower, than most of these countries were eighteen centuries ago; and the engines of social influence are increased a thou- sand fold in numbers and efficacy. Jt is not eigh- teen hundred years, since Scotland, whose metro- )hi1is has been called the Alliens of modem Europe, the country of Hume, of Smilh, of Robertson, of Blair, of Stewart, of Brown, of Jeffrey - ! of Chalmers, of Scott, of Brougham, was a wilderness, infested by painted savages. It is not a thousand years, since the north of Germany, now filled with beauti- ful cities, learned universities, and the best educa- ted population in the world, was a dreary, pathless forest." — E. Everett. Christianity and civilization were early in AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 31 troduccd into Africa. There were several provincial councils held there. At one of them, held in Cartnage, in 397, the canon of the Roman Catholic Bible was settled. Ano- ther was held hi the same place in 410 — and two others at Milevi. In the fifth cen- tury, the number of Catholic bishops in Africa, was four hundred. Origen, Tertullian, Cy- prian, and Augustine, among the great lights of Christianity in their day, were Africans. And it is not too much to expect that future Hannibals, and Terences, and Cyprians, and Augustines will arise, to defend and illumi- nate that now benighted country. Should such a result take place, the merit will, in a great degree belong to the illustrious founders of the Colonization Societv. Philadelphia, May 10, 1832. APPENDIX. Letter from the Hon. James Madison, to the Secre- tary of the Society, the Rev. R. R. Gvrley. "Moxttelieu, December 29, 1831. " Dear Sir — I received, in clue time, your letter of the 21st ult. and with due sensibility to the sub- ject of it. Such, however, has been the effect of a painful rheumatism on my general condition, as well as in disqualifying my fingers for the use of the pen, that I could not do justice " to the principles and measures of the Colonization Society, in all the great and various relations they sustain to cur own country and to Africa," if my views of them could have the value which your partiality supposes. I may observe, in brief, that the Society had always my good wishes, though with hopes of its success less sanguine than were entertained by others, found to have been the better judges; and, that I feel the greatest pleasure at the progress already made by the Society, and the encouragement to en- counter remaining difficulties, afforded by the ear- lier and greater ones already overcome. Many cir- cumstances, at the present moment, seem to concur in brightening the prospects of the Society, and cherishing the hope that the time will come, when the dreadful calamity, which has so long afflicted our country, and filled so many with despair, will be gradually removed, and by means consistent with justice, peace, and the genoral satisfaction: thus giving to our country the full enjoyment of the blessings of liberty, and to the world the full bene- fit of its great example. I never considered the main difficulty of the great work, as lying in- the de- ficiency of emancipations, but in an inadequacy of asylums for such a growing mass of population, and in the great expense of removing it to its new home. The spirit of private manumissions, as the laws may permit, and the exiles may consent, is increasing and will increase ; and there are sufficient indica- tions that the public authorities in slave-holding states, are looking forward to interpositions in dif- ferent forms that must have a powerful effect. With respect to the new abode for the emigrants, all agree, that the choice made by the Society, is rendered peculiarly appropriate by considerations which need not be repeated ; and if other situations should not be found eligible receptacles for a por- tion of them, the prospects in Africa seem to be ex- panding in a highly encouraging degree. "In contemplating the pecuniary resources needed for the removal of such a number to so great a dis- tance, my thoughts and hopes have been long turned to the rich fund presented in the western lands of the nation, which will soon entirely cease to be un- der a pledge for another object. The great one in question is trulyof a national character, and it is known that distinguished patriots, not dwelling in slave-holding states have viewed the object in that light, and would be willing to let the national do- main be a resource in effecting it. " Should it be remarked, that the states, though all may be interested in relieving our country from tho coloured population, are not all equally so ; it is but fair to recollect, that the sections most to be benefited, are those whose