'L^s '+5 D 525 .L45 Copy 1 ' Oar combined armiea from now on will represent a league to enforce peace with justice. " -SECRETARY OF WAR BAKER. REFERENCE BOOK FOR SPEAKERS WIN THE WAR MAKE THE WORLD SAFE by the Defeat of German Militarism KEEP THE WORLD SAFE by a League of Nations Part I The Things Against Which We Are Fighting Part II The World For Which We Are Fighting Part III Keeping the World Safe Published by the LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT, President 70 Fifth Avenue, New York -US'' ^ THE LEAGUE'S RELATION TO THE WAR THE League to Enforce Peace is commit- ted in advance to the support of the war against Prussian Militarism. In June, 1915, it put forth a series of proposals advocating a permanent League of Nations, pledged to joint military action against an aggressive nation that refused to submit its dispute to arbitration. This policy the League has been urging steadily ever since. The United States has now become a member of what Secretary of War Baker has called "a league to enforce peace with justice." We are engaged with our Allies in precisely the kind of a war the League's programme holds to be both justifia- ble and necessary. Having advanced the prin- ciple of joint action against an aggressor, the League is bound to throw its moral support behind the war, and to give it all the material support that its widespread and powerful or- ganization can contribute. An organization so committed cannot do other than to insist that the war shall continue until Prussian Militarism is destroyed, either by Allied force or by the uprising of a German democracy, and a league of nations is established as a guarantee of permanent peace. Gin ^ 5 wrs TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE THE LEAGUE'S RELATION TO THE WAR . . i THE LEAGUE'S DUTY IN THE WAR .... 7 THE WORLD SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WAR by William Howard Taft 9 • Part I THE THINGS AGAINST WHICH WE ARE FIGHTING The Attempt to Conquer and Prussianize the World (from a speech by William Howard Taft, delivered at Montreal: September 26, IQ17) . . .13 Fifty Years of Preparation 13 Prussian Frightfulness 16 German Intrig-ue 16 Autocracy versus Democracy 17 The Purpose of the War 18 German Plots and Conspiracies in the United States {from an address by President Woodrozv Wilson, delivered at Washington: Flag Day, June 14.' 1917) : . . 19 3 Conlriiis iiiiL wuKiA) 1 « »K WIIRH \\L ARE MGIITIXG Excerpts from President Wilson's State Papers A World in which Nationalities and Peoples. Small or (ireat. the (iennaii I'e ^ple Included, will l>e given Kcjual Rij^dit to Life. Lil)crty. and the Pursuit of Happiness 2 A W urld ( )j)en to the Commerce of Every Nation : A Real "I'reedom of the Seas." and Freedom of Intcrcour»»e for the I-and -M A World Unthreatened bv Hostile Armies ami Navies ...'.... A World Pervaded by a New Spirit of I'rankness and Sincerity amon^ Nations, Comi)ellin|[j an Open. I'nselfish anian -\iini>tcr m I'oreijL^^n .\tTairs ^j St. AuLrusio Ciuflfelli. Member Italian War Mission . 57 Hr. (iunnar Knudsen. Xorwei^Han Minister of State . 58 His Holiness Pope P.enedict 58 Governments Pleix^e Sri'iM)RT to a League of Na- tions (from official correspondence and resolutions) 59 The Government of tlie I'nited States, in the Presi- dent's Identic Note to the lielli^erent Nations . 59 I lie (lovcrnments of the Entente .Mlies. in a Joint l\cj)ly to the President of the United States . . 59 Ihe British Government, in a Letter from the Foreig[Ti l^ccretary 60 I he I'Vench Government, in a ParlianuMifru \ Resolution 'O i iu- Russian Government, in a Staiemeni ircin liie loreij.^n ( )t"hce . 60 Ihe Swiss Government, in a Letter to the Leacifiie to Kn force Peace ^f The Spanish Government, in a Cablet^ram to the League to Enforce Peace (jj Bird.loGRAPIIV 63 THE LEAGUE'S DUTY IN THE WAR THE supreme task before the country is that of con- serving its life and institutions by winning the war against Prussian Militarism. Equally necessary to the interests of humanity is the preventing in the future of just such assaults on the rights and liberties of the world as Germany is now making, thus rendering it virtually impos- sible for such a catastrophe as the present war to overwhelm us again. The League to Enforce Peace was organized and exists for the express purpose of securing a league of nations to prevent future war. The duty of winning this war is so urgent, however, that if the task of preventing such con- flicts in the future were not immediately and vitally con- nected with it, patriotic citizens would wish to let organi- zation against future wars wait while the whole attention and energy of the country were given to the business of conquering Germany. But there is as necessary and vital a connection between the stating of the great objective for the war and the win- ning of the war, as between the mind of a man and the body which the mind directs. A nation, like an individual, works at a task with all its might and enthusiasm only when it has a clearly defined and well understood reason for doing it. Hence the urgent necessity for recruiting the moral purpose of the American people for the war, and for inspiring en- thusiasm, self-devotion, and a willingness to sacrifice for it. 7 .4 lirfrrrncr Hook for Speakrrs Before a crusading spirit can gather behind a war, making the i)eo;)!c wilhng to sacrifice and (\\c for victory, some great simple issue must frame itself in the heart of the nation, and l>c heard on the lips of every citizen. Only as the war against (iermany is understood to l)e a world- st niggle to the death Ix-lweeii autocracy and democracy, will America rise in her full might to carr)' it t9 a successful issue and to con- serve the fruits of victor)* by some lasting union of the na- tions to enforce jK'ace. President Wilson understood this when he said that the war is l>eing fought to "make the world safe for democracy" l)y the establi>limenl and the iK-rpetualion of a league of nations to prevent aggression and to resist by arms the na- tion that commits agi^ression. An imix)rtant war-time duty of the Leaj^ue to Enforce Peace is to place and t«» keep in the hearts oi the American people this great end and ob'cct "f the war as the only iK)ssible com|>ensation for the most rostlv and trairic conflict in histon-. ^ THE WORLD SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WAR By William Howard Taft ENGLAND, France, Russia, Italy, and now the United States, as allies, are engaged in the greatest war of history to secure permanent world peace. With twenty or more millions of men at the colors, with losses in dead, wounded and captured of more than twenty-five per cent., with debts piling mountain-high and reaching many, many billions, they are fighting for a definite purpose, and that is the defeat of German militarism. If the Prussian military caste retains its power to control the military and foreign policy of Germany after the war, peace will not be permanent, and war will begin again when the chauvinistic advisers of the Hohenzollern dynasty deem a conquest and victory possible. The Allies have made a stupendous effort and have strained their utmost capacity. Unready for the war, they have concentrated their energy in preparation. In this im- portant respect they have defeated the plan of Germany "in shining armor" to crush her enemies in their unreadiness. But the war has not been won. Germany is in possession of Belgium and part of northern France. She holds Serbia and Rumania, Poland and the Baltic Provinces of Russia. Peace now, even though it be made on the basis of the resto- ration of the status quo, "without indemnities and without annexations," would.be a failure to achieve the great pur- 9 .4 Reference Book for Speakers l>ose for which the Allies have made heartrending sacrifice. Arniainents would cr)ntinue for the next war. and this war would have l)cen fouj^ht in vain. The millions of lives lost and the hundreds of billions* worth of the product of men's lal)or. would \)c wasted. He who proposes peace now, therefore, cither does not see the stake for which the Allies are fighting, or wishes the Gcnnan military autocracy still to control the destinies of all of us as to jKrace or war. Those who favor permanent world |)eace must oppose with might and main the proposals for jjeace at this juncture in the war. The Allies arc fighting for a principle the maintenance of which affects the future of civilization. If they do not achieve it they have sacrificed the flower of their youth and mortgaged their future for a century, and all for nothing. This is not a war in which the stake is territory or the sphere of influence of one nation over another. The Allies cannot concede peace until they concjuer it. When they do so, it will be permanent. Otherwise they fail. There are wars like that between Japan and Russia, in which President RfK>sevelt properly and successfully inter- vened to bring about a {)eace that heli)ed the parties to a settlement. The priiuiple at stake and the power and terri- tory were of such a character that a settlement might l)e made substantially permanent. Rut the present is.sue is like that in our Civil War, which was whether the Union was to be preserved and the cancer of slavery was to be cut out. Peace proposals to President Lincoln were quite as numer- ous as those of to-day. and were moved by quite as high motives. Hut there was no compromise fx^ssible. Slavery and disunion either lost or won. So to-day the great moral object of the war must be achieved or defeated. 