T. T. T. LIXXOLN. Liberal Member of Parliament for Darlington, 1910. REVELATIONS OF AN INTERNATIONAL SPY BY I. T. T. LINCOLN Libiral Member of Parliament for Darlington, 1910 k NEW YORK ROBERT M, McBRIDE & COMPANY :i916 y V A- Copyright, 1916, by Robert M. McBride & Co. si; Published Janl^jr, 1916 / JAN 24 1916 'CU418589 PREFACE On the 5th and 6th of August, 1915, the entire Press of the United States gave great prominence to my arrest, made the day before upon a war- rant sworn out by the Senior British Vice-Consul in New York City, charging me with forgery com- mitted in England — in July and August, 1914. Rather strange ! I left England on the 30th of January, 1915 — providing all the time and oppor- tunity for my arrest between this date and July, 1914, when, it is alleged, I committed the forgeries. And I was by no means in hiding. On the con- trary, as letters reproduced in subsequent chapters of this book will show, I was in direct touch with the War Office and the Admiralty in London. Every afternoon I was to be found in the large smoking room of the National Liberal Club. Why, if I had committed the forgeries was I not arrested? ;: » I arrived in New York .City on the 8th of Febru- ary and my address from that date on was at all times known to the British Secret Service, who were keeping me shadowed. I know this to be a fact. Why was I not arrested — if not in England Preface — at any rate here in New York between February 8th and August 4th ? I was not in hiding. I lived under my own name; I moved about freely; I feared nothing. On the 23rd and 30th of May, I published in the New York World two articles about my Secret Service activities during the war. Even then Great Britain did not move. But since then something important has hap- pened. Messrs. Robert M. McBride & Company, the publishers of this book, sent out in June their catalogue of fall publications, containing among many other books — an advance notice of these, my Eevelations. These catalogues were, of course, sent to England as well. In addition, an English journalist, living in New York, drew the atten- tion of the British Government to my book — hence my arrest. Sir Edward Grey knows that I have indeed many things to reveal — hence the * * frame- up" of some charge, for which my extradition could be demanded had to be resorted to in order to silence me, and thus to prevent at all cost my Revelations being published! I have, how- ever, the utmost confidence that I will success- fully resist the demand for my extradition; I have the utmost confidence in the fairness and im- partiality of the courts of the United States. Meanwhile I have gone on calmly finishing my narrative. I was enabled to do this thanks to the kindness of Warden John Hayes of the Raymond Preface Street Prison, Brooklyn. He granted me certain facilities in the prison which have enabled me to finish my book. I desire herewith publicly to tender him my thanks. Just a final word. I am not prompted to make these Eevelations out of spite or revenge. Weeks before any pro- ceedings were brought against me, I had been ac- tively engaged upon them. My desire is to bring home the guilt and responsibility for this war to its real authors. The English people, as such, are innocent. They surely did not want the war. In the following pages they and the world will learn for the first time who dragged them into this war and why. In the course of my narrative, I shall make many startling, almost incredible disclosures re- garding the subterranean and sinister aims of British diplomacy, initiated under Edward VII and diligently pursued by Sir Edward Grey, un- known even to most of his colleagues in the British Cabinet. A mere official denial from the Foreign Office will neither refute me nor convince the world. I, therefore, make the following suggestion. Let a joint Parliamentary Committee be appointed with full powers and most complete facilities to examine the secret documents to be pointed out in my narrative. This is a fair proposition. The world is entitled to know the true history of the Preface present war. Hollow phrases, with which the world has hitherto been deceived, will not do. And I go further than that. In order to pre- vent the appointment of a ^* packed Committee,'' I take the liberty of proposing the following mem- bers of both Houses of Parliament: Lord Rosebery Lord Lorebum John Bums Sir William Byles George Cave, K. C. Sir Edward Carson, K. C. John Dillon Ramsay McDonald Bonar Law Sir Arthur Markham Arthur Ponsonby Josiah Wedgwood I shall abide by their statement and verdict. I must, however, warn them that most of the docu- ments to be referred to in the course of my narra- tive have not been filed away as official documents. They were not given the character of official docu- ments, in order to enable Sir Edward Grey to dis- claim any knowledge of their existence which he has frequently done in and out the House of Com- mons. The suggested Parliamentary Committee must