cessions created the fund to be disposed of. " I am aware of the constitutional obstacle which has presented itself; but if the general will be re- conciled to an application of the territorial fund to the removal of the coloured population, a grant to Congress of the necessary authority could be car- ried, with little delay, through the forms of the con- stitution. " Sincerely wishing an increasing success to the labours of the Society, I pray you to he assured of my esteem, and to accept my friendly salutation. JAMES MADISON." Extract of a letter from the Hon. John Marshall, Chief Justice of the United Slates, dated Rich- mond, December 14, 1831. " The great object of the Society, I presume, is to obtain pecuniary aids. Application will undoubt- edly be made, I hope successfully, to the several Stale Legislatures, by the societies formed within them respectively. It is extremely desirable that they should pass permanent laws on the subject: and the excitement produced by the late insurrec- tion, makes this a favourable moment for the friends of the Colony to press for such acts. It would be also desirable, if such a direction could be given to state legislation, as might have some tendency to incline the people of colour to migrate. This, how ever, is a subject of much delicacy. Whatever may be the success of our endeavours to obtain acts for permanent aids, I have no doubt that our applica- tions for immediate contributions, will receive at- tention. It is possible, though not probable, that more people of colour may be disposed to migrate than can be provided for, with the fund the Society may be enabled to command. Under this impres- sion 1 suggested, some years past, to one or two of the Board of Managers, to allow a small additional bounty in lands, to those who would pay their own passage in whole or in part. The suggestion, how- ever, was not approved. "It is undoubtedly of great importance to retain the countenance and protection of the general go- vernment. Some of our cruizers stationed on the coast of Africa would, ai the same lime, interrupt the slave trade — a horrid trnjfic, detested by all pood men, and would protect the vessels and commerce of the colony from pirates who infest those »*as. The power of the government to afford this aid, is nol, I believe, contested. 1 regret that its power to grant pecuniary aid, is not equally free from question. On this subject, I have always thought, and still think, that the proposition made by Mr. King, in the Se- nate, is the most unexceptionable, and the most ef- fective that can be devised. " The fund would probably operate as rapidly as would be desirable, when we take into view the other resources which might come in aid of it ; and its application would be, perhaps, less exposed to 32 LETTERS, &c. those constitutional objections which are made in the south, than the application of money drawn from the treasury and raised by taxes. The lands are the property of the United Slates, and have heretofore been disposed of by the government, un- der the idea of absolute ownership." THE AFRICAN CHIEF ENSLAVED. BY W. C. BRYANT. Chain'd to the market place he stood, A man of giant frame ; Amid the gathering multitude, That shrunk to hear his name. — All stern of look, and strong of limb, His dark eye on the ground ; And silently they gaz'd on him, As on a lion bound. Vainly, but well, that chief had fought, He was a captive now : Yet pride, that fortune humbles not Was written on his brow. The scars his dark broad bosom wore, Show'd warrior true and brave ; A prince among his tribe before, He could not be a slave. Then, to his conqueror he spake — " My brother is a king; " Undo this necklace from my neck, " And take this bracelet ring : "And send me where my brother reigns, " And I will fill thy hands " With stores of ivory from the plains, " And gold-dust from the sands." " Not for thy ivory, or thy gold " Will I unbind thy chain ; " That bloody hand shall never hold " The battle spear again ! " A price, thy nation never gave, " Shall yet be paid for thee ; " And thou shalt be the Christian's slave, " In lands beyond the sea." Then wept the warrior chief: and bade To shred his locks away ; And one by one, each heavy braid Before the warrior lay. Thick were the plaited locks, and long, And deftly hidden there, Shone many a wedge of gold, among The dark and crisped hair. " Look ! feast thy greedy eyes with gold, " Long kept for sorest need : Take it — thou askest sums untold, " And say that I am freed : ■ Take it — my wife, the long, long day " Weeps by the cocoa tree, " And my young children leave their play, " And ask in vain for me." " I take thy gold — but 1 have made " Thy fetters fast