10 PART I THE THINGS AGAINST WHICH WE ARE FIGHTING THE THINGS AGAINST WHICH WE ARE FIGHTING THE ATTEMPT TO CONQUER AND PRUSSIANIZE THE WORLD By William Howard Taft FIFTY YEARS OF Under the first William, with his PREPARATION TO Prime Minister Bismarck, who CONQUER THE WORLD ^^"^^ ^o power in 1862, a definite plan was adopted of perfecting the already well-disciplined Prussian army so that by '*blood and iron" the unity of Germany should be achieved. The whole Prussian nation was made into an army, and it soon became a machine with a power of conquest equaled by no other. The cynical, unscrupulous, but efifective, diplomacy of Bis- marck first united Prussia with Austria to deprive Denmark of Schleswig-Holstein by force, then secured a quarrel with Austria over the spoils, and deprived her of all influence over the German states by humiliating defeat in the six weeks' war of 1866. After this war, several German states were annexed forcibly to Prussia and offensive and defensive alliances were made with others. Then in 1870 the occasion was seized, when it was known that France was not prepared, to strike at her. France was beaten, and Alsace and Lorraine were taken from her. The German Empire was established with a Prussian King at its head. France was made to pay an indemnity of one billion dollars, with which the military machine of Germany was strengthened and improved. Then Germany settled down 13 A Reference Hook for Speakers to a iK-riod of peace to digest the territory which by these three wars haci Ik^cii ahsorlK-d. Bismarck's purfxise in main- laining the suiK'riority of his army was to retain what had l)een taken by l)Io<>d and iron, and at the same time by a l>erio(l of prolonged |)eace to give to (iermany a full opjKjr- tiinity for industrial develo|)ment and the self-discipline nec- essary for the highest etticiency. And then, as the success of the (ierman system in the material development of the Kmpire showed itself and became the admiration of the world, the destiny of ( iermany grew larger in the eyes of her Em|K*ror and her people, and expaiuled into a dream of Germanizing the world. The (Jerman i)eople were imi)reg- nated with this idea by every method of otVicial instruction. .\ cult of j)hilosophy to spread the propaganda develo|x*d it.self in the universities and schools. The principle was that the state could do no wrong, that the state was an entity that must be sustained by force : that everything else must be sacrificed to its strength ; that the only sin the state could commit was neglect and failure to maintain its power. W ith that dogmatic K)gic which pleases the (ierman minerlin and maintained by (ierman econ«»inic pliil<>so])hers and by the representatives of the military regime in Hernhardi. Bismarck had l)cen keen enough in his diplomacy to await the op|)ortunity that events presented for seeming to 1)C force. ,ce. » .., The Ciemian military (icKtrinc, that when FRIGHTFULNESS interests of the state are concerned, the cjuestion is one of jxiwer and force, and not of honor or obligation or moral restfaint. finds its most flagrant examples in ( icrmany's conduct of this war. Her hrcach of a solemn ohlijijation entered into by her anjl all the Powers of I-'urope. in respect to I'lelt^ium's neutrality, was its first exhibition. It was followed by the well proven. deIilR*rate |)lan of atrcK'itics ajjainst the men. women and children of a part of Heljjium in order to terrorize the rest of the population into complete submission. It was shown in the pronij)! droppinjj of bombs on defenseless towns from Zep|)elins and other aircraft ; in the killing of non-combatant men. women and children by the naval boml)ardment of un- fortified towns; in the use of li(jui(l fire and jK>ison jjases in battle. All of these had been condemned as impro|)cr in declarations in the iiajjue treaties. r^roiuiKKs ' '^^ Reptile Fund, which wa<; u^^cd unubmarine has sunk without warninjj the non-combatant commercial vessels of the enemy and sent their otlicers. their crews and their passengers, men. women and children, to the l>ottom without warning. Not only has this |)olicy l)een pursued against enemy commercial vessels, but also against neutral coinmcr- i6 The Things Against Which We Are Fighting cial vessels, and parts of the crew have been assembled on the submarine and then the submarine has been submerged and the victims left struggling in the ocean's waste to drown. We find a German diplomat telegraphing from a neutral port to the German headquarters advising that if the submarine be used against the vessels of that neutral Power it leave no trace of the attack. In other words, the murder of the crews must be complete, because "dead men tell no tales." Having violated the neutrality of Belgium, having broken its sacred obligations to that country and her people, it is now enslaving them by taking them from Belgium and en- forcing their labor in Germany. This is contrary to every rule of international law, and is in the teeth of the plainest principles of justice and honor. All these things are done for the state. It is not that the nature of the German people generally is cruel — that is not the case. But the minds of the German people have been poisoned with this false philos- ophy; and the ruling caste in Germany, in its desperate desire to win, has allowed no consideration of humanity or decency or honor to prevent its use of any means which in any way could by hook or crook accomplish a military pur- pose. When the war began, Germany was able to Aunji^KAL,! convince her people and to convince many DEMOCRACY ^^ ^^^ world that the issue in the war was not the exaltation of the military power of Germany and the expanding of her plan of destiny, but that it was a mere controversy between the Teuton and the Slav, and Germany asked with great plausibility, "Will you have the world controlled by the Slav or by the German ?" Those who insisted that the issue was one of militarism against the peace of the world, of democracy against military autocracy, of freedom against military tyranny, were met with the argument, "Russia is an ally. She is a greater despotism and a greater military autocracy than Germany." As the war wore on, the real issue was cleared of this confusion. Russia became a democracy. The fight was between govern- ments directed by their people on the one hand, and the military dynasties of Germany, Austria, and Turkey, on the other. 17 I Reference Bonk for Speakers THE PURPOSE ^'resident Wilson says the Allies are fight- OF THF WAR '"^ ^** niakc the world safe for (icmocracv. Some iniso>iKc|)lion has lK*cn created on this heaeror it is not the |)ur|)Osc of the Allies to re(|uirc them to have a republic. Their pur|M)se is to end the military policy and foreii^n |)olicy of (iermany that looks to the maintenance of a military and naval ma- chine, with its hair-irigjjer preparation for use against her neighlMjrs. If this continues, it will entail on every demo- cratic government the more likely, the duly will Ik* wholly or jiartly neglected. Thus the iKjIicy of (iermany. with her purpose and destiny, will threaten every demoiTacy. This is the condition which it is the determined purpose of the Allies, as interpreteeror. iK-cause his leadership accords with the false philosophy of the state and ( iennan destiny, with which they have been imlcKtrinated and poisoned. A erty. 1 take it for j,'rantetancc. if I may venture u\Mm a sinj^Ie exan)j)le. that statesmen everywhere are aj^reed that tliere shouhl be a uniteeace only if its life is stable, and there can be no stability where the will is in rebellion, where there is not tran<|uillity of spirit and a sense of justice, of free tlicSciuitc: January jj, lijij) A \\'oRi-D Open to thk Com-miikce of Every X.\tion : A Re.XL '*FkEElX)M OF THK SeAS." AND FREEDOM OF INTER- COURSE FOR THE Land So far as practica!)le. moreover, every great in(»pK- lu'w slruj^'j^hng towards a full development of its resources and of its powers should Ik.* assured a direct outlet to the preat highways of the sea. W here this cannot be done by the ( ession of territory, it can no doubt Ik* done l)y the neutral- ization of direct rights of way under the general gitarantee which will assure the ikmcc itself. With a right comity of arrangement no nation need l)e shut away from free access to the o|)en paths of t!ic world's commerce. (From the address to the Senate: January JJ, iQt/) 24 The World for Which We Are Fighting A World Unthreatened by Hostile Armies and Navies It (the freedom of the seas) is a problem closely con- nected with the limitation of naval armaments and the co- operation of the navies of the world in keeping the seas at once free and safe. And the question of limiting naval armaments opens the wider and perhaps more difficult ques- tion of the limitation of armies and of all programmes of military preparation. Difficult and delicate as these questions are, they must be faced with the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real accommodation if peace is to come with healing in its wings, and come to stay. Peace cannot be had without concession and sacrifice. There can be no sense of safety and equality among the nations if great preponderating armaments are henceforth to continue here and there to be built up and maintained. The statesmen of the world must plan for peace and na- tions must adjust and accommodate their policy to it as they have planned for war and made ready for pitiless contest and rivalry. The question of armaments, whether on land or sea, is the most immediately and intensely practical ques- tion connected with the future fortunes of nations and of mankind. (From the address to the Senate: January 22, igi'/) The object of this war is to deliver the free peoples of the world from the menace and the actual power of a