vV ^^ ''* cf '^^o 'Digitized by the Internet Archive'^o '*'^!^'\'\'^ (P .^^^, °o in 2Q1.0 with funding from ;^^, °o ^-^ ,-1 ": "^g^ The Library of Congress ': ^g^ :m ;. V cV .*. 0* »*'^% > . c:^ http://www.archive.org/details/exiTedgeneralOQvilj^. ^> ^o. ^0^ ,0' \ Lieut. -General Ben. J. Viljoen, Late Second in Command of the Transvaal Federal Forces, South Africa. Author of this Book. 'Ai illLED iElElAL'" INDICATOR. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. THE AUTHOR, GENENAL VILJOEN. THE LATE PRESIDENT. PAUL KRUGER. THE CAPTURE OF THE IMPERIAL YEOMANRY. BOER RED CROSS MINISTERING TO A WOUNDED ENEMY. Mr. W. J. VILJOEN, FATHER OF THE BOER COLONY IN UNITED STATES. S^ V< Vjg Sjg CONTENTS OF PART ONE. PAGE. INTRODUCTION 9 INDORSEMENT FROM THE ENEMY 10 ORIGIN OF THE BOERS AND THEIR FIGHTS WITH KAFFIRS 14 WHAT WILL THE FUTURE OF THE BOER PEOPLE BE? 27 THE MOST PRACTICAL FIGHTER OF THE FUTURE 32 OUR IDEAL CRUSHED 39 RELEASED FROM NAPOLEON'S PRISON 43 MY LAST DAYS IN AFRICA 47 I CHOOSE AMERICA 49 MY IMPRESSION OF AMERICA 55 THE FAMOUS BOER ULTIMATUM 58 POEM. "THAT NOTORIOUS GENERAL VILJOEN" 61 FOR INDEX TO SECOND PART OF BOOK, PLEASE SEE CONTENTS COMMENCEMENT OF "PART TWO. " PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT SAID When asked concerning the books he had read during the past year: "Of the Various books on the Boer War, I liked Viljoen's the best."— Century Magazine, April, 1905; page 952. ^ k :j Publisher's Note, fe I """ I ^ This limited Edition of "An L jj Exiled General" is published and t ^ being sold exclusively for the bene-^ fe ^ fit and amelioration of the many ^ ^ irreconcilable and destitute Boer k T families emigrating to the United !* 1 States from South Africa, ^ AN EXILED GENERAL BY BEN J. YILJOEK GENERAL LATE BOER FORCES, SOUTH AFRICA. ^ ^ ^ PART ONE. ^ ^ yJ^ Copyrighted March, 1906. by B. J. Viljoen. A. NOBLE PRINTING COMPANY, 207 NORTH THIRD STREET, ST. LOUIS, MO., U. 8. A. l]BHARY7f"cONGRESs] Two Conies Received APH 2 -906 , Copyriirht Entry CL/SS CC x^c, No COPY B. AN EXILED BOER, «<«««« rr \ As I watched the sun on this evening set The beginning of this new year, I wander back, and the thoughts that come Bring unaware a tear. I think of all I have passed through Since last I saw that radiant hue At its setting a few years gone by. Of the joys and the sorrows that were mine. Of the days that were cloudy and others sunshine. No wonder my heart heaves a sigh. When it opened the £ear was stormy and dark, Our hearts as heavy as lead; For cruel the war in our own country did rage. And precious the blood that was shed. For Freedom we fought; for Liberty died, For a cause that was righteous and grand; Alas! 'twas in vain; for each uright fireside Is laid waste under Albion's hand. Ah! well may we mourn at the threshold of this year When we think of those once happy homes. Of our country that's ruined, or our heroes who fell, And are buried in wild, unmarked tombs; Of a fair land, once free, now oppressed and waste, Of all we lost in that year; Yes, I mourn, an exile, in a strange foreign land, Far away from my childhood's scenes so dear. But though darkness envelopes South Africa now. Her freedom is not lost for aye. For some day she will rally and shake off her bonds That hold her to Albion a prey. Then away, mournful thoughts, let us live in the hope That the day of deliverance will come soon; When prosperity shines on Africa's free sons. Like the sun on her pastures at noon; When the burden we bear will sink out of sight. As the sun of this evening set, To hail a new era, where again she doth rise. And on free soil once more we can tread. 8 INTRODUCTION. The enthusiastic welcome extended the first and smaller edition of this work by the public press in Europe and Africa, has encouraged me to write the sequel to the story which concluded while I was a captive in the hands of Great Britain at St. Helena. To com- plete this work I wrote an authentic account of the discovery of South Africa, embracing the tragic encounters by its first settlers with the British. Their subsequent rejection of English rule, fol- lowed by their memorable trek (move) into the unknown regions of Africa, encountering millions of hostile savages, exposed to the perils of the wilderness, seeking freedom. A brief view of what the future of the nation now deprived of their coveted ideal; may be, is also ventured. The new edition forms part one of this book. If I am more outspoken in the subsequent than in the earlier part of the book, then the explanation must be that the former was written under the severe censorship of my captors, with the chains of captivity firmly fastened to my ankles, while the new edition to the book was written in this free country, where my heart speaks as I feel, with memories of but a few years ago, repeatedly illumin- ated anew by news of oppression, hatred and desolation rife in my native land. I was of ttimes, tempted to retaliate against those who never cease their venomous abuse against our unhappy people, but abuse is no argument, and my endeavor is to tell a story, though simple, writing in a strange tongvxe, as I do, it is given to interest and inform. My earnest hope is that this American edition of "An Exiled General" may be of benefit and entertainment to the good people of my adopted country, America. BEN J. VILJOEN, Lieutenant General Late Boer Forces. Boer Settlement, Chamberino, New Mexico, U. S. A., Feb. 22nd, 1906. A WORD OF INDORSEMENT FROM THE ENEMY. General Ben Viljoen, while engaged on this work, suggested to me to write a short introduction to it. This request I gladly comply with. General Viljoen was a prisoner-of-war at Broadbottom Camp, St. Helena, where, after two years' service in South Africa, I was stationed with my regiment. It was at the General's further request that I conveyed the first part of this work to Europe for publication. The qualities which particularly endeared this brave and justly- famous Boer officer to us were his straightforwardness and un- ostentatious manner, his truthfulness, and the utter absence of affectation that distinguishes him. I am certain that he has written his simple narrative with candour and impartiality, and I feel equally certain, from what I know of him, that this most popular of our late opponents has reviewed the exciting episodes of the War with an honesty, an intelligence, and a humour which many previous publications on the War have lacked. During his stay at St. Helena I became deeply attached to General Viljoen; and in conclusion I trust that this work, which entailed many hours of labour, will yield him a handsome recom- pense. THEODORE BRINCKMAN, C. B., Colonel Commanding 3rd, The Buffs (East Kent Regt.) Tarbert, Loch Fyne, Scotland, September, 1902. 10 P3 •rt H u .-§ ' i P5 -s "S ! Eel M CT' =« 15 2 § 1— 1 ; g =2 e3 03 B ■§ H o S H -^ -^ H ce °s <5i |3 JC ^ .^ 02 -^^ 03 O m ^ A cs «3_ o CD eS p 0) O H § ^ CO rt A ±= til -e W o tf 1 M o 02 SYNOPSIS— PART ONE. Descriptive history of the origin and early struggles of the Boer people. And a review of the future of the vanquished people. Chapters I, II and III. The Long Ruinous War Ends; Peace is Agreed Upon; and a New Epoch is Before South Africa. — My Banishment is Withdrawn and Ana Allowed to Leave St. Helena on Condition that I Only Re- main Long Enough to Settle My Affairs, as I Refused to Swear Alle- giance to England. — My Last Days in South Africa are Tumultuous. — Secret Service Agents Shadow Me Day and Night, and We Clash Constantly. Chapter IV. I Leave My Fatherland to Seek a Home and a Free Flag in America. — Unpleasant Experiences on an English Boat. — My Im- pressions of London. — I Greet the Statue of Liberty at the Entrance to New York Harbor With Joy. — How New York Impressed Me. Chapter V. How America Impressed Me. — A Comparison With the Old Country. SYNOPSIS— PART TWO. Chapters I and II. Tie Cause of, and the Chief Actors in the Prologue to the Bloody Drama. — The Boer Army is Called to Arms. — Picturesque Scenes at the Mobilization Centers. Chapters III to V. The Boer Army invade British Colonies to Intercept the Ad- vance of the British Forces Under Buller and Roberts. — First Clash of Arms at Elandslaagte. — We Suffer a Defeat and My Men Are Dispersed. — A Company of Lancers Pursue Me. — I Lose My Horse, and Have a Narrow Escape. 11 Chapters VI and VII. I Organize My Men Again in a Few Days, and Am Ready for the Fray. — General Joubert is Displeased Yet Over Elandslaagte and Wants to Keep Us Back; In Spite of His Orders We Pull Out, and Join in the Fighting Line. — A Successful March Into the Enemy's Country. — Suddenly Abandoned Because of General Joubert's Super- stitions. Chapters VIII to XIII. We Beat the British Forces at Colenso and Spienkop and a Third Time at Vaalkraus on the Tugela; They Are Driven Back With Heavy Losses. — I Succeed in Rescuing an Abandoned Gun and Am Wounded. — The British Break Through Our Lines at Peters Heights, and We Fall Back Towards Our Borders. — A Further With- drawal to Laingsnek. Chapters XIV to XVIII. I Am Ordered to Reinforce General Botha. — We Lose Pretoria, Our Capital, Without Any Defense Being Made Because of Confus- ion. — A Hot Fight at Diamond Hill Near Pretoria, Lasting Three Days; We Inflict Heavy Losses on the Enemy, but Are Forced to Withdraw. — We Reorganize; a Number of Old Generals Are Dis- pensed With. — I Am Made a Lieutenant General. — Our Camp Burned Out. Chapters XIX to XXII. My First Fight as a General Successful. — One of the Biggest Battles of the War is Fought at Bergendal, Lasting Six Days. — We Are Again Compelled to Retreat Farther North. — I Release the Last Batch of 2000 British Prisoners of War, Very Much AgBlnst My Will. — Our Government Has to Flee. — We Abandon the Last Links of Our Railroads and Commissariats and Decide to Fight in Guer- rilla Style to the Bitter End. Chapters XXIII to XXVII. I Lead a Force of 2500 Men Through a Fever-Stricken Desert to Get Around the British, Who Were Blocking All Other Roads. — I Reach My Goal and We Replenish Our Exhausted Stores from the Pro-British at Pietersburg. — We Arrest a Large Number of Traitors and They Are Severely Dealt With. — I Am Attacked by General Paget With a Superior Force at Rhenosterkop, and After an All-Day Fight, in Which We Repelled the Enemy, With Telling Effect, We Fell Back Through Lack of Ammunition and Food. — We Spend Our Second Christmas in Patriotic Style in the Field. 12 Chapters XXXVIII to XL. We Succeed in Flapdoodling a Bunch of Boer Traitors by Trap- ping Them in Good Sliape and Then Give Them Their Deserts. — We Capture a Kaffir British Murderers' Den and Root Out the Most Despicable and Inhuman British Fighting- Force the World Ever Knew. Chapters XLI to XLIV. Fights With Walter Kitchener; We Are Surprised and We Surprise the Enemy. — I Meet and Hold a Conference With (the English) General, Sir Bindon Blood Over the Vexed Question of Abuse of the White Flag.^ — A Captured Tommy Tells Us That Our Commander-in-Chief's Wife Had Been Visited by the Stork in Europe, and He is Surprised Because We Are Not Surprised. — How We Enjoyed Ourselves the Third Christmas in the Field With Games and Races. Chapters XLV to XLVIII. The Last Days of My Usefulness in the Field. — I Am Ambushed at Midnight, Shot Down, Horse and All, and Captured. — I Am Ban- ished for Life From South Africa by Kitchener's Proclamation and Shipped to St. Helena. — Gloomy Days in Captivity on the Dismal Rock, Where Napoleon Died of a Broken Heart. Chapters XLIX to Lli. Why We Are Justified, and the Manner in Which We Waylaid and Destroyed Armoured Trains. — How We Fed and Clothed Our Forces Without a Regular CommissariaL — My Judgment and Im- pression of the English Soldier as Compared With the Boer as a Fighter. 13 ORIGIN OF THE BOERS AND THEIR FIGHTS WITH KAFFIRS. The Cape of Good Hope, the most southern point on the African Continent, was discovered by Bartholomeu Dias, a Portuguese explorer, A. D. 1486, Almost two centuries after the discovery before any power actually claimed ownership of South Africa, and the country was called No Man's Land. The Hottentot, a yellow race, inhabited the country along the coast, while the Kafflr tribes in vast numbers (like the American Indian) dwelt in the interior, and lived principally on game, herbs, wild fruit and Kaffir corn ; of the two races, the Hottentot was the inferior physically as well as morally. The lion, elephant, rhinoceros and many animal spe- cies, now almost extinct, roamed in large droves in the sandy prairies (cape flats) around where Cape Town now stands. In March, 1602, the Dutch East India Company oc- cupied the Cane of Good Hope with a number of set- tlers, consisting of Hollanders, and they were under charge of the Dutch Naval Surgeon, J. A. van Eiebeck. The first seeds tliat were sown on African soil consist- ed of maize, corn, tobacco and other vegetables. Some years later, Germans and Danes emigrated and joined the population at the Cape of Good Hope; then came the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, when the French ^ persecution took place, and one hundred and fifty fam- ilies of the many persecuted Frenchmen fled to Holland, and from there were taken by the Dutch East India Company to settle at the Cape of Good Hope. 14 The oflEicial language was Hollancl Dutcli, of course, and through intermarriage the small population was soon welded together, and before many years the French and Danish tongues were no longer spoken ; and the Hol- land Dutch, though maintained in schools, the conver- sational language became a distinct "patua," somewhat similar to plat Duitch. In 1786 a great number of colonists crossed the vast prairie known as the "Karoo," and explored the coun- try as far as the Orange river. By this time, the popu- lation had grown out of its baby clothes and had become a nation. They had invigorating perils with wild beasts and savages, and became self-reliant, irrefutably cling- ing to the principles of Scripture, remaining virtuous and pure. Vanriebeek, the first Governor, ruled successfully, but unfortunately, his successor, Vannoot, was a tyran- nical, stupid mule, who through his aspirations for dic- tatorship and despotism, soon estranged himself from the people. He was hated, and he revenged with bitter tyranny in retaliation. In 1795, following the example of the seceding states of North America, a portion of the Boers, as they were now known, who had settled far away into the interior, declared their independence of Holland and the Dutch East India Company. For this, however, Holland would not stand, and began to collect forces and sent three regiments, which they called the Swiss, Wurten- berg and Luxenbourg — no fighting occurred, however. The breach was patched up, and peace once more reigned, only to be followed soon after bv a rude awak- ening from its apparent tranquillity, bv the ever-hungry vultures who seek to devour the smaller prey without danger to himself. The happy isolation of South Africa had come to an end, rumors of fabulously rich diamond mines had reached England, and the CaT>e of Good Hope began to take a notable place amonsrst the maritime nations of 15 the earth. England thought the Cape a most conven- ient coaling and watering station for her ships plying the commercial route to India, The population of the new country had by now grown to 15,000, and as a whole, the country was flourishing. The settlers had trouble with native tribes from the outset; but up to this period no clash occurred, beyond isolated instances when the Kaffirs made thieving raids, which were usually suppressed, and the offenders pun- ished. The same year the French Republic drove out the House of Orange, England claimed the right of succes- sion to Batavia from Holland, following her usual bull- dozing course in the autumn of the following year ; she sent a fleet to the Cape, landed troops and took posses- sion of the country, the settlers being scattered and un- prepared, showed little opposition, beyond declaring their unwillingness to accept British rule. After the peace of Amiens in 1803, the Colony was handed back to Holland. This was only temporary peace, however, as gold had been discovered and Eng- lish statesmen clamored for the possession of the land that produced the yellow metal. Cause was easily found, through an English mission- ary who kept up a constant stream of complaints to England against the Boer people, and in 1805 the Brit- ish pounced down upon the unprepared young Colony with multitudes of soldiers, and took the country. By this time the numbers of the settlers were augmented by many German families immigrating and settling there. A census at that time showed a population of 30,000. THE SLAVE QUESTION. The Boers, however, did not accept their new masters with equanimity, as they began at once to enforce the English language, and heavy taxation on the colonists. The colonists had bought about 7,000 slaves from English slave traders at enormously high prices; these 16 slaves were brought from the East Coast of Africa, and principally from Masembiqui, Portuguese Africa, by the same traders who brought the slaves to the United States. The British Government desired to set the slaves free, and agreed with the colonists to pay them back their outlay in government notes, negotiable in five years. This was accepted, and the slaves set free. The colonists did not discover until too late that these notes were to be paid only to bearer on presentation after five years in England. British officials in their anxiety to aggravate the col- onists, employed the ex-slaves as police and soldiers. These latter did not fail to get back at their old mas- ters with double revenge ; so hateful were these ex-slaves that a deputation of Boer elders waited upon the Brit- ish high commissioner and laid before him numerous complaints of outrages upon women and indignities against men. He refused to listen to the deputation, however, saying it served them right. The powerful Kaffir tribes known as the Geika and Galeka Nations, came from beyond the Orange river in large hordes, plundering, murdering and taking away thousands of cattle and horses from the scattered colo- nists. The English red coats, with their ex-slave allies, failed to check the savages, and not until the Boer farmers organized a commando of 700 horsemen and drove the Kaffirs back, did they succeed in s^topping tlie retreating British. It was not long after this raid, which left many fam- ilies in poverty, that the Boers found that the govern- ment repudiated payment of the notes they had given for the slaves, and all attempts to get adjustment failed. In the meantime, further outrages against the Boers were committed by ex-slaves without protest from their new masters. Bitterness against British rule grew stronger and the condition of the colonists became more and more intolerable. Courts of law were biased, and there was no recourse for the colonist. 17 No woDder tliat in 1815 a number of the Boers were driven into rebellion, a rebellion which found an awful ending in the liorrible occurrence on the 9th of March, 1816, where six Boers were half hung up in the most inhuman \\i\y, and in the compulsory presence of their wives and children. Their death was truly horrible, for the gallows broke down before the end came; but they were again hoisted up in the agony of dying, and stran- gled to death in the murderous tragedy of Slachter's Nek. Whatever opinions have been formed of this occurrence in other respects, it was at Slachter's Nek that the first blood-stained beacon was erected which marks the boundary between Boer and Briton in South Africa, and the eyes of posterity still glance back shuddering through the long vista of years at that tragedy of horror. After two years' experience of British administration it had become abundantly clear to the Boers that there was no prospect of peace and prosperity before them. They decided to sell home, farm and all that remained over from the depredations of the Kaffirs and trek away from British rule. The country to the north of the Orange river lay out- side of British sphere of influence or authority, and as far as known was inhabited by numerous savage tribes. But the Boers preferred to brave the perils of the wil- derness and to negotiate with the savages for a tract of land and so form an independent community, rather than remain under British rule. The following declaration to his countrymen by the first Boer leader, Piet Ketief (whose name as a patriot and hero is indelibly engraved upon the heart of ev- ery Boer), issued at the time, speaks the feeling that prevailed in simple, dignified almost pathetic, yet straightforward language : "Grahamstown, South Africa, 17th April, 1834. "We despair of saving the Colony from those evils which threaten it by the turbulent and dishonest con- duct of vagrants who are allowed to infest the country la in every part; nor do we see any prospect of peace or happiness for our children in a country thus distracted hj internal commotions. "We complain of the severe losses which we have been forced to sustain by the emancipation of our slaves, and the vexatious laws which have been enacted respecting them. "We complain of the continual system of plunder which we have for years endured from the Kaffirs and other colored classes, and particularly by the last in- vasion of the Colony, which has desolated the frontier district and ruined most of the inhabitants. "We complain of the unjustifiable odium which has been cast upou us by interested and dishonest persons, under the name of religion, whose testimony is believed in England to the exclusion of all evidence in our favor ; and we can foresee, as the result of this prejudice, noth- ing but the total ruin of the country. "We quit this Colony under the full assurance that the English Government has nothing more to require of us and will allow us to govern ourselves without its interference in future. "We are now leaving the fruitful land of our birth, in which we have suffered enormous losses and contin- ued vexation, and are about to enter a strange and dan- gerous territory; but we go with a firm reliance on an all-seeing, just and merciful God, whom we shall always fear and humbly endeavor to obey, "In the name of all who leave the Colony with me. "P. Retief.'" We journeyed then with our fathers beyond the Orange river into the unknown north, as free men and subjects of no sovereign upon earth. Then began what the English member of parliament, Sir William Moles- worth, termed a strange sort of pursuit. The trekking Boer followed by the British Colonial Office, was indeed the strangest pursuit ever witnessed on earth. The first batch of Retief's follow^ers were surrounded 19 by the Kaffirs and almost entirely extinguished. The remaining few who eseai)ed were rescued by a second trek, who pushed ahead. The same Kaffir king, infuriated by the yet fresh, reeking blood of his victims, attacked the pioneers in the still of night, but this time they were prepared, and received the howling hordes with steady aim. The next morning the dawning daylight revealed one of those bloody spectacles which the Boer pioneers had so often after to look upon. The Boers penetrated into the interior, encountering the one hostile savage race after the other; lions, tigers and other wild animals gave much trouble. Their sup- ply of ammunition was very limited, and they had to be careful how it was used. The British authorities had given instructions strictly prohibiting the sale of rifles or ammunition to the Boers, also prohibiting the establishment of a Republic, even though beyond English sphere of influence. The Boer leaders concluded a deal with the blood- thirsty King of the Zulus, named Dingaan, by which they paid him 400 head of cattle for a strip of land known as Natal. Hardly had the families begun to scat- ter and commence farming when Dingaan sent an army wliich attacked the Boers suddenly and slaughtered over 500 men, women and children. The followins: day men gathered, and after a battle lasting twentv-four hours at Blawkrans the Zulus were beaten and driven off. Only after the savages were dispersed, could the sur- vivors attend to the murdered people. The scenes of the massacres at Blood river and other places were the cruelest ever witnessed in the histoid of the country. Mothers were lying dead with the infants on their breasts jot alive; others were cut to pieces and mutilat- ed as is the custom of the Kaffirs to do. The brave Piet Ritief was invited by Dingaan to meet him at his stronuhold shortly after this, stating that he would now make a peace compact that would not again be violated. Against the wish of his friends, 20 Retiefj accompanied by 60 men, went to Ding- aan's stronghold. At the entrance the king met them, saying they must leave their arms outside the enclosure, as the conference was one of peace. Again Retief trusted the black devil, and when they were inside the enclosure, at a sign from the king, about 10,000 Zulus jumped out of obscurity and massacred Retief and all his followers. Dingaan immediately started his army out and fell upon the Boer families who were expecting Retief to return with the glad news of peace, and who, when the Zulus approached, thinking it Avas Retief and his fol- lowers, really went out tO' meet them. Again, the most heart-rending tragedy occurred; more than 50 per cent of the pioneers being massacred before resistance could be organized. Relying on their God and shooting straight, the Boers drove the Zulus off with telling effect. This time the valiant Boer leader Pretorius followed the fleeing hordes close on their heels and drove them into Dingaan's Kraal (stronghold) and on December 16th, 1838, defeated the Zulus and destroyed Dingaan's military power forever after. After this, the Boers established the Republic of Natal, With PieterMaritzburg as the capital, but their peace was not to be undisturbed. On April 10th, 1842, Lord Stanley instructed Gov- ernor Napier to send Commissioner Cloete tO' annex the young republic. Twice we successfully withstood the military occupation. In driving back the English it is a remarkable historical record that 50 per cent of the soldiers drowned in crossing a river in their flight. The annexation, however, only took place under strong protest. On the 21st February, 1842, the Volks- raad (Senate) of Maritzburg, under the chairmanship of Joachim Prinsloo, addressed the following letter to Governor Napier : 21 "We know that there is a God who is the Ruler of heaven and earth, and who has power, and is willing to protect the injured, though weaker, against oppressors. In Him we put our trust, and in the justice of our cause; and should it be His will that total destruction be brought upon us, our wives and children, and everything we possess, we will with due submission acknowledge to have deserved from Him, but not from men. We are aware of the power of Great Britain, and it is not our object to defy that power ; but at the same time we can- not allow that might instead of right shall triumph without having employed all our means to oppose it." The Boer women of Maritzburg informed the British Commissioner that, sooner than subject themselves again to British sway, they would walk barefoot over the Drakensberg to freedom or to death. And they were true to their word, as the following in- cident proves : Andries Pretorius, our brave leader, had ridden through to Grahamstown, hundreds of miles dis- tant, in order to represent the true facts of our case to Governor Pottinger. He was obliged to return without a hearing from the Governor, who excused himself un- der the pretext that he had no time to receive Pretorius. \^'hen the latter reached the Drakensberg on his return he found nearly the whole population trekking over the mountains away from Natal and away from British sway. Sir Harry Smith, wlio succeeded Pottinger, thus de- scribed the condition of the emigrant Boers: "They were exj)osed to a state of misery which he had never before seen equaled, except in Massena's invasion of Por- tugal. The scene was truly heartrending." Another portion of the trekkers (pioneers) had in the meantime fought and beaten M'sili Kaats, a pow- erful Kaffir king, and established the Orange Free State, and they were now joined by the persecuted strag- glers from Natal. The British Government sent Sir Harry Smith to 22 annex the Free State without any ceremony. He came with an army of 11,000 men. We resisted, and on 29th August, 1848, the Battle of Boomplaats was fought, in which we were defeated. Many Boers again trekked further north and crossed the Vaal river and established the South African Kepublic (known as the Transvaal). British authorities soon clashed with Mosesh, the Be- sute King, whose territory adjoined the Free State, and a war commenced from which England emerged with dishonor. After a fruitless endeavor to rule the coun- try, they gave the Free State back to the Boers, retain- ing the diamond mines at Kimberly, which were stolen from the Free State. The first treaty of peace was signed at Alieval North, the second at Zand river, but England never intended to respect these peace compacts, for hard- ly was the ink dry on one treaty when such a breach was committed that a second was required. The Transvaal grew in population, many Boers con- stantly joining from the Cape. The country, however, was financially poor. There were no markets, no factories, postal communication was primitive, and the struggle for existence was a tough one. Yet the people were happy and contented. Their ideal was attained; they were free. The Kafflr King Sekukunic on the northern, and M'Zilikatsie on the western borders of the Transvaal, were a constant menace, and they made the life of the people along the borders unbearable, urged on by missionaries, supplied with arms by English traders. We were compelled to wage a long and costly war against them before they were subdued. The Orange Free State was now again under Boer sway minus their diamond mines. At about this time (1877) gold was discovered in the Transvaal and a steady influx of Englishmen continued, bringing along with them discontent. They taught the Kafflr not only their virtues, but also their vices. We were poor and struggling after all the many vicissitudes we passed through. The Sekukunni Kaffirs mobilized again after 23 submission and war started afresh. The British, under pretext that we were unable to subjugate the Kaffirs, sent Theopulus Shepstoue on the 12th April, 1877, to annex the Transvaal. The Boer Volksraad (Senate) protested. The people protested. President Kruger protested, but all in vain. We sent two deputations to England, who returned without any success, and for three years we contended fruitlessly to get our country's freedom back peaceably. THE CRY FOR MERCY WAS UNHEEDED ! But we had to admit that it was of no use appealing to England, because there was no one to hear us. Trust- ing in the Almighty God of righteousness and justice, we armed ourselves, in 1880, for an apparently hopeless struggle in the firm conviction that whether we con- quered or whether we died, the sun of freedom in South Africa would arise out of the morning mists. With God's all-powerful aid we gained the victory, and for a time at least it seemed as if our liberty was secure. At Bronkorst Spruit, at Laing's Nek, at Ingogo, and at Majuba, God gave us victory, although in each case the British troopers outnumbered us, and were more powerfully armed than ourselves. After these victories had given new force to our argu- ments, the British Government, under the leadership of Gladstone, a man whom we shall never forget, de- cided to cancel the annexation and to restore to us our violated rights. THE LAST PHASE. The last period of the Boer Republic's history will be fresh in the minds of the masses, who no doubt remem- ber the Jamieson raid, England's complicity with this murderous expedition. Capitalism born from the min- eral treasures of the Republics, confronted us from the early stages of the gold, and diamond discoveries with unrivaled complications. 24 When they gathered wealth the British adventurers desired power. He found an always ready ear for his villiflcations in Mr. Joseph Chamberlain. The last ten years the cordon of beast and birds of prey was grad- ually tightened around our doomed people. Newspapers were established in the republics by English capital. They maligned our administration, sowing broadcast the seeds of sedition, poisoning the minds of the outside world to a breaking point. And, like Caesar, we fiddled while Rome burned. LIKE THE WOUNDED DEER. Like the wounded deer fleeing the approach of the lion, the wolf or the buzzard, our people were surround- ed by intrigues, vindictiveness, hatred and cupidity of its enemies. The vessels of all oceans carried English troops from all parts of the world to crush the handful of people. Even Xerxes, with his millions moving against little Greece, does not furnish a more unnatural spectacle to the surprised world than this sweet mother of nations holding the sharpened knife in her hands and using all her power, all her treasures, all her high traditions, to kill this poor baby crawling in the dust. This was no war, but an attempt at infanticide. And when the thought of the spectator is struck by horror and his brain refuses to work, then rises before him as a dream in the future, the scene of Bantu (Kaffir^ children playing in the gardens and the ruins of the sun- ny South, over the graves wherein the children of the he- roes of faith and liberty of all Europe are slumbering. And the Bantu bands of brigands and murderers again roam where the dwelling of the white European used to stand. And if he asks why all this has happened; why the heroic children of an heroic race, to which civiliza- tion owes its highest possessions, were murdered in this remote part of the world, an invisible satyr will answer : "Civilization is a failure^ the Caucasian has gone 25 under;'^ and then he will wake up with the screeching of the word GOLD ! GOLD ! GOLD ! in his ears. The orchids of Birmingham are yellow. The tradi- tions of the greatest empire of the world have faded and become yellow. The laurels fought for by the British legions in South Africa are yellow. But the heaven over South Africa will alwavs remain blue. 26 Mr. W. J. ViLjOEN, Sr., the Father of the First Boer Settlement at Chamborino, New Mexico. WHAT WILL THE FUTURE OF THE BOER PEOPLE BE? What will become of the Boers; what is to be their future? is a question frequently asked. The answer is not readily at hand, and the solution of the problem not easy to solve. Personally, after studying the turn of events since the war in South Africa, the mystery seems to deepen as to what the future of our people will be, and it is with a deal of trepidation that I venture the following view, which I fear not to say is the view of almost every Africander : The Africander Bond, the national political organi- zation which claimed to bind the nation in unison, of expression, as well as in deed, is ipso facto the only and the strongest factor in the South African political world, with its headquarters at the Cape of Good Hope, it guided Africander ideas throughout the British Colo- nies of Natal, Cape Colony, British Bechuanaland, and its sphere of influence extended to the Boer Eepublics. When the late war broke out the Africander Bond party, being in a majority in the Cape Legislature (Brit- ish), happened to be in control of the government, and Mr. Schreiner, brother of Olive Schreiner, the author, happened to be Prime Minister, being the chosen of the Bond party, and at the same time Prime Minister of Hii«; Majesty's Cape Colonial Government, his position was assuredly a most unenviable one. However, the Africander Bond was apparently our sponsors in the British colonies, and in fact being bound by ties of blood, we naturally relied upon their entire co-opera- tion in case war was forced upon the republic. 27 I remember the exchange of dispatches which were read in secret sessions of our (Senate (Volksraal), of which I was a member, stating plainly that in case we were driven to an unjust war by England, that the Boers in the Cape Colony would join us to a man. Kelying upon this, we immediately, upon declaration of hostil- ities, invaded the Cape Colony and Natal. What did we find, however, after crossing the Orange river into British territory, that on the door of every house was posted a proclamation strictly forbidding Colonial Boers to give any assistance, or even to tolerate us, and stating that any one who joined our forces or assisted us in any way, would be punished for high treason, with death; this was signed by the representative of the Af- ricander Bond, Mr, Schreiner, Prime Minister. This, then, was the first blow that repelled our invad- ing forces, and though some Colonial Boers joined us from time to time and fought gallantly, many thousands who would have joined us were afraid to do so, fearing the warning, with its perils, from their chosen Mr. Schreiner. True to his word, the first Colonial Boers who fell in the hands of the enemy were arraigned and shot publicly as traitors, so that the first Africander blood that was shed in the Cape Colony was by order and proclamation of the Premier of an African minis- try; and the co-operation from our fellow countrj'^men in the British Colonies was shattered ever after and dwindled down to an insignificant fraction. Will the Africander people ever again entrust their destinies in the hands of that organization and start the Africander Bond with a new slate? These are questions that confront us at present. For the attitude of the Boers since the late war has been of extreme arrogance. For this there are many reasons, the most paramount of which are that the nation is exhaust- ed after the long and ruinous war. We submitted to the inevitable; we did not then, and do not now, feel that we were beaten. The Boer has now the full measure of 28 the fighting quality of his conqueror, and fears him much less than he did before the late war. He has laid down his rifle in obedience to the voice of exhaustion, but not because he felt crushed ; lie submits to the laws of those who rule over him in spite of his vigorous pro- test ; but he does so because he is naturally a law-abiding people and will only do so as long as he is treated with due toleration. This the Englishman scorns with con- tempt and glaringly torments his newly acquired sub- jects. The Boer refrains from participating in all pub- lic actions and is simply silent. It is, as already stated, however, a silence of a long exhaustion, hut no peace; for have the slain no voices? Every farmhouse bears the traces of destruction ; many women in mourning still hold memory of those lying buried under the blue African heavens, whom these women gave birth to; yes, there is calm, but no peace. The ties of blood that bind the Africander na- tion together through the length and breadtli of South Africa, have been drawn closer and firmer, for every Boer that was slain by an English bullet caused hun- dreds of relatives all over the country to awaken to the realization that they belonged to a nation and that their enemy was a common one, and tore them everlastingly asunder from England and its people. It is an undecided question with the Boer today whether the late war has destroyed the ideal of the Afri- cander nation of a great and free people, or whether it was sprinkling baptismal blood on the forehead of South Africa's sons. For the moment it decidedly weighs down heavy on our eyelids, almost blinding with anguish. The unfortunate position, however, is the impover- ished condition in which the war left the nation; with a step-fatherly government to assist them, and under ad- verse circumstances, there does not seem to be any pos- sible hope of our people rebfsbilitating themselves even in a degree within the next ten years, in the impover- 29 islied and demoralized condition in which the nation finds itself. Our people are scattering to the four winds of the earth, dissatisfied, many are driven to despair and are leaving the land of their birth, for which they sacrificed so much. A considerable proportion of the nation has either shaken the dust of Africa, or are on the point of again packing up their grips and trek, just as they were forced to do in 1834, when the same old enemy's oppression became unbearable. But this time the great trek (emigration or move) will not again be into the interior of dark Central Africa to clear the country of savages and wild beasts for Great Britain's greedy wolves at Downing street, London, to follow up and grab a>\ay as they had done so often before. Those remniniDg- in the country will agitate constitu- tionally for self-government and just laws, against the present oppressive taxation; against the influx of the yellow peri] now threatening to strike at the very core of South Afri<-a's commerce, labor and social tranquil- lity. They will continue to claim that South Africa just- ly, and by every right, belongs to the Africanders; that tliey are the pioneers who bought the country with money and blood. The Boers will be patient and calmly endure the < ruel hand of fate; the Africander language, tlie Africander traditicms, will be sacredly maintained in Snd. I can state from a ripe experience that a horse T^'ill act the part he is destined or assigned for faith- ful Iv to the last moment, and he is worthy of your care RPd kindness. You will appreciate that when he car- ries ^^ou away out of a bad corner, sometimes a \s;ounded comrnde on him beside yourself. I believe in a pony from 14 to 14^ -.hands high. A Tionv needs less food and is hardier than a big horse. The T^XRs or Mexican ponv will carry a soldier of un- der 200 pounds, farther than a big horse could. I rode a pony for two and a half years during the late war. He was twi^^e wounded, but never had time to lay off. He carried me throuch many uglv places, and never failed until hr* was shot dead under me. His height was 14 hands. Tiu> n-hole Boer armv was, as a matter of fact, composed of mounted infantry, and used the pony exclusively. Not only did the pony need less food than 36 the big horse, but he is less particular about his diet, eating most anything he can get. One weakness which manifested itself conspicuously in the Russian, as in the English army was the poor marksmansliip. It is a thousand times safer to have only 100 good shots to withstand the enemy in a charge, than it is to have 1,000 uncertain shots to depend upon. A soldier should be trained in the art of judging (find- ing) the distance at a glance. This is a most import- ant, yet very much neglected fact. In the fight the roar of battle drowns the voice of the officer, who shouts the distance to the men, and since the distance changes constantly, either by your advancing or retreating, it is essential tliat soldiers in the ranks should remember through having been trained to it, that before firing is resumed from any position they must attend to their sight, I remember attacking a force on the march once, and opening fire at 1,100 yards. We advanced slowly, as the enemy's fire was severe. We fought sometime at 800 yards, and as we closed in the distance became less, of course. Towards nightfall we rushed the enemy from our last positions, which was only 60 yards away. We succeeded in capturing some 700 men. When they were disarmed one of my men told me that the captured rifles were nearly all sighted 1,100 yards, the distance at which we commenced fighting in the morning. I ex- amined a large number of the rifles, and found only a few which were sighted less than 1,100 yards. It was no wonder, therefore, that we lost less men as we drew closer to the enemy than we lost earlier in the fight at the long range. I think the Russian army, especially during th« charges by General >Iogi on General Stoessel at Port Arthur, showed great lack of judging the distance by the defenders, as their fire was apparently ineifective, from the same cause. This is no attempt to pose as an expert on tactics, or an authority on military matters. But an endeavor 37 to answer a question and to express an opinion gained 1)3^ experience, for the benefit of anyone wlio cares to consider it. I cannot say anytliing about warfare on sea, as I know nothing about it. With regard to artillery, I may nny briefly that your light, as well as heavy guns, should be equal to your opponent's guns. If your ene- my's artillery can fire at a longer range than yours can reach, tlie result is demoralizing upon your men, as the enemy shells your positions, while you are compelled to be silent, or while your shells fall short. Rapid-firing light artillery was our strong point, and in a figlit to move your guns constantly from one posi- tion to another, is an advantage to your gunners, and most confusing to your enemy. As after a short dura- tion of a hot artillery fire you have drawn the enemy's fire on 3^our guns, and to slip your guns awa^^ and post them, if only a short distance away, , you save your men, and the enemy cannot easily discover the deception. 