and strong ; ' And ween, that by the cocoa shade "Thy wife shall wait thee long." Strong was the agony that shook The captive's frame, to hear — And the proud meaning of his look, Was chang'd to mortal fear. His heart was broken — craz'd his brain, At once his eyes grew wild ; He struggled fiercely with his chain, Whimper'd, and wept, and smil'd ; Yet wore not long those fatal bands ; And once, at close of day, They drew him forth upon the sands, The foul hyena's prey. DEATH OF ASHMUN. BY MRS. SIGOURXEY. Whose is yon sable bier ? Why move the throng so slow? Why doth that lonely mother's tear, In sudden anguish (low .' Why is that sleeper laid To rest, in manhood's pride ? How gain'd his cheek such pallid shade 1- I spake — but none replied. The hoarse wave murmur'd low, The distant surges roar'd — And o'er the sea, in tones of woe, A deep response was pour'd I heard sad Afric mourn, Upon her billowy strand ; A shield was from her bosom torn, An anchor from her hand. Ah ! well I know thee now. Though foreign suns would trace Deep lines of death upon thy brow — Thou friend of misery's race ; Their leader, when the blast Of ruthless war swept by ; Their teacher, when the storm was post. Their guide to worlds on high. But o'er the lowly tomb, Where thy soul's idol lay, I saw thee rise above the gloom, And hold thy changeless way. Stern sickness woke a flame, That on thy vigour fed — But deathless courage nerv'd the frame, When health and strength had fled. Spirit of power — pass on ! Thy homeward wing is free ; Earth may not claim thee for her son — She hath no chain for thee : Toil might not bow thee down, Nor sorrow check thy race — Nor pleasure win thy birthright crown, — Go to thy honour'd place ! LIBERIA. — BY THE SAME. Winds! what have ye gather'd from Afric's strand. As ye swept the breadth of that fragrant land I The breath of the spice-bud — the rich perfume Of balm, and of gum. and of flow'ret's bloom? " We have gather'd nought but the heathen's pmy'r " And the hopeless sigh of the heart's despair." Waves! what have yc heard on that ancient coast, Where Egypt the might of her fame did boast? Where the statue of Mcmnon saluted the mora, And the pyramids tnw'r in their giant scorn ? " We have heard the curse of the slave-ship's crew, " And the shriek of the chain'd, as the shores with- drew." Stars! what have ye seen with the glancing eye, From vonr burning thrones in the sapphire sky? " We have mark'd a gem, as it brightly glow'il " On Afrie's breast, whence the blood-drop flow'd ; " Pure light it shed on the dreary sod, " Like the mystic stones of the priest of God ; " And we chaunted that hymn which we snag at first, " Wnen the sun from the midnight of chaos burst." Hartford, Con. " We may boldly challenge the annals of human nature, for the record of any human plan, for the melioration of the condition or advancement of the happiness of our race, which promised more unmixed good, or more comprehensive beneficence than that of African colonization, if car- ried into full execution. Its benevolent purpose is not limited by the confines of one continent, nor to the prosperity of a solitary race ; but embraces two of the largest quarters of the earth, and the peace and the happiness of both of the descriptions of their present inhabitants, with the countless millions of their posterity who are to succeed. It appeals for aid and support to the friends of liberty, here and elsewhere. The colonists, reared in the bosom of this republic, with a perfect knowledge of all the blessings which freedom imparts, although they have not always been able themselves to share them, will carry a recollection of it to Africa, plant it there, and spread it over her boundless territory. And may we not indulge the hope, that, in a period of time, not surpassing in duration that of our own colonial and national existence, we shall behold a confederation of republican states, on the western shores of Africa, like our own, with their con- gress and annual legislatures, thundering forth in behalf of the rights of man, and making tyrants tremble on their thrones V — Mr. Clay. " It will enable them to become a free, independent, civilized, and Christian nation in the land of their forefathers. Elevated in character, and in full enjoyment of the rights of man, they will not only assume a station in the great human family, which it is impossible for them to attain in this country; but their example and influence will gradually extend over those, numerous tribes, which, through all time, have remained in a state of barbarism and degradation, and cruelly sub- jected to slavery by surrounding and distant nations." — Dearborn. " They point to Africa, sitting beneath her