vast military establishment controlled by an irresponsible gov- ernment which, having secretly planned to dominate the world, proceeded to carry the plan out without regard either to the sacred obligations of treaty or the long-established practices and long-cherished principles of international ac- tion and honor; which chose its own time for the war; de- livered its blow fiercely and suddenly ; stopped at no barrier either of law or of mercy; swept a whole continent within 25 A Reference Book for Speakers the tide of blood— not the blood of soldiers only, but the blood of innocent women and chiUlrcn also and of the help- less jxx)r; and now stands balked but not eop!c themselves as the other |)eopIes of the world would l>e justified in accepting. W'ith- out such j^uarantees, treaties of settlement, aj^reements for • lisarmament. covenants to set up arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjustments, reconstitutions of small na- tions, if made with the ( iemian (iovernment. no man. uo nation, could now de|>end on. We must await some new cviilence of the purix)ses of the j^reat |)euples of the Central l'ower>. G(h\ prant it may he j^iven soon and in a way to restore the confidence of all jHroples everywhere in the faith of nations and the |)OSsil)ility of a covenanted |>eace. {I-rom the reply to Pope Benedict's identic letter to the belligerent (jcn'ernments: August Jj, loij) A \\<>UI.I) IN Wllh II I ill 1 OMr.lMI) ioK< 1. Ml MI im Dkmocratr- Nations CJuarantkks tiik rRKKiK)M and Safety of Each We arc j^lad. now that we see the fact<^ with no veil of false pretense about them, to lijjht thus for the ultimate I>eace of the world and for the lilK-ralion of its |)coples, the < ierman people included : for the rijjhts of nations j^reat and >mall anc maintained except by a j)artner^hii) of democratic nations. Xo auto- cratic government could be trusted to kee|) faith within it or observe its covenants. It must l>e a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they wouKI ane a corniption sealed at its very heart. ( )nly free fK-oples can hold their purpose and their honcir steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own. {Prom the tnessat^c to Congress: April 2, Jpi/) 2S PART III KEEPING THE WORLD SAFE KEEPING THE WORLD SAFE THE PREAMBLE AND PROPOSALS OF THE LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE Adopted at the Organization Meeting held in Inde- pendence Hall, Philadelphia: June ij, ipi^ THE WARRANT Throughout five thousand years of re- FROM HISTORY corded history, peace, here and there es- tabhshed, has been kept, and its area has been widened, in one way only. Individuals have combined their efforts to suppress violence in the local community. Communities have cooperated to maintain the authoritative state and to preserve peace within its borders. States have formed leagues or confederations or have otherwise cooper- ated to establish peace among themselves. Always peace has been made and kept, when made and kept at all, by the superior power of superior numbers acting in unity for the common good. Mindful of this teaching of experience, we believe and solemnly urge that the time has come to devise and to create a working union of sovereign nations to establish peace among themselves and to guarantee it by all known and available sanctions at their command, to the end that civiliza- tion may be conserved, and the progress of mankind in com- fort, enlightenment and happiness may continue. THE ^^ believe it to be desirable for the United PROPOSALS* States to join a league of nations binding the signatories to the following: First: All justiciable questions arising between the signatory powers, not settled by negotiation, shall, subject to the * These proposals were put forward by the Independence Hall Conference as pointing out the road along which the nations must sooner or later travel in their efforts to establish a just and stable peace, and not as a complete and final plan. The representatives of the nations assembled to draw up a treaty which should establish a League to Enforce Peace would no doubt modify them. They might not be willing to go so far as is here proposed; they might wish to go much farther, and to provide for a more complete form of world governmenl than is now suggested. 31 A Hcfcrencc 1Un)U for Speakers limitations of treaties, be submitted to a judicial tribunal for hearinjj and judgment. Ixith u|M)n the merits and upon any issue as to its jurisdiction of ilic (jucstion. Second: All other questions arising l>et\veen the signatories and not settled by negotiation, shall be submitted to a council of conciliation for hearing, consideration and rec- ommendation. Third: Ihe signatory i)o\vers shall jointly use forthwith both their economic and military forces against any one of their numl)er that goes to war. or commits acts of hostility, against another of the signatories l)efore any question arising shall be submitted as provided in the foregoing. Thi' folloxcing inter prt'tation of Article 3 has been author* iced by the lixfiutne Committee: "The sigii.itory powers shall jointly employ diplomatic and economic pressure against any el submission (j»f matters in tlisputc to a Court of Incjuiry l>e- fore any war* was Inrj^un by any mcm!)er. It is believed that the projciit^'e*! i)ost|M»nenienl. plus the public discussion, plus the justice of the ion or award, would tend to ensure acceptance in the va^t majority of cases. Tlie progranune lK.-{jins witli a proi)osal which is substan- tially the same as the essential provision in the arbitration treaties which have U'en sij^e7, for the pur|K)se of broadening and clarifying the rules of international law. which shall by nuitual agreement govern in the decisions of the International Court. To these provisions the programme adds what the lawyers call a "sanction." to com(>el and en- force the main provision. It is this g^uarantee of interna- ti«»nal agreements by the joint force of the nations that really cjin.stitutes the tlistincti\e mark of the progranune of the League. HCONo.MlC i'RRSSURL AS .\ MEANS TO PREVENT W \K {Prom a Rcf'ort of tho Sf*ccial Committee Ap- pointed by the Chamber of Commerce of the United States to consider Economic Results of the War and American Hnsiness. This Recommendation was Endorsed by a Tieo-thirds I'ote of the aVj Com- mercial Ori^anications Constitutini^ the Member- ship of the Chamber ) Just as, within the state, there are many things we use. iesides the niilitia and before wc u.se the state militia or call l>on I-'e there are forces we can Use internationally l>efore we employ our armies and navies. These forces can l>e sununarized in the term economic Keeping the World Safe pressure, by which we mean the commercial and financial boycott of any nation that goes to war without submitting its dispute to judgment or inquiry. Our plea is that in the first instance the use of economic force is clearly indicated, and that military force should be resorted to only if eco- nomic pressure prove ineffective. In considering such a use of economic pressure, it should be borne in mind that it already comes to pass automatically within a more limited area when nations go to war. War- ring nations promptly boycott each other. This is important to keep in mind because confusion on this point sometimes prompts the argument that "non-intercourse would be a more expensive weapon than war," as though the fact of going to war in some way avoided non-intercourse. What your committee really means by its recommendation is that, in the future, arrangements for international enforcement of the economic boycott should be organized on a world-wide scale, and that in these world-wide arrangements nations better fitted to cooperate with economic than with military power could also have a part in the application of the pres- sure needed to preserve the world's prosperity and progress. The boycott could be of progressive severity. In the first, and what would probably usually be the effective, stage, the signatory nations would refuse to buy from or sell to the offending nation. If the offenses, however, were aggravated and persistent, all intercourse could be suspended, and if that proved insufficient, then, as the last step, recourse could be taken to military force. It is the deterrent effect of organized non-intercourse which would make war less likely, since it would be a ter- rible penalty to incur and one more difficult in a sense to fight against than military measures. Further, its systematic organization would tend to make any subsequent military action by the cooperating nations more effective. Many states that, for various reasons, might not be able to cooperate with military force could cooperate by their eco- nomic force, and so render the action against the offending state more effective, and that, in the end, would be more humane. 35 \ Reference liooL for Sj)eakers THE NECESSITY FOR A LEAGUE OF NATIONS TO ENFORCE PEACE (Excerpts from addresses and state papers by W'oodro'i' W'il.um, I* resident of the United States) JOINT GUARANTEES ■'"''« '^''"'"^ ^^"f ** tremulous with OF PFArF influences of passion and of dcs- jHrraic struj^j^lc. and tlic only great (li>enj,Mj(etl nali«»n is this nation which \vc love and whose imere>ls we would conserve. ... 