bear this in mind. They should have access to the archives at Windsor Castle and, of course, Preface to the secret archives — official and non-official — of the British Embassies in Paris, Eome, Berlin, Constantinople, St. Petersburg, and Vienna and of the Legations at Brussels, Copenhagen, Bel- grade, Bucarest, Sofia and Teheran and, last not least, of those of the Foreign Office, Admiralty and War Office in London. If this, my proposal and challenge, is denied, the world will know why ; if it is acted upon my reve- lations, accusations and statements will be sub- stantiated before the forum of the whole world. And I have uncovered but a fraction of the things I know from years of diplomatic espionage. I. T. T. Lincoln. Eaymond Street Prison, Brooklyn, N. Y. October, 1915. CONTENTS CHAPTEB PAGE I My Secret Service Activities in the European Capitals I II Hidden Diplomatic Moves in Many Parts of the World 44 III Row I Obtained the Secrets of the French Foreign Office 80 IV Edward VII's Intrigues fob the Isolation of Ger- many 102 V An Abyssinian Intrigue 155 VI The Triple Entente Conspiracy 165 VII The Dangerous Ruse Which Won the Confidence of the British Foreign Office 235 VIII Spying and Counter-Spying — ^the Sinister Founda- tion OF Secret Diplomacy 278 THE ILLUSTRATIONS I. T. T. Lincoln. Liberal Member of Parliament for Darling- ton, 1910 Frontispiece YActva PAGB Reproduction of a letter from Lloyd George, congratulating Mr. Lincoln on his victory at Darlington . . . . 10 The Lincoln Handicap (a cartoon from Punch) .... 11 Mr. Lincoln's credentials to the French authorities issued by the British Embassy at Paris 54 Letters from Mr. (now Sir) Valentine Chirol to Mr. Huybers 78 Mr. Lincoln's credentials to the Danish officials .... 124 A Letter from Sir George Bonham, British Minister at Berne 130 Emperor Menelik of Abyssinia 154 The Commercial Missions to Abyssinia 158 Reproductions of original letters of introduction written by M. Ilg, Chief Foreign Advisor of Menelik .... 161 Credentials of Austrian Mission to Emperor Menelik . .162 A Prophetic Cartoon 172 Credentials from M. Dubois and M. Schollaert .... 208 A Letter from Captain Kenny 266 A Second Letter from Captain Kenny 272 A Letter from the Naval Intelligence Department of the Admiralty 278 REVELATIONS OF AN INTERNATIONAL SPY CHAPTEE I MY SECEET SERVICE ACTIVITIES IN THE EUROPEAN CAPITALS THE nickeled barrel of a service revolver pointed at my breast, accompanied by the words, ^*Don^t move, don't make a move !'' This is how United States Deputy-Marshal George E. Proctor of the United States Secret Service arrested me on the 4th of August, at about 8.30 p. M. I had worked all day on this book in the torrid, heated atmosphere of New York and I was consequently rather tired and intended retiring early. I was alone in the house, reading an even- ing paper, the family with whom I was staying having gone out for the evening. There was a quick emphatic ring at the front door and looking through the open windows I could discern in the dark five gentlemen. **You wantr* I queried. 1 2 Revelations of an International Spy **We have a message for Mr. Lincoln. Is he here — are you Mr. Lincoln T^ **I am Mr. Lincoln.'^ United States Deputy-Marshal Proctor there- upon pointed his revolver at me and admonished me not to move. *'Are you afraid of me T' I jokingly asked him. *'Not exactly," he said, **but we never take chances." Forced to play the host to such a formidable party of secret service agents and Pinkerton de- tectives, I hastened to let them in. These five gentlemen were courteous but firm. It was their duty to arrest me under a warrant sworn out by the British Consul. "When I had packed a few be- longings to cover what I was sure would be a tem- porary period, I was conducted by the officials to the Eaymond Street prison, Brooklyn. Next day I was brought before United States Judge Van Vechten Veeder. The proceedings there com- menced for my extradition on a trumped up charge of forgery — as I already pointed out in the Preface — are still going on. But I am more than ever hopeful of regaining my freedom within a short time. This very day (1st of November) I was interrupted in the reading of these proofs by the Warden standing in front of the steel bars of my cell. **Mr. Lincoln, there are two Scotland Yard de- Activities in the European Capitals 3 tectives downstairs who would like to see you. Do you care to see them?'