own palm trees, ' clothed in sackcloth, and weep- ing for her children, and refusing to be comforted,' because they have been murdered on her de- solated shores, and buried beneath the billows of the ocean, and carried into hopeless and inter- minable slavery. Wretched Africa ! she has indeed fallen among thieves, who have robbed and wounded her, and she is now bleeding from a thousand wounds. Who will act to her the part of a good Samaritan ? Who will ' bind up her wounds, and pour into them wine and oil,' and protect her from her enemies, and chase away those human vultures, that are perpetually ho- vering on her coasts, and feeding on the flesh and blood of her children 1 Who will light for her the lamp of science, and publish the glad tidings of salvation to her sons and daughters ? and raise her from that state of moral degradation, into which she has sunk in the lapse of ages 1" —J\V Kinney. " There is not, we believe, another benevolent enterprise on earth, so well calculated to secure he favourable opinion, and enlist the hearty good will of all mes, as this, when its objects and bearings are fully understood. In relation to this society, it is eminently the fact, that opposition and indifference have their origin in prejudice or want of information. Ignorance may raise an objection which it requires knowledge to remove ; and to rest one's refusal to co-operate in what he is told is a good work, on his own ignorance, is both weak and wicked. Especially in relation to a benevolent enterprise of such magnitude as this, and which has been some ten or fifteei years before the public, the plea of ignorance is made with a very ill grace. " Is a nation like this, to be embarrassed by an annual appropriation of little more than a mil- lion of dollars to the cause of humanity T A nation, that can extinguish in a year, twelve mil- lions of national debt, and at the same time prosecute with vigour its majestic plans of defence and internal improvement 1 A nation, one of whose states can hazard six millions of dollars on the project of opening a canal 1 — a nation, whose canvass whitens every sea, and proudly en ters almost every harbour of the globe 1 — a nation, whose villages and cities are risfng, as by ma gic, over a fertile territory of two millions of square miles'? — a nation, destined, within the com- pass of the passing century, to embosom a white population of eighty millions 1 With the past smiles of Divine Providence, our national debt will be soon annihilated. And from that glad hour, let the government provide liberally for all its necessary operations — let it push forward in its splendid machinery of political improvement, and then give to our cause but the surplus of its revenue : and as regards the expense of transportation, it will [at no distant day] furnish the means of granting to every African exile among us, a happy home in the land of his fathers." — Rev. B. Dickinson. " Every emigrant to Africa is a missionary, carrying with him credentials in the holy cause of civilization, religion, and free institutions." — Clay. " We know of no cause in which the lovers of mankind, the patriot, and the Christian, can embark, with surer, and more brilliant prospects of success, than in the cause of the colonization of our free blacks on the coast of Africa. The philanthropist and the Christian may find in tha section of Africa, in which this infant colony is located, fifty millions of immortal beings, as wile as the forests they inhabit — where the Slave Trade sweeps annually into captivity its unnum- bered thousands — where all the horrors of savage warfare are perpetual. In this benighted land, a beacon fire is now blazing, which must eventually dispel the gloom of paganism, and make her deserts glad with the sentiments of a better nature." — Political Clarion. " To the lasting honour of the American Colonization Society, it has founded a new empire on that continent, of which the basis is Christianity, intelligence, and rational liberty ; has conducted it happily through the perilous stages of its inception and early growth ; — has seen its members in the full possession of the means of acquiring the comforts of life, and sustaining, against any anticipated opposition, the stand to which they are advanced- * * * The Society has demonstrated, experimentally, to the world, the soundness of the views with which they appeared before it in i-G-17, without funds, patronage, or a precedent in the annals of the human race." — Ashmun. ^ ■ an «rmi or cc cc C v CC Z <« - act i ■<■■<£_ o C i ' _.«r cr ecr c «*, c c - c ex 1 <: ' tcc< CI. r ■..c;c<' *_ = - c sCCc C'T C1"«:CccCCC ass. - 'C:C - oc -< cc < _c:c :-<..c "«cc<:- ""2,<.c.:cc - <: <