38 CHAPTER 1. OUE IDEAL CEUSHED! jBriton and Boer have been at each other's throats now for nearly three years, in a bloody struggle; the former for tiie supremacy of iSouth Africa, actuated at lirst by tlie usual greed and British anxiety to avenge their defeat at Majuba (1881) and eventually to retain in the eyes of the world their waning superiority as a world's power. The Boer lighting for the only grand and noble ideal he ever knew, namely, "liberty," not in- spired by selfish aspirations to gain more, but simply and solely to retain that which had already cost him so much blood and tears, "his freedom." Yet there appeared no sign of the philosophical sil- ver lining to illuminate the crests of the dark horizon; the Boer never figured on his own strength to beat England, but he did figure on mediation from some one or more foreign powers. His position was as desper- ate immediately before the war as it was just before the end of hostilities, because Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, England's real ruler at that time, had ended all diplo- matic relations and threatened to annex the Boer Ee- public, just as they had done in 1875, when the same Mr. Chamberlain was a Cabinet Minister in the Liberal Government, under Gladstone, or just as they intended to do when the maniac, Dr. Jamieson, perpetrated his diabolical raid on the Transvaal, in 1895-6, under in- structions from Downing street, London, and under direct guidance of Cecil Ehodes, the "sponser" and "deux ex machina" of the thieving expedition. British forces were hastily mobilized on our eastern, 39 western and southern borders, and there was no longer any doubt about the intentions of our old persecutors. As one of the anti-war party in the Transvaal Senate, who exerted all human power and strength to avoid the contiict, 1 may state here that there was absolutely no other alternative for us than either to turn the Kepub- lic lock, stock and barrel, over to England without a murmur, with all the disgrace and contempt that would follow such a cowardly and suicidal act, or to tight and die with honor; yes, to put up a tight that would prove to the civilized world that we were capa- ble and justified to exist as a nation, expecting that if we succeeded in proving ourselves worthy of our steel, that one of the great nations would, at a given opportu- nity, do exactly what the illustrious Theodore Koose- velt did to terminate the Russian-Japanese war in the Far East. We knew of the good-will of the Irish, Ger- man, French, and last, but not least, of the good-will of the American nation. We knew that the love of lib- erty so strong in the hearts of every American; so eagerly sought by the Irish; so dearly bought by the French; and so strongly manifested by the Germans, would beat in harmony, and manifest in unison with our appeal to God, the Creator of the universe, before whom we placed our sacrifices upon the altar of lib- erty; and that the voice of hunumity and of right would lift itself in unmistakable tones that ring out above the power of ''might," ruin and desolation. These may be styled loose hopes and frail expectations to go to war upon ; but 1 repeat, our position was desperate in the extreme; and the world being aware of Eng- land's un(|ueucliable desire to possess the whole uni- verse, and especially her gameuess to attack small countries, we had a justifiable cause to expect foreign intervention; firstly, in the interest of right and fair play, and secondly, to curtail her dominating over the continent of Africa. At the end of three years we found our forces re- 40 duced from 48,000 to 19,000. Four thousand were killed in battle, 6,000 were wounded and incapacitated; the balance had been captured and exiled or had surren- dered. We were cut off from the seacoast and from all supplies, or rather, had been for eighteen months living and relying entirely upon what we captured from the enemy. We found every woman and child in concen- tration prisons in the enemy's hands; women and chil- dren were dying at a rate that if we continued the war twelve months longer the female portion of the nation would be exterminated entirely, and we learned from indisputable evidence that such was the design of the enemj^ The number of women and children that died in the enemy's pest camps already numberd 25,000; the Boer prisoners of war in the enemy's hands were likewise suffering from such disease as beri-beri, and the mortality was alarming. Meanwhile, the British fighting forces were in- creased from 100,000 to 350,000, and against our 46 pieces of field artillery the British had 22,000 pieces in the field against us. Up to the time of which I am writing, according to British statistics published in the "Army and Navy Gazette," their losses were in killed and wounded and died from diseases, 113,000 men, and the cost of the war up to the end of hostil- ities was £235,000,000 (two hundred and thirty-five million pounds). We felt that we had continued the struggle as long as it was humanely possible; our forces reduced to a unit, supplies exhausted; but the worst and most seri- ous disaster of all that was staring us in the face, was the fact that our women and children were dying off so rapidh^, through bad food and ill treatment in the concentration camps, and that we were face to face with extermination. While the enemy was pursuing the campaign wtih relentless vigor, and almost barbarous severity, receiving reinforcements from England, Scot- land, Ireland, from Canada (shame), Australia, New 41 Zealand Queensland India, and heaven alone knows from wiiere not, besides employing thousands of Kaf- firs to raid and murder. (8ee ofdcial correspondence.) We had waited in vain for the coming of a Lafayette; we saw our dream of a free nation slowly but surely crushed and banished into the dark abyss of oblivion. iVations looked on with folded arms while the bloody drama proceeded; signs of admiration for the pluck and heroism of the little Boer nation were unmistak- able; but alas, we were driven to accept England's terms and submit to the inevitable. A peace conference was held; the leaders from both armies were present; the British, through Lord Kitch- ener, agreed upon indemnity for war losses, restitution of the farms confiscated, the repatriation of all Boers; the return of ail prisoners of war, and the withdrawal of the banishment clause. The latter is the only part of the agreement that has been carried out by the Brit- ish Government up to the present time. Having been banished for life myself, I will say more about this in the following chapter. 42 CHAPTER II. KELEASED FROM NAPOLEON'S PRISON. Two months before the close of the war, or, to be more correct, at midnight of Januai*y 25, 1902, while croRsSing the British lines with an escort of six men, 1 vv^as ambushed, shot down, horse and all, and captured, together with one Adjutant Captain A. J. Bester, who was also injured, but neither of us seriously. The rest of my escort were killed; we were then shipped to St. Helena under banishment for life. Lord Kitchener had issued a proclamation that all Boers who did not surrender by a certain date, would be banished for life from South Africa, and forfeit all their money and property, and the British kept their word very reverently, so far as I am concerned, at least. My sojourn in captivity at St. Helena is described in another chapter, entitled "Life in Bonaparte's Prison." I was a captive just five months, when the news was conveyed to me by the haughty Colonel Price, the O. C. at St. Helena, per an Orderly, who brought the very imposing looking document, enclosed in a long, fat, official envelope, bearing the insignia of the British Lion, inscribed with "On His Majesty Service." Being aware that peace was declared, I was not entirely un- prepared to receive almost any kind of an official mis- sive. I will admit that I did not know my own fate yet, because all the information we had was that peace was declared and that things had gone against us; and therefore being at the mercy of my enemies, it was with some feeling of apprehension that I tore the fat-looking 43 envelope open, and the following was the contents of the letter : Office Officer Commanding His Majesty's Troops, St. Helena, July 16. 1902. To General B. J. Viljoen, Prisoner of War, Rose Cottage, St. Helena. Sir: I am directed by the Commander in Ciiiet" of H. M. forces in South Africa to advise you that in accordance with a treaty of peace agreed upon by H. M. S. officers and the Boer leaders, that your banishment is cancelled, that you and your fellow prisoners may return to South Africa upon taking the oath of allegiance to H. M. S. King Edward VII. You are are therefore at liberty to leave your quarters and announce yourself at the Concor's office at headquarters, between 9 and 5, any day, to have the oath admin- istered. The next transport boat will arrive here in ten days from tomorrow. I have the honor to be yours, H. S. PRICE, Lieut. Col. O. C. T. To this I replied briefly that, since I w^as an officer of a regular and belligerent army, I never recognized England's right of banishment more than a threat; that 1 did not feel disposed to SAvear allegiante to King Ed- ward, and that if m^- country was lost to me I wished to choose a flag to live under for mA^self. Colonel Price called me to his office the next day ; he vras very indig- nant over my letter, which he thought A\as discourteous, and stated that I could not return to South Africa un- less I took the oath. After a lengthy and by no means pleasant controversy, we parted the worst of friends. About two w'eeks later I received permission to re- turn to South Africa, under a Foreign Immigration Pass Law, which was good for a limited period only, so that I could settle my affairs and (as they called it) get out. I took passage on a monthly mail steamer for Africa, not wishing to cause the already empty treas- ury any further expense. Africa was indeed in a pandemonium; peace had been declared, true; but it appeared more like an armistice. British troops flooded the cities; police were patrolling 44 the entire country, day and night; the Boers were sulky and grinned at the English, and openly declared that the British would never keep the country. Many promises they made to persuade tlie Boers to end the -s^^ar were already forgotten and denied; the country was laid waste by the ravages of the long and cruel war ; many tliousands of orphan children were homeless; 98 per cent of the homesteads had been burned down, and all sheep, cattle and live stock destroyed by the Brit- ish troops; starvation was indeed at the threshold of every famil}^ The Government offices were full of monacled officers; the country was run by the army who did not fail to rub it into their late foes; indeed, I did not only feel, but I was a perfect stranger in my own country. My home destroyed ; my money confiscated ; no hope held out tliat any restitution would ever be made. Where I used to be somebody, I was now not only nobody, but I was an intruder, an unwelcome guest. Men of my old command appealed to me by the dozen for succor, for the close of the war left them without clothes, penniless, homeless. Many a maimed fellow accosted me; fellows with a leg shot off, an arm missing, and even more de- plorable cases, men as brave and willing to fight as ever lived, saying: "General, we followed you wher- ever vou went, and went wherever you commanded; here we are today in want of every necessity of life, helpless, under a strange government, whose offi- cialss scoff at our appeal for help, wanting to know how we could expect them to assist those who fought aoainst them. What are we to do?" What could I do?" What could I say? I shared up the little money I had, until I saw my own pocketbook becoming so empty that my own position berame critical, if not precarious. I had to decide what my own future plans would be, and my decision had to be made very soon. The repose allowed me in the land of my birth, at my childhood's home, would soon run out. Unless I decid- 45 ed to become a Britisher and live in the shimmering re- flections of "Johuuj Bulls," "Union Jack," I would soon be ]>ut out without ceremony. The more I saw of my poor old ruined country — of mj' dejected and crushed countrymen — domineered over by Mr. Rudyard Kipling's "Flanneled Fools," with the monacle, the more repulsive it all became. I felt my helplessness; I could do my people absolutely no good; under these circumstances what was the best step to take? Which flag shall I choose? What country shall T adopt? And I wonder after I have chosen, will that country ado'pt me? 46 CHAPTER IIL MY LAST DAYS IN AFRICA. I always thought it an honor, even under the pe- culiar circumstances, to be imprisoned on the same desolate island, by the same enemy as that greatest soldier the world ever knew. Emperor Napoleon; and often during my captivity my captors made me feel the pangs of humiliation and indignity, just as it was heaped upon Napoleon by that British cad. Sir Hudson Lowe, 83 years ago. I could easily realize the feelings of Sir Hudson Lowe's victim, as the isolation on that dismal rock, coupled with revengeful treatment, was eating his heart away; and he exclaimed in despair, "I am dying chained to this rock which they call an English prison ; it is nothing less than murder." I do not aspire to my comparison with the great soldier's position, but in one instance I was more fortunate than Napoleon; I got away from St. Helena alive. Having succeeded in getting away, as I did, from captivity, my troubles did not end there, however. The price asked for the privilege to remain in South Africa, my own home, was to become an English sub- ject, swear allegiance to Albion, and sing "God Save the King." Having considered and decided ne'ver to commit such an outrage to my heart's dictation, which would be nothing short of perjury, I was given time to leave the country. While endeavoring to regain scraps of my looted possessions, and preparing to leave South Africa forever, I was constantly followed and shadowed by detectives — why, I never knew, un- 47 less they thought tliat I aa as j2;oing to steal the country and carry it away. When I registered at a hotel a detective would register with me; whe^i a seat was given me at the dinner table, a detective would manipulate things so that he would sit at the same or the next table; if I engaged in conversation, either in or outdoors, the same gentleman would be crouching around near enough to overhear me. On several occasions 1 succeeded in shaking Mr. Sherlock Holmes, by jumping into a hansom (cab) and ordering the driver to hurry off. It would not be many hours, liowever, before my shadowers would dis- cover me. Sometimes they would come unexpectedly upon me, and their embarrassment would be so glaring that they had to apologize for their clumsiness. The excessive zeal of my persecutors became so obnoxious that I was 'ompelled to complain to the authorities, who simply shrugged their shoulders in the French style, and seemed unwilling, or unable, to prevent the annoyance. Life, therefore, became so exasperating that I cut short the respite granted. 48 CHAPTER IV. I CHOOSE AMERICA. My last days in dear old Africa were of such a tu- multuous nature, and made so unpleasant that it rather hastened my decision whither to wend my foot- steps. Of one fact I had no doubt, and that was that England would never pacify the Boers, because their officials were discourteous, undiplomatic, and revenge- ful to a standstill. It was about the month of September, 1902, when I said farewell to home and country. I took passage on a Castle line mail steamer at the Cape of Good Hope, the same point where my ancestors landed and founded the first settlement of white people in South Africa 200 years before. As I stood on the deck of the large steamer, now gliding forth at a rapid pace, carrying me away from the country I called my own all my life, exiled forever, I could not restrain a sigh, a tear; yes, some tears. A feeling of remorse seemed to be natural when memories of the past and present floated through my mind. Two hundred years ago my forefathers were banished from France under the edict of Nantes. They were Huguenots and were driven out of France, and picked up by the old Dutch East India Company, who thought them desirable settlers, took them to the Cape of Good Hope. Two hundred years have passed since then, two hundred years of unceasing struggle against wild beasts, Kaffer nations, and last, but not least, against English rule. Here was their descendant, two hundred years later, 49 driven from the land tlie^' explored and made out of a roaminj^ wilderness into ^ beautiful country. I watched the now fast disappearing mainland, the looming peaks of the Table mountain, the imposing Lionstail towering in majestic splendor above the mountain ranges overlooking Cape Town. The even- ing sun would soon sink into the waterv horizon and was vainly making a last attempt to illuminate the mountain peaks with its shimmering rays of gold. As I stood there I think I looked like an infant forcibly removed from the mother's breast; I don't think I ever moved from the spot, until all was enveloped in darkness, when, with a last adieu to Africa, I turned for the first time. The deck was already deserted, and I found myself alone with the deck steward. I ascer- tained from him that everybody had gone down to din- ner. Not being in any kind of mood, I retreated to my cabin. The next day I learned from the servants that every one of the 400 passengers were English ; that every in- dividual, including the Colonels, Captains and cads had recognized me as the irreconcilable General who refused to accept English Plum "Puddin." r was soon forcibly made aware of the truth, for no sooner was breakfast over and everybody on deck than dozens of cameras were leveled on me. This was kept up in spite of my annoyance, which I did not fail to demonstrate, until I think everybody on board had snapshotted me in all possible poses. I complained to the Captain about the annoyance, but he thought T should be pacified by the idea that it was because of my prominence. To this I answered, "Fudge." Before many days had passed I learned the truth about the cause for the vulgarity, specially shown by the male portion of the passengers. They all knew that I was leaving South Africa because of my refusal to affiliate with the new government; and they thought I was a fool for refusing to accept such a glorious, blood-stained flag! They therefore decided that I was 50 an outcast anyway, and therefore heaped insult upon me as a last revenge. Knowing the Britishers, their character, traditions, and their language as I do, it did not surprise me to find the caddish prejudice of my English friends mani- festing itself in such undisguised manner. Worst among my fellow passengers were the "Hinglish Hof- ficers" who were going home on leave of absence. Of course my experience on the voyage did not im- prove my feelings toward the British, and I become more determined than ever to go where I would never see an English flag again. The United States of America was my choice, though never having been there before I knew the history of the country fairly well. Every Boer knows all about George Washington, and how he whipped the English, and we always imag- ined that the American people are imbued by the same spirit and love of independence, living in a Eepublic. Having fought themselves free from English fetters, so that I could not go wrong by striking out for Amercia. Since I was a kind of Jonah man on the boat the voyage, though lasting eighteen days, was most disin- teresting, and it was with a sigh of relief that I greeted Southampton, where I would transfer on an American liner for New York. A few days to see England, since I had the occasion to be right there, was sufficient. I saw London and its fog, which grows so dense at 10 o'clock in the morning that the hack drivers are com- pelled to use lanterns at the end of the pole between the horses' heads to avoid collisions. I saw the traditional street bus dragged by two horses, utilized in place of the modern street cars of other cities. I saw Westminster Abbey, where lies the remains of England's dead rulers and nobility. I saw the exterior of Buckingham Palace, King Edward's home, and Rotten Row, the palatial mansions of the English millionaires; and the House of Parliament. I saw the Government officers on Downing street, where 51 the Imperial Policy for its home, as well as Foreign possessions are directed from. I drove through White Chapel and the West End, where I saw more poverty and distress in one hour than I had seen in all my life. I spoke to a West End cockney, who begged me for two- pence to buy bread for his wife and chickens, as he called them. In answer to my question as to what he thought of the war in Africa, he said, "Where the 'ell is Hafrica?" Then with a sudden change of counte- nance he remembered, "Ah, yes; flghtin' them Bohrs, 'aint it?" I said that such was the case. "Ah well," he said, "we blokes aint knowed nothin' anyhow; many regiments went there with a 'ell of a hellybaloo, and I aint seed but a few comes back limpin'; them's things you better spoke about to some big bloke," But I pro- tested, "Now see here, I have given you sixpence in- stead of two; you must not be so short with me; tell me what you people think about the Boers." The cockney warmed up, put his unwashed hand on my knee. "Well," he commenced, "bless yer 'art sor, I meant no hoffence to yes; if it'll please yer, I could spake to yer all day. Well, sir, it's this way, we 'eard that them Bohrs are a mane crew of 'alf civilized fel- fei's who kills Ainglishmen to eat them, and that this 'ere Government of hours are just now tryin' to trim them up for to become civilized loike we are!" "And don't you know any other reason that caused the war?" I asked. "Lord no," he answered. "I never knowed that there was any need for old Aingland to 'ave any other cause to go and wip any counthry." "Well, one more question," I said. "Are you happy under this glorious English flag?" This question was too dis- concerting, it seemed, as my amiable Briton scratched his head and thought for a long time before he said, "I don't hunderstand, sor," And I gave him up, be- cause surely he could not understand. A week later I was crossing the Atlantic on a Ounard liner to New York. I looked forward with great ex- pectations to the day that I would step on the free soil 52 of America; and though my fellow passengers on this ship were mostly American tourists, jovial fellows, yet the eight days' voyage seemed very long. I suppose I was impatient, as I felt lost and lonely. My heart gave a leap when the New York harbor was sighted. As I looked from the ship's bridge over the great expanse of water, the enormous city shot into view; for the first time I beheld the wonderful sky scrapers, the im- posing statute of Liberty, at the entrance to the har- bor, which impressed me with more force than any- thing else I saw. How fortunate I thought I was to be able to seek refuge in a country where the image of the Virgin of Liberty greets you at the entrance to its portals. An American who stood near me, and with whom I had conversed before, but who did not know my iden- tity, said to me in friendly tones: "I guess you have been away a long time, and must be mighty glad to get back; I see your eyes are full of tears." "Well," I replied, wiping my eyes, as my feelings had overmastered me, "I am to land here for the first time today." Giving him my card, I explained to him that I was an exile seeking a home. His heart seemed to open to me; he took my hand in both his and said, "General, I welcome you to America, and I know that the hearts and homes of our people are open to you." I thanked him warmly, because his spontaneous wel- come was certainly agreeable and reassuring to me. New York was a wonderful revelation, coming from Africa, after visiting England's greatest city, where everything moves slowly, where the street traffic is con- ducted just as it was done a hundred years ago, where the bus driver yawns, half asleep, and the hotel por- ters walk as if to the beat of the dead march in Saul, when moving among the guests. In New York, where the elevated cars fly over your head, the sub-railway shoots underneath you through the city like lightning, and the street cars continually rush, all carrying the 53 thousands, or rather millions, of hurrying, busy New Yorkers to and from their places of business; where everybody, no matter whether rich or poor, or in what station of life, walks with heads erect and satisfied countenances. The depressed expression on the faces of the British working classes is not visible here, and everybody and everything goes with a swing. 54 CHAPTER V. MY IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA. What first impressed me as in striking contrast with the old country, was the stupendiously high buildings of New York city. The enormous rush of traffic. The hurry and bustle of men and women, all the people on the streets, seemed to have just a few minutes left to catch the train. Here there seemed to be a remarkable absence of poverty, among the vast population of this world city. The first morning after my arrival, while on an ele- vated car towards the Battery, it was observable that every individual on the crowded car was deeply in- terested reading the morning papers; men and women apparently in all walks of life, from the Wall street banker to the factory girl. Returning on the Subway (or underground) cars in the evening the same sight meets the eye. Every- body was busily perusing the evening papers. As a casual observer of human character, it seemed unusual after visiting the greatest city of Europe to find such interest demonstrated in the happenings of the world, by even the simple people of the country. No wonder the American is different, he has the energy to acquaint himself with what occurs every day. Is posted on national as well as foreign questions. That is, I think, one of the strongest factors to make a nation bright, self-reliant and independent in its ideas. It was not long before I had almost forgotten I was a stranger in a strange land. While in England one 55 is made to feel, before one sets foot there many hours, that you are a foreigner, a kind of intruder. English- men are slow, consei-yative and they do not fail to make one ^\'ho happens there from abroad, feel that the language, atmosphere, sky, sun and moon, are all owned and controlled b^^ John Bull. God hrst made England, and Englishmen, later in his spare time the other bit of earth, and its few inhabitants. In America, with the Nation composed of so many nationalities, all proud and avowed Americans, speak- ing all the languages under the sun, worshipping whichever denomination they wish. It seems that the race for life is an open one to all comers (except the Chinamen, thank God). That everybody has an equal or even start in the run, no favoritism being shown, and that it all depends entirely upon the individual's energy, and enterprise, to reach the goal of success. The Government being from the people, for the people, and by the people, no wonder then, that this is a great country and a great nation. Though these lines are describing the impressions of my first days in America, I may be forgiven the au- dacity to observe, that there are a few symptoms of possible growing danger to national safety; which may well be eliminated. Firstly. The giving of power to commercial trust, thereby permitting the concentration of political, as well as financial power to the control of a nominal few. Secondly. Imperialism ! The most inoffensive looking microbe, but unquestionably the most dangerous enemy to a Republic. I am too young a citizen, however, to venture into politics. Besides, I am trying to tell a story pure and simple. The ab- solute freedom of action of the American, and especial- ly of the American woman, is a strong contrast with the customs and mannerisms of other peoples. Abroad men do not seem to realize that "Jack is as good as his master." There people are dominated over by the no- bility, King's, Czars, Emperors and things. People are devided into, as near as I can remember, four classes. 56 The nobility, the aristocracy or upper class, the middle class, and lower class, or the laborers. Respectable women in the civilized city of London, for instance, are as unsafe on the streets after dusk, as she would be in the wilds of Africa. A woman never travels alone in England or Europe, because it is considered unsafe. A woman in Europe without an escort could not obtain accommodations at a hotel. The women, I dare say, through this peculiar condition of things, do not have the independence that their American sisters possess, and makes the chaperone an absolute necessity, while over here American chival- ry makes such precautions unnecessary. Many a time I have heard foreigners when first landing in this coun- try remark that the women seemed sw very "manish," because they were moving about anywhere and every- where with entire confidence, which was so different from the ways of the timid English girl. Like Mr. Eider Haggard, the much-opinioned English author, I also noticed the noises of the city. Contrary to London or other European cities. But I also noticed that here there was something doing, and what was being done was done with a go, in disregard of the susceptibili* ties of sensitive cranks or nervous old authors. Mr. Haggard was also shocked at what he calls the American way of talking loud and knocking at doors loud, ringing fire alarm bells loud. But then Mr. Rider Haggard is English. 57 THE FAMOUS BOER ULTIMATUM. The followiug document, beiug the last official in- strument signed and executed by our late worthy President, Mr. Kruger, and being now of historical value, I thought might be of interest to the reader; not only as a document signed by one of the most re- markable men of his time, but itself being a remarkable historical document. The British never got over the fact that such a small nation would dare to serve an ultimatum on the great and only John Bull. October 9, 1899. Following full text of Note, received from Government South African Republic, bearing date of today, begins: — Sir. — Government South African Republic feels itself compelled to refer the Government of Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland once more to the Convention of 1881, con- cluded between this Republic and the United Kingdom, and which in its 14th Article secures certain specified rights to the white population of this Republic, namely, that (here follows Article 14 of Convention of London, 1884). This Government wishes further to observe that the above are only rights which Her Majesty's Government have reserved in the above Convention with regard to the uitlander population of this Republic, and that the violation only of those rights could give that Government a right to dip- lomatic representation or intervention, while, moreover, the regu- lation of all other questions affecting the position or the rights of the uitlander population under the above-mentioned Convention is handed over to the Government and the representatives of the people of the South African Republic. Amongst the questions the regulation of which falls exclusively within the competence of this government and of the Volksraad are included those of the franchise and representation of the people in this Republic, and although thus the exclusive right of this Government and of the Volksraad for the regulation of that franchise and representation is indisputable, yet this Government has found occasion to discuss in a friendly fashion the franchise and the representation of the people with Her Majesty's Govern- ment without, however, recognizing any right thereto on the part 58 The Late Mr. Paul Kruger, President of the Transvaal Republic, the Washington of- THE Boers, Who Died an Exile in Holland, 1904. of Her Majesty's Government. This Government has also by the formulation of the now existing Franchise Law and the resolution with regard to representation constantly held these friendly dis- cussions before the eyes. On the part of Her Majesty's Govern- ment, however, the friendly nature of these discussions has as- sumed a more and more threatening tone, and the minds of the people in this Republic and in the whole of South Africa have been excited and a condition of extreme tension has been created, while Her Majesty's Government could no longer agree to the leg- islation respecting franchise, and the resolution respecting repre- sentation in this Republic, and finally by your Note of September 25, 1899, broke off all friendly correspondence on the subject, and intimated that they must now proceed to formulate their own pro- posals for a final settlement, and this Government can only see in the above intimation from Her Majesty's Government a new violation of the Convention of London of 1884, which does not reserve to Her Majesty's Government, the right to a unilateral settlement of a question which is exclusively a domestic one for this Government and has already been regulated by it. On account of the strained situation and the consequent serious loss in and interruption of trade in general, which the corre- spondence respecting the franchise and representation in this Re- public carried in its train. Her Majesty's Government have re- cently pressed for an early settlement, and finally pressed by your intervention for an answer within forty-eight hours (subsequently somewhat modified) to your Note of the 12th September, replied to by the Note of this Government of the 15th September, and your Note of the 25th September, 1899, and thereafter further friendly negotiations broke off, and this Government received the intimation that a proposal for a fxual settlement would shortly be made, but although this promise was once more repeated, no pro- posal has up to now reached this Government. Even while friendly correspondence was still going on an increase of troops on a large scale was introduced by Her Majesty's Government and stationed in the neighborhood of the borders of this Republic. Having regard to occurrences in the history of this Republic which it is unneces- sary here to call to mind, this Government feels obliged to regard this military force in the neighborhood of its borders as a threat against the independence of the South African Republic, since it was aware of no circumstances which could justify the presence of any such military force in South Africa and in the neighborhood of its borders. In answer to an enquiry with respect thereto, ad- dressed to His Excellency the High Commissioner, this Govern- ment received to its great astonishment in answer a veiled insinua- tion that from the side of the Republic (van Republickansche zeyde) an attack was being made on Her Majesty's Colonies, and at the same time a mysterious reference to possibilities, whereby it was strengthened in its suspicion that the independence of this Republic was ibeing threatened. As a defensive measure, it was therefore obliged to send a portion of the burghers of this Republic in order to offer the requisite resistance to similar possibilities. Her Ma- jesty's unlawful intervention in the internal affairs of this Repub- lic, in conflict with the Convention of London, 1884, caused by 59 the extraordinary strengthening of troops in the neighborhood of the borders of this Republic, has thus caused an intolerable condi- tion of things to arise whereto this Government feels itself obliged in the interest not only of this Republic but also of all South Africa to make an end as soon as possible, and feels itself called upon and obliged to press earnestly and with emphasis on Her Majesty's Government for the immediate termination of this state of things, and to request Her Majesty's Government to give it the assurance (a) That all points of mutual difference shall be regulated by the friendly course of arbitration or by whatever amica- ble way may be agreed upon by this Government with Her Majesty's Government. (b) That the troops on the borders of this Republic shall be instantly withdrawn. (c) That all reinforcements of troops which have arrived in South Africa since the 1st June, 1899, shall be removed from South Africa within a reasonable time to be agreed upon with this Government, and with a mutual assur- ance and guarantee on the part of this Government that no attack upon or hostilities against any portion of the possessions of the British Government shall be made by The Republic during further negotiations, within a period of time to be subsequently agreed upon between the Gov- ernments, and this Government will, on compliance there- with, be prepared to withdraw the armed burghers of this Republic from the borders. (d) That Her Majesty's troops which are now on the high seas shall not be landed in any port of South Africa. This Government must press for an immediate and affirmative answer to these four questions, and earnestly requests Her Ma:; jesty's Government to return such answer before or upon Wed- nesday, 11th October, 1899, not later than five o'clock p. m., and it desires further to add that in the event of unexpectedly no an- swer being received by it within that interval, it will with great regret be compelled to regard the action of Her Majesty's Gov- ernment as a formal declaration of war, and will not hold itself responsible for the consequences thereof, and that in the event of any further movement of troops taking place within the above- mentioned time in the nearer direction of our borders, this Gov- ernment will be compelled to regard that also as a formal dec- laration of war. — I have, etc., (Signed) S. J. P. KRUGER, President. F. W. REITZ, State Secretary. 60 THAT NOTORIOUS GENERAL ViLJOEN. Winston Churchill, M. P. and War Correspondent In South Africa during the Anglo-Boer War, reporting the Battle of Vaalkraus in which General Viljoen defeated Sir Redvers Buller on the Tugela river on 5th of February, 1900, says: "A Maxim-Vickers gun aban- doned by the Boers in a dongo (canyon) was about to fall into Brit- ish hands, when that notorious, fearless Viljoen himself brought back a team of horses and escaped with the gun, threading his way between the red flashes and black clouds of lyddite shells which the British artillery concentrated on him — a feat that, were it done by a British offlcer, he would assuredly be covered with decora- tions." Captain A. E. Lynch, U. S. A., composed and published in a Western paper during the African War. "It was a splendid feat of arms." Now "that notorious Viljoen," With a span of spanking mares, Which erstwhile used to cleave the veldt With Blade of peaceful shares, Comes dashing down the donga. Where the Maxim-Vickers lay Abandoned to th' advancing foe And soon to be their prey. To earth he leaps and cuts it loose, While lies the old team slain; In spans the new one quickly, Unheeding shrapnel rain. For, as they mark his object, Each British gunner turns His sights upon "that Boer" Who life and safety spurns. 61 Loud shriek the flying missiles; The air with flame's alight; The earth is black with lyddite smoke, Or with the dust clouds white, But surely God is with him As he gallops back and forth And scathless treads, mid bursting shells, His pathless journey north. Safely behind a kopje He swing, 'long with that gun; Ere night, four hundred of the foes Have joined the lonely one. ^ >i< :|i And yet, though t'was "a splendid feat Of arms" that hero wrought. He's a "notorious Boer" That he for Freedom fought. But long such titles have been held The patriot's brevet proud; They graced the traitor Washington; They hallowed Emmet's shroud; The rebel Arabi who struck For Egypt's fellaheen; The felon Boyle O'Reilly "For the wearing of the green." 