^ ** Certainly/' I replied. I followed the Warden, Mr. John Hayes, down- stairs and there I was introduced to Chief In- spector Ward of Scotland Yard, the most famous detective in England and head of Scotland Yard, and to his assistant, Detective Sergeant Cooper, who were accompanied by United States Deputy Marshal George E. Proctor. These two famous Scotland Yard detectives came over specially from London to take me back with them. It is the first time that the British Government has ever sent the head of Scotland Yard out of the country to fetch anybody back. I suppose I should take this as an odd sort of a compliment. At any rate, it shows that the British Government does not consider me an unimportant person. The four of us went into a private room, and there Chief Inspector Ward invited me to return with him to England next Saturday, the 6th of November. He and his assistant have been here four weeks waiting for my extradition, and now that they see this means hopeless waiting, they have decided to pack up and return to proud England minus myself. "What a fiasco ! What a wanton squandering of public money! After about an hour's useless persuasion in the pres- ence of his assistant and U. S. Deputy Marshal 4 Revelations of an International Spy Proctor, he asked these two gentlemen to retire and leave us alone. What passed between the head of Scotland Yard and myself within the four solid walls during an hour's man-to-man talk I care not to reveal except one promise and one hint he made. **If you return to England we shall drop the charges against you.'' **Ah!" I exclaimed, *'so you admit that you want me for something else than the * forgery^ charges." **I admit nothing and I know nothing beyond having orders to bring you back on those charges." '* You have the reputation of being a very clever man, Chief, and you are," I said, **and I do not expect nor ask you to admit anything, although you know why Sir Edward Grey is so anxious to get hold of me." The hint thrown out by him had reference to a substantial compensation in return for abstaining from publishing my reve- lations! We walked out of the room, he disap- pointed, dejected. I elated, satisfied. I am not an old man whose quick blood has cooled, and yet it seems a long, long distance in time from the school days in Hungary to life in this steel box with heavy grating, which has been my enforced study and habitation for these many weeks. Ah, well! Meditation is good for the Actroities in the European Capitals 5 soul, and indeed I have had plenty of time for in- trospection and philosophy. However, let it not be imagined that these chap- ters from the life of a diplomatic spy are another *^ Confessions,'' though it is certain that I have eaten bread in several kingdoms and tasted life in infinite variety, like the redoubtable Jean Jacques Eousseau. This book must be accepted rather as a document of unwritten history from which the personal element could not be entirely eliminated. These revelations are not the canvas for painting a full-length portrait of the author. Yet are we not concerned with a flesh and blood reality, whose impulses and motives are likely to be misappre- hended? There is then a reasonable curiosity about my family and my upbringing that should, perforce, be satisfied. Two strains of mind and action have been al- ways in conflict in my life. In one of them pre- dominates the quiet fervor of the mystic and the imaginative sensitiveness of the artist. In the other, craving for excitement, passion for deduc- tion and analysis, and love of applause over- shadow all other leadings. Paks, the bustling little town on the Danube, where I was bom some thirty-six years ago, lies about seventy miles south of Budapest and so out of the main traveled roads of the tourist. My father, Nathan Trebitsch — ^may I be forgiven for 6 Revelations of an International Spy having failed in his sight as a future ^* Light of IsraeP^ — was well known in Paks as the head of a famous firm of river-shipbuilders and ship- owners and a member of high repute upon the Budapest exchange. My elder brother, like so many of the younger generation of the Jewish faith, had little sym- pathy with the '^Chasidim," the strictest sect of the Pharisees, and soon drifted into infidelity. Upon me, Isaac, the younger son, centered all my father's hopes! It was elected that I should become a Rabbi and no money or exertion was spared in my prepara- tion for the sacred offices. At an age when most boys are exulting in the robust delights of outdoor sports, I was grinding away at my studies, eighteen out of the twenty- four hours. By going to bed at ten and rising at four, I accomplished the four years ' course at the gymnasium, or advanced high school, in ten months. From the gymnasium I went to a col- lege in Budapest and after three years there spent the next two with special studies in dra- matic art and literature at the Royal Academy for Drama and Art. During the holidays I visited all the galleries of the Continent, and on one of these occasions found myself in London for the first time. By one of those odd chances that determine the Activities in the European Capitals 7 turning points in a man^s life, I met in London a compatriot at whose invitation I attended St. Stephen's Church in Colman Street. The little English that I had acquired in my travels made it difficult to follow the service with ease, and my eyes w^ere continually wandering from the prayer book to a copy of Eubens' masterpiece, **The De- scent from the