1 pray Ciod that if this contest have no other result, it will at least have the result of creating an international tribune and producing some sort of joint giiarantee of peace on the part of the great nations of the world. {l-rom the address at Pes Moines, loiva: February i. IQI6) 1 A CONSTABLE TO KEEP THE PEACE \\ c have undertaken very much more than the safety of the United States; we have undertaken to keep what we re- ^'ard as demoralizing and hurtful luiroi)ean influences out of this hemisphere, and that means that if the world under- takes, as we all hojK.' it will undertake, a joint effort to keep the i)eacc, it will exi)ect us to play our proi)ortional part in manifesting the force which is going to rest back of that. In the last analysis the |)eacc of society is obtained by force, and when action comes it comes by opinion, but back of the opinion is the ultimate application of force. The greater Ixxly of <>j)ini()n says to the lesser bcwly of opinion. "*\\'e may be wrong, but you have to live under our direction lor the time l>eing. until you arc more numerous than we are." That is what 1 understand it amounts to. Now. let us sup|Kise that wc have formed a family of nations and that family of nations says. "The world is not going to have any more wars of this sort without at least first going through cer- tain processes to show whether there is anvthing in its 36 Keeping the World Safe case or not." If you say, "We shall not have any war," you have got to have the force to make the ''shall" bite. And the rest of the world, if America takes part in this thing, will have the right to expect from her that she contribute her element of force to the general Understanding. Surely that is not a militaristic ideal. That is a very practical ideal. {From the address before the Union Against Militarism: May 8, 1916) A LEAGUE Only when the great nations of the world OF NATIONS ^^^'^ reached some sort of agreement as to what they hold to be fundamental to their common interest, and as to some feasible method of acting in concert when any nation or group of nations seeks to dis- turb those fundamental things, can we feel that civilization is at last in a way of justifying its existence and claiming to be finally established. It is clear that nations must in the future be governed by the same high code of honor that we demand of individuals. Repeated utterances of the leading statesmen of most of the great nations now engaged in war have made it plain that their thought has come to this — that the principle of public right must henceforth take precedence over the individual interests of particular nations, and that the nations of the world must in some way band themselves together to see that that right prevails as against any sort of selfish aggres- sion ; that henceforth alliance must not be set up against alliance, understanding against understanding, that at the heart of that common object must lie the inviolable rights of peoples and of mankind. . . . If it should ever be our privi- lege to suggest or initiate a movement for peace among the nations now at war, I am sure that the people of the United States would wish their Government to move along the line of ... a universal association of the nations to maintain the inviolate security of the highway of the seas for the common and unhindered use of all the nations of the world, and to prevent any war begun either contrary to treaty cove- nants or without warning and full submission of the causes to the opinion of the world, — a virtual guarantee of terri- Z7 A Reference Book for Speakers torial intej^rity and political inn the eve of a j^reat CDnsuinniatitm. when some common force will Ix; brouj^ht into existence which shall safej^iiard rijjht as the tir^t and most funda- mental interest of all jK-oples and all j^overnments. when coercion shall l)e summoned not to the service of (x>litical ambition or selfish hostility, but to the service of a ctMnmon order, a common justice, and a common |K»ace. God j^rant that the dawn <>f that day of frank dealini: and of settled peace, concord and cooperation may be near a* hand ! ( Prom the address to the League to Enforce Peace, Washington, P. C: May 2J, /9/0) A DISENTANGLING ' ''''•''" "^^ " '"■"''' T'^"' '" M ALLIANCE OF NATIONS ' '•'•'"K'-K alliance l.ut would j^dadly assent to a disenianglmg alhaiKc. an alliance which would disentanfjle the |>eoples of the world from those combinations in which ihcy seek their own sc|)aralc and |>rivatc interests, and unite the |>eopIes of the world Im proerve the |>eace of the world ujxm a basis of common rij^hl and justice. There is lil)eriy there, not limita- tion. There is freedom, not entanjjlement. There is the achievement of the highest thing for which the United States has declared its principles. (From the Memorial Pay address: May ?o. rotd) A MONROE DOCTRINE ^'\''' ^''''''' 'f '^*^ *'» ^il^ -Monroe Doc- FOR THE WORLD Irnie. gentlemen. ^ ou know that we are alreaower of this country ready to swing it out into the tield of action whenever liUrty and indeinrndence and i)olitical integrity are threatened anywhere in the western hemisphere. And we are ready. (Prom the Commencement Address at West Point: June tj, 1916) 3^ Keeping the World Safe pp AsiRL E ^^^ believe that every people has the right ASSOCIATION ^^ choose the sovereignty under which it OF NATIONS ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ' ^^^^^ ^^^^ small states of the world have a right to enjoy from other nations the same respect for their sovereignty and for tlieir territorial integrity that great and powerful nations expect and insist upon ; and that the world has a right to be free from every disturbance of its peace that has its origin in aggression or disregard of the rights of peoples and nations; and we be- lieve that the time has come when it is the duty of the United States to join with the other nations of the w^orld in any feasible association that will effectively serve those prin- ciples to maintain inviolate the complete security of the highway of the sea for the complete and unhindered use of all nations. (From a public address: June //, ipi(5) A JUST AND There must be a just and settled peace, SETTLED PEACE ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ "^ x\merica must contribute the full force of our enthusiasm and of our authority as a nation to the organization of that peace upon world-wide foundations that cannot easily be shaken. No nation should be forced to take sides in any quarrel in which its own honor and integrity and the fortunes of its own people are not involved; but no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any wilful disturbance of the peace of the world. The effects of war can no longer be confined to the areas of battle. No nation stands wholly apart in interest when the life and interests of all nations are thrown into confusion and peril. If hopeful and generous enterprise is to be renewed, if the healing and helpful arts of life are indeed to be revived when peace comes again, a new atmosphere of justice and friendship must be generated by means the world has never tried before. The nations of the world must unite in joint guarantees that whatever is done to disturb the whole world's life must first be tested in the court of the whole world's opinion before it is attempted. These are the new foundations the world must build for itself, and we must play our part in the reconstruction, gen- 39 A Reference Book for Sprahers erously and withuut too much thought of our separate inter- ests. We must make ourselves ready to play it inteUigently vigorously and well. (From the Sf>ei\h of Acceptance at Lotii; Branch: September j, I(^i6) AMFRiTA AND ^^^^^'^ ^^'^ '"<^^ forward to the years to THE WORLD Come — I wish I could say the months to come — to the end of this war, we want all the world Id know that we are ready to lend our force with- out stint to the preservation of peace in the interest of man- kind. The world is no longer divided into little circles of interest. The world no longer consists of neighlxjrhoods. The world is linked together in a common life and interest such as humanity never saw iK'fore. and the starting of wars can never again he a private and individual matter for the nations. \\ hat disluri)S the life of the whole world is the concern of the whole world, and it is our duty to lend the full force of this nation, moral and physical, to a league of nations which shall see to it that nobody disturbs the |)eace of the world without submitting his case tirst to the opinion of mankind. (From the Semi-Centennial .Iddress at Omaha, Xehraska: October C), iiji6) cr<-iiDiKir> -rur '" ^^^^' measures to be taken to se- PEACE OF THE WORLD 'I'''' ""^^ /"'"^ P'^^-''^'^ "f 'he world the i>cople and Ciovernment of the United States arc as \ ilally and as clirectly interested as the Governments now at war. Their interest, moret)ver, in the means to \yc ado|)ted to relieve the smaller and weaker |h.*o- ples of the world of the i>cril of wrong and violence is as quick antl ardent as that of any other people or (iovernment. They stand ready, and even eager, to ciH»perate in the ac- C(»m|>lishment of these ends when the war is over with every influence and resource at their command. (From the President's identic note to the nations at 7i'ar: October iS. to 16) 40 Keeping the World Safe ^..^. .^.^.^K. ^rr The business of neutrality is over. ^ "^^^^oltT.