'T were better far be Viljoen, Though "notorious" Churchill call. Than bear the bribe-stained title or Lord of Blenheim Hall. 62 PART TWO. THE AUTHOR TO THE READER. In offering my readers my reminiscences of the late War, I feel that it is necessary to ask their indulgence and to plead extenuating circumstances for many obvious shortcomings. It should be pointed out that the preparation of this work was attended with many difficulties and disabilities, of which the following were only a few: — (1) This is my first attempt at writing a book, and as a simple Afrikander I lay no claim to any literary ability. (2) When captured by the British forces I was deprived of all my notes, and have been compelled to consult and depend largely upon my memory for my facts and data. I would wish to add, however, that the notes and minutiae they took from me referred only to events and incidents covering six months of the War. Twice before my capture, various diaries I had com- piled fell into British hands; and on a third occasion, when our camp at Dalmanutha was burned out by a "grassfire," other notes were destroyed. (3) I wrote this book while a prisoner-of-war, fettered, as it were, by the strong chains with which a British "parole" is circumscribed. I was, so to say, bound hand and foot, and always made to feel sensibly the humiliating position to which we, as prisoners-of-war 6 ANGLO-BOER WAR on this island, were reduced. Our unhappy lot was rendered unnecessarily unpleasant by the insulting treatment offered us by Colonel Price, who appeared to me an excellent prototype of Napoleon's custodian. Sir Hudson Lowe. One has only to read Lord Rosebery's work, *The Last Phase of Napoleon," to realise the insults and indignities Sir Hudson Lowe heaped upon a gallant enemy. We Boers experienced similar treatment from our custodian. Colonel Price, who appeared to be possessed with the very demon of distrust and who conjured up about us the same fantastic and mythical plans of escape as Sir Hudson Lowe attributed to Napoleon. It is to his absurd suspicions about our safe custody that I trace the bitterly offensive regulations enforced on us. While engaged upon this work. Colonel Price could have pounced down upon me at any moment, and, having discovered the manuscript, would certainly have promptly pronounced the writing of it in conflict with the terms of my "parole." I have striven as far as possible to refrain from criticism, except when compelled to do so, and to give a coherent story, so that the reader may easily follow the episodes I have sketched. I have also endeavoured to be impartial, or, at least, so impartial as an erring human being can be who has just quitted the bloody battlefields of a bitter struggle. But the sword is still wet, and the wound is not yet healed. I would assure my readers that it has not been without hesitation that I launch this work upon the world. There have been many amateur and professional writers who have preceded me in overloading the reading public with what purport to be "true histories" of the War. But having been approached by friends to add my little effort TO THE READER 7 to the ponclerous tomes of War literature, I have written down that which I saw with my own eyes, and that which I personally experienced. If seeing is believing, the reader may lend credence to my recital of every incident I have herein recounted. During the last stages of the struggle, when we were isolated from the outside world, we read in newspapers and other printed matter . captured from the British so many romantic and fabulous stories about ourselves, that we were sometimes in doubt whether people in Europe and elsewhere would really believe that we were ordinary human beings and not legendary monsters. On these occasions I read circumstantial reports of my death, and once, a long, and by no means flattering, obituary (extending over several columns of a newspaper) in which I was compared to Garibaldi, "Jack the Ripper," and Aguinaldo. On another occasion I learned from British newspapers of my capture, conviction, and execution in the Cape Colony for wearing the insignia of the Red Cross. I read that I had been brought before a military court at De Aar and sentenced to be shot, and what was worse, the sentence was duly confirmed and carried out. A very lurid picture was drawn of the execution. Bound to a chair, and placed near my open grave, I had met my doom with "rare stoicism and fortitude." "At last," concluded my amiable biographer, "this scoundrel, robber, and guerilla leader, Viljoen, has been safely removed, and will trouble the British Army no longer." I also learned with mingled feelings of amazement and pride that, being imprisoned at Mafeking at the commencement of hostilities, General Baden-Powell had kindly exchanged me for Lady Sarah "Wilson. To be honest, none of the above-mentioned reports were strictly accurate. I can assure the reader that I was never killed in action or executed at De Aar, I 8 ANGLO-BOER WAR was never in Mafeking or any other prison in my life (save here at St. Helena), nor was I in the Cape Colony during the War. I never masqueraded with a Red Cross, and I was never exchanged for Lady Sarah Wilson. Her ladyship's friends would have found me a very poor exchange. It is also quite inaccurate and unfair to describe me as a "thief" and "a scoundrel" It was, indeed, not an heroic thing to do, seeing that the chivalrous gentlemen of the South African Press who employed the epithets were safely beyond my view and reach, and I had no chance of correcting their quite erroneous impressions. I could neither refute nor defend myself against their infamous libels, and for the rest, my friend "Mr. Atkins" kept us all exceedingly busy. That which is left of Ben Viljoen after the several "coups de grace" in the field and the tragic execution at De Aar, stil "pans" out at a fairly robust young person — quite an ordinary young fellow, indeed, thirty-four years of age, of middle height and build. Somewhere in the the Marais Quartier of Paris— where the French Huguenots came from — there was an ancestral Viljoen from whom I am descended. In the War just concluded I played no great part of my own seeking. I met many compatriots who were better soldiers than myself; but on occasions I was happily of some small service to my Cause and to my people. The chapters I append are, like myself, simple in form. If I have become notorious it is not my fault; it is the fault of the newspaper paragraphist, and in these pages I have endeavoured, as far as possible , te leave the stage to more prominent actors, merely offering myself as guide to the many battle-fields on which we have waged our unhappy struggle. TO THE READER 9 I sLall not disappoint the reader by promising him sensational or thrilling episodes. He will find none such in these pages ; he will find only a naked and unembellished story. BEN J. VILJOEN. {Assistant Commandant General of the Republican Forces.) St. Helena, June, 1902. 50/AE PRESS OPINIONS. General Sen Diljocri^^ s Jjoofz on we War^. C^My Reminiscences of the Anglo-Boer War'%) The following are a few of the Hundreds of Press Opiniona received: The Times: — "General Ben Viljoen's book is in many ways the best book on the Boer side that has yet appeared. It is written by a man who possesses considerable idea of style, abundant and irrepressible good humour, a sense of fairness towards his opponents, and a very good military judgment." St. James's Gazette: — ^General Ben "Viljoen's book is the only one emanating from the Boer side which we have seen, which can be read by an Englishman without his gorge rising at the palpable misstatement and unfair accusation. Ben Viljoeu is as fair as he is vivid and amusing." Daily Express: — "General Viljoen's is one of the most readable and best worth reading of the War books." South Africa: — "It has none of the defects of 's bombast. General Viljoen refrains from the sneering tone which disfigures — 's book." Nottingham Guardian: — "General Viljoen is so thoroughly outspoken and straightforward that his book kindles a very friendly feeling and leaves a far pleasanter impression than the much heralded productioa of ." Dundee Courier: — "The book will be welcomed as a standard history." Weekly Times:— ^Of the three books issued giving the Boer side of the War, General Viljoen's is certainly the most readable." Liverpool Courier: — "General Ben Viljoen furnished the best and most impartial story of the Burgher authors." The Globe: — "The whole narrative is full of interest, and will appeal to the general reader more than any book yet published on the War." The Literary World:— "Oi the Books on the War from the Boer side there is not one which pleases us more than General Yiljoen'3." 10 INDEX TO CONTENTS. , PAGB THE AUTHOR TO THE EEADEE 5 CHAPTER I. THE WAR CLOUDS GATHER 17 II. AND THE WAR STORM BREAKS . • 20 III. THE INVASION OF NATAL 24 IV. DEFEATED AT ELANDSLAAGTE ... 30 V. PURSUED BY THE LANCERS 34 VI. RISKING JOUBERt's ANGER .43 VII. THE BOER general's SUPERSTITION'S 48 VIII.. COLENSO AND SPION KOP FIGHTS 51 TX. THE BATTLE OF VAALKRANTZ 57 X. THE TURN OF THE TIDE 64 XI. THE GREAT BOER RETREAT • • 70 XII. DRIVEN FROM THE BIGGARSBERGEN 78 XIII. "great powers" to INTERVENE 83 XIV. DISPIRITED AND DEMORALISED - . . 87 XV. OCCUPATION OF PRETORIA 94 XVI. BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK ("DIAMOND HILL*') 97 XVII. I BECOME A GENERAL 103 XVHI. OUR CAMP BURNED OUT Ill XIX. BATTLE OF BERGENDAL (mACHADODORP) 114 XX. TWO THOUSAND BRITISH PRISONERS RELFASKU 117 XXI. A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT 122 XXII. AN IGNOMINIOUS DISPERSAL 128 XXIII. A DREARY TREK THROUGH FEVEULAND 132 XXIV. PAINS AND PLEASURES OF COMMANDEERING 146 12 ANGLO-BOER WAR. CHAPTFR PAGE XXV. PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH 151 XXVI. BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP ....• 158 XXVII. THE SECOND CHRISTMAS AT WAR 169 XXVIII. CAPTURE OF "lADT ROBERTS" 173 XXIX. A DISMAL, "hAPPT NEW YEAb" 183 XXX. GENERAL ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS ... 186 XXXI. A "bluff" and a BATTLE 195 XXXII. EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR 202 XXXIIL IN A TIGHT CORNER 206 XXXIV. ELUDING THE BRITISH CORDON 211 XXXV. BOER government's NARROW ESCAPE 217 XXXVI. A GOVERNMENT ON HORSEBACK 228 XXXVIL BLOWING UP AN ARMOURED TRAIN 231 XXXVIII. TRAPPING PRO- BRITISH BOERS 235 XXXIX. BRUTAL KAFFIBS' MURDER TRAIL 243 XL. CAPTURING A FREEEOOTEr's LAIR 248 XLI. AMBUSHING THE HUSSARS 251 XLII. I TALK WITH GENERAL BLOOD 254 XLiii. MRS. Botha's baby and the "tommy" 256 XLIV. THE LAST CHRISTMAS OF THE WAR 262 XLV. MY LAST DAYS ON THE VELDT 266 XLVI. I AM AMBUSHED AND CAPTURED 270 XLVIL SHIPPED TO ST. HELENA 277 XLVIII. LIFE IN BONAPAKTE's PRISON 288 XLIX. HOW WE BLEW UP AND CAPTURED TRAINS 291 L. HOW WE FED AND CLOTHED COMMANDOS 298 LI. OUR FRIEND THE ENEMY . 304 til. THE FIGHTING BOER AND HIS OFFICER 309 %v>#> MY REMINISCENCES OF THE ANGLO-BOER WAR CHAPTER I. THE WAR CLOUDS GATHER. IN 1895 the political clouds gathered thickly and grew threatening. They were unmistakable in their portent, AVar was meant, and we heard the martial thunder rumbling over our heads. The storm broke in the shape of an invasion from Khodesia on our Western frontiers, a raid planned by soldiers of a friendly power. However one may endeavour to argue the chief cause of the South African war to other issues, it remains an irrebuttable fact that the Jameson Raid was primarily responsible for the hostilities which eventually took place between Great Britain and the Boer Republics. Mr. Rhodes, the sponsor and deux ex machind of the Raid, could not agree with Mr. Paul Kruger, and had failed in his efforts to establish friendly relations with him. Mr. Kruger, quite as stubborn and ambitious as Mr. Rhodes, placed no faith in the latter's amiable proposals, and the result was that fierce hatred was engendered between the two Gideons, a racial rancour spreading to fanatical lengths. 17 18 ANGLO-BOER WAR Dr. Jameson's stupid raid is now a matter of history; but from that fataful New Year's Day of 1896 we Boers date the terrible trials and sufferings to which our poor country has been exposed. To that mischievous incident, indeed, we directly trace the struggle now terminated. This invasion, which was synchronous with an armed rebellion at Johannesburg, was followed by the arrest and imprisonment of the so-called gold magnates of the Wit- watersrand. Whether these exceedingly wealthy but extremely degenerate sons of Albion and Germania deserved the death sentence pronounced upon their leaders at Pretoria for high treason it is not for me to judge, I do recall, however, the appeal for mercy that went up, how piteously the Transvaal Government was petitioned and supplicated, and finally moved "to forgive and forget." The same faction now pressing so obdurately for "no mercy" upon the Colonial Afrikanders who joined us, then supplicated all the Boer gods for forgiveness. Meantime the Republic was plagued by the rinderpest scourge, which wrought untold havoc throughout the country. This scourge was preceded by the dynamite disaster at Vrededorp (near Johannesburg) and the railway disaster at Glencoe in Natal. It was succeeded by a smallpox epidemic, which, in spite of medical efforts, grew from sporadic to epidemic and visited all classes of the Rand, exacting victims wherever it travelled. During the same period difficulties occurred in Swaziland necessitating the despatch of a strong commando to the disaffected district and the maintenance of a garrison at Bremersdorp, The following year hostilities were commenced against the Magato tribe in the north of the Republic. After an expensive expedition, lasting six months, the rebellion was quelled. There was Httle doubt that the administration of unfaithful native commissioners was in part responsible for the difficulties, but there is less doubt WAR CLOUDS GATHER . 19 that external influences also contributed to the rebellion. TJiis is not the time, however, to tear open old wounds. Mr. Rhodes has disappeared from the stage for ever; he died as he had lived. His relentless enemy Mr. Kruger, who was pulling the strings at the other end, is still alive. Perhaps the old man may be spared to see the end of the bloody drama; it was undoubtedly he and Mr. Rhodes who played the leading parts in the prologue. Which of these two "Big Men" took the greatest share in bringing about the Disaster which has drenched South Africa with blood, and draped it in mourning, it would be improper for me at this period to suggest. Mr. Rhodes has been summoned before a Higher Tribunal ; Mr. Kruger has still to come up for judgment before the people whose fate and very existence as a nation, are, at the time of writing, wavering in the balance. We have been at one another's throats, and for this we have to thank our statesmen. It is to be hoped that our leaders of the future will attach more value to human lives, and that Boer and Briton will be enabled to live amicably side by side. A calm and statesmanlike government, by men free from ambition and racial rancour, by men of unblemished reputation, will be the only nieans of pacifying South Africa and keeping South Africa at peace. CHAPTER II. AND THE WAR STORM BREAKS. IT was during a desultory discussion of an ordinary sessions of the Second Volksraad, in which I represented Johannesburg, that one day in September, 1899 — to be precise, the afternoon of the 28th — the messenger of the House came to me with a note, and whispered, ''A message from General Joubert Sir: it is urgent, and the General says it requires your immediate attention." I broke the seal of the envelope with some trepidation. I guessed its contents, and a few of my colleagues in the Chamber hung over me almost speechless with excitement, whispering curiously, "Jong, is dit font?" — "Is this correct. Is it war?" Everybody knew of course, that we were in for a supreme crisis, that the relations between Great Britain and our Republic were strained to the bursting point, that bitter diplomatic notes had been exchanged between the governments of the two countries for months past, and that a collision, an armed collision, was sooner or later inevitable. Being "Fighting - Commandant" of the Witwatersrand goldfields, and therefore, an officer of the Transvaal army, my movements on that day excited great interest among my colleagues in the Chamber. After reading General Joubert's note, I said as calmly as possible: "Yes, the die is cast ; I am leaving for the Natal frontier. Good-bye. I must now quit the house. Who knows, perhaps for ever 1" 20 WAR STORM BREAKS 21 General Joubert's mandate was couched as follows: — "You are hereby ordered to proceed with the Johannesburg commando to Volksrust to-morrow, Friday evening, at 8 o'clock. Tour field comets have 'already received instructions to commandeer the required number of burghers and the necessary horses, waggons, and equipment. Instructions have also been given for the necessary railway conveyances to be held ready. Further instructions will reach you." Previous to my departure next morning, I made a hurried call at Commandant-General Joubert's offices. The ante-chamber leading to the Generalissimo's "sanctum- sanctorum" was crowded with brilliantly-uniformed officers of our State Artillery, and it was only by dint of using my elbows very vigorously that I gained admission to my chief-in-command. The old General seemed to feel keenly the gravity of the situation. He looked careworn and troubled: "Good- morning, Commandant," he said; "aren't you away yet?" I explained that I was on my way to the railway station, but I thought before leaving I'd like to see him about one or two things. "Well, go on, what is jt?" General Joubert, enquired, petulanty. "I want to know, General Joubert," I said, "whether England has declared war against us, or whether we are taking the lead. And another thing, what sort of general have I to report myself to at Volksrust?" The old warrior, without looking up or immediately answering me, drew various cryptic and hieroglyphic pothooks and figures on the paper before him. Then he suddenly lifted his eyes and pierced me with a look, at which I quailed and trembled. He said very slowly: "Look here; there is as yet no' declaration of war, and hostilities have not yet commenced. "You and my other officers should understand that, very clearly, because possibly the differences between ourselves and Great Britain may still be settled. We are only going 22 ANGLO-BOEH WAR to occupy our frontiers because England's attitude is extremely provocative, and if England sees that we are fully prepared and that we do not fear her threats, she will perhaps be wise in time and reconsider the situation. We also want to place ourselves in a position to prevent and quell a repetition of the Jameson Raid with more force than we exerted in 1896." An hour afterwards I was on board a train travelling to Johannesburg in the company of General Piet Cronje and his faithful wife. General Cronje told me that he was proceeding to the western districts of the Republic to take up the command of the Potchefstroom and Lichtenburg burghers. His instructions, he said, were to protect the Western frontier. I left General Cronje at Johannesburg on the 29th September, 1899, and never saw him again until I met him at St. Helena nearly two and a half years afterwards, on the 25th March, 1902. When I last saw him we greeted each other as free men, as free and independent legislators and officers of a free Republic. We fought for our rights to live as a nation. Now the veteran Cronje is a broken old man, captive like myself, far away from our homes and our country. Then and Now! Then we went abroad free, and freedoraloving men, burning with patriotism. Our wives and our womenfolk w^atched us go; full of sorrow and anxiety, but satisfied that we were going abroad in our country's cause. And Now! Two promising and prosperous Republics wrecked, their fair homesteads destroyed, their people in mourning, and thousands of innocent women and children the victims oi a cruel war. There is scarcely an Afrikander family without an WAR STORM BREAKS 23 unhealable M^ound. Everywhere the traces of the hloody struggle ; ' and alas, most poignant and distressing fact of all, burghers who fought side by side with us in the earlier stages of the struggle are now to be found in the ranks of the enemy. These wretched men, ignoring their solemn duty, left their companions in the lurch, without sense of shame or respect for the braves who fell fighting for their land and people. Oh, day of judgment! The Afrikander nation will yet avenge your treachery. CHAPTER III. THE INVASION OF NATAL. Ai^" T E R taking leave of my friend Cronje at Johannesburg Station, my first duty was to visit my various field cornets. About four o'clock that afternoon I found my commando was as nearly ready as could be expected. When I say ready, I mean ready on paper only, as later experience showed. My three field cornets were required to equip 900 mounted men with waggons and provisions, and of course they had carte blanche to commandeer. Only fully enfranchised burghers of the South African Republic were liable to be commandeered, and in Johannesburg town there was an extraordinary conglomeration of cosmopolitans amenable to this gentle process of enlistment. It would take up too much time to adequately describe the excitement of Johannesburg on this memorable day. Thousands of Uitlanders were flying from their homes, contenting themselves, in their hurry to get away, to stand in Kaffir or coal trucks and to expose themselves cheer- fully to the fierce sun, and other elements. The streets were palpitating with burghers ready to proceed to the frontier that night, and with refugees speeding to the stations. Everybody was in a state of intense feeling. One was half hearted, another cheerful, and a third thirsting for blood, while many of my men were under the influence of alcohol. When it was known that I had arrived in the town my room in the North Western Hotel was besieged. 24 INVASION OF NATAL. 25 I was approached by all sorts of people pleading exemption from commando duty. One Boer said he knew that his solemn duty was to fight for his country and his freedom, but he would rather decline. Another declared that he could not desert his family ; while yet another came forward with a stary that of his four horses, three had been commandeered, and that these horses were his only means of subsistence. A fourth complained that his waggons and mules had been clandestinely (although officially) removed. Many malingerers suddenly discovered acute symptoms of heart disease and brought easily-obtained doctor's certificates, assuring me that tragic consequences would attend their exposure in the field. Ladies came to me pleading exemption for their husbands, sisters for brothers, mothers for sons, all ofifering plausible reasons why their loved ones should be exempted from commando duty. It was very difficult to deal with all these clamorous visitors. I was much in the position of King Solomon, though lacking his wisdom. But I would venture to say that his ancient majesty himself would have been perplexed had he been in my place. It is necessary that the reader should know, that the main part of the population was composed of all nationalities and lacked every element of Boer discipline. On the evening of the 29th of September, I left with the Johannesburg commando in two trains. Two-thirds of my men had no personal acquaintance with me, and at the departure there was some difficulty because of this. One burgher came into my private compartment uninvited ; he evidently forgot his proper place, and when I suggested to him that the compartment was private and reserved for officers, he told me to go to the devil, and I was compelled to remove him somewhat precipitately from the carriage. This same man was afterwards one of my most trustworthy scouts. 26 ANGLO-BOER WAR The following afternoon we reached Standerton, where I received telegraphic instructions from General Joubert to join my commando to that of Captain Schiel, who was in charge of the German Corps, and to place myself under the supreme command of Jan Kock, a member of the Executive Council, who had been appointed a general by the Government. We soon discovered that quite one-third of the horses we had taken with us were untrained for the serious business of fighting, and also that many of the new burghers of foreign nationality had not the slightest idea how to ride. Our first parade, or "Wapenschouwing" gave food for much hilarity. Here one saw horses waltzing and jumping, while over there a rider was biting the sand, and towards evening the doctors had several patients. It may be stated that although not perfectly equipped in the matter of ambulances, we had three physicians with us, Doctors Visser, Marais, and Shaw. Our spiritual welfare was being looked after by the Reverends Nel and Martins, but not for long, as both these gentlemen quickly found that commando life was unpleasant and left us spiritually to ourselves, even as the European Powers left us politi- cally. But I venture to state that no member of my commando really felt acutely the loss of the theological gentlemen who primarily accompanied us. On the following day General Kock and a large staff arrived at the laager, and together with the German Corps, we trekked to Paardakop and Klip River, in the Orange Free State, where we were to occupy Botha's Pass. My convoy comprised about a hundred carts, mostly drawn by mules, and it was amusing to see the variety of provisions my worthy field-cornets had gathered together. There were three full waggons of lime-juice and other unnecessary articles which I caused to be unloaded at the first halting- place to make room for more serviceable provisions. It IiNVASION OF NATAL. 27 should be mentioned that of my three field-cornets only one, the late Piet Joubert of Jeppestown, actually accom- panied my commando. The others sent substitutes, perhaps because they did not like to expose themselves to the change of air. We rested some days at the Klip River, in the Orange Free State, and from thence I was sent with a small escort of burghers by our General to Harrismith to meet a number of Free State officers. After travelling two days I came upon Chief Free State Commandant Prinsloo, who afterwards deserted, and other officers. The object of my mission was to organise communications with these officers. On the 11th of October, having returned to my commando, we received a report that our Government had despatched the Ultimatum to England, and that the time specified for the reply to that document had elapsed and hostilities had begun. We received orders to invade Natal, and crossed the frontier that very evening, I, with a patrol of 50 men, had not crossed the frontier very far when one of m}'^ scouts rode up with the report that a large British force was in sight on the other side of the River Ingogo. I said to myself at the time: "If this be true the British have rushed up fairly quickly, and the fat will be in the fire very soon." We then broke into scattered formation and carefully proceeded into Natal. After much reconnoitring and concealment, however, we soon discovered that the "large English force" was only a herd of cattle belonging to friendly., Boers, and that the camp consisted of two tents occupied by some Englishmen and Kaffirs who were mending a defective bridge. We also came across a cart drawn by four bullocks belonging to a Natal farmer, and I believe this was the first plunder we captured in Natal. The Englishman, who said he knew nothing about any war, received a pass to proceed with his servants to the 28 ANGLO-BOER WAR English lines, and he left with the admonition to read the newspapers in future and learn when war was imminent. Next day our entire commando was well into Natal. The continuous rain and cold of the Drakenbergen rendered our first experience of veldt life, if not unbearable, very discouraging. We numbered a fairly large commando, as Commandant J. Lombard, commanding the Hollander corps, had also joined us. Close by Newcastle we encountered a large number of commandos, and a general council of war was held under the presidency of Commandant General Joubert. It was here decided that Generals Lukas Meyer and Dijl Erasmus should take Dundee, which an English garrison held, while our commandos under General Kock were instructed to occupy the Biggarburg Pass. Preceded by scouts we wound our way in that direction, leaving all our unnecessary baggage in the shape of provisions and ammunition waggons at Newcastle. One of my acting field-cornets and the field-cornets of the German commando, prompted by goodness knows what, pressed forward south, actually reaching the railway station at Elandslaagte. A goods train was just steaming into the station, and it was captured by these foolhardy young Moltkes. I was much dissatisfied with this action, and sent a messenger ordering them to retire after having destroyed the railway. On the same night I received instructions from General Kock to proceed with two hundred men and a cannon to Elandslaagte, and I also learned that Captain Schiel and his German Corps had left in the same direction. Imagine, we had gone further than had actually been decided at the council of war, and we pressed forward still further without any attempt being made to keep in touch with the other commandos on our left and right. Seeing the inexpediency of this move, I went to the General in command and expressed my objections to it. But General Kock was firmly decided on the point, and said, "Go INVASION OF NATAL 29 along my boy." We reached Elandslaagte at midnight, it was raining very heavily. After scrambling for positions in the darkness, although I had already sufficiently seen that the lie of the lane English approached Pretoria very cautiously, and directed some big naval guns on our forts built round the town, to which w^e replied for some time with our guns from the "randten," south-west of the town ; but our oflScers were unable to offer any organised resistance, and thus on the 5th of June, 1900, the capital of the South African Republic fell with little ado into the enemy's hands. Bloemfontein, the capital of the Orange Free State, had months before suffered the same fate, and thousands of Free Staters had surrendered to the English as they marched from Bloemfontein to the Transvaal, Happily, however, in the Free State President Steyn and General De Wet were still wide awake and Lord Roberts very soon discovered that his long lines of communication w^ere a source of great trouble and anxiety to him. The commandos, meanwhile, were reorganised ; the buried Mausers and ammunition were once more resurrected, and soon it became clear that the Orange Free State was far from conquered. The fall of Pretoria, indeed, was but a sham victory for the enemy. A number of officials of the Government remained behind there and surrendered, together with a number of burghers, amongst these faint-hearted brethren being even members of the Volksraad and men who had played a prominent part in the Republic's history; while to the everlasting shame of them and their race, a number of other Boers entered at once into the English service and henceforth used their rifles to shoot at and maim their own fellowcountrymen. CHAPTER XVI. BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK ("DIAMOND HILL"). OUR first and best positions were now obviously the kopjes which stretched from Donlcerhoek past Waterval and Wonderboompoort. This chain of mountains runs for about 12 miles E. and N.E. of Pretoria^ and our positions here would cut off all the roads of any inportance to Pietorsburg, Middelburg, as well as the Delagoa Bay railway. We therefore posted ourselves along this range, General De la Rey forming the right flank, some of our other fighting generals occupying the centre, whilst Com- mandant-General Botha himself took command of the left flank. On the 11th of June, 1900, Lord Roberts approached with a force of 28,000 to 30,000 men and about 100 guns, in order, as the official despatches had it, "to clear the Boers from the neighbourhood of Pretoria." Their right and left flanks were composed of cavalry, whilst the centre was formed of infantry regiments; their big guns were placed in good positions and their field pieces were evenly distributed amongst the diff'erent army divisions. Towards sunset they began booming away at our whole 13 miles of defence. Our artillery answered tlieir fire from all points with excellent results, and when night fell the enemy retired a little with considerable losses. The battle was renewed next day, the enemy attempting to turn our right with a strong flanking mo- vement, but was completely repulsed. Meanwhile I at Donkerpoort proper had the privilege of being left unmo- 97 98 ANGLO-BOER WAR lested for several hours. The object of this soon became apparent. A Uttle cart drawn by two horses and bearing a white flag came down the road from Pretoria. From it descended two persons, Messrs. Koos Smit, our Railway- Commissioner and Mr. J, F. de Be^er, Chief Inspector of Offices, both high officials of the South African Republic. I called out to them from a distance, "Halt, you cannot pass. What do you want?" Smit said, "I want to see Botha and President Kruger. Dr Scholtz is also with us. We are sent by Lord Roberts." I answered Mr. Smit that traitors were not admitted on our premises, and that he would have to stay where he was. Turning to some burghers who were standing near I gave instructions that the fellows were to be de- tained. Mr. Smit now began to "sing small," and turning deadly pale, asked in a tremulous voice if there were any chance of seeing Botha. "Your request," I replied, "will be forwarded." Which was done. An hour passed before General Botha sent word that he was coming. Meanwhile the battle continued raging fiercely, and a good many lyddite bombs were straying our way. The "white-flaggists" appeared to be very anxious to know if the General would be long in coming, and if their flag could not be hoisted in a more conspicuous place. The burghers guarding them pointed out, however, that the bombs came from their own British friends. After a while General Botha rode up. He offered a far from cordial welcome to the deputation. Dr. Scholtz produced a piece of paper and said Lord Roberts had sent him to enquire why Botha insisted on more unnecessary bloodshed, and why he did not come in to make peace, and that sort of thing. Botha asked if Scholtz held an authoritative letter or BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK 99 document from the English general, to which the Doctor replied in the negative. Smit now suggested that he should be allowed to see Mr. Kruger, but Botha declared, with considerable emphasis, "Look here, your conduct is nothing less than execrable, and I shall not allow you to see Mr. Kruger. You are a couple of contemptible scoundrels, and as for Dr. Scholtz, his certificate looks rather dubious. You will go back and give the following message to Lord Roberts: — "That this is not the first time messages of this description are sent to me in an unofficial manner ; that these overtures have also some- times been made in an insulting form, but always equally unofficially. I have to express my surprise at such tactics on the part of a man in Lord Eoberts' position. His Lordship may think that our country is lost to us, but I shall do my duty towards it all the same. They can shoot me for it or imprison me, or banish me, but my principles and my character they cannot assail." One could plainly see that the consciencestricken messengers winced under the reproach. Not another word was said, and the noble trio turned on their heels and took their white flag back to Pretoria. Whether Botha was right in allowing these "hands- uppers'* to return, is a question I do not care to discuss, but many burghers had their own opinion about it. Still, if they had been detained" by us and shot for high treason, what would not have been said by those who did not hesitate to send our own unfaithful burghers to us to induce us to surrender. I cannot say whether Lord Roberts was personally responsible for the sending of these messengers, but that such action was extremely improper no one can deny. It was a specially stupendous piece of impudence on the part of these men, J. S. Smit and J. F. de Beer, burghers both, and highly placed officials of the S. A. Republic. They had thrown down their arms and sworn allegiance to an enemy, thereby committing high treason in the LOFC 100 ANGLO-BOER WAR fullest sense of the word. They now came through the fighting lines of their former comrades to ascertain from the commanders of the republican army why the whole nation did not follow their example, why they would not surrender their liberty and very existence as a people and commit the most despicable act known to mankind. "Pretoria was in British hands!" As if, forsooth, the existence of our nationality began and ended in Pretoria! Pretoria was after all only a village where such "patriots" (?) had for years been fattening on State funds, and, having filled their pockets, had helped to damage the reputation of a young and virile nation. ^ Not only had they enjoyed the spoils of high office in the State Service offices, to which a fabulous remune- ration was attached^ but they belonged to the Boer aristocracy, members of honourable families whose high birth and ■qualities had secured for them preference over thousands of other men and the unlimited confidence of the Head of State. Little wonder these gentlemen regarded the fall of Pretoria as the end of the war. The battle continued the whole day; it was fiercest on our left flank, where General French and his cavalry charged the positions of the Ermelo and Bethel burghers again and again, each time to be repulsed with heavy losses. Once the lancers attacked so valiantly that a hand-to-hand fight ensued. The commandant of the Bethel burghers afterwards told me that during the charge his kaffir servant got among the lancers and called upon them to "Hand up!" The unsophisticated native had heard so much about "hands up," and "hands-uppers," that he thought the entire English language consisted of those two simple words, and when one lancer shouted to him "Hands up," he echoed "Hands up." The British cavalryman thrust his lance through the nigger's arm, still shouting "Hands up," the black man retreating, also vociferously shrieking "Hands up, boss; hands up!" BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK 101 When his master asked him why he had shouted "Hands up" so persistently though he was running away, he answered: "Ah, boss, me hear every day people say, 'Hands up ;' now me think this means kaffir 'Soebat' (to beg). I thought it mean, 'Leave off, please,' but the more I shouted 'Hands up' English boss prod me with his assegai all the same." On our right General De la Rey had an equally awkward position; the British here also made several determined attempts to turn his flank, but were repulsed each time. Once during an attack on our right, their convoy came so close to our position that our artillery and our Mausers were enabled to pour such a fire into them that the mules drawing the carts careered about the veldt at random, and the greatest confusion ensued. British mules were "pro-Boer" throughout the War. The ground, however, was not favou- rable for our operations, and we failed to avail ourselves of the general chaos. Towards the evening of the second day General Tobias Smuts made an unpardonable blunder in falling back with his commandos. There was no necessity for the retreat ; but it served to show the British that there was a weak point in our armoury. Indeed, the following day the attack in force was made upon this point. The British had meantime continued pouring in reinforcements, men as well as guns. About two o'clock in the afternoon Smuts applied urgently for reinforcements, and I was ordered by the Commandant- General to go to his position. A ride of a mile and a half brought us near Smuts; our horses were put behind a "randje," the enemy's bullets and shells meantime flying over their heads without doing much harm. We then hurried up on foot to the fighting line, but before we could reach the position. General Smuts and his burghers had left it. At first I was rather in the dark as to what it all meant until we discovered that the British had won Smuts' position, and from it were firing upon us. We fell down flat behind 102 ANGLO-BOER WAR the nearest "klips" and returned the fire, but were at a disadvantage, since the British were above us. I never heard where General Smuts and his burghers finally got to. On our left we had Commandant Kemp with the Krugersdorpers ; on the right Field-Cornet Koen Brits. The British tried alternately to get through between one of my neighbours and myself, but we succeeded, notwithstanding their fierce onslaught, in turning them back each time. All M'e could do, was to hold our own till dark. Then orders were given to "inspan" as the commandos would all have to retire. I do not know the extent of the British losses in that engagement. My friend Conan Doyle wisely says nothing about them, but we knew they had suffered very severely indeed. Our losses were not heavy; but we had to regret the death of brave Field-Cornet Roelf Jansen and some other plucky burghers. Dr. Doyle, referring to the engagement, says: "The two days' prolonged struggle (Diamond Hill) showed that there was still plenty of fight in the burghers. Lord Roberts had not routed them," etc. Thus ended the battle of Donkerhoek, and next day our commandos were falling back to the north. CHAPTER XVII. I BECOME A GENERAL. IN our retreat northwards the Enghsh did not pursue us. They contented themselves by fortifying the position we had evacuated between Donkerhoek and Wonderboompoort. Meantime our commandos proceeded along the Delagoa Bay Railway until we reached Balmoral Station, while other little divisions of ours were at Rhe- nosterkop, north of Bronkhorst Spruit. I may state that this general retreat knocked the spirit out of some of our weaker brethren. Hundreds of Boers rode into Pretoria with the white flag suspended from their Mauser barrels. In Pretoria there were many prominent burghers who had readily accepted the new conditions, and these were employed by the British to induce other Boers within reach, by manner of all sorts of specious promises, to lay down their arms. Many more western district Boers quietly returned to their homes. Luckily, the Boer loves his Mauser too well to part with it, except on compulsion, and although the majority of these western Boers handed in their weapons, some re- tained them. They retained their weapons by burying them, pacifying the confiding British officer in charge of the district by handing in rusty and obsolete Martini-Henris or a venerable blunderbuss which nobody had used since ancestral Boer shot lions with it in the mediaeval days of the first great trek. The buried Mausers came in very useful afterwards. About this time General Buller entered the Republic 101 104 ANGLO-BOER WAR from the Natal side, and marclied with his force through the southern districts of Wakkerstroom, Standerton, and Ermelo. Hundreds of burghers remained on their farms and handed their weapons to the British. In some districts, for instance, at Standerton, the commandant and two out of his three field-cornets surrendered. Thus, not only were some commandos without officers, but others entirely disappeared from our army. Still, at the psychological moment a Joshua would appear, and save the situation, as, for ir stance, in the Standerton district where Assistant- Field-Cornet Brits led a forlorn hope and saved a whole commando from extinction. The greatest mischief was done by many of our landdrosts, "who, after having surren- dered, sent out communications to officers and burghers exhorting them to come in. The majority of our Boer officers, however, remained faithful to their vow, though since the country was partly occupied by the British it was difficult to get in touch with the Commandant-General or the Government, and the general demoralisation prevented many officers from as- serting their authority. Generals Sarel Oosthuizen and H. L. Lemmer, both now deceased, were sent to the north of Pretoria, to collect the burghers from the western districts, and to generally rehabilitate their commandos. They were followed by Assistant-Commandant General J. H. De la Rey and State Attorney Smuts (our legal adviser). It was at this point, indeed, that the supreme command of the western districts was assumed by General De la Rey, who, on his way to the north, attacked and defeated an English garrison at Selatsnek. The "reorganisation" of our depleted commandos proceeded very well; about 95 per cent, of the fighting Boers rejoined, and speedily the commandos in the western districts had grown to about 7,000 men. 1 BECOME A GENERAL 105 But just a few weeks after his arrival in the West Krugersdorp district, poor, plucky Sarel Oosthuizen was severely wounded in the battle of Dwarsvlei, and died of his wounds some time after. General H. Lemmer, a promising soldier, whom we could ill spare, was killed soon after while storming Lich- tenburg under General De la Rey, an engagement in which we did not succeed. We had much trouble in replacing these two brave generals, whose names will live for all time in the history of the Boer Republics. It is hardly necessary to dwell on the splendid work done by Assistant-Commandant-General De la Rey in the western districts. Commandant-General Botha was also hard worked at this stage, and was severely taxed reorganising his commandos and filling up the lamentable vacancies caused by the deaths of Lemmer and Oosthuizen. I have already pointed out that General De la Rey had taken with him the remainder of the burghers from the western districts. The following commandos were now left to us: — Krugersdorp and Germiston, respectively, under the then Commandants J. Kemp and C. Gravett, and the Johannesburg police, with some smaller com- mandos under the four fighting generals, Douthwaith, ' Snyman (of Maf eking fame), Liebenberg, and Du Toit. The last four generals were "sent home" and their burghers with those of Krugersdorp, Germiston, Johannesburg, Boksburg and the Mounted Police, were placed under my command, while I myself was promoted to the rank of General. I had now under me 1,200 men, all told — a very fair force. I can hardly describe my feelings on hearing of my promotion to such a responsible position. For the first time during the War I felt a sort of trepidation. I had all sorts of misgivings ; how should I be able to properly guard the interests of such a great commando? Had I 106 ANGLO-BOER WAR a right to do so? Would the burghers be satisfied? It was all very well to say that they would have to be •satisfied, but if they had shown signs of dissatisfaction I should iiave felt bound to resign. I am not in the habit of blinking at facts; they are stern things. What was to become of me if I had to tender my resignation? I was eager and rash, like most young officers, for although the ])rospects of our cause were not brilliant and our army had suffered some serious reverses, I still had implicit faith in the future, and above all, in the justice of the cause lor which we were fighting. And I knew, moreover, that the burghers we now had left with us were determined and firm. Tiiere was only one way open to me : to take the bull by the horns, I thought it my duty to go the round of «,11 the commandos, call the burghers together, tell them I had been appointed, ask them their opinion on the appoint- ment, and give them some particulars of the new organisation. I went to the Krugersdorp Commando first. All went well, and the burghers comprising the force received me very cordially. There was a lot of questioning and expla- nations; one of the commandants was so moved by my address that he requested those wlio were present to conclude the meeting by singing Psalm 134, verse 3, after which he exhorted his fellow burghers in an impassioned speech to be obedient and determined. The worst of it was that he asked me to wind up by offering a prayer. I felt as if I would gladly have welcomed the earth opening beneath me. I had never been in such a predicament before. To refuse; to have pleaded exone- ration from this solemn duty, would have been fatal, for -a Boer general is expected, amongst other things, to con- duct all proceedings of a religious character. And not only Boer generals are required to do this thing, but all subor- dinate officers, and an officer who cannot offer a suitable I BECOME A GENERAL. 