Cross,'' that hung in the church. I began to ask myself why this Man among men — this Jew — should be so hated by me. There was little in the glorious history and poetry of my race that I had not studied and exulted over — yet of this Jew's story I knew but scornful de- tails. This was the beginning of my secession from the ancient teachings of my sect that grew stronger as I read New Testament history. My welcome in Budapest was not a warm one — all doors were shut against the backslider, and so I rented a little room by myself and plunged into the excitement of journalism on one of the Opposition dailies. Wanderlust again attacked me and my good uncle, who thoroughly approved of my desire to see the world, provided me with the funds to travel in South America and the United States. Meanwhile, my father had forgiven what he deemed my lapse into irreligion, and welcomed me back to the old home. But my London experience had stirred me too deeply, and I went to Ham- 8 Revelations of an International Spy burg, where I entered the Mission House of the Eev. Frank. On Christmas day of 1899, I was received into the Christian Church under the name of Ignatius Timotheus, and after a course in theology at the Lutheran College at Breklum the summons came for me to go to Canada. There I became the assistant in the Presbyterian Mission to the Jews of Montreal, finishing the while my theological studies at the Presbyterian College there. In 1902, on the transference of this mission to the Anglican Church, I was re- tained as the agent and ordained into the Church of England by the Archbishop of Montreal. In 1902 and 1903 I traveled all over the eastern provinces of Canada on preaching tours which were not unsuccessful, as the files of the Canadian Churchman, the Halifax (N. S.) Chronicle and the Montreal dailies will bear witness. Some of my greatest successes as a preacher took place in St. PauPs Church, Hahfax, N. S. Sir Eichard Borden, the Prime Minister of Canada, who heard me, ventured to say that it was the best sermon he had ever heard. At another occa- sion, the Ottawa daily press hailed me *^as un- doubtedly the most eloquent preacher who had ever visited Ottawa.'' Work in the free colonial atmosphere was most congenial to me, but in 1903 my health broke down and I was compelled to take a long holiday, which I spent in Germany. Activities in the European Capitals 9 While there I applied to the Archbishop of Can- terbury for parish work and was appointed curate of Appledore in Kent. Life in a Kentish village did not make great demands upon my resources and I began to de- velop an interest in social and political conditions outside the Church. So much so, in fact, that at the end of fourteen months I sent in my resigna- tion to the Archbishop. His Grace's kindly con- sideration of me at this time will always be a grateful recollection. I gave up my curacy in Appledore, Kent, against the earnest entreaties of the Vicar, the Kev. C. B. Hall, whom I addressed thus : ^* In six years I shall be a member of the House of Com- mons. ' ' He laughed, but all the same I have kept my word; within five years and eight months of this prediction, I was a British M. P. How did I do it? During my work with Mr. Eowntree, to be mentioned presently, I came into contact not only with politicians, but also with the undercurrents of British politics. So all the time I was working with and for Mr. Eowntree, I con- stantly kept in mind the achievement of my ob- ject, which was to become a British M. P. In March, 1909, I thought the time had arrived to go boldly for it. It did not require great inge- nuity to obtain an invitation from the Liberal Party to fight a London Constituency, but on the 10 Revelations of an International Spy very next day an invitation from the Darlington Liberal Association reached me. Darlington is a very important industrial center, full of big and famous engineering works. The first railway in the world was the Darlington-Stockton Eailway. The first locomotive in the world was built by Stephenson — in Darlington. E. Stephenson and Company are still building locomotives in Dar- lington. The sitting member for Darlington was Mr. Pike Pease, Whip of the Unionists. He sat for Darlington already eleven years, succeeding his father, who succeeded his father. So it was the third generation of Peases in direct succession who had represented Darlington. It had become what is called in England a ^ ^family seat." There were two attempts previously to unseat Mr. Pike Pease, once by a Labor then by a Liberal Candidate. Where they, the Englishmen, failed, I, the foreigner, succeeded. Darlington has never seen scenes like the one on the declaration of the poll, announcing my victory. The North Star of Darlington, the Tory paper, and my ve- hement opponent, often asked in their editorials, **We should like to know what Mr. Lincoln's fre- quent and mysterious visits to the Continent mean!" My maiden speech in the House of Commons was