^^.? • • • War now has such a scale that INTERDEPENDENCE ^,^^ ^^^-^-^^ ^j ^^^^^^l^ 3„q„,, ^r later becomes intolerable, just as neutrality would be intol- erable to me if I lived in a community where everybody had to assert his own rights by force and I had to go around among my neighbors and say, "Here, this cannot last any longer ; let us get together and see that nobody disturbs the peace any more." That is what society is, and v\^e have not yet a society of nations. We must have a society of nations. Not suddenly, not by insistence, not by any hostile emphasis upon the demand, but by the demonstration of the needs of the time. The nations of the world must get together and say that nobody can hereafter be neutral as respects the disturbance of the world's peace for an object which the world's opinion cannot sanction. The world's peace ought to be disturbed if the fundamental rights of humanity are in- vaded, but it ought not to be disturbed for any other thing that I can think of, and America was established in order to indicate, at any rate in one government, the fundamental rights of man. America must hereafter be ready as a mem- ber of the family of nations to exert her whole force, moral and physical, to the assertion of those rights throughout the round globe. (From an address before the Woman's City Club of Cincinnati: October 25, ipi6) ^^ The world will never be again what it has NATIONS TO-DAY ^^^^ ^j^^ United States will never be ARE NEIGHBORS ^^^-^^ ^j^^^ -^ ^^^ ^^^^ j^^ United States was once in enjoyment of what we used to call splen- did isolation. The three thousand miles of the Atlantic seemed to hold all European affairs at arm's length from us. The great spaces of the Pacific seemed to disclose no threat of influence upon our politics. Now from across the Atlan- tic and from across the Pacific we feel to the quick the influences which are affecting ourselves. ... It does not suffice to look, as some gentlemen are looking, back over their shoulders, to suggest that we do again what we did 41 A Reference Hook for Speakers w hen we were provincial and isolated and unconnected with the great forces of the world, for now we arc in the great drift of luunanity which is to determine the politics of every country in the world. ( i-rom an address delivered at Long Branch. \. J.: Soi'embcr 4, IQ16) In everv discussion of the peace A COVFNANT OF j,^^^ ^^^^'^^ ^.^^^j jj^j^ ^^.^^ -^ -^ j^,.^.„ COOPERATIVE PEACE ^^j. ^^anted that that |)eace must he followed hy some definite concert of i)Ower. which will make it virtually impossihle that any such catastrophe should ever nvcrwhclni us a^ain. ICvery lover of mankind, every sane iid tluiuj^ditlul man. must take thai for j;:ranted. It is inconceivahlc that the |H:<)plc of the United States should play no part in that great enterprise. To take part in such a service will In? the oi)portunity for which they have sought to prepare themselves hy the very principles and puri>05^s of their i>olity and the approved practices of their Government, ever since the days when they set up a new nation in the high and honorable ho|)e that it might, in all that it was and did. show mankind the way to lil)erty. They cannot, in honor, within »ld the service to which they are now al)out to l)e challenged. They do not wish to withhold it. lUit they owe it to themselves .ind to the other nations of the world to slate the conditions under which they will feel free lo render it. That service is nothing less than this — to add their au- thority and their power to the authority and force of other nations lo guarantee jH^ace and justice throughout the world. Such a settlement cannot now be long |M)st|)«nicd It is right that U'fore it comes this (iovernment should frankly fonnu- late the conditions upon which it would feel jusiitied in ask- ing our peoj)le to approve its formal and solenm adherence to a league for i)eace. . . . We owe it to candor and to a just regard for the opinion of mankind to say that, so far as our participation in guarantees of future |>eace is con- cerned, it makes a great deal of ditTerence m what way and upon what terms it is ended. The treaties and agreements 42 1 Keeping the World Safe which bring it to an end must embody terms which will create a peace that is worth guaranteeing and preserving, a peace that will win the approval of mankind, not merely a peace that will serve the several interests and immediate aims of the nations engaged. We shall, I feel sure, have a voice in determining whether they shall be made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant, and our judgment upon what is funda- mental and essential as a condition precedent to permanency should be spoken now, not afterwards, when it may be too late. No covenant of cooperative peace that does not include the peoples of the New World can suffice to keep the future safe against war, and yet there is only one sort of peace that the peoples of America could join in guaranteeing. . . . Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged, or any alliance hitherto formed or projected, that no nation, no probable combina- tion of nations, could face or withstand it. If the peace presently to be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure by the organized major force of mankind. . And in holding out the expectation that the people and Government of the United States will join the other civi- lized nations of the world in guaranteeing the permanence of peace upon such terms as I have named, I speak with the greater boldness and confidence because it is clear to every man who can think that there is in this promise no breach in either our traditions or our policy as a nation, but a fulfilment rather of all that we have professed or striven for. I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world : that no nation should seek to extend its policy over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own policy, its own way of development, unhindered, ■ unthreatened, un- afraid, the little along with the great and powerful. I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid en- tangling alliances which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net of intrigue and selfish rivalry, 43 :\ Krff'rrnrr liooh for SpraLrrs and disturb tlieir own affairs with influences intruded from without. There is no entanjjhnj^ aUiance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in the same sense and with the same i)ur|K)se. all act in the common interest and arc free to live tlicir own lives under a common protection. I am projM»injj jjovcrnment by the consent of the gov- erned; that frccjlom of the seas which in international con- ference after conference representatives of the United States have urged with the elocjuence of those who are the convinced disi^iples of !.ilK*rty; and that nio- lishment. The ho|)e of the world is that when the KurojK-an war is over, arrangements will have l)een made comi>osinj» many of the (juestions which have hitherto seemed to require the arming of the nations, and that in some ordered and just way the peace of the world may Ik- maintained by such co- operations of force amonj^ the great nations as may l)e neces- sary to maintain peace and freedom throughout the world. When these arranj^emenls for a permanent peace are made, we can determine our military needs and adapt our course of military preparation to the genin> «»f a world organized for justice and democracy. (From the statement on the deuerai >>tajj Bill, issued April 6, li^iy) THE BROTHERHOOD ^\"-; ■'"■■ ''«'"'"« ^"''^'^ '''"^^"i'^- '''^ __ .. .Kiv-ivirA self-g(>vernment. and the undictated Or MANK.IINL/ i i » / n i i development of all peoples, and every feature iA the settlement that concludes this war must l>e conceived and executed for that purpose. Wrongs must first l>e righted, and then adequate safeguards must l)c created to l)revent their Ixring committed again. We ought not to con- sider remedies merely because they have a pleasing and so- norous sound. Practical (|uestions can he settled only by l>ractical means. Thrases will not accomplish the result I'jYective readjustments will; and whatever readju'^tmeIUs are necessary must Ik* made. But they must follow a principle, and that principle is plain. No people must l)e forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live. No territory must change hands except for the purpose of .securing those who inhabit it a fair chance of life and lil)erty. X»> indenmities nuist l)C insisted on except those that constitute payment ft»r manifest wrongs done. No readjustments of |)ower nmst l)e made 4^> Keeping the World Safe except such as will tend to secure the future peace of the world and the future welfare and happiness of its peoples. And then the free peoples of the world must draw to- gether in some common covenant, some genuine and practi- cal cooperation that will in effect combine their force to secure peace and justice in the dealings of nations with one another. The brotherhood of mankind must no longer be a fair but empty phrase ; it must be given a structure of force and reality. The nations must realize their common life and effect a workable partnership to secure that life against the aggressions of autocratic and self-pleasing power. {From the message to the Russian Government: published June lo, IQ17) A COVENANTED PEACE l^\ purposes of the United btates m this war are known to the whole world — to every people to whom the truth has been permitted to come. • They do not need to be stated again. We seek no material advantage of any kind. We believe that the intolerable wrongs done in this war by the furious and brutal power of the Imperial German Govern- ment ought to be repaired, but not at the expense of the sovereignty of any people — rather a vindication of the sover- eignty both of those that are weak and of those that are strong. Punitive damages, the dismemberment of empires, the establishment of selfish and exclusive economic leagues, we deem inexpedient and in the end worse than futile, no proper basis for a peace of any kind, least of all for an enduring peace. That must be based upon justice and fair- ness and the common rights of mankind. {From the reply to Pope Benedict: August 2j, ipiy) 47 A Hefrrrnrr HodL for SpraLrr^ EUROPEAN STATESMEN URGE A LEAGUE OF NATIONS THE RIGHT HONORABLE DAVID LLOYD