107 prayer generally receives a hint that he is not worthy of liis position. In these matters the burghers are backed up by the parsons. There was, therefore, no help for it; I felt like a stranger in Jerusalem, and resolved to mumble a bit of a prayer as well as I could. I need not say it was short, but I doubt very much whether it was appropriate, for all sorts of thoughts passed through my head, and I felt as if all the bees in this world were buzzing about my ears. Of course I had to shut my eyes ; I knew that. But I had, mereover, to screw them up, for I knew that everybody was watching me. I closed my eyes very tightly, and presently there -came a welcome "Amen." My old commando was now obliged to find a new commandant and I had to take leave of them in that capacity. I was pleased to find the officers and men were sorry to Jose me as their commandant, but they said they were proud of the distinction that had been conferred upon me. Commandant F. Pienaar, who took my place, had soon to resign on account of some rather serious irregularities. My younger brother, W. J. Viljoen, who, at the time of writing is, I believe, still in this position, replaced him. At the end of June my commandos marched from Balmoral to near Donkerhoek in order to get in touch with the British. Only a few outpost skirmishes took place. My burghers captured half a score of Australians near Van der Merwe Station, and three days afterwards three •Johannesburgers were surprised near Pienaarspoort. As far as our information went the Donkerhoek Kopjes were in possession of General Pole-Carew, and on our left General Hutton with a strong mounted force, was operating near ^wavelpoort and Tigerspoort. We had some sharp fighting with this force for a couple of days, and had to call in Teinforcements from the Middelburg and Boksburg commandos. The fighting line by this time had widely extended lOS ANGLO-BOER WAR and was at least sixty miles in length ; on my right I had General D. Erasmus with the Pretoria commando, and farther still to the right, nearer the Pietersburg railway, the Waterberg and Zoutpansberg commandos were positioned. General Pole-Carew tried to rush us several times with his cavalry, but had to retire each time. Commandant-General Bo- tha finally directed us to attack General Hutton's position, and I realised what this involved. It would be the first fight I had to direct as a fighting general. Much would depend on the issue, and I fully understood that my influence with, and my prestige among the burghers in the future was absolutely at stake. General Hutton's main force was encamped in a "donk" at the very top of the randt, almost equidistant from Tigers- poort, Zwavelpoort and Bapsfontein, Encircling his laager was another chain of "randten" entirely occupied and for- tified, and we soon realised what a large and entrenched stretch of ground it was. The Commandant-General, accom- panied by the French, Dutch, American and Russian atta- ches, would follow the attack from a high point and keep in touch with me by meaiis of a heliograph, thus enabling Botha to keep well posted about the course of the battle, and to send instructions if required. During the night of the 13th of July we marched in the following order: On the right were the Johannesburg and Germiston commandos; in the centre the Krugersdorp and the Johannesburg Police ; and on the left the Boksburg and Middelburg commandos. At daybreak I ordered a general storming of the enemy's entrenchments. I placed a Krupp gun and a Creusot on the left flank, another Krupp and some pom-poms to the right, while I had an English 15-pounder (an Armstrong) mounted in the centre. Several positions were taken by storm with little or no fighting. It was my right flank which met with the only stubborn resistance from a strongly fortified point occupied by a company of Australians. I BECOME A GENERAL 109 Soon after this position was in our possession, and we had taken 32 prisoners, with a captain and a heutenant. When Commandant Gravett had taken the first trenches we were stubbornly opposed in a position defended by the Irish Fusihers, who were fighting with great determination. Our burghers charged right into the trenches ; and a hand- to-hand combat ensued. The butt-ends of the guns were freely used, and lumps of rock were thrown about. We made a few prisoners and took a pom-pom, which, to my deep regret, on reinforcements with guns coming up to the enemy, we had to abandon, with a loss of five men. Meanwhile, the Krugersdorpers and Johannesburg Police had succeeded in occupying other positions and making several prisoners, while half a dozen dead and wounded were left on the field. The ground was so exposed that my left wing could not storm the enemy's main force, especially as his outposts had noticed our march before sunrise and had brought up a battery of guns, and in this flat field a charge would have cost too many lives. We landed several shells into the enemy's laager, and if we had been able to get nearer he would certainly have been compelled to run. W^hen darkness supervened we retired to our base with a loss of two killed and seven wounded ; whereas 45 prisoners and 20 horses with saddles and accoutrements were evidence that we had inflicted a severe loss upon the enemy. So far as I know, the Commandant-General was satisfied with my work. On the day after the fight I met an attache. He spoke in French, of which language I know nothing. My GaUic friend then tried to get on in English, and congra- tulated me in the following terms with the result of the fight: "I congratuly very much you, le General; we think you good man of war." It was the first time I had bulked in anyone's opinion as largely as a battleship; but I sup- pose his intentions were good enough. no ANGLO-BOER WAR A few days afterwards Lord Roberts sent a hundred women and children down the hne to Van der Merwe Station, despite Botha's vehement protests. It fell to my lot to receive these unfortunates, and to send them on by rail to Barberton, where they could find a home. I shall not go into a question which is still sub judice] nor is it my present purpose to discuss the fairness and unfairness of the war methods employed against us. I leave that to abler men. I shall only add that these waifs were in a pitiful position, as they had been driven from their homes and stripped of pretty nearly everything they possessed. Towards the end of July Carrington marched his force to Rustenburg, and thence past Wonderboompoort, while another force proceeded from Olifantsfontein in the direc- tion of Witbank Station. We were, therefore, threatened on both sides and obliged to fall back on Machadodorp. CHAPTER XVIII. OUR CAMP BURNED OUT. THE beginning of August saw my commandos falling back on Machadodorp. Those of Erasmus and Grobler remained where they were for the time being, until the latter was discharged for some reason or other and replaced by Attorney Beyers. General Erasmus suffered rather worse, for he was deprived of his rank as a general and reduced to the level of a commandant on account of want of activity. Our retreat to Machadodorp was very much like previous experiences of the kind; we were continually expecting to be cut off from the railway by flanking movements and this we had to prevent because we had placed one of our big guns on the rails in an armour-clad railway carriage.. The enemy took care to keep out of rifle range, and the big gun was an element of strength we could ill afford to lose. Besides, our Government were now moving about on the railway line near Machadodorp, and we had to check the enemy at all hazards from stealing a march on us. Both at Witbank Station and near Middelburg and Pan Stations we had skirmishes, but not inportant enough to describe in detail. After several unsuccessful attempts, the Boer Artillery at last managed to fire the big gun without a platform. It was tedious work, however, as ''Long Tom" was excee- dingly heavy, and it usually took twenty men to serve it. The mouth was raised from the "kastion" by means of a pulley, and the former taken away ; then and not till then could the gunner properly get the range. The carriage vacuum sucking apparatus had to be well fixed in hard ground to prevent recoil. Ill 112 ANGLO-BOER WAR The enemy repeatedly sent a mounted squad to try and take this gun, and then there was hard fighting. One day while we were manoeuvring Avith the "Long Tom," the veldt burst into flames, and the wind swept them along in our direction like lightning. Near the gun were some loads of shells and gunpowder, and we had to set all hands at work to save them. While we were doing this the enemy fired two pompoms at us from about 3,000 yards, vastly to our inconvenience. As my commando formed a sort of centre for the remainder, Commandant-General Botha was, as a rule, in our immediate neighbourhood, which made my task much easier, our generalissimo taking the command in person on several occasions, if required, and assisting in every possible way. The enemy pursued us right up to Wonderfontein Station (the first station south-west of Belfast), about 15 miles from Dalmanutha or Bergendal, and waited there for Bullers's army to arrive from the Natal frontier. We occupied the "randten" between Belfast and Macha- dodorp, and waited events. While we were resting there Lord Roberts sent us 250 families from Pretoria and Johan- nesburg in open trucks, notwithstanding the bitterly cold weather and the continual gusts of wind and snow. One can picture to . oneself the deplorable condition we found these women and children in. But, with all this misery, we still fourd them full of enthusiasm, especially when the trucks in which they had to be sent on down the line were covered with Transvaal and Free State iags. They sang our National Anthem as if they had not a care in the world. Many burghers found their families amongst these exiles, and some heartrending scenes were witnessed. Luckily the railway to Barberton was still in our possession, and at Belfast the families were taken over from the British autho- OUR CAMP BURNT OUT 113 rities, to be sent to Barberton direct. While this was being done near Belfast under my direction, the unpleasant news came that our camp was entirely destroyed by a grass fire. The Commandant-General and myself had* set up our camp near Dalmanutha Station. It consisted of twelve tents and six carts. This was Botha's headquarters, as well as of his staff and mine. When we came to the spot that night we found everything burned save the iron tyres of the waggon wheels, so that the clothes we had on were all we had left us. All my notes had perished, as well as other documents of value. I was thus deprived of the few indis- pensable things which had remained to me, for at Elands- laagte my "kit" had also fallen into the hands of the British. The grass had been set on fire by a kafiir to the windward of the camp. The wind had turned everything into a sea of fire in less than no time, and the attempts at stamping out the flames had been of no avail. One man gave us a cart, another a tent ; and the harbour at Delagoa Bay being still open (although the Portuguese had become far from friendly towards us after the recent British victories) we managed to get the more urgent things we wanted. Within a few days we had established a sort of small camp near to headquarters. We had plenty to do at this tirne — building fortresses and digging trenches for the guns. This of course ought to have been done when we were still at Donkerhoek by officers the Commandant-General had sent to Machadodorp for the purpose. We had made forts for our "Long Toms," which were so well hidden from view behind a rand that the enemy had not discovered them, although a tunnel would have been neccessary in order to enable us to use them in shelling the enemy. We were therefore obliged to set to work again, and the old trenches were abandoned. The holes may surprise our posterity, by the way, as a display of the splendid architectural abilities of their ancestors. CHAPTER XIX. BATTLE OF BERGEN DAL (mACHADODORP). LET US pass on to the 21st of August, 1900. Buller's army had by this time effected a junction with that of Lord Roberts' between Wonderfontein and Komati River. The commandos under Generals Piet Viljoen and Joachim Fourie had now joined us, and taken up a position on our left, from Rooikraal to Komati Bridge. The enemy's numbers were estimated at 60,000, with about 130 guns, including twelve 4.7 naval guns, in addition to the necessary Maxims. We had about 4,000 men at the most with six Maxims and, about thirteen guns of various sizes. Our extreme left was first attacked by the enemy while they took possession of Belfast and Monument Hill, a little eastward, thereby threatening the whole of our fighting lines. My commandos were stationed to the right and left of the railway and partly round Monument Hill. Fighting had been going on at intervals all day long, between my burghers and the enemy's outposts. The fighting on our left wing lasted till late in the afternoon, when tlie enemy was repulsed with heavy losses; while a company of infantry which had pushed on too far during the fighting, through some misun- derstanding or something of that sort, were cut off and captured by the Bethel burghers. The attack was renewed the next morning, several positions being assailed in turn, while an uninterrupted gunfire was kept up. General Buller was commanding the enemy's right flank and General French was in charge ol 114 BATTLE OF BERGENDAL 115 the left. We were able to resist all attacks and the battle went on for six days without a decisive result. The enemy had tried to break through nearly every weak point in our fighting line and found out that the key to all our positions existed in a prominent "randje" to the right of the railway. This point was being defended by our brave Johannesburg police, while on the right were the Krugers- dorpers and Johannesburgers and to the burghers from Germiston. Thus we had another "Spion Kop" fight for six long days. The Boers held their ground with deter- mination, and many charges were repulsed by the burghers with great bravery. But the English were not to be discouraged by the loss of many valiant soldiers and any failure to dislodge the Boers from the "klip-kopjes." They were admirably resolute; but then they were backed up by a superior force of soldiers and artillery. On the morning of the 27th of August the enemy were obviously bent on concentrating their main force on this "randje." There were naval guns shelling it from different directions, while batteries of field-pieces pounded away incessantly. The "randje" was enveloped by a cloud of smoke and dust. The British Infantry charged under cover of the guns, but the Police and burghers made a brave resistance. The booming of cannon went on without intermission, and the storming was repeated by regiment upon regiment. Our gallant Lieutenant Pohlman was killed in this action, and Commandant Philip Oosthuizen was wounded while fighting manfully against overwhelming odds at the head of his burghers. An hour before sunset the position fell into the hands of the enemy. Our loss was heavy — two officers, 18 men killed or wounded, and 20 missing. Thus ended one of the fiercest fights of the war. With the exception of the battle of Vaalkrantz (on the Tugela) our commandos had been exposed to the heaviest 116 ANGLO-BOli:R WAR. and most persistent bombardment they had yet experienced. It was by directing an uninterrupted rifle" from all sides on the lost "randje" that we kept the enemy employed and prevented them from pushing on any farther that evening. At last came the final order for all to retire via Machadodorp. CHAPTER XX. TWO THOUSAND BRITISH PRISONERS RELEASED. AFTER the battle of Bergendal there was another retreat. Our Government, which had fled from Machadodorp to Waterval Station, had now reached Nelspruit, three stations further down the Hne, still "attended," shall I say, by a group of Boer officials and members of the Volksraad, who preferred the shelter of Mr. Kruger's fugitive skirts to any active fighting. There were also hovering about this party half a dozen Hebraic persons of extremely question- able character, one of whom had secured a contract for smuggling in clothes from Delagoa Bay, and another one to supply coffee and sugar to the commandos. As a rule, some official or other made a nice little commission out of these transactions, and many burghers and officers expressed their displeasure and disgust at these matters; but so it was, and so it remained. That same night we marched from Machadodorp to Helvetia, where we halted while a commando was appointed to guard the railway at Waterval Boven. The next morning a big cloud of dust arose. "De Engelse kom'" (the English are coming) was the cry. And come they did, in overwhelming numbers. We fired our cannon at their advance guard, which had already passed Machadodorp: but the British main force stayed there for the day, and a little outpost skirmishing of no consequence occurred. A portion of the British forces appeared to go from Belfast via Dullstroom to Lydenburg, these operations being only feebly resisted. Our commandos were now parcelled 117 1J8 ANGLO-BOER WAR out by the Commandant-General, who followed a path over the Crocodile River bridge with his own section, which was pursued by a strong force of Buller's. I was ordered to go down the mountain in charge of a number of Helvetia burghers to try and reach the railway, which I was to defend at all hazards. General Smuts, with the remnant of our men went further south towards the road leading to Barberton. Early the next morning we were attacked and again obliged to fall back. That night we stayed at Nooitgedacht. The Boer position at and near Nooitgedacht was unique. Here was a great camp in which 2,000 English prisoners- of-war were confined, but in the confusion the majority of their Boer guards had fled to Nelspruit. I found only 15 burghers armed with Martini-Henry rifles left to look after 2,000 prisoners. Save for "Tommy" being such a helpless individual when he has nobody to give him orders and to think for him, these 2,000 men might have become a great source of danger to us had they had the sense to disarm their fifteen custodians (and what was there to prevent them doing so?) and to destroy the railway, they would have been able not only to have deprived my commando of provisions and ammunition, but also to have captured a "Long Tom." There was, moreover, a large quantity of victuals, rifles, and ammunition lying about the station, of which nobody appeared to take any notice. Of the crowd of officials who stuck so very faithfully to the fugitive Government there was not one who took the trouble to look after these stores and munitions. On arrival I telegraphed to the Government to enquire what was to be done with the British prisoners-of-war. The answer was: „You had better let them be where they are until the enemy force you to evacuate, when you will leave them plenty of food." This meant that there would be more D. S. O's or BRITISH PRISONERS RELEASED 119 V.C's handed out, for the first "Tommies" to arrive at the prisoners' camp would be hailed as deliverers, and half of them would be certain of distinctions. I was also extremely dissatisfied with the way the prisoners had been lodged, and so would any officer in our fighting line have been had he seen their condition and accommodation. But those who have never been in a fight and who had only performed the "heroic" duty of guarding prisoners-of-war, did not know what humanity meant to an enemy who had fallen into their hands. So what was I to do? To disobey the Government's orders was impossible. I accordingly resolved to notify the prisoners that, "for military reasons," it would be impossible to keep them in confinement any longer. The next morning I mustered them outside the camp, and they were told that they had ceased to be prisoners- of-war, at which they seemed to be very much amazed. I was obliged to go and speak formally to some of them ; they could scarcely credit that they were free men and could go back to their own people. It was really pleasant to hear them cheer, and to see how pleased they were. A great crowd of them positively mobbed me to shake hands with them, crying, "Thank you, sir; God bless you, sir." One of their senior officers was ordered to take charge of them, while a white-flag message was sent to General Pole-Carew to send for these fine fellows restored to free- dom, and to despatch an ambulance for the sick and wounded. My messenger, however, did not succeed in delivering the letter, as the scouts of the British advance-guard were exceedingly drunk, and shot at him ; so thai the prisoners- of-war had to go out and introduce themselves. I believe they were compelled to overpower their own scouts. Ten days afterwards an English doctor and a lieutenant of the 17th Lancers came to us, bringing a mule laden 120 ANGLO-BOER WAR with medical appliances and food. The English medico, Dr. Ailward, succeeded, moreover, in getting through our lines without my express permission. Next morning I accompanied an ambulance train to transport the wounded British to the charge of the British agent at Delagoa Bay. Outside Nooitgedacht I found four military doctors with a field ambulance. *Does this officer belong to the Red Cross?" I asked. "No," was the answer, "he is only with us quite unofficially as a sj^mpathetic friend." "I regret," said I, *that I cannot allow this thing; you have come through our lines without my permission ; this officer no doubt is a spy.'* I wired at once for instructions, which, when received read: "That as a protest against the action of the English officers who stopped three of our ambulances, and since this officer has passed through our lines without permission, you are to stop the ambulance and dispatch the doctors and their staff, as well as the wounded to Lourenco Marques." The doctors were very angry and protested vehemently against the order, which, however, was irrevocable. And thus the whole party, including the Lancers' doctor, were sent to Lourenco Marques that very day. The nearest English General was informed of the whole incident, and he sent a very unpleasant message the next day, of which I remember the following phrases : — "The action which you have taken in this matter is contrary to the rules of civilised warfare, and will alter entirely the conditions upon which the War was carried on up to the present," etc. After I had sent my first note we found, on inspection, some Lee-Metford cartridges and an unexploded bomb in the ambulance vans. This fact alone would have justified the retention of the ambulance. BKITISH PRISONERS RELEASED 121 This was intimated again in our reply to General Pole-Carew, and I wrote, ^nie?• a ^ia; "i2e the threat contained in your letter of the I may say I am sorry to find such a remark coming from joxiv side, and I can assure you that whatever may happen my Government, comman- dants, and burghers are firmly resolved to continue the War on our side in the same civilised and humane manner as it has hitherto been conducted." This was the end of our correspondence in regard to this subject, and nothing further happened, save that the English very shortly afterwards recovered five out of the eight ambulances we had retained. CHAPTER XXL A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT. ABOUT this time President Steyn arrived from the Orange Free State and had joined President Kruger, and the plan of campaign for the future was schemed. It was also decided that Mr. Schalk Burger should assume the acting Presidentship, since Mr. Kruger's advanced age and feeble health did not permit his risking the hardships attendant on a warlike life on the veldt. It was decided Mr. Kruger should go to Europe and Messrs. Steyn and Burger should move about with their respective commandos. They were younger men and the railway, would soon have to be abandoned. We spent the first weeks of September at Godwan River and Nooitgedacht Station, near the Delagoa Bay railway, and had a fairly quiet time of it. General Buller had meanwhile pushed on with forces via Lydenburg in the direction of Spitskop and the Sabi, on which General Botha had been compelled to concentrate himself after falling back, fighting steadily, while General French threatened Barberton. I had expected Pole-Carew to force me off the railway line along which we held some rather strong positions, and I intended to ofi'er a stout resistance. But the English general left me severely alone, went over Dwaalheuvel by an abandoned wagon-track, and crossed the plateau of the mountains, probably to try and cut us off through the pass near Duivelskantoor. I tried hard, with the aid of 150 burghers, to thwart his plans and we had some fighting. 422 A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT 123 But the locality was against us, and the enemy with their great force of infantry and with the help of their guns forced us to retire. About the i ith of September I was ordered to fall back along the railway, via Duivelskantoor and Nelspruit Station, since General Buller was threatening Nelspruit in the direction of Spitskop, while General French with a great force was nearing Barberton. It appeared extremely likely that we should be surrounded very soon. We marched through the God wan River and over the colossal mountain near Duivelskantoor, destroying the railway bridges behind us. The road we followed was swamped by the heavy rains and nearly impassable. Carts were continually being upset, breakdowns were frequent, and our guns often stuck in the swampy ground. To make matters worse, a burgher on horseback arrived about midnight to tell us that Bullers's column had taken Nelspruit Station, and cut off our means of retreat. Yet we had to pass Nelspruit; there was no help for it. I gave instructions for the waggons and carts (numbering over a hundred), to push on as quickly as possible, and sent out a strong mounted advance guard to escort them. I myself went out scouting with some burghers, for I wanted to find out before daybreak whether Nelspruit was really in the hands of the enemy or not. In that case our carts and guns would have te be destroyed or hidden, while the commando would have to escape along the footpaths. We crept up to the station, and just at dawn, when we were only a hundred paces away from it, a great fire burst out, accompanied by occasional loud reports. This somewhat reassured me. I soon found our own people to be in pos- session burning things, and the detonations were obviously not caused by the bursting of shells fired from field-pieces. On sending two of my adjutants — Rokzak and Koos Nel — to the station to obtain further details, they soon came back 124 ANGLO-BOER WAR to report that there was nobody there except a nervous old Dutchman. The Burglier, who had told me Nelspruit was in the hands of the enemy, must have dreamt it. The conflagration I found was caused by a quantity of '"kastions" and ammunition- waggons which had been set afire on the previous day, while the explosions emanated from the shells which had been left among their contents. The enemy's advance guard had pushed on to Shamo- ham and Sapthorpe, about 12 miles from the railway, enabling the whole of my commando to pass. We arrived at Nelspruit by eight o'clock. That day we rested and discussed future operations, feeling that our prospects seemed to grow worse every day. The station presented a sad spectacle. Many trucks loaded with victuals, engines, and burst gun-carriages — everything had been left behind at the mercy of the first-comer, while a large number of kaffirs were plundering and stealing. Only the day before the Government had had its seat there, and how desolate and distressing the sight was now! The traces of a fugitive Government were unmistakable. Whatever might have been our optimism before, however little inclination the burghers might have felt to surrender, however great the firmness of the officers, and their resolve to keep the beloved "Vierkleur" flying, scenes like those at Nooitgedacht, and again at Nelspruit, were enough to make even the strongest and most energetic lose all courage. Many men could not keep back their tears at the disastrous spectacle, as they thought of the future of our country and of those who had been true to her to the last. Kaffirs, as I said, had been making sad havoc among the provisions, clothes and ammunition, and I ordered them to be driven away. Amongst the many rail way- waggons I found some loaded with clothes the fighting burghers had in vain and incessantly been asking for, also cannon A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT 125 and cases of rifle ammunition. We also came across a great quantity of things belonging to our famous medical commission, sweets, beverages, etc. The suspicion which had existed for some considerable time against this commis- sion was tlierefore justified. There w^as even a carriage which had been used by some of its members, beautifully- decorated, with every possible comfort and luxury, one compartment being filled with bottles of champagne and valuable wines. My officers, who were no saints, saw that our men were well provided for out of these. The re- mainder of the good things was shifted on to a siding, where about twenty engines were kept. By great good luck the Government commissariat stock, consisting of some thousands of sheep, and even some horses, had also been left behind. But we were not cheered. Among the many questions asked regarding this sad state of affairs was one put by an old burger: "Dat is nou die plan, want zooals zaken hier lyk, dan heeft die boel in wanhoop gevlug." ("Is that the plan, then? For from what I can see of it, they have all fled in despair.") I answered, "Perhaps they were frightened away, Oom." "Ja," he said, "but look. General, it seems to me as if our members of the Government do not intend to continue the war. You can see this by the way they have now left everything behind for the second time." "No, old Oom," I replied, "we should not take any notice of this. Our people are wrestling among the waves of a stormy ocean; the gale is strong, and the little boat seems upon the point of capsizing, but it has not gone down as yet. Now and then the boat is dashed against the rocks and the splinters fly, but the faithful sailors never lose heart. If they were to do that the dinghy would soon go under, and the crew would disappear for €ver. It would be the last page of their history, and their 126 ANGLO-BOEK WAR. children would be strangers in their own country. You understand, Oom?" "Yes, General, but I shall not forget to settle up, for I myself and others with me have had enough of this, and the War has opened our eyes." "All right, old man." I rejoined, "nobody can prevent you surrendering, but I have now plenty of work to do;, so get along." Burghers of different commandos who had strayed — some on purpose — passed us here in groups of two or ten or more. Some of them were going to their own districts, right through the English lines, others were looking for their cattle, which they had allowed to stray in order tO' evade the enemy. I could only tell them that the veldt between Nelspruit and Barberton up to Avoca, was, so far as I had been able to discover, full of cattle and waggons belonging to farmers who now had no chance of escaping. Everybody wanted some information from the General. About half a score of burghers with bridle horses then came up. There was one old burgher among them with a long beard, a great veldt hat, and armed with a Mauser which seemed hardly to have been used. He carried two- belts with a, good stock of cartridges, a revolver, and a iamaai (long sjambok). This veteran strode up in grand martial style to where I was sitting having something to eat. As he approached he looked brave enough to rout the whole British army. "Dag!" (Good morning.) "Areyou the General?" asked the old man. "Yes, I have the honour of being called so. Are you a field-marshal, a Texas Jack, or what?" "My name is Erasmus, from the Pretoria district," he replied, "and my nine comrades and myself, with my family and cattle, have gone into the bush. I saw them all running away, the Government and all. You are close to the For- A GOVEKNIVIENT IN FLIGHT 127 tuguese border, and my mates and I want to know what your plans are." "Well," Mr. Erasmus, I returned, "what you say is almost true; but as you say you and your comrades have been hiding in the bush with your cattle and your wives, I should like to know if you have ever tried to oppose the enemy yet, and also what is your right to speak like this," "Well, I had to flee with my cattle, for you have to live on that as well as I." "Right," said I; "what do you want, for I do not feel inclined to talk any longer." "I want to know," he replied, "if you intend to retire, and, if there is any chance of making peace. Knot, we will go straight away to Buller, and 'hands-up,' then we shall save all our property." "Well, my friend," I Remarked, "our Government and the Commandant-General are the people who have to con- clude peace, and it is not for you or me, when our family" and cattle are in danger, to surrender to the enemy, which means turning traitor to your own people." "Well, yes; good-bye. General, we are moving on now." I sent a message to our outposts to watch these fellows, and to see if they really were going over to the enemy.. And, as it happened, that same night my Boers came to camp with the Mausers and horses Erasmus and his party had abandoned. They had gone over to Buller. The above is but an instance illustrating what often came under my notice during the latter period of my command. This sort of burgher, it turned out, invariably belonged to a class that never meant to fight. In many cases we could do better without them, for it was alwaj^s these people who wanted to know exactly what was "on the cards," and whenever things turned out unpleasantly, they only misled and discouraged others. Obviously, wet were better off without them. CHAPTER XXIL AN IGNO>nNIOUS DISPERSAL. COMMANDANT-GENERAL BOTHA, who was then invahded at Hector's Spruit Station, now sent word that we were to join him there without delay. He said I could send part of the commando by train, but the railway arrangements were now all disturbed, and everj'ihing was in a muddle. As nothing could be relied on in the way of transport, the greater number of the men and most of the draught beasts had to "trek." At Crocodile Gat Station the situation was no better than at Nelspruit, and the same might be said of Kaapmuiden. Many of the engine drivers, and many of the burghers even, who were helping in destroying the barrels of spirits at the stations, were so excited (as they put it) through the fumes of the drink, that the strangest things were hap- pening. Heavily-laden trains were going at the rate of 40 miles an hour. A terrible collision had happened between two trains going in different directions several burghers and animals being killed. Striplings were shooting from the trains at whatever game they saw, or fancied they saw, along the line, and many mishaps resulted. These things did not tend to improve matters. It was not so much that the officers had lost control over their men. It seemed as if the Evil Spirit had been let loose and was doing his very best to encourage the people to riotous enjoyment. Hector's Spruit is the last station but one before you come to the Portuguese frontier, and about seventeen miles 128 AN IGNOMINIOUS DISPERSAL 129 from Ressano Garcia. Here every commando stopped inten- ding of course to push on to the north and then to cross the mountains near Lydenburg in a westerly direction. The day when I arrived at Hector's Spruit, President Steyn, attended by an escort of 100 men, went away by the same route. Meanwhile General Puller was encamped at Glyn's mines near Spitskop and the Sabi River, which enabled him to command the mountain pass near Mac Mac and Pelvedere without the slightest trouble, and to block the roads along which we meant to proceed. Although the late Commandant (afterwards fighting General) Gravett occupied one of the passes with a small commando, he was himself in constant danger of being cut off from Lydenburg by a flank movement. On the 16th of September, 1900, an inci- dent occurred which is difficult to describe adequately. Hector Spruit is one of the many unattractive stations along the Delegoa Pay railway situated between the great Crocodile river and dreary black "kopjes" or "randjes" with branches of the Cape mountains intervening and the "Low Veldts," better known as the "Poschveldt." This is a locality almost filled with black holly bushes, where you can only see the sky overhead and the spot of ground you are standing on. In September the "boschveldt" is usually dry and withered and the scorching heat makes the surroundings seem more inhospitable than ever. The station was crowded with railway carriages loaded up with all sorts of goods, and innumerable passenger carriages, and the platform and adjoining places filled with agitated people. Some were packing up, others unpacking, and some, again, were looting. The majority were, wandering about aimlessly. They did not know what was happening; what ought to be done or would be done; and the only exceptions were the officers, who were busily engaged in providing themselves and their burghers with provisions and ammunition. 130 ANGLO-BOER WAR I now had to perform one of the most unpleasant duties I have ever known: that of calling the burghers together and telling them that those who had no horses were to go by train to Komati Poort, there to join General Jan Coetser. Those who had horses were to report them- selves to me the next morning, and get away with me through the low fields. Some burghers exclaimed ; "We are now thrown over, left in the lurch, because we have not got horses ; that is not fair." Others said they would be satisfied if I went with them, for they did not know General Coetser. Commandant-General Botha did not see his way to let me go to Komati Poort, as he could not spare me and the other commandos. Those of the men who had to walk the distance complained very bitterly, and their complaints were well-founded. I did my best to persuade and pacify them all, and some of them were crying like babies when we parted. Komati Poort was, of course, the last station, and if the enemy were to drive them any further they would have to cross the Portuguese border, and to surrender to the Portuguese; or they could try to escape through Swaziland (as several hundreds did afterwards) or along the Lebombo mountains, via Leydsdorp. But if they took the latter route then they might just as well have stayed with me in the first place. It was along this road that General Coetser afterwards fled with a small body of burghers, when the enemy, according to expectations, marched on Komati Poort, and met with no resistance, though there were over 1800 of our men with guns there. A certain Pienaar, who arrogated unto himself the rank of a general on Portuguese territory, fled with 800 men over the frontier. These, however, were disarmed and sent to Lisbon. The end of the struggle was ignominious, as many a AN IGNOMINIOUS DISPERSAL 131 burgher had feared; and to this day I pity the men who, at Hector's Spruit, had to go to Komati Poort much against their will. Fortunately they had the time and presence of mind to blow up the "Long Tom" and other guns before going ; but a tremendous lot of provisions and ammunition must have fallen into the hands of enemy. At Hector's Spruit half a score of cannon of different calibre had been blown up, and many things buried which may be found some day by our progeny. Our carts were all ready loaded, and we were prepared to march next morning into the desert and take leave of our stores. How would we get on now? Where would we get our food, cut off as we were from the railway, and, consequently, from all imports and supplies? These questions and many others crossed our minds, but nobody could answer them. Our convoys were ready waiting, and the following morning we trekked into the Hinterland Desert, saying farewell to commissariats and stores. The prospect was melancholy enough. By leaviag Hector's Spruit we were isolating ourselves from the outer world, which meant that Europe and civilisation generally could only be informed of our doings through English channels. Once again our hopes were centred in our God and our Mausers. Dr. Conan Doyle says about this stage of the war: — "The most incredulous must have recognised as he looked at the ' heap of splintered and shattered gunmetal (at Hector's Spruit) that the long War was at last drawing to a close." And here I am, writing these pages seventeen months later, and the War is not over yet. But Dr. Doyle is not a prophet, and cannot be reproached for a miscalculation ot this character, for if I, and many with me, had been asked at the time what we thought of the future, we might have been as wide of the mark as Dr. Doyle himself. CHAPTER XXIII. A DREARY TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND, THE 18th of September, 1900, found us trekking along an old disused road in a northerly direction. We made a curious procession, an endless retinue of carts, wag- gons, guns, mounted men, "voetgangers" nearly three miles long. The Boers walking comprised 150 burghers without horses, who refused to surrender to the Portuguese, and who had now joined the trek on foot. Of the 1,500 mounted Boers 500 possessed horses which were in such a parlous condition that they could not be ridden. The draught cattle were mostly poor and weak, and the waggons carrying provisions and ammunition, as also those conveying the guns, could only be urged along with great difficulty. In the last few months our cattle and horses had been worked hard nearly every day, and had to be kept close to our positions. During this season the veldt in the Transvaal is in the very worst condition, and the animals are then poorer than at any other period. We had, moreover, the very worst of luck, kept as we were in the coldest parts of the country from June till September, and the rains had fallen later than usual. There was, therefore, scarcely any food for the poor creatures, and hardly any grass. The bushveldt through which we were now trekking was scorched by an intolerable heat, aggravated by drought, and the temperature in the daytime was so unbearable that we could only trek during the night. Water was very scarce, and most of the welk which, -132 TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 133 according to old hunters with us, yielded splendid supplies, were found to be dried up. The veldt being burned out there was not a blade of grass to be seen, and we had great trouble in keeping our animals alive. From time to time we came across itinerant kaffir tribes from whom we obtained handfuls of salt or sugar, or a pailful of mealies, and by these means we managed to save our cattle and horses. When we had got through the Crocodile River the trek was arranged in a sort of military formation enabling us to defend ourselves, had we been attacked. The British were already in possession of the railway up to Kaapmuiden and we had to be prepared for pursuit ; and really pursuit by the British seemed feasible and probable from along the Ohrigstad River towards Olifant's Nek and thence along the Olifant's River. Our original plan was to cross the Sabi, along the Meritsjani River, over the mountains near Mac Mac, through Erasmus or Gowyn's Pass and across Pilgrim's Rest, where we might speedily have reached healthier veldt and better climatic conditions. President Steyn had passed there three days previously, but when our advance guard reached the foot of the high mountains, near Mac Mac, the late General Gravett sent word that General Buller with his force was marching from Spitskop along the mountain plateau and that it would be difficult for us to get ahead of him and into the mountains. The road, which was washed away, was very steep and difficult and contained abrupt deviations so that we could only proceed at a snail's pace. Commandant-General Botha then sent instructions to me to take my commando along the foot of the mountains, via Leydsdorp, while he with his staff and the members of the Government would proceed across the mountains near Mac Mac. General Gravett was detailed to keep Buller's advance guard busy, and he succeeded admirably. I think it was here that the British lost a fine chance 134 ANGLO-BOER WAR of making a big haul. General Buller could have blocked us at any of the mountain roads near Mac Mac, and could also have swooped down upon us near Gowyn's Pass and Belvedere. At the time of which I write Buller was lying not 14 miles away at Spitskop ; two days after, he actually occupied the passes, but just too late to turn the two Govern- ments and the Commandant-General. It might be said that they could in any case have, like myself, escaped along the foot of the mountains via Leydsdorp to Tabina and Pietersburg, but had the way out been blocked to them near Mac Mac, our Government and generalissimo would have been compelled to trek for at least three weeks in the low veldt before they could have reached Pietersburg, during which time all the other commandos would have been out of touch with the chief Boer military strategists and commanders, and would not have known what had become of their military leaders or of their Government, This would have been a very undesirable state of affairs, and would very likely have borne the most serious conse- quences to us. The British, moreover, could have occupied Pietersburg without much trouble by cutting off our progress in the low veldt, and barring our way across the Sabini and at Agatha. This coup could indeed have been effected by a small British force. In the mountains they would, moreover, have found a healthy climate, while we should have been left in the sickly districts of the low veldt. And had we been compelled to stay there for two months we would have been forced to surrender, for about the middle of October the disease among our horses increased and so serious was the epidemic that none but salted horses survived. The enteric fever would also have wrought havoc amongst us. Another problem was whether all this would not have put an end to the war; we still had generals left, and etrong commandos, and it was, of course, very likely that a great number of Boers driven to desperation would have TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 135 broken through, although two-thirds of our horses were not fit for a bold dash. Perhaps fifteen hundred out of the two thousand Boers would have made good their escape, but in any case large numbers of wagons, guns, etc. would have fallen into the British hands and our leaders might have been captured as well. The moral eff'ect would have caused many other burghers from the other commandos to have lost heart, and this at a moment too, when they already required much encouragement. This was my view of the situation, and I think Lord Roberts, or whoever was responsible, lost a splendid oppor- tunity. As regards my commando at the foot of the Mauch Mountains we turned right about and I took temporary leave of Louis Botha. It was a very affecting parting; Botha pressed my hand, saying, "Farewell, brother ; I hope we shall get through all right. God bless you. Let me hear from you soon and frequently." That night we encamped at Boschbokrand, where we found a store unoccupied, and a house probably belonging to English refugees, for shop and dwelling had been burgled and looted. After our big laager had been arranged, Boer fashion, and the camp fire threw its lurid light against the weird dark outline of the woods, the Boers grouped themselves over the veldt. Some who had walked twenty miles that day fell down exhausted. I made the round of the laager, and I am bound to say that in spite of the trying circumstances, my burghers were in fairly cheerful spirits. I discussed the immediate prospects with the ofiicers, and arranged for a diff'erent commando to be placed in the advance guard each day and a different field-cornet in the rear. Boers conversant with the locality were detailed to ride ahead and to scout and reconnoitre for water. 136 AXGLaBOER WAR When I returned that night to my waggon the evenmg meal was ready, but for the first time in my hfe I could eat nothing. I felt too dejected. My cook, Jan Smith, and my messmates were curious to know the reason I did not *wade in," for they always admired my ferocious appetite. It had been a tiring day, and I pretended I was not well ; and soon afterwards lay down to rest. I had been sitting up the previous evening till late in the night, and was therefore in hopes of dropping off to sleep. But whatever I tried — coimting the stars, closing my eyes and doing my best to think of nothing — it was all in vaiEu Insurmountable difficulties presented themselves to me. I had ventured into an tmhealthy, deserted, and worst of all, unknown part of the countrx' with only 2,000 men. I was told we should have to cover 300 miles of this enteric-stricken country. The burghers without horses were suffering terribly from the killing heat, and many were attacked by typhoid and malarial fever through having to drink a lot of bad water; these enemies would soon decimate our commando and reduce its strength to a minimum. And for four or five weeks we should be isolated from the Commandant- General and from all white men, Was I a coward, then, to he there, dejected and even frightened? I asked myself. Surely, to think nothing of taking part in a fierce battle, to be able to see blood being shed like water, to play with hfe and death, one could not be without some courage? And yet I did not seem to have any pluck left in me here where there did not seem to be much danger. These and manv similar thoughts came into mvhead while I was trying to force myself to sleep, and I told myself not to waver, to keep a cool head and a stout TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 137 heart, and to manfully go on to the end in order to reach, the goal we had so long kept in view. Ah, well, do not let anybody expect a general to be a hero, and nothing else, at all times; let us remember that "A man's a man for a' that," and even a fighting man may have his moments of weakness and fear. The next morning, about four o'clock, our little force woke up again. The cool morning air made it bearable for man and beast to trek. This, however, only lasted till seven o'clock, when the sun was already scorching, without the sHghtest sign of a breeze. It became most oppressive, and we were scarcely able to breathe. The road had not been used for twenty or thirty years, and big trees were growing in our path, and had to be cut down at times. The dry ground, now, cut up by the horses' hoofs, was turned into dust by the many wheels, great clouds flying all round us, high up in the air, co- vering everything and everybody with a thick layer of ashy-grey powder. About nine o'clock we reached Zand River, where we found some good water, and stayed till dusk. We ex- changed some meahes against salt and other necessaries with some kaffirs who were living near by the water. Their diminutive, deformed stature was another proof of the miserable climate there. There was much big game here ; wild beasts, "hartebeest," ''rooiboks" (sometimes in groups of from five to twenty at a time), and at night we heard the roaring of lions and the howling of wolves. Even by day lions were encoun- tered. Now, one of the weakest points, perhaps the weakest, of an Afrikander is his being unable to refrain from shooting when he sees game, whether such be prohibited or not. From every commando burghers had been sent out to do shooting for our commissariat, but a good many had slipped away, so that hundreds of them were soon 138 ANGLO-BOER WAR liunting about in the thickly-grown woods. The consequence was that, whenever a group of them discovered game, it seemed as if a real battle was going on, several persons often being wounded, and many cattle killed. We made rules and regulations, and even inflicted punishments which did some good, but could not check the wild hunting instincts altogether, it being difficult to find out in the dark bush Avho had been the culprits. Meanwhile the trek went on veiy slowly. On the seventh day we reached Blyde River, where we had one of the loveliest views of the whole "boschveldt." The river, which has its source near Pilgrim's Rest and runs into the great Olifant's River near the Lomboba, owes its name to trekker pioneers, who, being out hunting in the good old times, had been loolting for water for days, and when nearly perishing from thirst, had suddenly discovered this river, and called it Blyde (or "Glad") River. The stream at the spot we crossed is about 40 feet wide, and the water as pure as crystal. The even bed is covered with white gravel, and along both banks are splendid high trees. The whole laager could outspan under their shade, and it was a delightful, refreshing sensation to find oneself protected from the burning sun. We all drank of the delicious water, ■which we had seldom found in such abundance, and we also availed ourselves of it to bathe and wash our clothes. In the afternoon a burgher, whose name I had better not mention, came running up to us with his clothes torn to tatters, and his hat and gun gone. He presented a curious picture. I heard the burghers jeer and chaff him as he approached, and called out to him: "What on earth have you been up to ? It looks as if you had seen old Nick with a mask on." The affrighted Boer's dishevelled hair stood on end and he shook with fear. He gasped: "Goodness gracious, General, I am nearly TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 139 dead, I had gone for a stroll to do a bit of hunting like, and had shot a lion who ran away into some brushwood. I knew the animal had received a mortal wound, and ran after it. But I could only see a yard or so ahead through the thick undergrowth, and was following the bloodstained track. Seeing the animal I put down my gun and was stepping over the trunk of an old tree; but just as I put my foot down, lo! I saw a terrible monster standing with one paw on the beast's chest. Oh, my eye! I thought my last hour had come, for the lion looked so hard at me, and he roared so awfully. By jove. General, if this had been an Englishman I should just have "hands-upped," you bet ! But I veered round and went down bang on my nose. My rifle, my hat, my all, I abandoned in that battle, and for all the riches of England, I wo'uld not go back. General, you may punish me for losing my rifle, but I •won't go back to that place for anything or anybody." I asked him what the lion had done then, but he "knew nothing more. Another burgher who stood by, remar- ked : "I think it was a dog this chap saw. He came running up to me so terrified that he would not have known his own mother. If I had asked him at that moment he would not have been able to remember his own name." The poor fellow was roused to indignation, and offered to go with the whole commando and show them the lion's trail. But there was no time for that, and the hero had a bad time of it, for everybody was teasing and chaffing him, ^nd henceforth he was called the "Terror of the Vaal." We should have liked to have lingered a few days near that splendid and wholesome stream. We wanted a rest hadly enough, but it was not advisable on account of the fever, which is almost invariably the penalty for sleeping near a river in the low veldt. One of the regulations of our commando forbade the officers and men to spend the :night by the side of any water or low spot. It would also 140 ANGLO-BOER WAR have been fatal to the horses, for sickness amongst them and fever always coincide. But they did not always keep to the letter of these instructions. The burghers, especially those who had been walking, or arriving at a river, would always quickly undress and jump into the water, after which some of them would fall asleep on the banks or have a rest under the trees. Both were unhealthy and dangerous luxuries. Many burghers who had been out hunting or had been sent out provisioning, stayed by the riverside till the morning, since they could dispense with their kit in this warm climate. They often were without food for twenty-four hours, unless we happened to trek along the spot where they were resting. To pass the night in these treacherous parts on an empty stomach was enough to give anybody the fever. When we moved on from Blyde River many^ draught beasts were exhausted through want of food, and we were obliged to leave half a dozen carts behind. This caused a lot of trouble as we had to transfer all the tilings to other vehicles, and field-cornets did not like to take up the goods belonging to other field-cornets' burghers, the cattle being in such a weak condition that it made every man think of his^ own division. No doubt the burghers were very kind to their animals, but they sometimes carried it too far, and the superior officers had often to interfere. The distance from Blyde River to the next stopping place could not be covered in one day, and we should have no water the next; not a very pleasant prospect. The great clouds of dust through which we were marching overnight and the scorching heat in the daytime made us all long for water to drink and to clean ourselves. So when the order came from the laager commandants: "Outspan! No- water to-day, my boys, you will have to be careful with the water on the carts. We shall be near some stream to-morrow evening," they were bitterly disappointed. When we got near the water the following day eight TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 141 l)urghers were reported to be suffering badly from the typhoid fever, five of them belonging to the men who were walking. We had a very insufficient supply of ambu- lance waggons, I had omitted to procure a great number of these indispensable vehicles on leaving Hector's Spruit, for there had been so many things to look after. We were lucky to have with us brave Dr. Manning, of the Russian Ambulance, who rendered us such excellent assistance, and we have every reason to be thankful to H.M. the Czarina of Russia for sending him out. Dr. Manning had the patients placed in waggons, which had been put at his disposal for this purpose, but notwithstanding his skilled and careful treatment, one of my men died the following day, while the number of those who were seriously ill rose to fifteen. The symptoms of this fatal illness are; headache and a numb feeling in all the limbs, accompanied by an unusually high temperature very often rising to 104 and 106 degrees during the first 24 hours, with the blood Tunning from the patient's nose and ears, which is an ominous sign. At other times the first symptom is what is commonly called "cold shivers." We proceeded slowly until we came to the Nagout River, where the monotony and dreariness of a trek through the "boschveldt" were somewhat relieved by the spectacle of a wide stream of good water, with a luxurious vegetation along the banks. It was a most pleasant and refreshing sight to behold. For some distance along the banks some grass was found, to which the half-starved animals were soon devoting their attention. It was the sort of sweet grass the hunters call "buffalo-grass," and which is consi- dered splendid food for cattle. We pitched our camp on a hill about one mile from the river, and as our draught- beasts were in want of a thorough rest we remained there for a few days. We had been obliged to drive along some hundreds of oxen, mules, and horses, as they had been 142 ANGLO-BOER WAR unfit to be harnessed for days, and had several times beerr obliged to leave those behind that were emaciated and exhausted. From the Nagout River we had to go right up to the Olifaut's River, a distance of about 20 miles, which took us three days. The track led all along through the immense bush-plain which extends from the high Mauch Mountains in the west to the Lebombo Mountains in the east; and yet one could only see a few paces ahead during all these days, and the only thing we could discern was the summit of some mountain on the westerly or easterly horizon, and even the tops of the Mauch and Lebombo Mountains one could onl}^ see by standing on the top of a loaded waggon, and with the aid of a field-glass. This thickly- wooded region included nearly one-third of the Transvaal, and is uninhabited, the white men fearing the unhealthy climate, while only some miserable little kaffir tribes were found about there, the bulk being the undisputed territory of the wild animals. The Olifant's River, which we had to cross, is over 100 feet wide. The old track leading down to it, was so thickly covered with trees and undergrowth that we had to cut a path through it. The banks of the river were not very high, thus enabling us to make a drift without much trouble. The bed was rocky, and the water pretty shallow, and towards the afternoon the whole commando had crossed. Here again we were obliged to rest our cattle for a few days, during which we had to fulfil the melancholy duty of burying two of our burghers who had died of fever. It was a very sad loss and we were very much afifected, especially as one left a young wife and two little children, living at Barberton. The other one was a young colonial Afrikander who had left his parents in the Cradock district (Cape Colony) to fight for our cause. We could not help thinking how intensely sad it was to lose TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 143 one's life on the banks of this river, far from one's home, from relatives and friends, without a last grasp of the hand of those who where nearest and dearest. The Transvaaler's last words were : — "Be sure to tell my ■wife I am dying cheerfully, with a clear cons- cience ; that I have given my life for the welfare of my Fatherland." We had now to leave some draught cattle and horses behind every day, and the number of those who were obliged to walk was continually increasing, till there were several hundred. Near Sabini, the first river we came to after leaving Leydsdorp we secured twentj^'-four mules which were of very great use to us under the circumstances. But the difficulty was how to distribute them amongst the field- cornets. The men all said they wanted them very urgently, and at once found the cattle belonging to each cart to be too thin and too-weak to move. Yet the twenty-four could only be put into two carts, and I had to solve the difficulty by asserting my authority. It was no easy task to get over the Agatha Mountains and we had to rest for the day near the big Letaba, espe- cially as we had to give the whole file of carts, guns, etc., a chance of forming up again. Here we succeeded in buying some loads of mealies, which were a real God-send to our half-starved horses. I also managed to hire some teams of oxen from Boers who had taken up a position with their cattle along the Letaba, which enabled us to get our carts out of the Hartbosch Mountains as far as practicable. The task would have been too fatiguing for our cattle. It took us two days before we were out of these mountains, when we camped out on the splendid "plateau" of the Koutboschbergen, where the climate was wholesome and pleasant. Here, after having passed a whole month in the wilderness of the low veldt, with its destructive climate, it was as 144 ANGLO-BOER WAR though we began a new life, as if we had come back to civilisation. We again saw white men's dwellings, cultivated green fields, flocks of grazing sheep, and herds of sleek cows. The inhabitants of the country were not a little surprised, not to say alarmed, to find, early one Sunday morning, a big laager occupying the plateau. A Boer laager always looks twice as large as it reall}'' is when seen from a little distance. Some Boer lads presently came up to ask us whether we were friends or enemies, for in these distant parts people were not kept informed of what happened elsewhere. *A general," said a woman, who paid us a visit in a trap, "is a thing we have all been longing to see. I have called to hear some news, and whether you would like to buy some oats ; but I tell you straight I am not going to take "blue-backs" (Government notes), and if you people buy ray oats you will have to pay in gold." A burgher answered her: "There is the General, under that cart; 'tante' had better go to him." Of course I had heard the whole conversation, but thought the woman had been joking. The good lady came up to my cart, putting her cap a little on one side, pro- bably to favour us with a peep at her beauty. "Good morning. Where is that General Viljoen;they say he is here?" I thought to myself: "I wonder what this charming Deli- lah of fifty summers wants," and got up and shook hands with her, saying : "I am that General. What can I do for 'tante' ?" "No, but I never! Are you the General? You don't look a bit like one ; I thought a General looked 'baing' (much) different from what you are like." Much amused by all this I asked: "What's the matter with me, then, 'tante'?" "Na}'", but cousin (meaning myself) looks like a youngster. I have heard so much of you, I expected to see an old man with a long beard." TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 145 I had had enough of this comedy, and not feehng indined to waste any more civiHties on this innocent daughter of Mother Eve, I asked her about the oats. I sent an adjutant to have a look at her stock and to buy what we wanted, and the prim dame spared me the rest of her criticism. We now heard that Pietersburg and Warmbad were still held by the Boers, and the road was therefore clear. We marched from here vio Haenertsburg, a little village on the Houtboschbergrand, and the seat of some officials of the Boer Mining Department, for in this neighbourhood gold mines existed, which in time of peace gave employment to hundreds of miners. Luckily, there was also a hospital at Haenertsburg, where we could leave half a dozen fever patients, under the careful treatment of an Irish doctor named Kavanagh, assisted by the tender care of a daughter of the local justice of the peace, whose name, I am sorry to say, I have forgotten. About the 19th of October, 1900, we arrived at Pietersburg, our place of destination. 10 CHAPTER XXIV. PAINS AND PLEASURES OF COMMANDEERING. WE found Pietersburg to be quite republican, all tl'.e officials, from high to low, in their proper places in the offices, and the "Vierkleur" flying from the Govern- ment buildings. The railway to Warmbad was also in Boer hands. At Warmbad were General Beyers and his burghers and those of the Waterberg district. Although we had no coals left, this did not prevent us from running a train with a sufficient number of carriages from Pieters- burg to Warmbad twice a week. We used wood instead, this being found in great quantities in this part of the country. Of course, it took some time to get steam up, and we had to put in more wood all the time, while the boilers continually threatened to run dry. We only had two engines, one of which was mostly up for repairs. The other one served to keep the commandos at AVarinbad provided with food, etc. The Pietersburgers also had kept up telegraphic communication, and we were delighted to hear that clothes and boots could be got in the town, as we had to replace our own, which had got dreadfully torn and worn out on the "trek" through the "boschveldt." Each commandant did his best to get the necessary things together for his burghers, and my quarters were the centre of great activity from the early morning to late in the evening, persons who had had their goods commandeered applying to the General and lodging complaints. After we had been at Pietersburg for eight days, a 146 COMMANDEERING 147 delay wMcIi seemed so many months to me, I had really had too much of it. The complaints were generally introduced by remarks about how much the complainants ancestors had done for the country at Boomplaats, Majuba, etc., etc., and how unfairly they were now being treated by having their only horses, or mules, or their carriages, or saddles commandeered. The w^orst of it was, that they all had to be coaxed', either with a long sermon, pointing out to them what an honour and distinction it was to be thus selected to do their duty to their country and their people, or by giving them money if no appeal to their generous feelings would avail; sometimes by using strong language to the timid ones, telling them it would have to be, whether they liked it or not. Anyhow we got a hundred fine horses together at the cost of a good many imprecations. The complainants may be divided into the following categories: — 1st. Those who really believed they had some cause of complaint. 2nd. Those who did not feel inclined to part with anything without receiving the full value in cash — whose patriotism began and ended with money. 3rd. Those who had Anglophile tendencies and thought it an abomination to part with anything to a commando (these were the worst to deal with, for they wore a mask, and we often did not know whether we had got hold of the Evil One's tail or an angel's pinions), and 4th. Those who were complaining without reason. These were, as a rule, burghers who did not care to fight, and who remained at home under all sorts of pretexts. The complaints from females consisted of three classes : — 1st. The patriotic ones who did all they could — sensible ladies as they were — to help us and to encourage our 148 ANGLO-BOER WAR burghers, but who wanted the things we had commandeered for their own use. 2nd. The women without any national sympathy — a tiresome species, who forget their sex, and burst into vitujDcration if they could not get their w^ay; and 3rd. The women with English sympathies, carefully hidden behind a mask of pro-Boer expressions. The pity of it was that you could not see it written on their foreheads which category they belonged to, and although one could soon find out what their ideas were, one had to be careful in expressing a decided opinion about them, as there was a risk of being prosecuted for libel. I myself always preferred an outspoken complaint. I could always cut up roughly refer him to martial law, and gruffly answer, "It will have to be like this, or you will have to do it!" And if that did not satisfy him I had him sent away. But the most difficult case was when the complaint was stammered under a copious flood of tears, although not supported by any arguments worth listening to. There were a good many foreign subjects at Pietersburg but they were mostly British, and these persons, who also had some of their horses, etc., commandeered, were a great source of trouble, for many Boer officers and burghers treated them wdthout any ceremony, simply taking away what tliey wanted for their commandos. I did not at all agree wdth this way of doing things, for so long as a foreign subject, though an Englishman, is allowed to remain within the fighting lines, he has a right to protection and fairness, and no diff'erence ought to be made between him and the burghers who stay at home, when there is any fighting to be done. From Pietersburg we went to Nylstroom, a village on the railway to wich I had been summoned by telegram by the Commandant-General, who had arrived there on COMMANDEERING 149 his way to the westerly districts, this being the first I had heard of him after we had parted at the foot of the Mauchberg, near Mac Mac. I travelled by rail, accompanied by one of my com- mandants. The way they managed to keep up steam was delightfully primitive. We did not, indeed, fly along the rails, yet we very often went at the rate of nine miles an hour. When our supply of wood got exhausted, we would just stop the train, or the train would stop itself, and the passengers were politely requested to get out and take a hand at cutting down trees and carrying wood. This had a delicious flavour of the old time stage coach about it, when first, second, and third class passengers travelled in the same compartment, although the prices of the different classes varied considerably. When a coach came to the foot of a mountain the travellers would, however, soon find out where the difference between the classes lay, for the driver would order all firstclass passengers to keep their seats, secondclass passengers to get out and walk, and third-class passengers to get out and push. We got to our destination, however, although the chances seemed to have been against it. I myself had laid any odds against ever arriving alive. At Nylstroom we found President Steyn and suite, who had just arrived, causing a great stir in this sleepy little village, which had now become a frontier village of the territory in which we still held sway. A great popular meeting was held, which President Steyn opened with a manly speech, followed by a no less stirring one from our Commandant-General, both exhorting the burghers to do their duty towards their country and towards themselves by remaining faithful to the Cause, as the very existence of our nation depended on it. In the afternoon the officers met in an empty hall ofi 150 ANGLO-BOER WAR the hotel at Nylstroom to hold a Council of War, under the direction of the Commandant-General. Plans were discussed and arrangements made for the future. I was to march at once from Pietersburg to the north-westerly part of the Pretoria district, and on to Witnek, which would bring us back to our old battlegrounds. The state of the commandos, I was told, in those parts was very sad. The commandant of the Boksburg Commando had mysteriously fallen into the enemy's hands, and with his treacherous assistance nearly the whole commando had been captured as well. The Pretoria Commando had nearly shared this melancholy fate. That same night we travelled to Pietersburg. After we had passed Yzerberg the train seemed to be going more and more slowly, till we came to a dead stop. The engine had broken down, and all we could do was to get out and walk the rest of the way. In a few hours' time, to our great joy, the second, and the only other train from Pietersburg there was, came up. After having convinced the engine-driver that he had to obey the General's orders, he complied with our request to take us to Pietersburg, and at last, after a lot of trouble, we arrived the following day. Our cattle and horses were now sufficiently rested and in good condition. The com- mandos have been provided with the things they most urgently needed, and ordered to be ready within two days. CHAPTER XXV. PUNISHING THE PEO-BRITISH. DURING the first days of November, 1900, we went from Pietersburg to Witnek, about nineteen miles north of Bronkhorst Spruit, in the Pretoria district. We had enjoyed a fortnight's rest, which had especially bene- fited our horses, and our circumstances were much more favourable in every respect when we left Pietersburg than when we had entered it. The Krugersdorp Commando had been sent to its own district, from Pietersburg via Warmbad and Rusten- burg, under Commandant Jan Kemp, in order to be placed under General De la Rey's command. Most of the burghers preferred being always in their own districts, even though the villages scattered about were in the enemy's hands, the greater part of the homesteads burnt down and the farms destroyed, and nearly all the families had been placed in British Concentration Camps; and if the commanding officers would not allow the burghers to go to their own districts they would simply desert, one after the other, to join the commando nearest their districts. I do not think there is another nation so fondly attached to their home and its neighbourhood, even though the houses be in ruins an the farms destroyed. Still the Boer feels attracted to it, and when he has at last succeeded in reaching it, you will often find him sit down discon- solately among the ruins or wandering about in the vicinity. It was better, therefore, to keep our men somewhere near their districts, for even from a strategical point of 151 152 ANGLO-BOER WAR view they were better there, knowing every nook and cranny, which enabled them to find exactly where to hide in case of danger. Even in the dark they were able to tell, after scouting, which way the enemy would be coming. This especially gave a commando the necessary self-reliance, which is of such great importance in battle. It has also been found during the latter part of the War to be easier for a burgher to get provisions in his own district than in others, notwithstanding the destruction caused by the enemy. Commandant Muller, of the Boksburg Commando, one of those who were lucky enough to escape the danger of being caught through the half-heartedness of the previous commandant (Dirksen), and had taken his place, arrived at Warmbad almost the same moment. He proceeded via Yzerberg and joined us at Klipplaatdrift near Zebedelestad. I had allowed a field-cornet's company, consisting of Colonial Afrikanders, to accompany President Steyn to the Orange Free State, which meant a reduction of my force of 850 men, including the Krugersdorpers. But the junc- tion with the Boksburg burghers, numbermg about 200 men, somewhat made up for it. We went along the Olifant's River, by Israelskop and Crocodile Hill, to the spot where the Eland's River runs into the Olifant's River, and thence direct to Witnek through Giftspruit. The grass, after the heavy rains, was in good condition and yielded plenty of food for our quadrupeds. Strange to say, nothing worth recording occurred during this "trek" of about 95 miles. About the middle of November we camped near the "Albert" silver mines, south of Witnek. Commandant Erasmus was still in this part of the country with the remainder of the Pretoria Commando. Divided into three or foursmaller groups, they watched in the neighbourhood of the railway, from Donkerhoek till close to WilgeriYcr Station, PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH 153 and whenever the enemy moved out, the men on watch gave warning and all fled with their families and cattle into the "boschveldt" along Witnek. It was these tactics which enabled the British Press to state that the Generals Plumer and Paget had a brilliant victory over Erasmus the previous month; for, with the exception of a few abandoned carts at Zusterhoek, they could certainly not have seen anything of Erasmus and his commando except a . cloud of dust on the road from Witnek to the "boschveldt." I had instructions to reorganise the commandos in these regions and to see that law and order were maintained. The reorganisation was a difficult work, for the burghers were divided amongst themselves. Some wanted a different commando, while others wanted to keep to Erasmus, who was formerly general and who had been my superior, round Ladysmith. He, one of the wealthiest and most influential burghers in the Pretoria district, did not seem inclined to carry out my instructions, and altogether he could not get accustomed to the altered conditions. I did all I could in the matter, but, so far as the Pretoria Commando was concerned, the result of my efforts was not very satisfactory. Nor did the generals who tried the same thing after me get on with the re-organisation while Erasmus remained in control as an officer, A dangerous element, which he and his clique tolerated, was formed by some families (Schalkwyk and others) who, after having surrendered to the enemy, were allowed to remain on their holdings, with their cattle, and to go on farming as if nothing had happened.' They ge- nerally lived near the railway between our sentry stations and those of the enemy. These "voluntarily disarmed ones," as we called them, had got passes from the enemy, allowing them free access to the British camps, and in accordance with one of Lord Roberts' proclamations, their 154 ANGLO-BOER WAR duty, on seeing any Boers or commandos, was, to notify this at once to the nearest EngHsh picket, and also to communicate all information received about the Boers, All this was on penalty of having their houses burnt down and their cattle and property confiscated. Sometimes a brother or orther relative of these "hands-uppers" would call on them. The son of one of them was adjutant to Commandant Erasmus, and shared his tent with him, while the adjutant often visited his parents during the night and sometimes by day; the con- sequence being that the English always knew exactly what was going on in our district. This situation could not be allowed to go on, and I instructed one of my officers to have all these suspected families placed behind our com- mandos. Any male persons who had surrendered to the enemy out of cowardice were arrested. Most of them were court-martialled for high treason and desertion, and giving up their arms, and fifteen were imprisoned in a school building at Rhenosterkop, which had been turned into a gaol for the purpose. The court consisted of a presiding officer selected from the commandants by the General, and of four members, two of whom had been chosen by the General and the President, and two by the burghers. In the absence of our "Staats-procuieur," a lawyer was appointed public prosecutor. Before the trial commenced the President was sworn by the General and the other four members by the President. The usual criminal procedure was followed, and each sentence was submitted for the General's ratification. The court could decree capital punishment, in which case there could be an appeal to the Government. There were other courts, constituted by the latter, but as they were moving about almost every day, they were not always available, and recourse had then to be taken to the court-martiaL PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH 155 The fifteen prisoners were tried in Rhenosterkop chur- chyard. The trial lasted several days, and I do not remenber all the particulars of the various sentences, which differed from two and a half to five years' imprisonment, I believe with the option of a fine. The only prison we could send them to was at Pietersburg, and there they went. The arresting and punishing of these people caused a great sensation in the different commandos. It seems incredible, but it is a fact that many members of these traitors' families were very indignant about my action in the matter, even sending me anonymous letters in which they threatened to shoot me. Although there was less treason after the conviction of these fifteen worthies had taken place, there always remained an easy channel in the shape of correspondence between burghers from the commandos and their relatives within the English fighting lines, carried by kaffir runners. This could not be stopped so easily. On the 19th of November, 1900, 1 attacked the enemy on the railway simultaneously at Balmoral and Wilgeriver, and soon found that the British had heard of our plan beforehand. Commandant MuUer, who was cautiously creeping up to the enemy at Wilgeriver with some of his burghers, and a Krupp gun, met with a determined resistance early in the morning. He succeeded, indeed, in taking a few small forts, but the station was too strongly fortified, and the enemy used two 15-pounders in one of the forts with such precision as to soon hit our Krupp gun, wliich had to be cleared out of the fighting line. The burghers, who had taken the small forts in the early morning, were obliged to stop there till they could get away under protection of the darkness, with three men wounded. We did not find out the enemy's losses. We were equally unfortunate near Balmoral Station, where I personally led the attack. 