GEORGE PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN The world will then l)e able, when this war is over, to attend to its business in peace. There will l)e no war or rumors of war to disturb and to distract. We can build up, AC can reconstruct, we can till, we can cultivate and enrich, and the burden and terror and waste of war will have gone. The l>est security for |K*ace will be that nations band them- selves together to punish the |>eace-breaker. In the armories of Kuro|)e, every weapon will l>e a sword of justice. In the government of men. every army will \yc the constabulary of peace. {From the address at Guildhall: January 1 1, i<^l/) THE RIGHT HONORABLE HERBERT ASQUITH FORMER PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN \\ c arc l)oun(l, and not only bound, but glail. lu give respectful attention to such pronouncements as the recent sl>eech of . . . President Wilson. That speech was ad- dressed . . . to the American Senate, and through them to the people of the United States. It was, therefore, a declara- tion of American ix)licy, or, to speak more precisely, of American ideals. The President held out to his hearers the prosjK'ct of an era when the civilization of mankind, banded together for the purpose, will make it their joint and several fluty to repress by their united authority, and if need Ik? by tlicir combined naval and military forces, any wanton or aggressive invasion of the |n-ace of the world. It is a fine ideal, which must arouse all our sympathies. (from the speech in the House of Commons: Februarx /, /p/7) 48 Keeping the World Safe THE RIGHT HONORABLE ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR BRITISH SECRETARY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS We are forced to the sorrowful recognition of the weak- ness of international law so long as it is unsupported by international authority. . . . Here we come face to face with the great problem which lies behind all the changing aspects of this tremendous war. When it is brought to an end, how is civilized mankind so to reorganize itself that similar catastrophes shall not be permitted to recur? . . . The problem is insistent. . . . Surely, even now, it is fairly clear that if substantial progress is to be made towards se- curing the peace of the world and a free development of its constituent nations, the United States of America and the British Empire should explicitly recognize, what all instinc- tively know, that on these great subjects they share a com- mon ideal. ... If, in our time, any substantial effort is to be made toward securing the permanent triumph of the Anglo-Saxon ideal, the great communities which accept it must work together. And in working together they must remember that law is not enough. Behind law there must be power. It is good that arbitration should be encouraged. It is good that the accepted practices of warfare should be- come ever more humane. It is good that before peace is broken the would-be belligerents should be compelled to dis- cuss their differences in some congress of the nations. It is good that the security of the smaller States should be fenced round with peculiar care. But all the precautions are mere scraps of paper unless they can be enforced. Speaking myself more than two years ago in the early months of the war, at Dublin, of the ends which we as a people ought to keep in view, taking as my text Mr. Glad- stone's words that the greatest triumph of our time would be. the enthronement of the idea of public right as the gov- erning idea of European politics, and asking what that meant, or what it ought to mean when translated into prac- tice, I said, I believe with the general approval of my fellow- countrymen, what I am going to quote : — It means, finally, or it ought to mean, perhaps by a slow and gradual process, the substitution for force, for the clash of competing ambi- tion, for groupings and alliances of a precarious equipoise, 49 A Reference Boitk for Speakers of a real Iuiroi)ean partnership, based on the recog^iition of e- tween President \\ ilson's ideal and the one which 1 thus endeavored to depict, except- and this I admit is a larj^c step in advance— that he would ble. and asscxiate the United States, and indeed all civilized peoples, in the same |)eace-preservin>; fraternitN. We never have had the faintest desire for the annihilation of the ( ierinan |>eople. or of the < ierman state. 1 )estruciion. widespread and terril)le to ccjntemplate, is a necessary incident of all war. but our object in this war is not to destroy, but to reconstruct on a deeper-laid and a more enduring basis tiie wantonly broken fabric of public right and national indei)endence. {i-rom iw iutcniciv in THE LONDOS TIM PS : .\fay iS. H)i6) VISCOUNT GREY OF FALLODON FORMER BRITISH SECRETARY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS It the peace of luirope can be preserved and the present < risis safely ]>assed, my own endeavor will be to promote some arrangement, to which (jermany could Ik* a party, by which she could W assured that no aggressive or hostile pol- icy would be j)ursued against her or her allies by h'rance, K'ussia and oursebes, jointly or separately. The idea has liitluTto been too Utopian to form the subject of roposals. but. if this |)resent crisis, so much more acute than any that luirope has gone through for generations, be safely passed. I am hopeful that the relief and reaction whicli will follow may make possible some more defmite ra|)prochement Ix'tween the Powers than has l)een jxissible hitherto. {From the statement to Sir Bdxvard Goschcn: July ?o. IQ14) \\ hen nations cannot see eye to eye. when they quarrel, when there is a threat of war. we iKdiexe that the contro- 50 Keeping the World Safe versy should be settled by methods other than those of war buch other methods are always successful when there is goodwill and no aggressive spirit. We believe in negotia- tions. We have faith in international conferences Long before the war I hoped for a league of nations that would be united, quick, and instant to prevent, and if need be to punish violations of international treaties of public right and of national independence, and would say to nations that come forward with grievances and claims: "Put them before an impartial tribunal. If you can win at this bar you will get what you want; if you cannot, you shall not have what you want; and if you attempt to start a war we all shall adjudge you the common enemy of humanity and treat you accordingly." As footpads, safe-breakers, burglars and incendiaries are suppressed in a community, so those who would commit these crimes, and incalculably more than these crimes, will be suppressed among the nations. {From an interview in THE CHICAGO NEWS: May jj, /p/d) , If the nations of the world after this war are to do some- thing more effective than they were ever able to do before this war, to combine themselves for the common object of preserving peace, they must be prepared not to undertake more than they are able to uphold by force, and to see when the time of crisis comes that it is upheld by force. {From an address before the Foreign Press Asso- ciation of London: October ^^y ipi6) I sincerely desire to see a league of nations formed and made effective to secure the future peace of the world after this war is over. I regard this as the best, if not the only, prospect of preserving treaties and of saving the world from aggressive wars in years to come. {From a cablegram to the League to Enforce Peace: November 24, ipi6) 51 A Hrfcrence Book for Speakers THE RIGHT HONORABLE ANDREW BONAR LAW BRITISH CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER rrcM'lciii \\ iNons aim is tf» lia\c peace now and security for \yeace in the future. That is our aim also and it is our only aim. He hojKs to secure this by a league of peace, and he not only s|)oke in favor of such a league hut he is trying to induce the American Senate to take the steps neces- sary to give ctTect to it. It would not he right to IchjU ui>on the question as altogether Utopian, ^'ou know that only (juite recently, almost up to our own time, duelling was com- mon, and n»)W the idea that i)ri\ate (|uarrcls should l)e set- tled hy the sword has become unthinkable. I think it is not impossible — I hope it may prove |)ossible — that the time may come when the nations of the world will look upon what Cromwell descril)ed as his great work as their work too — that of l)eing a constable to preserve jK'ace in the parish. ( I-ri)fn the speech at Bristitl: Jatiuar\ jj. lOI') 4 EARL CURZON LORD PRESIDENT OF THE BRITISH WAR COUNCIL rhey would l)e surprised if when the war was over the better judgment of mankind did not rally in force and say that these abominations must not be again in the world. Mankind must Ik* .saved from the j)eril of its own passion. Machinery mu.st Ik* devised to prevent the reign of brute force in the world. {From his statement as Chairman of the Atlantic Union: May i6, I(^i6) LORD ROBERT CECIL BRITISH MINISTER OF BLOCKADE .