156 ANGLO-BOER WAR At daybreak I ordered a fortress to be stormed, expecting to capture a gun, which would enable us to fire on the station from there, and then storm it. In fact we occupied the fort with little trouble, taking a captain and 32 men prisoners, besides inflicting a loss of several killed and wounded, while a score or more escaped. These all belonged to the "Buffs," the same regiment which now takes part in watching us at St. Helena. But, on the whole, we were dis- appointed, not finding a gun in the fort, which was situated to the west of the station. Two divisions of burghers with a 15-pounder and a pom-pom were approaching the 'station from north to east, while a commando, under Field-Cornet Duvenhage, which had been called upon to strengthen the attack, was to occupy an important position in the south before the enemy could take it up, for during the night it was still unoccupied. Our 15-pounder, one of the guns we had captured from the English, fired six shells on the enemy at the station, when it burst, while the pom-pom after having sent some bombs through the station buildings, also jammed. We tried to storm over the bare ground between our position and the strongly barricaded and fortified station, and the enemy would no doubt have been forced to surrender if they had not realized that something had gone wrong with us, our guns being silent, and Field-Cornet Duvenhage and his burghers not turning up from the south. The British, who had taken an important position from which they could cover us with their fire, sent us some lyddite shells from a howitzer in the station fort. Although there was a good shower of them, yet the lyddite-squirt sent the shells at such a slow pace, that we could quietly watch them coming and get under cover in time and therefore they did very little harm. At eight o'clock we were forced to fall back, for although we had destroyed the railway and telegraphic communications PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH '157 in several places over night, the latter were repaired in the afternoon, and the enemy's reinforcements poured in from Pretoria as well as from Middelburg, I observed all this through my glass from the position I had taken up on a high point near the Douglas coal mines. Amongst the prisoners we had made in the morning was a captain of the "Buffs," whose collar stars had been stripped oif for some reason, the marks showing they had only recently been removed. At that time there were no orders to keep officers as prisoners-of-war, and this captain was therefore sent back to Balmoral with the other "Tom- mies," after we had relieved them of their weapons and other things which we were in want of. I read afterwards, in an English newspaper, that this captain had taken the stars off in order to save himself from the "cruelties of the Boers." This, I considered, an unjust and undeserved libel. CHAPTER XXVI. BATTLE OF RHEXOSTERKOP. ON the 27th of November, 1900, our scouts reported that a force of the enemy was marching from the direction of Pretoria, and proceeding along Zustershoek. I sent out Commandant Muller with a strong patrol, while I placed the laager in a safe position, in the ridge of kopjes running from Rhenosterkop some miles to the north. This is the place, about 15 miles to the northeast of Bronkhorst Spruit, where Colonel Anstruther with the 94th regiment was attacked in 1881 by the Boers and thoroughly defeated. Rhenostertop is a splendid position, rising several hundred feet above the neighbouring heights, and can be seen from a great distance. Towards the south and south-east this kopje is cut off from the Kliprandts (known by the name of Suikerboschplaats) by a deep circular cleft called Rhenos- terpoort. On the opposite side of this cleft the so-called "banks" form a "plateau" about the same height as the Rhenosterkop, with some smaller plateaux, at a lesser altitude, towards the Wilge River. These plateaux form a crescent running from south-east to north of the Rhenosterkop. Only one road leading out of the "bank", near Blackwood Camp and crossing them near Goun, gives access to this crescent. On the west side is a great gap up to Zustershoek, only interrupted by some "randjes," or ridges, near the Albert silver mines and the row of kopjes on which I had now taken up a position. The enemy's force had been estimated at 5,000 men, 158 BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP 159 mostly mounted, who, quite against their usual tactics, charged us so soon as they noticed us. MuUer had to fall back again and again. The enemy under General Paget, pursued us as if we were a lot of game, and it soon became apparent that they had made up their minds to catch us this time. I sent our carts into the forest along Poortjesnek to Roodelaager, and made a stand in the kopjes near Phenosterkop. On the 28th — the next day — General Paget pitched his camp near our positions, shelling us with some batteries of field guns till dusk. The same evening I received infor- mation that a force under General Lyttelton had marched from Middelburg and arrived near Blackwood Camp. This meant that our way near Gourjsberg had been cut off. All we could do was to keep the road along Poortjesnek well defended, for if the enemy were to succeed in bloc- king that as well, we would be in a trap and be entirely cut up. There was General Paget against us to the west, to the south there was Rhenosterkop with no way out, and General Lyttelton to the east, while to the north there was only one road, running between high chains and deep clefts. If General Paget were to make a flanking movement threatening the road to the north, I should have been obliged to retire in hot haste, but we were in hopes the General would not think of this. General Lyt- telton only needed to advance another mile, right up to the first "randts" of the mountain near Blackwood Camp, for his guns to command our whole position, and to make it impossible for us to hold it. I had, however, a field- cornet's company between him and my burghers, with instructions to resist as long as possible, and to prevent our being attacked from behind, which plan succeeded, as : luck would have it. My Krupp and pom-pom guns ! had been repaired, or rather, patched up, though th© IGO ANGLO-BOER WAR former had only been fired fourteen times when it was done up. I placed the Johannesburgers on the left, the Police in the centre, and the Boksburgers on the right. As I have already pointed out, these positions were situated in a row of small kopjes strewn with big "klips," while the assailant would have to charge over a bare "bult," and we should not be able to see each other before they were at 60 to 150 paces distant. Next morning, when the day dawned, the watchmen gave the alarm, the warning we knew so well, "The Khakis are coming!" The horses were all put out of range of the bullets behind the "randts," I rode about with my officers in front of our positions, thus being able to overlook the whole ground, just at daybreak. It gave me a turn when I suddenly saw the gigantic army of "Khakis" right in front of us, slowly approaching, in grand formation, regiment upon regiment, deploying systematically, in proper fighting order, and my anxiety was mingled with admiration at the splendid discipline of the adversary. This, then, was the first act in the bloody drama which would be played for the next fifteen hours. The enemy came straight up to us, and had obviously been carefully reconnoitring our positions. General Paget seemed to have been spoiling for a fight, for it did not look as if he simply meant to threaten our only outlet. His heavy ordnance was in position near his camp, behind the soldiers, and was firing at us over their heads, while some 15-pounders were divided amongst the different regiments. The thought of being involved in such an unequal struggle weigheid heavily on my mind. Facing me were from four to five thousand soldiers, well equipped, well discipHned, backed up by a strong artillery; just behind me my men, 500 at the outside, with some pat- ched-up guns, almost too shaky for firing purposes. BATTLE OF HHENOSTERKOP 161 But I could rely on at least 90 per cent, of my burghers being splendid shots, each man Inowing how to economise his store of ammunition, while their hearts beat warmly for the Cause. The battle was opened by our Krupp gun, from which they had orders to fire the fourteen shells we had at our disposal, and then ''run." The enemy's heavy guns soon answered from the second ridge. When it was broad daylight the enemy tried his first charge on the Johannesburg position, over which my brother had the command, and approached in skirmishing order. They charged right up to seventy paces, when our men fired for the first time, so that we could not very well have missed our aim at so short a distance, in addition to which the assailants' outline was just showing against the sky-line over the last ridge. Only two volleys and all the Khakis were flat on the ground, some dead, others wounded, while those who had not been hit were obliged to lie down as flat as a pancake. The enemy's field-pieces were out of our sight behind the ridge which the enemy had to pass in charging, and they went on firing without any intermission. Half an hour later the position of the Johannesburg Police, under the late Lieutenant D. Smith, was stormed again, this time the British being assisted by two field-pieces which they had brought up with them in the ranks and which were to be used as soon as the soldiers were under fire. They came to within a hundred paces; one of these guns I saw put up, but before they could get the range it had to be removed into safety, for the attacking soldiers fared equally badly here as on our left flank. Then after a little hesitation, they tried the attack on our right flank again, when Commandant MuUer and the Boksburgers and some Pretoria burghers, under Field- Cornet Opperman held the position, but with the same 11 162 ANGLO-BOER WAR fatal result to the attackers. Our fifteen-pound er, after having been fired a few times, had given out, while our pom-pom could only be used from time to time after the artilleryman had righted it. I had a heliograph post near the left-hand position, one near the centre and the one belonging to my staff on our extreme right. I remained near this, expecting a flank movement by General Paget after his front attacks had failed. From this coign of vantage I was able to overlook the whole of the fighting ground, besides which I was in constant touch with my oflftcers, and could tell them all the enemy's movements. About 10 o'clock they charged again, and so far as I could see with a fresh regiment. We allowed them to come up very closely again and once more our deadly Mauser fire mowed them down, compelling those who went scot-free to go down flat on the ground; while during this charge some who had been obliged to drop down, now jumped up and ran away. If I remember rightly, it was during this charge that a brave ofiicer, who had one of his legs smashed, leant on a gun or his sword, and kept on giving his orders, cheeririg the soldiers and telling them to charge on. While in this position, a second bullet struck him, and he fell mortally wounded. We afterwards heard it was a 'certain Colonel Lloyd of the West Ridmg Regiment. A few months after, on passing over this same battle-field, we laid a wreath of flowers on his grave, with a card, bearing the inscription: "In honour of a brave enemy.'' General Paget seemed resolved to take our positions, whatever the sacrifice of human lives might be. If he succeeded at last, he might find half a score of wounded burghers and if his cavalry hurried up, perhaps a number of burghers with horses in bad condition, but nothing more. BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP 163 Whereas, if he had made a flanking movement, he might have attained his end, perhaps without losing a single man. Pride or stupidity must have induced him not to change his tactics. Nothing daunted by the repeated failures in the morning, our assdilant charged again, now one position and then another, trying to get their field- pieces in position, but each time without success. At their wits* end, the enemy tried another dodge, bringing his guns right up to our position under cover of some Red Cross waggons. The officer who perceived this, reported to me by heliograph, asking for instructions. I answered : 'If a Red Cross waggon enters the fighting lines during the battle, it is there on its own responsibility.' Besides, General Paget, under protection of the white flag, might have asked any moment for an hour, or longer, to carry away his many unfortunate wounded, who were lying between two fires in the burning sun. When the Red Cross waggon was found to be in the line of fire, it was put right-about face, while some guns remained behind to fire shrapnel at us. from a short distance. They could only fire one or two shots, for our burghers soon put out of action the artiHeryists who were serving them. Towards the afternoon some of my burghers began to run short of ammunition. I had a field-cornet's force in reserve, from which five to ten men were sent to the position from time to time, and this cheered the burghers up again. The same attacking tactics were persisted in by General Paget all day long, although they were a complete failure. When the sun disappeared behind the Magaliesbergs, the enemy made a final, in fact, a desperate effort to take our positions, the guns booming along while we were enveloped by clouds of dust thrown up by the shells. The soldiers charged, brave as lions, and crept closer to our positions than they had done during the day. . 1G4 ANGLO-BOER WAR But it seemed as if Fate were favouring us, for our 15-pounder had just got ready, sending his shells into the enemy's lines in rapid succession, and finding the range most beautifully. The pom-pom too — which we could only get to firo one or two sliells all day long, owing to the gunner having to potter about for two or three hours after each shot to try and repair it — to our great surprise suddenly commenced booming away, and the two pieces — I was going to say the "mysterious" pieces — poured a stream of murderous steel into the assailants, which made them waver and then retire, leaving many comrades behind. On our side only two burghers were killed, while 22 were wounded. The exact loss of the enemy was difficult to estimate. It must, however, have amounted to some hundreds. Again night spread a dark veil over one of the most bloody dramas of this war. After the cessation of hostilities, I called my officers together and considered our position. We had not lost an inch of ground that day, while the enemy had gained nothing. On the contrar}'", they liad suffered a serious repulse at our hands. But our ammunition was getting scarce, our waggons, with provisions, were 18 miles away. All we had in our positions was mealies and raw meat, and the burghers had no chance of cooking them. We therefore decided, as we had no particular interest in keeping these positions, to fall back that night on Poortjesnek, which was a " half-way house" between the place we were leaving and our carts, from which we should be able to draw our provisions and reserve ammunition. We therefore allowed General Paget to occupy these positions without more ado. I have tried to describe this battle as minutely as possible in order to show that incompetence of generals was not always on our side onl3\ I have seen from the report of the British Commander- BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP 165 in-Chief, published in the newspapers, that this battle had been a most successful and brilliant victory, gained by- General Paget. People will say, perhaps, that it was silly on my part to evacuate the positions, and that I should have gone on defending them the next day. Well, in the old days this would have been done by European generals, but no doubt they were fighting under different circumstances. They were not faced by a force ten times their own strength ; not restricted to a limited quantity of ammunition; nor were they in want of proper food or reinforcements. The nearest Boer commando was at Warmbad, about 60 miles distant. Besides, there was no necessity, either for military or strategical reasons, for us to cling to these positions. It had already become our policy to fight whenever We could, and to retire when we could not hold on any longer. The Government had decided that the War should be continued and it was the duty of every general to manoeuvre so as to prolong it. We had no reserve troops, so my motto was : "Kill as many of the enemy as you possibly can, but see you do not expose your own men, for we cannot spare a single one." On the 30th of November, the day after the fight, I was with a patrol on the first "randts," north-eost of Rhenosterkop, just as the sun rose, and had a splendid view of the whole battlefield of the previous day. I saw the enemy's scouts, cautiously approaching the evacuated positions, and concluded from the precautions they were taking that they did not know we had left overnight. In- deed, very shortly after I saw the Khakis storming and occupying the kopjes. How great must have been their astonishment and disappointment on finding those positions deserted, for the possession of which they had shed so much blood. A number of ambulance waggons were brought up and were moving backwards and forwards on the battlefield, taking the wounded to the hospital camp, which must have 166 ANGLO-BOER WAR assumed colossal proportions. Ditches were seen to be dug, in which the killed soldiers were buried. A troop of kaffirs carried the bodies, as far as I could distinguish, and I could distinctly see some heaps of khaki-coloured forms near the graves. As the battlefield looked now, it was a sad spectacle. Death and mutilation, sorrow and misery, were the traces yesterday's fight had left behind. How sad, I thought, that civilised nations should thus try to annihilate one another. The repeated brave charges made by General Paget's soldiers, notwithstanding our deadly fire, had won our greatest admiration for the enemy, and many a burgher sighed even during the battle. What a pity such plucky fellows should have to be led on to destruction like so many sheep to the butcher's block. Meanwhile, General Lyttelton's columns had not got any nearer, and it appeared to us that he had only made a display to confuse us, and with the object of inducing us to flee in face of their overwhelming strength. On the 1st of December General Paget sent a strong mounted force to meet us, and we had a short, sharp fight, without very great loss on either side. This column camped at Langkloof, near our positions, compelling us to graze and water our horses at the bottom of the "neck" in the woods, where horse-sickness was prevalent. We were, therefore, very soon obliged to move. About this time I received a report to the effect that a number of women and children were wandering about near Rhenosterkop along the Wilge River. Their houses had been burnt by order of General Paget, and we were asked to protect these unfortunate people. Some burghers offered to ride out at night time to try and find them, and the next morning they brought several families into our camp. The husbands of these poor suflferers were on duty in the neighbourhood, so that BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP 167 they were now enabled to do the needful for their wives and children. I put some questions to some of the women, from which it appeared that although they had besought the English not to burn their clothes and food, yet this had been done. Some Australians and Canadians, who had been present, had done their best to save some of the food and clothes, and these Colonials had shown them much consideration in every respect, but, the women added, a gang of kaffirs, who were ordered to cause this destruction, were behaving in the most barbarous and cruel manner, and were under no control by the British soldiers. I felt bound to protest against these scandalous acts of vandalism, and sent two of my adjutants to the English camp next day with a note of about the following tenour: — "To General Paget, commanding H.^fs forces at Rhenosterkop. "It is my painful duty to bring under your Honour's notice the cruel way in which the troops under your command are acting in ill- treating defenceless women and children. Not only their homes, but also their food and clothes, are being burnt. These poor creatures were left in the open veldt, at the mercy of the kaffirs, and would have died of starvation and exhaustion but for our assistance. This way ot treating these unfortunate people is undoubtedly against the rules of civilised warfare, and I beg to emphasise that the responsibility for this cruelty will be entirely yours. You may x-est assured that a similar treatment of our families will not shorten the duration of the War, but that, on the contrary, such barbarities will force the burghers to prolong the struggle and to fight on with more bitterness and determination than ever." The two despatch carriers whom I sent to the British General under a white flag were taken for spies, and however much they tried to establish their identity. General Paget was not to be convinced, and had them arrested, detaining them for three days. Their horses were used every day by the English officers, which I consider far from gentlemanly. On the third day my two adjutants were again taken before the general, and cross-examined, but no evidence could be found against their being bona-fide messengers. Paget told them that my despatch was all 168 ANGLO-BOER WAR nonsense, and did not give them the right to enter his lines under the white flag, adding, while he handed them a letter addressed to me. *You can go now; tell your General that if he likes to fight I shall be pleased to meet him at any time in the open. You have killed some of my Red Cross people, but I know it was done by those 'damned' unscrupulous Johannesburgers. Tell them I shall pay them for this." Before my adjutants left, a certain Captain said to one of them: "I say, what do your people think of the fight?" "Which fight do you mean?" asked the adjutant. "The fight here," returned the captain. "Oh," remarked the adjutant, "we think it was rather a mismanagement." To which the captain replied : "By Jove ! you are not the only people who think so." The contents of General Paget's letter were short and rough ; "The responsibility for the suffering of women and children rests on the shoulders of those who blindly con- tinue the helpless struggle," etc., etc., I may say here that this was the first time in this War the English officers treated my despatch riders under the white flag in such a manner, giving me at the same time such a discourteous answer. No doubt we have had generals acting like this on our side, and I admit that we did not always stand on etiquette. As already stated, part of the enemy's forces were cam- ping our near Poortjesnek, so close by that we had to shift our laager and commando to a more healthy part on account of the horsesickness. The enemy installed a per- manent occupation at Rhenosterkop, and we moved into the Lydenberg district, where we knew we should find some wholesome "veldt" on the Steenkamps Mauntains. We went through the forest near Maleemskop via Roodekraal, to the foot of Bothasberg, where we had a few weeks' rest. CHAPTER XXVII. THE SECOND CHKISTMAS AT WAR. THE veldt was in splendid condition at the foot of Bothasberg, where we had pitched our camp. We found mealies and cattle left everywhere. The enemy did not know where we really were, and could not, therefore, bother us for the time being. Our Government was at Tautesberg, about 12 miles north of Bothasberg, and we received a visit from Acting-President Burger, who brought with him the latest news from Europe, and the reports from the other commandos. Mr, Burger said he was sorry we had to leave the Pretoria district, but he could understand our horses would have all been killed by the sickness if we had stopped at Poortjesnek. As regards the Battle of Rhenos- terkop, he expressed the Government's satisfaction with the result. On the 16th of December we celebrated Dingaan's Day in a solemn manner. Pastor J. Louw, who had faith- fully accompanied us during these fatiguing months of retreats and adversity, delivered a most inpressive address, describing our position. Several officers also spoke, and I myself had a go at it, although I kept to politics. In the afternoon the burghers had sports, consisting of races on foot and on horseback. The prizes were got together by means of small contributions from the officers. All went well, without any mishaps, and it was unanimously voted to have been very entertaining. It was a peculair sight — taking into consideration the circumstances — to see these people on the "veldt" feasting 169 170 ANGLO-BOER WAR and of good cheer, each trying to amuse the other, under the fluttering "Vierkleur" — the only one we possessed — but the look of which gladdened the hearts of many assisting at this celebration in the wilderness. How could w^e have been in a truly festive mood without the sight of that beloved banner, which it had cost so many sacrifices to protect, and to save which so much Afrikander blood had been shed. And in many of us the thought suggested itself: "0, Vierkleur of our Transvaal, how much longer shall we be allowed to see you unfurled? How long, Lord, will a stream of tears and blood have to flow before we are again the undisputed masters of our little Republic, scar- cely visible on the world's map? For how long will our adored Vierkleur be allowed to remain floating over the heads of our persecuted nation, whose blood has stained and soaked your colours for some generations? We hope and trust that so sure as the sun shall rise in the east and set in the west, so surely may this our flag, now wrapped in sorry mourning, soon flutter aloft again in all its glory, over the country on which Nature lavishes her most wondrous treasures." The Afrikander character may be called peculiar in many respects. In moments of reverse, when the future seems dark, one can easily trace its pessimistic tendencies. But once his comrades buried, the wounded attended to, and a moment's rest left him by the enemy, the cheerful part of the Boer nature prevails, and he is full of fun and sport. If anybody, in a sermon or in a speech, try to impress on him the seriousness of the situation, pointing out how our ancestors have suffered and how we have to follow in their steps, our hero of yesterday, the jolly lad who was laughing boisterously and joking a minute ago, is seen to melt, and the tears start in his eyes. I am now referring to the true Afrikander. Of course, there are many SECOND CHRISTMAS AT WAR 171 calling themselves Afrikanders who during this War have proved themselves to be the scum of the nation. I wish to keep them distinguished from the true, from the noble men belonging to this nationality of whom I shall be proud as long as I live, no matter what the result of the War may be. Our laagers were not in a very satisfactory position, more as regards our safety than the question, of health, sickness being expected to make itself felt only later in the year. We therefore decided to "trek" another 10 miles, to the east of Witpoort, through Korfsnek, to the Steenkamps- bergen, in order to pitch or camp at Windhoek. Windhoek (windcorner) was an appropriate name, the breezes blowing there at times with unrelenting fury. Here we celebrated Christmas of 1900, but we sorely missed the many presents our friends and lady acquain- tances sent us from Johannesburg on the previous festival, and which had made last year's Christmas on the Tugela such a success. No flour, sugar or coffee, no spirits or cigars to brighten up our festive board. This sort of thing belonged to the luxuries which had long ceased to come our way, and we had to look pleasant on mealie-porridge and meat, varied by meat and mealie-porridge. Yet many groups of burghers were seen to be amusing themselves at all sorts of games; or you found a pastor leading divine service and exhorting the burghers. Thus we kept our second Christmas in the field. About this time the commandos from the Lydenburg district (where we now were) as well as those from the northern part of Middelburg, were placed under my com- mand, and I was occupied for several days in reorganising tho new arrivals. The fact of the railway being almost incessantly in the hands of the enemy, and the road from 172 ANGLO-BOER WAR , Macliadodorp to Lydenburg also blocked by tliem (the latter being occupied in several places by large or small garrisons) compelled us to place a great number of out- posts to guard against continual attacks and to report whenever some of the columns, which were always moving about, were approaching. The spot where our laagers were now situated was only 13 miles from Belfast and Bergendal, between which two places General Smith-Dorrien's strong force was posted ; while a little distance behind Lydenburg was General Walter Kitchener with an equally strong garrison. We were, therefore, obliged to be continually on the alert, not relaxing our watchfulness for one single moment. One or two burghers were still deserting from time to time, aggra- vating their shameful behaviour by informing the enemy of our movements, which often caused a well-arranged plan to fail. We knew this was simply owing to these very dangerous traitors. The State Artillerymen, who had now been deprived of their guns, were transformed into a mounted corps of 85 men, under Majors Wolmarans and Pretorius, and placed under my command for the time being. It was now time we should assume the offensive, before the enemy attacked us. I therefore went out scouting for some days, with several of my officers, in order to ascertain the enemy's positions and to find out their weakest spot. My task was getting too arduous, and I decided to promote Commandant Muller to the rank of a fighting- general. He turned ont to be an active and reliable assistant. CHAPTER XXVIII. CAPTURE OP "LADY ROBERTS. AFTER I had carefully reconnoitred the enemy's posi- tions, I resolved, after consulting my fighting-general Muller, to attack the Helvetia garrison, one of the enemy's fortifications or camps between Lydenburg and Machadodorp. Those fortifications served to protect the railway road from Machadodorp Station to Lydenburg, along which their convoys went twice a week to provision Lydenburg village. Helvetia is situated three miles east of Machadodorp, four miles west of Watervalboven Station, where a garrison was stationed, and about three miles south of a camp near Zwartkoppies. It was only protected on the north side. Although it was difiicult to approach this side on account ot a mountainous rand through which the Crocodile River runs, yet this was the only road to take. It led across "Witrand or Bakenkop; the commandos were therefore obliged to follow it, and had to do this at night time, for if they had passed the Bakenkop by day they would have exposed themselves to the enemy's artillery fire from the Machadodorp and Zwartkoppies garrisons. During the night of the 28th of December 1900, we marched from Windhoek, past Dullstroom, up to the neigh- bourhood of Bakenkop, where we halted and divided the commandos for the attack, which was to be made in about the following order: — Fighting-General Muller was to trek with 150 men along the convoy-road between Helvetia and Zwartkoppies up to Watervalboven, keeping his movements concealed from 173 174 ANGLO-BOER WAR the adversary. Commandant W. Viljoen (my brother), would approach the northerly and southerly parts of Helvetia within a few hundred paces, with part of the Johannesburgers and Johannesburg Police. This commando numbered 200 men. In order to be able to storm the different forts almost simultaneously we were all to move at 3.30 a.m., and I gave the men a password, in order to prevent confusion and the possibility of our hitting one another in the general charge. There being several forts and trenches to take, the burghers were to shout "Hurrah!" as loudly as they could in taking each fort, which would show us it was captured, and at the same time encourage the others. Two of our most valiant field-cornets, P. Myburgh and J. Cevonia, an Italian Afrikander, were sent to the left, past Helvetia, with 120 men, to attack Zwartkoppies the moment we were to storm Helvetia, while I kept in reserve the State Artil- lerists and a field-cornet's posse of Lydenburgers to the right of the latter place, near Machadodorp, which would enable me to stop any reinforcements sent to the other side from that place or from Belfast, For if the British were to send any cavalry from there they would be able to turn our rear, and by marching up as soon as they heard the first report of firing at Helvetia, they would be in a position to cut me up with the whole of my commando. I only suggest the possibility of it, and cannot make out why it was not attempted. I can only be thankful to the British ojficers for omitting to do this. I had taken up a position, with some of my adjutants, between the commandos as arranged, and stood waiting, watch in hand, for the moment the first shot should be fired. My men all knew their places and their duties, but unfortunately a heavy fog. rose at about 2 o'clock, which made the two field-cornets who were to attack the Zwart- koppies lose their way and the chance of reaching their destination before daybreak. CAPTURE OF "LADY ROBERTS.'* 175 I received the news of this failure at 3.20, i.e., ten minutes before the appointed time of action. A bad beginning, I thought, and these last ten minutes seemed many hours to me. I struck a match every moment, under cover of my macintosh, to see if it were yet half past three. Another minute and it would soon be decided whether I should be the vanquished or the victor. How many burghers, who were now marching so eagerly to charge the enemy in his trenches, would be missed from our ranks to-morrow? It is such moments of tensioQ which make an officer's hair turn grey. The relation between our burgher and his officers is so entirely different from that which exists between the British officer and his men or between these ranks perhaps in any other standing army. We are all friends ; the life of each individual burgher in our army is highly valued by his officer and is only sacrificed at the very highest price. We regret the loss of a simple burgher as much as that of the highest in rank. And it was the distress and worry of seeing these lives lost, which made me ponder before the battle. Suddenly one of my adjutants called out: "I hear some shouting. What may this be?" I threw my waterproof over my head and struck a match, then cried: "It is time, my lads!" And in a few seconds a chain of fire flamed up round the forts, immedi- ately followed by the rattling and crackling of the burghers' Mausers. The enemy was not slow in returning our fire. It is not easy to adequately render the impression a battle in the dark makes. Each time a shot is fired you see a flash of fire several yards long, and where about 500 or 600 rifles are being fired at a short distance from you, it makes one think of a gigantic display of fireworks. Although it was still dusk, I could easily follow the course of the fight. The defenders firing slackened in 176 ANGLO-BOER WAR several places, to subside entirely in others, while from the direction of the other reports and flashes, our men were obviously closing up, drawing tighter the ring round the enemy. So far, according to my scouts, no stir had been made from Belfast, which encouraged me to inform the officers that we were not being cut ofif. At daybreak only a few shots were falling, and when the fog cleared up I found Helvetia to be in our hands. General Muller reported that his part of the attack had been successfully accomplished, and that a 4.7 naval gun had been found in the great fortress. I gave orders to fetch this gun out of the fort without delay, to take away the prisoners we had made and as much of the commissariat as we could manage to carry, and to burn the remainder. Towards the evening we were fired at by two guns at Zwartkoppies, making it very difficult for us to get the provisions away. A great quantity of rum and other spirits was found among the enemy's commissariat, and as soon as the British soldiers made prisoners were disarmed, they ran up to it, filled their flasks, and drank so freely that about thirty of them were soon unable to walk. Their bad example was followed by several burghers, and many a man who had not been given to drinking used this oppor- tunity to imbibe a good quantity, making it very difficult for us to keep things in order. About 60 men of the garrison had been killed or wounded, and their commanding officer had received some injuries, but fortunately there was a doctor there who at once attended to these cases. On our side we had five men killed and seven wounded — the brave Lieutenant Nortje and Corporal J. Coetzee being amongst them. A small fort, situated between the others, had been CAPTURE OF «LADY ROBERTS" 177 overlooked, through a misunderstanding, and a score of soldiers who were garrisoning it had been forgotten and omitted to be disarmed. An undisciplined commando is not easily managed at times. It takes all the officers' tact and shrewdness to get all the captured goods — like arms, ammunition, provisions, &c. — transported, especially when drink is found in a captured camp. When we discussed the victory afterwards, it became quite clear that our tactics in storming the enemy's positions on the east and south sides had been pregnant of excellent results, for the English were not at all prepared at these points, though they had been on their guard to the north. In fact it had been very trying work to force them to surrender there. The officer in command, who was subsequently discharged from the British Army, had done his best, bat he was wounded in the head at the beginning of the fight, and so far as I could ascertain there had been nobody to take his place. Three lieutenants were surprised in their beds and made prisoners-of-war. In the big fort where we found the naval gun, a captain of the garrison's artillery was in command. This fortress had been stormed, as already stated, from the side on which the attack had not. been expected and the captain had not had an opportunity of firing many shots from his revolver, when he was wounded in the arm and compelled to surrender to the burghers who rushed up. Two hundred and fifty prisoners, including lour officers, were made, the majority belonging to the Liverpool regi- ment and the 18th regiment of Hussars. They were all taken to our laager. We succeeded in bringing away the captured gun in perfect order, also some waggons. Unfortunately the cart with the projectiles or shell, stuck in the morass and had to be left behind. 