•\re we to go back after the war to just the same inter- national system as prevailed l)efore it? Is nothing to be done to rescue I*-uro|>e at least from international anarchy? ^iirely we will try for something l)etter. {I'rom the Inauijural Address. Cambridge Sumfner Meeting: August 2, I^i6) 52 Keeping the World Safe The war aims of the Entente AlHes as previously an- nounced still hold good ; there is sympathy with the Russian programme of no annexations and nq indemnities, on the understanding that this refers to annexations and indem- nities for purposes of political aggrandizement; but there will be annexations to complete the freedom of the peoples enslaved by the Teutonic Powers and indemnities for the wrongs committed in Belgium, France, Serbia and Poland. We at any rate are determined not to accept a peace that will be no peace. The peace that we accept must be a peace that will be durable. I have always been an adherent of the idea of a league of nations, . . . but such a league must be founded upon a sound, just, and equitable basis. {From an address to the British House of Commons: May i6, 191 /) THE RIGHT HONORABLE ARTHUR HENDERSON FORMER MEMBER OF THE BRITISH WAR COUNCIL FORMER SECRETARY OF THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY Such a peace can only be satisfactory if founded upon the defeat of unrestrained militarism, and accompanied by a League of Nations sufficiently strong to keep the existing armies in their proper places, prevent the inflation of arma- ments, and secure the enforcement of international law. It must be a peace which will serve to remove, or at least weaken, the causes of unrest between nations, and bring into universal disfavor acts of aggression. {From a speech to Croydon North End Brother- hood: January 18, 191 f) GENERAL THE HONORABLE JAN C. SMUTS, K.C., N.L.A. MINISTER OF DEFENSE, UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA We must have not merely agreements between nations, but a bedrock of honesty and sincerity in the peoples, on which a lasting agreement could be built. We must have a public opinion which would be the best guarantee of peace, and 53 A Reference Book for Speakers which would see that jjovcrnnicnts were kept in order. Na- tions must decide their own fate and no longer \)c disposed of by statesmen an«J j^'overnnient^. . . . We must in s<»me form hring about a Ixaj^aie of Nations, with some common organ of consuhation and decision on vital issues. (From an address at the League of Nations Mass Sicetiny. held in Central Hall, Westminster: May It is expedient in the interest of mankind that some ma- chinery should Ik- set up after the |)rcscnt war for the pur- I)ose of maintaining international right and general jK'ace. and this meeting welcomes the suggestion put forward for this purpose l>y the President of the United Slates and other influential statesmen in America, and commends to the sym- pathetic consideration of the British peoi)le the idea of fonn- ing a union of free nations for the preservation of ]>erma- nent j^eace. {From a rcsoiunim introduced hy (it'itrrdi .smms. seconded hy the Archbishop of Canterbury, and unanimously adopted at the Leaijue of Xations Mass Meetinq. Central Hall, Westminster: Max LORD NORTHCLIFFE BRITISH EDITOR HEAD OF THE AMERICAN MISSION A close federation of the nations now fighting the good fight will l)e the only insurance against the autocracy that made this war ixjssible and the horrors that the armies of the autocrat peri>et rated on innocent non-combatants. The world must be made free for democracy. (From an address before the Players Club, Arte York City: June jS, JQI7) 54 Keeping the World Safe PROFESSOR PAUL PAINLEVE PREMIER OF FRANCE If France pursues this war, it is neither for conquest nor out of vengeance. It is to defend her hberty, her indepen- dence, and, at the same time, the Hberty and independence of the civiHzed world. Her claims are those of right itself. . . . The disannexation of Alsace-Lorraine, reparation for the ruin caused by the enemy, and the conclusion of a peace that will not be a peace of constrained violence, comprising within itself germs of wars to Come, but a peace that is a just peace, in which there are efficacious guarantees to pro- tect the society of nations against all aggressions from one among them — such are the noble aims of France. (From the Ministerial Declaration read in the French Chamber of Deputies, Paris: September i8, 1917) M. ALEXANDRE RIBOT FORMER PREMIER OF FRANCE It is necessary that a League of Peace be founded in the same spirit of democracy that France has had the honor of introducing into the world. The nations now in arms will constitute the Society of Nations. This is the future of humanity, or one might well despair of the future. Presi- dent Wilson upon this point is with us. All nations not predatory must unite to prevent others from disturbing the peace. They must unite in an armed league to make re- spected throughout the world, peace, justice and liberty. {From an address to the French Senate: June 6, iQiy) M. ARISTIDE BRIAND FORMER PREMIER OF FRANCE A solid, lasting peace guaranteed against any return of violence by appropriate international measures. (From a public statement: September 14, ipi6) 55 A Ic and >harpcn her weap- ons in the midst of peace tor the coninioii striii;i,de. To- j^ether we will carry on that struj^^^i^le; and wlien by force we have at last iiniK>sehatter the ix»n(lerous sword of militarism, we will estal)lish ji^iarantccs for i>cacc, and then we can di>ap|>ear from the world's sta^e. since we sliall leave at the cost of our common immolalitjn the noblot heritai^e future gener- ations can possess. (From the speech before the United States Senate: May I, loi;) \"our llatj bears forty-eij^ht stars representing^ forty-eiijht states. ICach Mate has its own Ict^islature. but all are sub- ject to 1-V«leral laws that were mae«l on democratic principle and established by demo- cratic will, tlie Russian |)eople and its army are rallying their forces around the banners of freedom, strenijtheninjj their ranks in cheerful self -consciousness to die but not to be slaves. Russia wants the world to !)e safe for democrac>. To make it safe means to have democracy rule the world. Keeping the World Safe . . . Russia will not fail to be a worthy partner in the "League of Honor." {From an address before the United States Senate: June 26, i^iy) Russia believes that a permanent peace can be enacted when all democracies will agree to hold to and follow cer- tain precepts and embody them with all sincerity and with- out reserve. The nations must realize their common life and effect a workable partnership to secure that life against aggressions of autocracy. {From an address at Carnegie Hall, Nezv York: July 6, ipi/) PROFESSOR PAUL N. MILIUKOFF FORMER RUSSIAN MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS The definition by President Wilson o'f the purposes of the war corresponds entirely with the declarations of the states- men of the allied powers. M. Briand, Mr. Asquith, and Viscount Grey all expressed themselves continually on the necessity of seeking to prevent conflicts of armed forces by providing peaceful methods of solution for international disputes and creating a new organization of nations based upon order and justice in international life. The democ- racy of free Russia is able to associate itself completely with these declarations. {From a statement to the Associated Press: April 7, 19 1 7) SR. AUGUSTO CIUFFELLI MEMBER OF THE ITALIAN WAR MISSION This must be the last war. Nations cannot in the future squander all their money on military preparedness. The new spirit must make us live together in the ideals of peace and justice. Italy is eager to take her place in a new world organized for peace. {From a statement to tlie press: June i, 1917) S7 A lirfrrciicc HuoL fur SpraLrrs HR. GUNNAR KNUDSEN NORWEGIAN MINISTER OF STATE It has l)een difficult to realize tlie meaning of this world catastrophe. IJut now we are beginning to find the reason, in what seemed quite beyond reason. Democracy has gained great victories in ICurope during the war. And the work of creating right and justice between the peoples through a general co<)perati(»n for j)reventing new wars has gained an actuality as never before. If this war brings, as a result, the democratizing of the peoples and the sub^^titu- tion of riidit iii-tt;i^ imt V-eii too (lea I ( I'rom (/ stdU'ttictii ni c in isiuuihi oti C (nisitmiton Day: May /5. JQJ') 1 i HIS HOLINESS POPE BENEDICT We now wisli to make a more c«»iureie ami i)raciical pro- posal and to invite tlie governments of the l>elligerents to come to an agreement uix>n the f«»llo\\ing |K)ints which seem to be a basis of a just and durable ]>eacc. leaving to them the task of analyzing and comjjleting them. hirst of all. tiie fundamental jK)int must be that the ma- terial force of arms be substituted by the moral force of right, from which shall arise a fair agreement by all for the simultaneous and reciprocal diminution of armaments, ac- cording to the rules ami guarantees to be established, in a measure necessary and sufficient for the maintenance of public order in each state. Then in the substitution for armies of the instituti«>n of arbitration with its high pacifying function, according to the rules to l)e laid down and the penalties to be im|K)sed on a state which would refuse either to submit a national ques- tion U) arbitration or to accept its decision. {I- rum the messayc to the bclligcreitt govern- ments: August I, igtj) 58. Keeping the World Safe GOVERNMENTS PLEDGE SUPPORT TO A LEAGUE OF NATIONS Ojficial Correspondence and Resolutions THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES In the measures to be taken to secure the future peace of the world the people and Government of the United States are as vitally and as directly interested as the Governments now at war. Their interest, moreover, in the means to be adopted to relieve the smaller and weaker peoples of the world of the peril of wrong and violence is as quick and ardent as that of any other people or government. They stand ready, and even eager, to cooperate in the accomplish- ment of these ends when the war is over with every influence and resource at their command. (From President Wilson's identic note to the zvar- ring nations: dated JVashington, December i8, 19 16) THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE ENTENTE ALLIES In a general way they (the Allied Governments) desire to declare their respect for the lofty sentiments inspiring the American Note (of December i8th) and their whole- hearted agreement with the proposal to create a League of Nations which shall assure peace and justice throughout the world. They recognize all the benefits that would accrue to the cause of humanity and civilization from the institution of international arrangements designed to prevent violent conflicts between nations, and so framed as to provide the sanctions necessary to their enforcement, lest an illusory security should serve merely to facilitate fresh acts of aggression. {From the joint reply to the American Note: dated Paris, January 10, ipi/) 59 A Rrfrrence Book for Speakers THE GOVERNMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN lli^ Majc-i\ - < iM\crnnient . . . iccls strongly that the iurabihty of j)cacc must largely de|x?nd on its character and iliat no stable system of international relations can be built on foundations which are essentially and hoi>elessly defec- tive. . . . There are those who think that for this disease international treaties and international laws may provide a sutVicient cure. . . . The jKoplc of this country ... do not believe i)eace can l)e durable if it be not based on the success of the allied cause, h'or a durable peace can hardly l)e ex- pected unless three conchtions are fulfilled: the first is that the existing causes of international unrest should l>e as far as i)ossible removed or weakened ; the second is that the aggressive aims and the unscrupulous methods of the Cen- tral Powers .should fall into disrepute among their own peo- ples: the third is tliat behind iiUernational law and l)ehind all treaty arrangements for preventing or limiting hostilities some form of international sanction shouUl l)e devisetl which would give pau.se to the hardiest aggres.sor. (From a letter from Foreign Seeretary Balfour to Sir Cecil Spriug-Rice: dated London, January ij, 1017) THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT 11k- I hamher of I)epulies. the direct expression of the sovereignty of the I'Vcnch people, ex|)ects that the efforts of the armies of the Republic and her allies will .secure, once Prussian militarism is destroyed, durable guarantees for peace and inde|K'ndence for peoples great and small, in a league of nations such as has already Ijccn foreshadowed. ( From a resolution adopted by the Chamber of Deputies and appro^'ed b\ thr S'.h.j/i- ,lit.-.{ Paris, June ./ and June 6, i^iy i THE RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT l\u>>ia ha> always been in full sympathy with the broad, luunanitarian principles expressed by the President of the L'nited States. His message to the Senate, therefore, has 60 Keeping the World Safe made a most favorable impression upon the Russian Govern- ment. Russia will welcome all suitable measures which will help prevent a recurrence of the world war. Accordingly we can gladly indorse President Wilson's communication. {From a statement given out by the Foreign Office to the Associated Press: dated Petrograd, January 26, 1912) THE GOVERNMENT OF SWITZERLAND It is with very great interest that we have taken note of the programme of your humanitarian movement. In asking us to associate ourselves in it you have given us a new proof of the sympathy of the United States for Switzerland and we desire to say to you how much we appreciate it. The League to Enforce Peace, which counts among its members so many eminent personalities, aims to insure the mainte- nance of peace after it shall have been concluded; truly a delicate mission, but the difficulties of which are not to be allowed to discourage your efforts. You regard as one of the most efficacious means to that end a treaty of arbi- tration conceived in the same spirit as the treaty of Feb- ruary 13, 1 9 14, between Switzerland and the United States, a treaty which all the countries are to sign and by which they will undertake to submit to the decision of a supreme international tribunal the conflicts which may arise between them in order to avoid, as far as possible, a return of the catastrophe which desolates the world to-day. Swit- zerland is so much the better placed to appreciate the work of which the United States has taken the initiative, because, surrounded on all sides by war, peopled by the race and inheriting the language and the culture of three among the combatant nations, she is better able than any other country to realize the- fact that war is inhuman, and is contrary to the superior interest of civilization which is the common patrimony of all men. If, then, at the conclusion of peace, the occasion should present itself for us to unite our efforts to yours, we will not fail to do so, and we will be happy to 61 A Reference Book for Speakers make our contribution toward rendering |)eace more secure when reestablished. (Trom a letter icritteu by Dr. Arthur Hoffman as head of the Political Department of the Division of I'oreiijn Affairs, to the Hon. Theodore Marburg. Chairman of the Comfnittee on Foreign Organiza- tion of the League to Enforce Peace: dated Heme, Deicmhrr ii 1016) I THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT His Majesty's Ciovcrnnienl is following with keen sym- pathy tlie idea of estaljHshing, after the end of the present war, an international league for the purpose of preventing the peace of the world being again disturlKMi, and when the opportunity of doing so arrives, with a j^uarantee of success, will lend its concourse to the realization of such a humani- tarian and lofty project. (--/ cablegram from Don Amalio Gimeno. Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the League /<' Fufor^.- /'.m, «• dated Madrid. January /?. 79/7) \'ote: \iscount Motono. Iaj)anese Minister for Foreign AtTairs (January 15. 1917 1 and \iscount Ishii. Japanese Ambassador K.xtraordinary to the United States (August 30, H)!/) have e.xpressed themselves as in sympathy with the moNcment for a League of Nations. 1 A SELECTED LIST OF BOOKS ON A LEAGUE OF NATIONS ANGELL, Norman. America and the New World State. New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 151 5. 295 pp., $1.25. ASHBEE, Charles Robert. The American League to Enforce Peace. London, Allen & Unwin, 1917. 92 pp., $1. BEER, George Louis. The English-Speaking Peoples. New York, The Macmillan Co., 1917. 311 pp., $1.50. BRAILSFORD, Henry Noel. A League of Nations. New York, The Macmillan Co., 1917. 332 pp., $1.75. BUXTON, Charles Roden, et al. Towards a Lasting Settle- ment. New York, The Macmillan Co., 1916. 216 pp., $1. COLLIN, Christen. The War Against War and the Enforce- ment of Peace. New York, The Macmillan Co., 1917. 163 pp., 80 cents. COSMOS. Basis of Durable Peace. New York, Charles Scrib- ner's Sons, 1917. 144 pp., 30 cents. DICKINSON, G. Lowes. The Choice Before Us. New York, Dodd Mead & Co., 1917. 268 pp., $2. FAYLE, C. Ernest. The Great Settlement. New York, Duf- field & Co., 191 5. 309 pp., $2. GIBBONS, Herbert Adams. The Nezv Map of Europe. New York, The Century Co., 1914. 412 pp., $2. GOLDSMITH, Robert. A League to Enforce Peace. New York, The Macmillan Co., 1917. 255 pp., $1.50 (paper, 50 cents). HARRIS, H. Wilson. President Wilson. New York. Freder- ick A. Stokes Co., 1917. 278 pp., $1.75. HERRON, George D. Woodrozv Wilson and the World's Peace. New York, Mitchell Kennerley, 1917. 173 pp., $1.25. HILL, David Jayne. The Re-building of Europe. New York, The Century Co., 191 7. 282 pp., $1.50. HOB SON, John A. Tozvards International Government. New York, The Macmillan Co., 1915. 216 pp., $1. 63 lUbliograpluj HU(iINS, koLANi). The Possible Peace. New York. The Cen- ^% tury Co., 1916. 189 pp., $1.25. ^B KEWEDY, Sinclair. The Pan-Angles. Xcw York, Ijong- ^" mans Green & Co., 1914. 235 pp.. $1.75. LIPPMAX.\. Walter. The Stakes of Diplomacy. New York. Henry Ilolt & Co., 1915. 235 pp., $1.35 (paper. 60 cents). M.\knCR(i, TiiEoiK)RE. League of Sations: A Chapter in the History of the Movement.^ Sew York, The Macmillan Co., >9i7- 139 pp. 50 cents. ICIR, Kam.say. Xationalism and Internationalism. Boston, Houghton Mifflin Co., 1917. 229 pp., $1.25. .N.M'MAN.V. I-KiKDkicn. Central liurope. New York, .\lfred .\. Knopf, 1917. 345 pp.. $3. PIHLIJP.S, Walter Ali.so.v. The Confederation of Europe. Sew York, Longmans Green & Co., 19 14. 229 pp.. $2.50. I'Hn.LH'SON, CoLEMA.v. Termination of War and Treaties of Peace. New York, K. P. Dutton & Co., 1916. 454 pp., $7. POWKK.S. \\. \\. The Things Men Pight Por. New York, The .Macmillan Co., 1916. 7^\<2 pp.. $1.50. KL'SSKLL, Bektkanu. Why Men Pight. New York, The Cen- tury Co., 1917. 272 pp., $1.50. SHORT, William H. Program and Policies of the League to Pn force Peace. New York, League to Enforce Peace, 19 17. 48 pp., free. STKLXMI'.TZ, Charles I*. .-Imerica and the Xew Epoch. New York, HarfK-r & Bros., 1916. 228 pp., $1. rOYNBLK, .\rnold J. Xationatity and the War. New York, E. P. Dutlfm & Co., 191 5. 522 pp., $2.50. 1 ROTTKR. W. Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War. New York, The NLicmillan Co., 191 5. 213 pp., $1.25. VEBLEN, TiioRSTEi.N B. An Inquiry into the Xature of Peace. •New York. The Macmillan Co., 191 7. 367 pp., $2. WELLS, H. Ci. H'hat is Coming f A European Forecast. New York, The Macmillan Co.. 1916. 2t^4 pp.. $1.50. WI'.YL, Waiter E. American World Policies. .New York, The Macmillan Co., 1917. 295 pp., $2.25. WdOLF, Leo.vard S. (a.sd Fabian Society). International Gozernment. Njw York. Brcntano's, 1916. 412 pp.. $2. 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