178 ANGLO-BOER WAR I gave orders to have a gun wliicli we had left with the reserve burghers at Bakenkop, brought up, to open, fire on tlie two pieces which were firing at us from Zwart- koppies, and to cover our movements wliile we were taking away the prisoners-of-war and the captured stores. I was in hopes of getting an opportunity of releasing the carts which stuck. But Fate was against us. A heavy hailstorm accompained by thunder and lightning, fiercer than I have ever witnessed in South Africa before, broke over our heads. Several times the lightning struck the ground around us, and the weather became so alarming that the drunken "Tommies" began to talk about their souls, and further efforts to save the carts had to be abandoned. Whoever may have been the officer in command at Zwartkoppies he really '■deserved a D.S.O., which ho obtained, too. What that order really means I wot not, but I know that an English soldier is quite prepared to risk his life to deserve one, and as the decoration itself cannot be very expensive, it pays the British Government to be very liberal with it. A Boer would be satisfied with nothing less than promotion as a reward for heroism. When the storm subsided we went on. It was a remarkable sight — a long procession of "Tommies," burghers, carts, and the naval gun, 18 feet long, an elephantine one when compared with our small guns. It struck me again on this occasion what little bad feeling there was really between Boer and Briton, and how they both fight simply to do their duty as soldiers. As I rode along the stream of men I noticed several groups of burghers and soldiers sitting together along the road, eating from one tin of jam and dividing their loaf between them, and drinking out of the same field flask. I remember some snatches of conversation I overheard: — CAPTURE OF «LADY ROBERTS" 179 Tommy: By Jove, but you fellows gave us jip. If you had come a little later you -wouldn't have got us so easy, you know. Buegheb: Never mind, Tommy, we got you. I suppose next time you will get us. Fortunes of war, you know. Have some more, old boy. Oh, I say, here is the general coming. Tommy: Who's he? Du Wyte or Viljohn? And then as I passed them the whole group would salute very civilly. We. stopped at Dullstroom that night, where we found some lodgings for the captared Biitish officers. We were sorry one of the Englishmen had not been given time to dress himself properly, for we had a very scanty stock of clothes, and it was difficult to find him some. The next morning I found half a dozen prisoners-of-war had sustained slight flesh wounds during the fight, and I sent them on a trolley to Belfast with a dispatch to General Smith-Dorrien, informing him that four of his ofiicers and 250 men were in our hands, that they would be well looked after, and that I now send back the slightly wounded who had been taken away by mistake. I will try to give the concluding sentence of my communication as far as I remember it, and also the reply to it. I may add the words '"The Lady Roberts" had been chiselled on the naval gun, and that many persons had just been expelled from Pretoria and other places as being considered ''undesirables." My letter wound up as follows: — "I have been obliged to expel "The Lady Roberts" from Helvetia, this lady being an "undesirable" inhabitant of that place. I am glad to inform you that she seems quite at home in her new surroundings, and pleased with the change of company." To which General Smith-Dorrien replied: "As the lady you refer to is not accustomed to sleep in the open air, I would recommend you to try flannel next to the skin." I had been instructed to keep the officers we had taken prisoners until further orders, and these four were 180 ANGLO-BOER WAR tlierefore lodged in an empty building near Roos Senekal under a guard. The Boers had christened this place "Ceylon," but the officers dubbed it "the house beaufitul" on account of its utter want of attractiveness. They were allowed to write to their relatives and friends, to receive letters, and food and clothes, which were usually sent through our lines under the white flag. The company was soon augmented by the arrivals of many other British officers who were taken prisoners from time to time. The 250 captured rank and file were given up to the British authorities at Middelburg some days after, for military reasons. "The Lady Roberts" was the first and so far the last big gun taken from the English, and we are proud to say that never during this War, notwithstanding all our vicis- situdes and reverses, have the British succeeded in taking one of our big guns. One might call this bragging, but that is not my intention and I do not think I am given to boasting. We only relate it as one of the most remarkable incidents of the War, and as a fact which we may recall with satisfaction. As already related, the cart with the shells for "The Lady Roberts" had to be left behind after the battle. Nothing would have given us greater pleasure than to send some shells from "Her Ladyship" into the Belfast camp on the last day of 1900, with the "Compliments of the Season." Not of course, in order to cause any destruction, but simply as a New Year's greeting. We would have sent them close by like the Americans in Mark Twain's book : "Not right in it, you know, but close by or near it." Only the shells were wanting, for with the gun were 50 charged "hulzen" and a case of cordite "schokbuizen." We tried to make a shell from an empty "Long Tom" onS; by cutting the latter down, for the "Long Toms" CAPTURE OF "LADY ROBERTS" 181 shells were of greater calibre, and after having it filled with four pompom bullets, some cordite etc., we made it tight with copper wire, and soldered the whole together. But when the shell was fired it burst a few steps away from the mouth of the cannon, and we had to abandon all hope of ever hearing a shout from the distinguished "Lady's" throat. It was stowed away safely in the neighbourhood of Tautesberg and guarded by a group of cattle-farmers, or rather "bush-lancers," as they were afterwards called, in case we should get hold of the proper shells some day or other. In connection with the attack on Helvetia I should like to quote the following lines, written by one of our poetasters, State-Secretary Mr. F. W. Reitz, in the field, although the translation will harly give an adequate idea of the peculiar treatment of the subject: — "Hurrah for General Muller, hurrah for Ben Viljoen, They went for 'Lady Roberts' and caught her very soon. They caught her at Helvetia, great was Helvetia's fall! Come up and see 'The Lady,' you Ooms and Tantes all. It was a Christmas present (they made a splendid haul). And sent 'The Lady Roberts,' a present to Oom Paul. It cheered the poor Bush-lancers, it cheered the 'trek boers' all, It made them gladly answer to freedom's battle calL Lord Roberts gave up fighting, he did not care a rap, But left his dear old 'Lady,' who's fond of mealie-pap. Of our dear wives and children he burned the happy homes, He likes to worry Tantes but fears the sturdy Ooms. But his old 'Lady Roberts' (the lyddite-spitting gun). He sent her to Helvetia to cheer the garrison; He thought she would be safe there, in old Smith-Dorrien's care ; To leave the kopjes' shelter the Boers would never dare. "Well done, Johannesburgers, Boksburgers, and police, Don't give them any quarter, don't give them any peace ; Before the sleepy "Tommies" could get their stockings on. The forts were stormed and taken, and all the burghers gone. We took 300 soldiers, provisions, and their guns, And of their ammunition we captured many tona, 'This is guerilla warfare,' says Mr. Chamberlain, 182 ANGLO-BOER WAR But. those we have bowled over -will never fight again- Let Roberts of Kandahar, and Kitchener of Khartoum, Let BuUer of Colenso make all their cannon boom. They may mow down the kaffirs, with shield and assegai, But on his trusty Mauser the burgher can rely. For now the white man's fighting, these heroes dare not stay, Lord Kitchener's in Pretoria, the others ran away. Lord Roberts canH beat burghers, although he (7a«-dahar, The Lords are at a distance, the Generals few and far! They may annex and conquer, have conquered and annexed, Yet when the Mauser rattles the British are perplexed. Stand firm then, Afrikanders, prolong the glorious fight, Unfurl the good old 'Vierkleur.' Stand firm, for right is might! What though the sky be clouded, what though the light be gone; The day will dawn to-morrow the sun will shine anon; And though in evil moments a hero's hand may fail, The strong will be confounded and right will yet prevail I" CHAPTER XXIX. A DISMAL "HAPPY NEW YEAR." THIS is the 31st of December, 1900, two days after the victory gained by our burghers over the Enghsh troops at Helvetia, at the same time the last day of the year, or, as they call it, "New Year's Eve"; which is cele- brated in our country with great enjoyment. The members of each family used to meet on that day, sometimes coming from all parts of the country. If this could not be done they would invite their most intimate friends to come and see the Old Year out — to "ring out the old, and ring in the new," for "Auld Lang Syne." This was one of the most festive days for everybody in South Africa. On the 31st of December, 1899, we had had to give up our time-honoured custom, there being no chance of joining in the friendly gathering at home, most of us having been at the front since the beginning of October, 1899, while our commandos were still in the very centre of Natal or in the northern part of Cape Colony; Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Maf eking were still besieged, and on the 15th of December the great victory of Colenso over the English Army had been won. It is true that even then we were far from our beloved friends, but those who had not been made prisoners were still in direct communication with those who were near and dear to them. And although we were unable to pass the great day in the family circle, yet we could send our best wishes by letter or by wire. We had then hoped it would be the last time we should have to spend the last day of the year under such distressing 183 184 ANGLO-BOER WAR circumstances, trusting the war would soon be over. Now 365 days had gone by — long, dreary, weary days of incessant struggle ; and again our expectations had not been realised, and our hopes were deferred. AVe were not to have the privilege of celebrating "the Old and the New" with our people as we had so fervently wished the previous year on the Tugela. The day would pass under far more depressing circum- stances. In many homes the members of the family we left behind would be prevented from being in a festive mood, thinking as they were of the country's position, while mourning the dead, and preoccupied with the fate of the wounded, of those who were missing, or known to be prisoners-of-war. It was night-time, and everybody was under the depression of the present serious situation. Is it necessary to say that we were all absorbed in our thoughts, reviewing the incidents of the past year?. Need we say that everyone of us was thinking with sadness of our many defeats, of the misery suffered on the battlefields, of our dead and wounded and imprisoned comrades; how we had been compelled to give up Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking, and how the principal towns of our Republics, Bloemfontein and Pretoria, where our beloved flag had been flying for so many long years, over an independent people, were now in the hands of the enemy? Need we say we were thinking that night more than ever of our many relatives who had sacrificed their blood and treasure in this melancholy War for the good Cause; of our wives and children, who did not know what had become of us, and whom most of us had not seen for the last eight months. Were they still alive? Should we ever see them alive? Such were the terrible thoughts passing through our minds as we silently sat round the fires that evening. Nor did anything tend to relieve the sombre monotony. A DISMAL "HAPPY NEW YEAR" 185 This time we should not have a chance of receiving some little things to cheer us up and remind us that our dearest friends had thought of us. Our fare would that day be the eternal meat and mealies — mealies and meat. But why call to mind all these sombre memories of the past? Sufficient unto the day it seems was the evil thereof. Why sum up the misery of a whole year's struggles? And thus we "celebrated" New Year's Eve of 1900, till we found our consolation in that greatest of blessings to a tired-out man — a refreshing sleep. But no sooner had we risen next morning than the cheerful compliments: "A Happy New Year!" or "My best wishes for the New Year" rang in our ears. We were all obviously trying to lay stress on the possible blessings of the future, so as to make each other forget the past, but I am afraid we did not expect the fulfilment of half, of what we wished. For well we knew how bad things were all round how many dark clouds were hanging over our heads, and how very few bright spots were visible on the political horizon. CHAPTER XXX. GENERAL ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS. MY presence was requested on the Srd of January, 1901, by the Commandant-General at a Council of War, which was to be held two days after at Hoetspruit, some miles east of Middelburg. General Botha would be there with his staff, and a small escort would take him from Ermelo over the railway through the enemy's lines. My commandos were to hold tnemselves in readiness. There was no doubt in my mind as to there being some great schemes on the cards, and that the next day we should have plenty to do, for the Commandant-General would not come all that way unless something important was on. And why should my commandos have to keep themselves in readiness ? On the morning of the 5th I went to the place of destination, which we reached at 11 o'clock, to find the Commandant-General and suite had already arrived. General Botha had been riding all night long in order to get through the enemy's lines, and had been resting in the shadow of a tree at Hoetspruit. The meeting of his adjutants and mine was rather boisterous, and woke him up, whereupon he rose immediately and came up to me with his usual genial smile. We had often been together for many months in the War, and the relations between us had been very cordial. I therefore do not hesitate to call him a bosom-friend, with due respect to his Honour as my chief. 186 ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS 187 "Hullo, old brother, how are you?" was Botha's welcome. "Good morning, General, thank you, how are you?" I replied. My high appreciation of, and respect for his position, made me refrain from calling him Louis, although we did not differ much in age, and were on intimate terms. "I must congratulate you upon your successful attack on Helvetia. You made a nice job of it," he said. "I hope you had a pleasant New Year's Eve. But," he went on, "I am sorry in one way, for the enemy will be on his guard now, and we may not succeed in the execution of the plans we are going to discuss to-day, and wich concern those very districts." "I am sorry, General," I replied, "but of course I know nothing of those plans." "Well," rejoined the Commandant-General, "we will try. anyhow, and hope for the best." An hour later we met in council. Louis Botha briefly explained how he had gone with General Christian Botha and Tobias Smuts, with 1,200 men, to Komatiboven, between Carolina and Belfast, where they had left the commandos to cross the line in order to meet the officers who were to the north of it with the object of going into the details of a combined attack on the enemy's camps. ■ All were agreed and so it was dicided that the attack ■would be made during the night of the 7th of January, at midnight, the enemy's positions being stormed simultaneously. The attack was to be made in the following way: The Commandant-General and General C. Botha alono^ with F. Smuts, would attack on the southern side of the garrisons, in the following places : Pan Station, Wonderfontein Station, Belfast Camp and Station, Dalmanutha and Machadodorp, while I was to attack these places from the north. The 188 ANGLO-BOER WAR commandos would be divided so as to have a field-cornet's force charge at each place. I must say that I had considerable difficulty in trying to make a little go a long way in dividing my small force along such a long line of camps, but the majority were in favour of this "frittering-away" policy, and so it had to be done. The enemy's strength in different places was not easy to ascertain. I knew the strongest garrison at Belfast numbered over 2,o00 men, and this place was to be made the chief point of attack, although the Machadodorp garrison was pretty strong too. The distance along which the simultaneous attack was to be made was about 22 miles and there were at least seven points to be stormed, viz.. Pan Station, Wonderfontein, Belfast Village, Monument Hill (near Belfast), the coal mines (near Belfast), Dalmanutha Station and Machadodorp. A big programme, no doubt. I can only, of course, give a description of the inci- dents on my side of the railway line, for the blockhouses and the forts provided with guns, which had been built along the railway, separated us entirely from the comman- dos to the south. The communication between both sides of the railway could be only kept up at night time and with a great amount of trouble, by means of despatch- carriers. We, therefore, did not even know how the attac- kingparties on the southern side had been distributed. All we knew was, that any place which was to be attacked from the north would also be stormed from the south at the same time, except the coal mine west of Belfast, occu- pied by Lieutenant Marshall with half a section of the Gloucester Regiment, which we were to attack separately, as it was situated some distance north of the railway line. I arranged my plans as follows : Commandant Trichardt, with two field-cornets posses of Middelburgers and one of Germiston burghers, were to attack Pan and Wonderfontein ; ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS 189 the State Artillery would go for the coal mine ; the Lyden- burgers look after Dalmanutha and Machadodorp; while General Muller with the Johannesburgers and Boksburgers would devote their attention to Monument Hill. I should personally attack Belfast Village, with a detachment of police, passing between the coal mine and Monument Hill. My attack could only, of course, be com- menced after that on the latter two places had turned out successfully, as otherwise I should most likely have my retreat cut off. In the evening of the 7th of January all the com- mandos marched, for the enemy would have been able to see us from a distance on this flat ground if we had star- ted in the daytime, and would have fired at us with their 4.7 guns, one of which we knew to be at Belfast. We had to cover a distance of 15 miles between dusk and midnight. There was therefore no time to be lost, for a commando moves very slowly at night time if there is any danger in front. If the danger comes from the rear, things very often move quicker than is good for the horses. Then the men have to be kept together, and the guides are followed up closely, for if any burghers were to lag behind and the chain be broken, 20 'or 30 of them might stray which would deprive us of their services. It was one of those nights, known in the Steenkamp Mountains as "dirty nights," very dark, with a piercing easterly wind, which blew an incessant, fine, misty rain into our faces. About nine o'clock the mist changed into heavy rains, and we were soon drenched to the skin, for very few of us wore rainproof cloaks. At ten the rain left off, but a thick fog prevented us from seeing anything in front of us, while the cold easterly wind had numbed our limbs, almost making them stiff. Some of the burghers had therefore to be taken up by the ambulance in order to have their circulation restored by 190 ANGLO-BOER WAR means of some medicine or artificial treatment. The impenetrable darkness made it very difficult to get on, as we were obliged to keep contact by means of despatch- riders; for, as already stated, I had to wait with the police for the result of the attack on the two positions to the right and left of me. Exactly at midnight all had arrived at the place of destination. Unfortunately the wind was roaring so loudly as to prevent any firing being heard even at a hundred paces distant. The positions near Monument Hill and the coal mine were attacked simultaneously, but unfortunately our artil- lerymen could not distinctly see the trenches on account of the darkness, and they charged right past them, and had to turn back when they became aware of the fact, by which time the enemy had found out what was up, and allowed their assailants to come close up to them (it was a round fort about five feet high with a trench round it), and received them with a tremendous volley. The artil- lerymen, however, charged away pluckily, and before they had reached the wall four were killed and nine wounded. The enemy shot fiercely and aimed well. Our brave boys stormed away, and soon some of them jumped over the wall and a hand-to-hand combat ensued. The commanding officer of the fortress. Lieutenant Marshall, was severely wounded in the leg, which fact must have had a great influence on the course of the fight, for he surrendered soon after. Some soldiers managed to escape, some were killed, about 10 wounded, and 25 were taken prisoners. No less than five artillerymen were killed and 13 wounded, amongst the latter being the valiant Lieutenant Coetsee who afterwards was cruelly murdered by kaffirs near Roos Senekal. The defenders as well as the assailants had behaved excellently. Near Monument Hill, at some distance from the position, ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS 191 tlie burghers' horses were left behind, and the men marched up in scattered order, in the shape of a crescent. When we arrived at the enemy's outposts they had formed up at 100 paces from the forts, but in the dark the soldiers did not see us till we almost ran into them. There was no time to waste words. Fortunately, they surrendered w^ithout making any defence, which made our task much lighter, for if one shot had been fired, the garrison of the forts would have been informed of our approach. Only at 20 paces distance from the forts near the Monument (there were four of them), we were greeted with the usual "Halt, who goes there." After this had been repeated three times without our taking any notice, and as we kept coming closer, the soldiers fired from all the forts. Only now could we see how they were situated. We found them to be surrounded by a barbed wire fence which was so strong and thick that some burghers were soon entangled in it, but most of them got over it. The first fort was taken after a short but sharp defence, the usual "hurrah" of the burghers jumping into the fort was, like a whisper of hope in the dark, an encouragement to the remainder of the storming burghers, who now soon took the other forts, not without having met with a stout resistance. Many burghers were killed, amongst whom the brave Field-Cornet John Ceronie, and many were .wounded. It had looked at first as if the enemy did not mean to give in, but we could not go back, and "onward" was the watchword. In several instances there was a struggle at a few paces' distance, only the wall of the fort intervening between the burghers and the soldiers. The burghers cried: "Hands up, you divils," but the soldiers replied: *Hy kona," a kaffir expression which means "shan't." "Jump over the walls, my men !" shouted my officers, and at last they were in the forts: not, of course, without 192 ANGLO-BOER WAR the loss of many valuable lives. A "melee" now followed; the English struck about with their guns and with their fists, and several burghers lay on the ground wrestling with the soldiers. One "Tommy" wanted to thrust a bayonet through a Boer, but was caught from behind by one of the latter's comrades, and knocked down and a general hand-to-hand fight ensued, a rolling over and over, till one of the parties was exhausted, disarmed, wounded, or killed. One of the English captains (Vosburry) and 40 soldiers were found dead or wounded, several having been pierced by their own bayonets. Some burghers had been knocked senseless with the butt-end of a rifle in the struggle with the enemy. This carnage had lasted for twenty minutes, during which the result had been decided in our favour, and a "hurrah," full of glory and thankfulness, came from the throats of some hundreds of burghers. We had won the day, and 81 prisoners-of-war had been made, including two officers — Captain Milner and Lieutenant Dease — both brave defenders of England's flag. They belonged to the Royal Irish Regiment, of which all Britons should be proud. In the captured forts we found a Maxim, in perfect order, 20 boxes of ammunition, and other things, besides provisions, also a quantity of spirits, which was, however, at once destroyed, to the disappointment of many burghers. We now pushed on to Belfast village, but found every cliff and ditch occupied. All eff'orts to get in touch with the commandos which meant to attack the village from the south were without avail. Besides, we did not hear a single shot fired, and did not know what had become of the attack from the south. In intense darkness we were firing at each other from time to time, so that it was not advisable to continue our operations under the circumstances, and at daybreak I told all my commandos to desist. ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS 193 The attacks on Wonder fontein, Pan Station, Dalmanutha, and Machadodorp had failed. I afterwards received a' report from the commandos on the other side of the hne, that, owing to the dark night, their attacks, although they were made with deliberation and great bravery, had all been unsuccessful. They had repeatedly missed the forts and had shot at one another. General Christian Botha had succeeded in capturing some of the enemy's outposts, and in pushing on had come across a detachment of Gordon Highlanders and been obliged to retire with a loss of 40 killed and wounded. We found, therefore, these forts in the hands of the soldiers, who, in my opinion, belonged to the best regiments of the English army. The guests of our Government, at "the house beautiful" near Roos Senekal were thus added to by two gentlemen, Captain Milner and Lieutenant Dease, and they were my prisoners-of-war for four months, during which time I found Captain Milner one of the most worthy British officers whom it had been my privilege to meet in this War. Not only in his manly appearance, but especially by his noble character he stood head and shoulders above his fellow- officers. Lieutenant Dease bore a very good character but was young and inexperienced. For several reasons I am pleased to be able to make publicly these statements. ; The soldiers we had made prisoners during this fight, as well as those we took at Helvetia, were given up to the British officers a few days afterwards, as we were not in a position to feed them properly, and it would not be humane or fair to keep the soldiers who had the misfortune of falling into our hands without proper food. This, of course, was a very unsatisfactory state of affairs, for we had to fight fiercely, valuable lives had to be sacrificed, every nerve had to be strained to force the enemy to 13 194 ANGLO-BOER WAR surrender, and to take his positions; and then, when we had captured thera, the soldiers were merely disarmed and sent back to the English lines after a little while, only to find them fighting against us once more in a few days. The Boers asked, "Why are not these "Tommies" required to take the oath before being liberated not to fight against us again?" I believe this would have been against the rules of civilised warfare, and we did not think it chivalrous to ask a man who was a prisoner to take an oath in return for his release. A prisoner-of-war has no freedom of action, and might have promised under the circumstances what he would not have done if he had been a free man. CHAPTER XXXI. A "bluff and a battle. THE last days of February, 1901, were very trying for our commandos on the "Hoogeveld," south of the railway. General French, assisted by half a dozen other generals, with a force of 60,000 men, crossed the „ Hooge- veld," between the Natal border and the Delagoa Railway, driving all the burghers and cattle before him, continually closer to the Swazi frontier, in order to strike' a "final blow" there. These operations the English called "The Great Sweep of February, 1901." Commandant-General Botha sent word that he was in a bad plight on the "Hoogeveld," the enemy having concentrated all his available troops upon him. I was asked to divert their attention as much as possible by repeated attacks on the railway line, and to worry them everywhere. To attack the fortified entrenchments in these parts, where we had only just been taking the offensive, causing the enemy to be on his guard, would not have been advisable. I therefore decided to make a feint attack on Belfast. One night we moved with all the burghers who had horses, about 15 carts, waggons, and other vehicles, guns and pom-pom, to a high "bult," near the "Pannetjes." When the sun rose the next morning we were in full sight of the enemy at Belfast, from which we \,ere about ten miles away. 195- 196 ANGLO-BOER WAR Here our commando was split into two parts, and the mounted men spread about in groups of fifty men each, with carts scattered everywhere among the ranks. We slowly approached Belfast in this order. Our commando numbered about 800 men, and considering the way we were distributed, this w^ould look three times as many. We halted several times, and the heliographers, who were posted everywhere in sight of the enemy, made as much fuss as possible. Scouts were riding about everywhere, making a great display by dashing about all over the place, from one group of burghers to another. After we had waited again for some little time we moved on, and thus the comedy lasted till sunset; in fact, we had got within range of the enemy's guns. We had received information from Belfast to the effect that General French had taken all the guns with him to Belfast, leaving only a few of small calibre, which could not reach us until we were at about 4,000 yards from the fort. Our pom-pom and our 15-pounder were divided between the two divisions, and the officers had orders to fire a few shots on Belfast at sunset. We could see all day long how the English near Monument Hill were making ditches round the village and putting up barbed wire fences. Trains were running backwards and forwards between Belfast and the nearest stations, probably to bring up reinforcements. At twilight we were still marching, and by the light of the last rays of the sun we fired our two valuable field-pieces simultaneously, as arranged. I could not see where the shells were falling, but we heard them bursting, and consoled ourselves with the idea that they must have struck in near the enemy. Each piece sent half a dozen shells, and some volleys were fired from a few rifles at intervals. We thought the enemy would be sure to take this last movement for a general attack. What ho "BLUFF" AND A BATTLE 197 really did think, there is no saying. As the burghers put it, "We are trying to make them frightened, but the thing to know is, did they get frightened?" For this concluded our programme for the day, and we retired for the night, leaving the enemy in doubt as to whether we meant to give him any further trouble, 3^et without any apology for having disturbed his rest. The result of this bloodless fight was nil in wounded and killed on Ivoth sides. On the 12th of February, 1901, the first death-sentence on a traitor on our side was about to be carried out, when suddenly our outposts round Belfast were attacked by a strong British column under General Walter Kitchener. When the report was brought to our laager, all the burghers went to the rescue, in order to keep the enemy as far from the laager as possible, and beat them back. Mean- while the outposts re'tired fighting all the while. We took up the most favourable positions we could and waited. The enemy did not come up close to us that evening, but camped out on a round hill between Dullstroom and Belfast and we could distinctly see how the soldiers were all busy digging ditches and trenches round the camp and putting up barbed wire enclosures. They were very likely afraid of a night attack and did not forget the old saying about being "wise in time." Near the spot where their camp was situated were several roads leading in diff"erent directions which left us in doubt as to which way they intended to go, and whether they wanted to attack us, or were on their way to Witpoort- Lydenburg. The next morning, at sunset, the enemy broke up his camp and made a stir. First came a dense mass of mounted men, who after having gone about a few hundred paces, split up into two divisions. One portion moved in a westerly direction, the other to the north, slowly followed 198 ANGLO-BOER WAR by a long file, or as they say in Afrikander ''geJermte" (gut) of waggons and carts which, of course, formed the convoy. Companies of infantry, with guns, marched between tlie vehicles. I came to the conclusion that they intended to attack from two sides, and therefore ordered the ranks to scatter. General Muller, with part of the burghers, went in advance of the enemy's left flank and as the English spread out their ranks, we did the same. At about 9 a.m. our outposts near the right flank of the English were already in touch with the enemy, and rifle-fire was heard at intervals. I still had the old 15-pounder, but the stock of ammu- nition had gone down considerably and the same may be said of the pom-pom of Rhenosierkop fame. We fired some shots from the 15-pounder at a division of cavalry at the foot of a kopje. Our worthy artillery sergeant swore he had hit them right in the centre, but even with my strong spy-glass I could not see the shells burst, although I admit the enemy showed a little respect for them, which may be concluded from the fact that they at once mounted their horses and looked for cover. A British soldier is much more in awe of a shell than a Boer is, and the enemy's movements are therefore not always a criterion of our getting the range. We had, moreover, only some ordinary grenades left, some of which would not burst, as the "schokbuizen" were defective, and we could not be sure of their doing any harm. The other side had some howitzers, which began to spit about lyddite indiscriminately. They also had some quick-firing guns of a smal calibre, which, however, did not carry particularly far. But they were a great nuisance, as they would go for isolated burghers without being at all economical with their ammunition. Meanwhile, the enemy's left reached right up to «BLUFF" AND A BATTLE 199 Schoonport, where some burghers, who held good positions, were able to fight them. This caused continual collisions with our outposts. Here, also, the assailants had two 15-pounder Armstrong's, which fired at any moving target, and hardly ever desisted, now on one or two burghers who showed themselves, then on a tree, or an ant-hill, or a protruding rock. They thus succeeded in keeping up a deafening cannonade, which would have made one think there was a terrific fight going on, instead of which it was a very harmless bombardment. It did no more harm than at the English manoeuvres, although it was no doubt a brilliant demonstration, a sort of performance to show the British Lion's prowess. I could not see the practical use of it though. It was only on the enemy's right wing that we got near enough to feel some of the effect of the artillery's gigantic efibrts, which here forced us to some sharp but innocent little fights between the outposts. At about four o'clock in the afternoon, the British cavalry stormed our left, which was in command of General Muller. We soon repulsed them, however. Half an hour after we saw the enemy's carts go back. I sent a heliographic message to General Muller, with whom I had kept in close contact, to the efi'ect that they were moving away their carts and that we ought to try and charge them on all points as well as we could. "All right," he answered; "shall we start at once?" I flashed back "Yes," and ordered a general charge. The burghers now appeared all along the extended fighting line. The enemy's guns, wich were just ready to be moved, were again placed in position and opened fire, but our men charged everywhere, a sort of action which General Kitchener did not seem to like, for his soldiers began to flee with their guns, and a geneml confusion ensued. Some 200 . ANGLO-BOER WAR of these guns were still being fired at the Boers but the latter stormed away determinedly The British lost many killed and wounded. The cavalry fled in such a hurry as to leave the infantry as the only protection of the guns, and although these men also beat a retreat they, at least, did it while fighting. I do not think I overstate the case by declaring that General Walter Kitchener owed it to the stubborn defence of his infantry that his carts were not captured by us that day. Their ambulance, in charge of Dr. Mathews and four assistants, and some wounded iell into our hands, and were afterwards sent back. We pursued the enemy as well as we could, but about nine miles from Belfast, towards which the retreating enemy was marching, the forts opened fire on us from a 4-7 naval gun and they got the range so well tliat lyddite shells were soon bursting about our ears. We were now in the open, quite exposed and in sight of the Belfast forts. Two of our burghers were wounded here. Field-Cornet Jaapie Kriege, who was afterwards killed, with about 35 burghers, was trying to cut off the enemy from a "spruif'-drift; the attack was a very brave one, but our men ventured too far, and would all have been captured had not the other side been so much in a hurry to get away from us. Luckil}^, too, another field-cornet realised the situation, and kept the enemy well under fire, thus attracting Kriego'a attention, who now got out of this scrape. When night fell we left the enemy alone, and went back to our laager. The next morning the outposts reported that the would-be assailants were all gone. How much this farce had cost General Kitchener we -BLUFF" AND A BATTLE 201 coold not tell with certainty. An English officer told me afterwards he had been in the fight, and that their loss there hid been 52 dead and wounded, including some officers. He also informed me that their object that day- had been to dislodge us. If that is so, I pity the soldiers who were told to do this work. Our losses were two burghers wounded, as already stated. CHAPTER XXXII. EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR. AS briefly referred to in the last diopter, there occurred • in the early part of February, 1901, what I always regard as one of the most unpleasant incidents of the whole Campaign, and which even now I cannot record without awakening the most painful recollections. I refer to the summary execution of a traitor in our ranks, and inasmuch as a great deal has been written of this tragic episode, I venture to state the particulars of it in full. The facts of the case are as follows: — At this period of the War, as well as subsequently, much harm was done to our cause by various burghers who surrendered to the enemy, and who, actuated by the most sordid motives, assisted the British in every possible way against us. Some of these treacherous Boers occasionally fell into our hands, and were tried by court-martial for high treason ; but however damning th^ evidence brought against them they usually managed to escape with some light punishment. On some occasions sentence of death was passed on them, but it was invariably commuted to imprisonment for life, and as we had great difficulty in keeping such prisoners, they geyierally succeeded, sooner or later, in making their escape. This mistaken leniency was the cause of much dissatisfaction in our ranks, which deeply resented that these betrayers of their country should escape scot-free. About this time a society was formed at Pretoria, EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR. 203 chiefly composed of surrendered burghers, called the "Peace Committee," but better known to us as the "Hands-uppers/' Its members surreptitiously circulated pamphlets and circulars amongst our troops, advising them to surrender and join the enemy. The impartial reader will doubtless agree that such a state of things was not to be tolerated. Imagine, for example, that English officers and soldiers circulated similar communications amongst the Imperial troops! Would such proceedings have been tolerated? The chairman of this society was a man by the name of Meyer De Kock, who had belonged to a Steenkamps- berg field-cornet's force and had deserted to the enemy. He was the man who first suggested to the British autho- rities the scheme of placing the Boer women and children in Concentration Camps — a system which resulted in so much misery and suffering — and he maintained that this would be the most effective way of forcing the Boers to surrender, arguing that no burgher would continue to fight when once his family was in British hands. One day a kaffir, bearing a white flag, brought a letter from this person's wife addressed to one of my field- cornets, informing him that her husband, Mr. De Kock, wished to meet him and discuss with him the advisability of surrendering with his men to the enemy. My field-cornet, however, was sufficiently sensible and loyal to send no reply. And so it occurred that one morning Mr. Pe Kock, doubtlessly thinking that he would escape punishment as easily as others had before him, had the audacity to ride coolly into our outposts. He was promptly arrested and incarcerated in Roos Senekal Gaol, this village being at the time in our possession. Soon afterwards he was tried by court-martial, and on the face of the most damning evidence, and on perusal of a host of incriminating documents found in his possession, was condemned to death. About a fortnight later a waggon drove up to our 204 ANGLO-BOER WAR. laager at Windhoek, carrying Lieutenant De Hart, accom- panied by a member of President Burger's bodyguard, some armed burghers, and the condemned man De Kock. They halted at my tent, and the officer handed me an order from our Government, bearing the President's rati- fication of the sentence of death, and instructing me to carry it out within 24 hours. Needless to say I was much grieved to receive this order, but as it had to be obej'-ed I thought the sooner it was done the better for all con- cerned. So then and there on the veldt I approached the condemned man, and said: — *Mr. De Kock, the Government has confirmed the sentence of death passed on you, and it is my painful duty to inform you that this sentence will be carried out to-morrow evening. If you have any request to make or if you wish to write to your family you will now have an opportunity of doing so." At this he turned deadly pale, and some minutes passed before he had recovered from his emotion. He then expressed a wish to write to his family, and was conducted, under escort, to a tent, where writing materials were placed before him. He wrote a long communication to his wife, which we sent to the nearest British officers to forward to its destination. He also wrote me a letter thanking me for my "kind treatment," and requested me to forward the letter to his wife. Later on spiritual consolation was offered and administered to him by our pastor. Next day, as related in the previous chapter, we were attacked by a detachment of General Kitchener's force from Belfast. This kept me busy all day, and I delegated two of my subaltern officers to carry out the execution. At dusk the condemned man was blindfolded and conducted te the side of an open grave, where twelve burghers fired a volley, and death was instantaneous I am told that De Kock met his fate with considerable fortitude. EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR 205 So far as I am aware, this was the first Boer "execution" In our history. I afterwards read accounts of it in the Enghsh press, in which it was described as murder, but I emphatically repudiate this description of a wholly justifiable act. The crime was a serious one, and the punishment was well deserved, and I have no doubt that the same fate would have awaited any English soldier guilty of a similar off'eace. It seems a great pity, however, that no war can take place without these melancholy incidents. CHAPTER XXXIII. IN A TIGHT CORNER. IT was now ]\Iarch, 1901. For some time our burghers had been complaining of inactivity, and the weary and monotonous existence was gradually beginning to pall on them. But it became evident that April would be an eventful month, as the enemy had determined not to suffer our presence in these parts any longer. A huge movement, therefore, was being set on foot to surround us and capture tue whole commando en bloc. It began with a night attack on a field-cornet's force posted at Kruger's Post, north of Lydenburg, and here the enemy succeeded in capturing 35 men and a quantity of a "impedimenta;" the field-cornet in question, although warned in time, having taken no proper precautions. By the middle of April the enemy's forward movement was in full swing. General Plumer came from Pietersburg, General Walter Kitchener from Lydenburg, and General Barber from Middelburg. They approached us in six different directions, altogether a force of 25,000 men, and the whole under the supreme command of General Sir Bindon Blood. No escape was available for us through Secoekuniland on the north, as the natives here, since the British had occupied their territory, were avowedly hostile to us. To escape, therefore, we would have to break through the enemy's lines and also to cross the railway, which was closely guarded. The enemy were advancing slowly from various 206 IN A TIGHT CORNER • 207 directions. All our roads were carefully guarded, and the cordon was gradually tightening around us. We were repeatedly attacked, now on this side, now on that, the British being clearly anxious to discover our position and our strength. In a sharp skirmish with a column from Lydenburg my faithful Fighting-General Muller was severely wounded in his shoulder, and a commando of Lydenburgers had been isolated from me and driven by the enemy along Waterfal River up to Steelpoort, where they encountered hostile tribes of kaffirs. The commandant of the corps after a short defence was obliged to destroy his guns, forsake his baggage, and escape with his burghers in small groups into the mountains. Our position was growing more critical, but I resolved to make a stand before abandoning our carts and waggons, although there seemed little hope of being able to save anything. In fact the situation was extremely perilous. As far as I could see we were entirely hemmed in, all the roads were blocked, my best officer wounded, I had barely 900 men with me, and our stock of ammunition was very limited. I have omitted to mention that early in April, when we first got an inkling of this move I had liberated all the British officers whom I had kept as prisoners at Middelburg, and thus saved the British authorities many a D.S.O. which would otherwise have been claimed by their rescuers. The British around us were now posted as follows. At Diepkloof on the Tautesberg to the north-west of us; at Roodekraal, between Tautesberg and Bothasberg, to the west of us ; at Koebold, under Roodehoogte ; at Windhoek, to the east of us ; at Oshoek, to the north-east ; and to the north of us between Magneetshoogte and Klip Spruit. We were positioned on Mapochsberg near Roos Senekal, about midway between Tautesberg and Steenkampsberg. We had 208 ANGLO-BOER WAR carts, "waggons, two field-pieces, and a Colt-Maxim. We speedily discovered that we should have to leave our baggage and guns, and rely mainly on our liorses and rifles. We had placed our hospitals as well as we could, one in an empty school-building at Mapochsberg with 10 wounded, under the care of Dr. Manning; the other, our only field-hospital, at Schoonpoort, under the supervision of Dr. H. Neethling. Whether these poor wounded Boers would have to be abandoned to the enemy, was a question which perplexed us considerably. If so, we should have been reduced to only one physician. Dr. Leitz, a young German who might get through with a pack-horse. Many ofl&cers and men, however, had lost all hope of escape. It was about the 20th of April when the British appro- ached so close that we had to fight all day to maintain our positions. I gave orders that same night that we should burn our waggons, destroy our guns with dynamite, and make a dash through the enemy's lines, those burghers who had no horses to mount the mules of the convoy. Hereupon about 100 burghers and an officer coolly informed me that they had had enough fighting, and preferred to sur- render. I was at that time powerless to prevent them doing so, so I took away all their horses and ammunition, at which they did not seem \evy pleased. Before dusk our camp was a scene of wild confusion. Waggons and carts were burning fiercely, d3'namite was being exploded, and horseless burghers were attempting to break in the mules which were to serve them as mounts. Meanwhile a skirmish was going on between our outposts and those of tlie enemy. It was a strange procession that left Mapochsberg that night in our dash through the British lines. Many Boers rode mules, whilst many more had no saddles, and no small number were trudging along on foot, carrying their rifles and blankets on their shoulders. My scouts had reported that the best way to get through was on the IN A TIGHT CORNER 209 southern side along Steelpoort, about a quarter of a mile from the enemy's camp at Bothasberg. But even should we succeed in breaking through the cordon around us, we still had to cross the line at Wondersfontein before day- break, so as not to get caught between the enemy's troops and the blockhouses. About 100 scouts, who formed our advanceguard, soon encountered the enemy's sentries. They turned to the right, then turned to the left; but everywhere the inquisitive "Tommies" kept asking: "Who goes there?" Not being- over anxious to satisfy their curiosity, they sent round word at once for us to lie low, and we started very carefully exploring the neighbourhood. But there seemed no way out of the mess. We might have attacked some weak point and thus forced our way through, but it was still four or five hours' ride to the railway line, and with our poor mounts we should have been caught and captured. Besides which the enemy might have warned the blockhouse garrisons, in which case we should have been caught between two fires. No; we wanted to get through without being discovered, and seeing that this was that night hopeless, I consulted my officers and decided to return to our deserted camp, where we could take up our original positions without the enemy being aware of our noctural excursion. Next morning the rising sun found us back in our old positions. We despatched scouts in all directions as usual, so as to make the enemy believe that we intended to remain there permanently, and we put ourselves on our guard, ready to repel an attack at any point on the shortest notice. But the enemy were much too cautious, and evidently thought they had us safely in their hands. They amused themselves by destroying every living thing, and burned the houses and the crops. The whole veldt all round was 14 210 ANGLO-BOER WAR black, everything seemed in mourning, the only relief from this dull monotony of colour being that ofForded by the innumerable specks of khaki all around us. I believe I said there were 25,000 men there, but it now seemed to me as if there were almost double that number. We had to wait until darkness set in before making a second attempt at escape. The day seemed interminable. Many burghers were loudly grumbling, and even some officers were openly declaring that all this had been done on purpose. Of course, these offensive remarks were pointed at me. At last the situation became too serious. I could only gather together a few officers to oppose an attack from the enemy on the eastern side, and something had to be done to prevent a general mutiny. I therefore ordered a burgher who seemed loudest in his complaints to receive 15 lashes with a sjambok, and I placed a field-cornet under arrest. After this the grumblers remained sullenly silent. The only loophole in the enemy's lines seemed to be in the direction of Pietersburg, on the portion held by General Plumer, who seemed far too busy capturing cattle and sheep from the "bush-lancers" to surround us closel3\ We therefore decided to take our chance there and move away as quickly as possible in that direction, and then to ' bear to the left, where we expected to find the enemy least watchful. Shortly before sunset I despatched 100 mounted men to ride openly in the opposite direction to that which we intended to take, so as to divert the enemy's attention from our scene of operations, and sat down to wait for darkness. CHAPTER XXXIV. ffLUDING THE BRITISH COEDON. *"^ f ^HE shades of eve were falling fast" as we moved J_ cautiously away from Mapochsberg and proceeded through Landdrift, Steelpoort, and the Tautesberg. At 3 o'clock in the morning we halted in a hollow place where we would not be observed, yet we were still a mile and a half from the enemy's cordon. Our position was now more critical than ever; for should the enemy discover our departure, and General Plumer hurry up towards us that morning, we should have little chance of escape. During the day I was obliged to call all the burghers together, and to earnestly address them concerning the happenings of the previous day. I told them to tell me candidly if they had lost faith in me, or if they had any reason not to trust me implicitly, as I would not tolerate the way in which they had behaved the day before. I added : — "If you cannot see your way clear to obey implicitly my commands, to be true to me, and to believe that I am true to you, I shall at once leave you, and you can appoint someone else to look after you. We are by no means out of the wood yet, and it is now more than ever necessary that we should be able to trust one another to the fullest extent. Therefore, I ask those who have lost confidence in me, or have any objection to my leading them, to stand out." No one stirred. Other officers and burghers next rose and spoke, assuring me that all the rebels had derserted 211 212 ANGLO-BOER WAR the previous iiigbt, and tlmt all the men M'ith me would be true and faithful. Then Pastor J. Louw addressed the burghers very earnestly, pointing out to them the offensive way in which some of them had spoken of their superior officers, and that in the present difficult circumstances it was absolutely necessary that there should be no disintegra- tion and discord amongst ourselves. I think all these perorations had a very salutary effect. But such were the difficulties that we officers had to contend with at the hands of undisciplined men who held exaggerated notions of freedom of action and of speech; and I was not the only Boer officer who suffered in this respect. About two in the afternoon I gave the order to saddle up, as it was necessary to start before sunset in order to be able to cross the Olifant's River before daybreak, so that the enemy should not overtake us should they notice us. We dismounted and led our horses, for we .had discovered that the English could not distinguish between a body of men leading their horses and a troop of cattle, so long as the horses were all kept close together. All the hills around us were covered with cattle captured from our "bush- lancers," and therefore our passage was unnoticed. We followed an old waggon track along the Buffelskloof, where a road leads from Tautesberg to Blood River. The stream runs between Botha's and Tautesbergen, and flows into the Olifant's River near Mazeppa Drift. It is called Blood River on account of the horrible massacre which took place there many years before, when the Swazi kaffirs murdered a whole kaffir tribe without distinc- tion of age or sex, literally turning the river red with blood. Towards evening we reached the foot of the mountains, and moved in a north-westerly direction past Makleerewskop. We got through the English lines without any difficulty along some footpaths, but our progress was very slow, as we had to proceed in Indian file, and we had to stop ELUDING THE BRITISH CORDON 213 frequently to see that no one was left behind. The country was thickly wooded, and frequently the baggage on the pack- horses became entangled with branches of trees, and had to be disentangled and pulled off the horses' backs, which also caused considerable delay. It was 3 o'clock in the morning before we reached the Olifant's River, at a spot which was once a footpath drift, but was now washed away and overgrown with trees and shrubs, making it very difficult to find the right spot to cross. Our only guide who knew the way had not been there for 15 years, but recognised the place by some high trees which rose above the others. We had considerable difficulty in crossincr, the water reaching to our horses' saddles, and the banks being very steep. By the time we had all forded the sun had risen. All the other drifts on the river were occupied by the enemy, our scouts reporting that Mazeppa Drift, three miles down stream, was entrenched by a strong English force, as was the case with Kalkfontein Drift, a little higher up. I sup- pose this drift was not known to them, and thus had been left unguarded. Having got through we rode in a northerly direction until about 9 o'clock in the morning, and not until then were we sure of being clear of the enemy's clutches. But there was a danger that the English had noticed our absence and had followed us up. I therefore sent out scouts on the high kopjes in the neighbourhood, and not until these had reported all clear did we take the risk of off- saddling. You can imagine how thankful we were after having been in the saddle for over 19 hours, and I believe our poor animals were no less thankful for a rest. We had not slept for three consecutive nights, and soon the whole commando, with the exception of the sentries, were fast asleep. Few of us thought of food, for our fatigue and drowsiness were greater than our hunger. 214 ANGLO-BOER WAR But we could ouly sleep for two hours, for we were much too close to the enemy, and we wished to make them lose scent of us entirely. The burghers grumbled d good deal at being awakened and ordered to saddle up, but we moved on nevertheless. I sent some men to enquire at a kaffir kraal for the way to Pietersburg, and although I had no intention of going in that direction, I knew that the kaffirs, so soon as we had gone, would report to the nearest British camp that they had met a commando of Boers of going there. Kaffirs would do this with the hope of reward, which they often received in the shape of spirituous liquor. We proceeded all that day in the direction of Pietersburg until just before sunset we came to a small stream. Heje we stopped for an hour and then went on again, this time, however, to the left in a southerly direction through the bush to Poortjesnek near Rhenosterkop, where a little time before the fight with General Paget's force had taken place. We had to hurry through the bush, as horse-sickness was prevalent here and we still had a long way before us. It was mid- night before we reached the foot of the Poortjesnek. Here my officers informed me that two young burghers had become insane through fatigue and want of sleep, and that several, while asleep in their saddles had been pulled off their horses by low branches and severely injured. Yet we had to get through the Nek and get to the plateau before I could allow any rest. I went and had a look at the demented men. They looked as if intoxicated and were very violent. All our men and horses were utterly exhaus- ted, but we pushed on and at last reached the plateau, where, to everybody's great delight, we rested for the whole day. The demented men would not sleep, but I , had luckily some opium pills with me and I gave each man one of them, so that they got calmer, and, dropping off to sleep, afterwards recovered. ELUDING THE BRITISH CORDON 215 My scouts reported next day that a strong English patrol had followed us up, but that otherwise it was "all serene." We pushed on through Lang^oof over our old fighting ground near Rhenosterkop, then through the Wilge River near Gousdenberg up to Blackwood Camp, about nine miles north of Balmoral Station. Here we stayed a few days to allow our animals to rest and recover from their hardships, and then moved on across the railway to the Bethel and Ermelo districts. Here the enemy was much less active, and we should have an opportunity of being left undisturbed for a little time. But we lost 40 of our horses, that had caught the dreaded horse-sickness whilst passing through the bush country. On the second day of our stay at Blackwood Camp I sent 150 men under Commandants Groenwald and Viljoen through the Banks, via Staglioek, to attack the enemy's camp near Wagendrift on the Olifant's River. This was a detachment of the force which had been surrounding us. We discovered that they were still trying to find us, and that the patrol which had followed us were not aware of. our having got away. It appears that they only discovered this several days afterwards, and great must have been the good general's surprise when they found that the birds had flown and their great laid schemes had failed. My 150 men approached the enemy's camp early in the morning, and when at a short range began pouring in a deadly rifle fire on the western side. The British soldiers, who were not dreaming of an attack, ran to and fro in wild disorder. Our burghers, however, ceased firing when they saw that there were many women and children in the camp, but the enemy began soon to pour out a rifle and gun fire, and our men were obliged to carry on the fight. After a few days' absence they returned to our camp and reported to me that "they had frightened the English 216 ANGLO-BOER WAR out of their wits, for they tliought we were to the east at Roos Senekal, whereas we turned up from the west." Of course the British speedily discovered where we were, and came marching up from Poortjesnek in great force. But we sent out a patrol to meet them, and the latter by passing them M^est of Rhenosterkop effectually misled them, and we were left undisturbed at Blackwood Camp. This left us time to prepare for crossing the railway; so I despatched scouts south to see how matters stood, and bade them return the next day. We knew that a number of small commandos were located on the south side of the railway, but to effect a junction was a difficult matter, and we would risk getting trapped between the columns if we moved at random. The railway and all the roads were closely guarded, and great care was being taken to prevent any communication between the burghers on either side of the line. CHAPTER XXXV, BOER government's NARROW ESCAPE. ^URING the first week of May, 1901, we split up into two sections, and left Blackwood Camp early in the evening. General Muller took one section over the railway line near Brugspruit, whilst I took the other section across near Balmoral Station. We naturally kept as far from the blockhouses as possible, quietly cut the barbed-wire fences stretched all along the line, and succeeded in cros- sing it without a shot being fired. To split up into two sections was a necessary precaution, first because it would have taken the whole commando too long to cross the line at one point, and secondly, we made more sure of getting at least one section across. Further, had the enemy encountered one of the sections they would probably have concluded that that was our whole force. We halted about six miles from the rail vf ay-line, as it was now 2 o'clock in the morning. I ordered a general dismount, and we were at last able to light up our pipes, which we had been afraid of doing in the neighbourhood of the railway for fear of the lights being seen by the enemy. The men sat round in groups, and smoked and chatted cheerfully. We passed the rest of the night here, and with the exception of the sentinels on duty, all were able to enjoy a refreshing sleep, lying down, however, with their unsaddled horses by their side, and the bridles in their hands — a most necessary and useful precaution. Together with my adjutant, Nel, I made the round of the sentries, sitting a a few moments with each to cheer them 217 218 ANGLO-BOEH WAR up and keep tliem awake ; for there is nothing to which I object more than to be surprised by the enemy, when asleep. The few hours of rest afforded us passed very quickly, and at the first glimmer of dawn I ordered the men to be called This is simply done by the officers calling out "Opzaal, opzaal" (saddle-up) in loud tones. When it was light enough to look round us we had the satisfaction of seeing that all was quiet and that no troops were in the immediate neighbourhood. We made for a place called Kroomdraai, about halfway between Heidelberg and Mid- delburg, where we knew there were some mealies left ; and although we should be between the enemy's camps there, I felt there would be no danger of being disturbed or surprised. I also sent a report to the Commandant-General, who was at that time with the Government near Ermelo, and described to him all that had happened. I received a reply some days later, requesting me to leave my commando at Kroomdraai and proceed to see him, as an important Council of War was to be held between the various generals and the Government. Four days later I arrived at Begin der Lijn ("beginning of the line") on the Vaal River, south-east of Ermelo, accompanied by three of my adjutants, and reported myself to the Commandant-General. Simultaneously with my arrival there came two British columns, commanded by our old friend Colonel Bullock, whose acquaintance we had previously made at Colenso. They came apparently with the idea of chasing us, possibly thinking to catch us. This was far from pleasant for me. I had been riding post haste for four days, and I and my horse were very tired and worn out. However, there was no help for it. I had barely time to salute the members of the Government, and to exchange a few words with BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 210 -General Botha, when we had to "quit." For eight days we wandered round with Colonel Bullock at our heels, always remaining, however, in the same neighbourhood. This officer's tactics in trying to capture us were childishly -simple. During the day there would be skirmishes between the enemy and General Botha's men, but each evening the former would, by retiring, attempt to lull us into a sense of security. But as soon as the sun had set, they would turn right about face, return full speed to where they had left us, and there would surround us carefully during the night, gallantly attacking us in the morning and fully expecting to capture the whole Boer Government and at least half a dozen generals. This was a distinct nuisance, but the tactics of this worthy officer were so simple that we very soon discovered them. Accordingly, -every evening we would make a fine pretence of pitching ■our camp for the night; but so soon as darkness had set in, we would take the precaution of moving some 10 or 15 miles further on. Next morning Colonel Bullock, who had been carefully "surrounding" us all night, would find that we were unaccountably absent. Much annoyed at this, he would then send his "flying" columus running after us. This went on for several days, until finally, as we expected, his horses were tired out, and I believe he was then removed to some other garrison, having been considered -a failure as a "Boer-stalker." No doubt he did his best, but he nevertheless managed his business very clumsily. Not until nine days after my arrival at this perambu- lating seat of Government did we have an opportunity of -snatching a few hours' rest. We were now at a spot called Immegratie, between Ermelo and Wakkerstroom. Here a meeting was held by the Executive Council, and attended by the Commandant-General, General Jan Smuts, ■General C. Botha, and myself. General T. Smuts could not be present, as he was busy keeping Colonel Bullock amused. 220 ANGLO-BOER WAR At this meeting we discussed the general situation, and decided to send a letter to President Steyn, but our communication afterwards fell into the enemy's hands. In accordance with this letter, President Steyn and Generals De Wet and De la Rey joined our Government, and a meeting was held later on. The day after this meeting at Immegratie I took leave of my friends and began^the journey in a more leisurely fashion back to my commando at Kroomdraai, via Ermelo and Bethel. The Acting-President had made me a present of a cart and four mules, as they pitied us for having had to burn all our vehicles in escaping from Roos SenekaL We were thus once more seated in a cart, which added considerably to the dignity of our staff. How long I should continue to be possessed of this means of transport depended, of course, entirely on the enemy. My old coloured groom "Mooiroos,"' who followed behind leading my horse, evidently thought the same, for he remarked naively: "Baas, the English will soon fix us in another corner; had we not better throw the cart away?" We drove into Ermelo that afternoon. The dread east wind was blowing hard and raising great clouds of dust around us. The village had been occupied about half a dozen times by the enemy and each time looted, plundered, and evacuated, and was now again in our possession. At least, the English had left it the day before, and a Landdrost had placed himself in charge; a little Hollander with a pointed nose and small, glittering eyes,who between each sentence that he spoke rolled round those little eyes of his, carefully scanning the neighbouring hills for any sign of the English. The only other person of importance in the town was a worthy predikant, who evidently had not had his hair cut since the commencement of the War, and who had great difficulty in keeping his little black wide-awake on his head. He seemed very proud of his abundant locks. ' BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 221 There were also a few families in the place belonging to the Red Cross staff and in charge of the local hospitals. One of my adjutants was seriously indisposed, and it was whilst hunting for a chemist in order to obtain medicine that I came into contact with the town's sparse population. I found the dispensary closed, the proprietor having depar- ted with the English, and the Landdrost, fearing to get himself into trouble, was not inclined to open it. He grew very excited when we liberally helped ourselves to the medicines, and made himself unpleasant. So we gave him clearly to understand that his presence was not required in that immediate neighbourhood. Our cart was standing waiting for us in the High Street, and during our absence a lady had appeared on the verandah of a house and had sent a servant to enquire who we were. When we reappeared laden with our booty she graciously invited us to come in. She was a Mrs. P. de Jager and belonged to the Red Cross Society. She as]ied us to stay and have some dinner, which was then being prepared. Imagine what a luxury for us to be once more in a house, to be addressed by a lady and to be served with a bountiful repast I Our clothes were in a ragged and dilapidated condition and we presented a very unkempt appearance, which did not make us feel quite at our ease. Still the good lady with great tact soon put as quite &t home. We partook of a delicious meal, which we shall not easily forget. I cannot remember what the menu was, and I am not quite sure whether it would compare favourably with a first-class cafe dinner, but I never enjoyed a meal more in my existence, and possibly never shall. After dinner the lady related to us how on the previous day, when the British entered the village, there were in her house three convalescent burghers, who could, however^ neither ride nor walk. With tears in her eyes she told 222 ANGLO-BOER WAR us how an English doctor and an officer had come there, and kicking open the doors of her neatly-kept house, had entered it, followed by a crowd of soldiers, who had helped themselves to most of the knives, forks, and other utensils. She tried to explain to the doctor that she had wounded men in the house, but he was too conceited and arrogant to listen to her protestations. Fortunately for them the men were not discovered, for the English, on leaving the village, took with them all our wounded, and even our doctor. With a proud smile she now produced this trio, who, not knowing whether we were friend or foe, were at first vere much frightened. I sympathised with the lady with respect to the harsh treatment she had received the previous day, and thanking her for her great kindness, warned her not to keep armed burghers in her house, as this was against the Geneva Convention. We told her what great pleasure it was for us to meet a lady, as all our women having been placed in Concentra- tion Camps, we had only had the society of our fellow- burghers. Before leaving she grasped our hands, and with tears in her eyes wished us God speed: — 'Good-bye, my friends! May God reward your efforts on behalf of your country. General, be of good cheer; for however dark the future may seem, be sure that the Almighty will provide for you!" I can scarcely be dubbed sentimental, yet the genuine expressions of this good lady, coupled perhaps with her excellent dinner, did much to put us into better spirits, and somehow the future did not seem now quite so dark and terrible as we were proviously inclined to believe. We soon resumed our journey, and that night arrived at a farm belonging to a certain Venter. We knew that here some houses had escaped the general destruction and we found that a dwelling house was still standing and that BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 223 the Venter family were occupying it. It was not our prac- tice to pass the night near inhabited houses, as that might have got the people in to trouble with the enemy, but having off-saddled, I sent up an adjutant to the house to see if he could purchase a few eggs and milk for our sick com- panions. He speedily returned followed by the lady of the house in a very excited condition: — ''Are you the General?" she asked. "I have that honour," I replied. " What is the matter ?" "There is much the matter," she retorted loudly. "I will have nothing to do with you or your people. You are nothing but a band of brigands and scoundrels, and you must leave my farm immediately. All respectable people have long since surrendered, and it is only such people as you who continue the War, while you personally are one of the ringleaders of these rebels." "Tut, tut," I said, "where is your husband?" My husband is where all respectable people ought to be; with the English, of course." "'Hands-uppers,' is that it?" answered my men in chorus, even Mooiroos the native joining in. "You deserve the D. S. 0.," I said, "and if we meet the English we will mention it to them. Now go back to your house before these rebels and brigands give you your deserts." She continued to pour out a flood of insults and imprecations on myself, the other generals, and the Govern- ment, and finally went away still muttering to herself. I could scarcely help comparing this patriotic lady to the one in Ermelo who had treated us so kindly. I encountered many more such incidents, and only mention these two in order to show the different views held at that time by our women on these matters, but in justice to our women- folk I should add that this kind were only a small minority. It was a bitterly cold night. Our blankets were very thin, and the wind continually scattered our fire and gave- 224 ANGLO-BOER WAR us little opportunity of warming ourselves. There was no food for the horses except the grass. We haltered them close together, and each of us took it in turn to keep a watch, as we ran the risk at any moment of being surprised by the enemy, and as many in that district had turned traitors, we had to redouble our precautions. During the whole cold night I slept but little, and I fervently wished for the day to come, and felt exceedingly thankful when the sun arose and it got a, little warmer. Proceeding, we crossed the ridges east of Bethel, and as this village came in sight my groom Mooiroos exclaimed : "There are a lot of Khakis there. Bads.'' I halted, and with my field-glasses could see distinctly the ememy's force, which was coming from Bethel in our direction, their scouts being visible everywhere to the right and left of the ridges. While we were still discussing what to do, the field-cornet of the district, a certain Jau Davel, dashed up with a score of burghers between us and the British. He informed me that the enemy's forces were coming from Brugspruit, and that he had scattered his burghers in all directions to prevent them organizing any resistance. The enemy's guns were now firing at us, and although the range was a long one the ridges in which we found ourselves were quite bare, and afforded us no cover. We were therefore obliged to wheel to our right, and, proceeding to Klein Spionkop, we passed round the enemy along Vaalkop and Wilmansrust. At Steenkoolspruit I met some burghers, who told me that the enemy had marched from Springs, near Boksburg, and were making straight for our commando at Kroom- draai. We managed to reach that place in the evening just in time to warn our men and be off. I left a section of my men behind to obstruct the advance of the enemy, whom they met the following day, but finding the force too strong were obliged to retire, and I do not know BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 225 exactly where they got to. At this time there were no less than nine of the enemy's columns in that district, and they all tried their level best to catch the Boers, but as the Boers also tried their best not to get caught, I am afraid the English were often disappointed. Here the reader will, perhaps, remark that it was not very brave to run away in this fashion, but one should also take our circumstances into consideration. No sooner did we attack one column than we were attacked in our turn by a couple more, and had then considerable difficulty in effecting our escape. The enemy, moreover, had every advantage of us. They had plenty of guns, and could cut our ranks to pieces before we could approach sufficiently near to do any damage with our rifles; they far surpassed us in numerical strength; they had a constant supply of fresh horses — some of us had no horses at all; they had continual reinforcements; their troops were well fed, better equipped, and altogether in better condition. Small wonder, therefore, that the War had become a one-sided affair. On the 20th of May, 1901, I seized an opportunity of attacking General Plumer on his way from Bethel to Standerton. We had effected a junction with Commandant Mears and charged the enemy, and but for their having with them a number of Boer families we would have succeeded in capturing their whole laager. We had already succeeded in driving their infantry away from the waggons containing these families, when their infantry rushed in between and opened fire on us at 200 paces. We could do nothing else but return this fire, although it was quite possible that in doing so we wounded one or two of our own women and children. These kept waving their handkerchiefs to warn us not to fire, but it was impossible to resist the infantry's volleys without shooting. Meanwhile the cavalry 15 226 ANGLO-BOER WAR replaced their guns behind the women's waggons and fired on us from that coign of vantage. Here we took 25 prisoners, 4,000 sheep and 10 horses. Our losses were two killed and nine wounded. The enemy left several dead and wounded on the field, as well as two doctors and an ambulance belonging to the Queensland Imperial Bushmen, which we sent back together with the prisoners we had taken. On this occasion the English were spared a great defeat by having women and children in their laager, and. no doubt for the sake of safety they kept these with them as long as possible. I do not insinuate that this was generally the case, and I am sure that Lord Kitchener or any other responsible commanding officer would loudly have condemned such tactics; but the fact remains that these unpleasant incidents occasionally took place. About the beginning of June, 1901' (I find it difficult to be accurate without the aid of my notes) another violent effort was made to capture the members of the Government and the Commandant-General. Colonel Benson now appeared as the new "Boer-stalker," and after making several unsuccessful attempts to surround them almost captured the Government in the mountains between Piet Retief and Spitskop. Just as Colonel Benson thought he had them safe and was slowly but surely weaving his net around them — I believe this was at Halhangapase — the members of the Government left their carriages, and packing the most necessary articles and documents on their horses escaped in the night along a footpath which the enemy had kindly left unguarded and passed right through the British lines in the direction of Ermelo. On the following day the English, on closing their cordon, found, as they usually did, naught but the burned remains of some vehicles and a few lame mules. Together with the late General Spruit, who happened BOER GOVERNMENT'S ESCAPE 227 to ]>e in that neighbourliood, I had been asked to march with a small commando to the assistance of the Government and the Commandant-General and we had started at once, only hearing when well on our way that they had succeeded in escaping. We proceeded as far as the Bankop, not knowing where to find them, and it was no easy matter to look for them amongst the British columns. CHAPTER XXXVI. A GOVERNMENT ON HORSEBACK. FOR ten days we searched the neighbourhood, and finally met one of the Commandant-General's des- patch-riders, who informed me of their whereabouts, which they were obliged to keep secret for fear of treachery. We met the whole party on William Smeet's farm near t'.ie Vaal River, every man on horseback or on a mule, wit- hout a solitary cart or waggon. It was a very strange sight to see the whole Transvaal Government on horseback. Some had not yet got used to this method of governing, and they had great trouble with their luggage, which was continually being dropped on the road. General Spruit and myself undertook to escort the Executive Council through the Ermelo district, past Bethel to Standerton, where they were to meet the members of the Orange Free State Government. I had now with me only 100 men, under Field-Cornet R. D. Young; the remainder I had left behind near Bethel in charge of General Muller and Commandants Viljoen and Groenwald, with instructions to keep on the alert and to fall on any column that ventured a little ahead of the others. It was whilst on my way back to tliem that a burgher brought me a report from General ^Sluller, informing me that the previous night, assisted by Commandants W. Viljoen and Groenwald, he had with 130 men stormed one of the enemy's camps at Wiimansrust, capturing the whole after a short resistance on the enemy's part, but sustaining a loss