made two weeks after my entry. I spoke frequently and soon enjoyed the very 1!. batoning Strttl. WibilJh>H.S.m. 11th January 1910. Dear Mr. Lincoln, You have my heartiest good wishes in your contest at Darling:ton. A win at Darlington would be a great vic- tory for Free Trade^ and Liberalism, and I feel confident that the vigour with which you have conducted your cairipaign and the excellence of our cause -.viil conbine to defeat the forces of re-action ixnd Protectionism. Yours sincerely. TTZ^i Lincoln Esq* Reproduction of a Letter from Lloyd George, Congratulating Air. Lincoln on His Victory at Darlington. Activities in the European Capitals 11 coveted distinction of seeing my caricature on the political page of Punch. At the beginning of the year 1906 Mr. B. S. From Punch, March 9, 1910. Paks Vobiscuni; or, The Lincoln Handicap — "We weel not zend Biidg-ett to ze Haus of Lorrdz to be zrown out on-ly again! !" (Mr. I. T. T. Lincoln — ^born at Paks in Hungary. ) Eowntree, the cocoa manufacturer and well-known English philanthropist of York, England, engaged me as his private secretary. Mr. Eowntree, who wields a great influence in the councils of the Lib- 12 Revelations of an International Spy eral party, was then and for many years prior en- gaged upon an investigation, the purpose of which was to discover the causes of economic poverty. He had published a book a few years previous under the title of ** Poverty, a Study of Town Life.'' That book was the chief impetus of the Poor Law legislation in England of the succeeding years. He decided to follow up his investigation of the economic life of the town with a compre- hensive and exhaustive inquiry in most of the European continental countries, with a view to finding out the relation between economic poverty and the systems of land tenure. The investiga- tion was to embrace Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Switzerland, France, and Holland. My task was the organization and supervision of the whole inquiry. The first countries undertaken were Belgium and France. In common with the majority of people, diplo- matic secrets had always a great fascination for me. A few weeks after starting Mr. Eowntree's in- quiry and when on my first periodical visit to Eng- land to discuss matters with Mr. Kowntree, I re- ceived a letter from a very high personage invit- ing me to meet him in one of the most exclusive clubs in London in order to discuss a certain mat- ter with me. I had never seen him, nor had any relations with him, though his name was familiar Activities in the European Capitals 13 to me, as it is to all readers of the daily papers in England. I could not conjecture the purpose of his invita- tion, but was very glad to make the acquaintance of such a distinguished Briton. On the ap- pointed day I drove up to the club in question — not a mile distant from Cockspur Street — only further west. I sent up my card and was imme- diately shown up. There stood before me, greet- ing me most cordially, a well-groomed and fault- lessly dressed gentleman, rather stout and under sized, with round, clean-shaven face and keen, penetrating eyes. At first I thought it was Lord Eosebery, so striking was the similarity in voice and manner, but the searching eyes were not Eose- bery 's, though they flashed or hid the thoughts of a Scotchman. I should like here to point out that it is not al- ways the governments who originate or carry out the diplomatic and political plots for the achieve- ment of certain objects. It is a fallacy to blame the English ** People'' or the German ^^ People'' for this war; neither they nor any other *^ People" wanted it. Notwithstanding the democracy or parliamentary government, and other much vaunted achievements of our age, the people, the nation in fact, not only does not know the hidden moves on the international chessboard; they are not even consulted in the most vital questions. 14 Revelations of an International Spy The more important a question or policy, the more it is shrouded in secrecy. It would be wholly unjust and unwarranted to blame the English people for this war. It is not the people, Parliament, nor even the Cab- inet, which can be made responsible. It lies at the door of a group of individuals who, having a particular object in view, decided upon a certain course and by their influence in political and aris- tocratic circles began weaving a subtle and clever web of plots and intrigues in which they ultimately landed the government itself. The anti-German plot embarked upon by England after the acces- sion of King Edward VII and the retirement of Lord Salisbury was not a deliberate or well- thought-out policy of the British Government as such, but was the work of a few individuals who ultimately made it the official and deliberate policy of the British Government. The chief plotters, indeed conspirators, in this dangerous interna- tional intrigue were King Edward, Sir Edward Grey, Sir Charles Hardinge, Sir Francis Bertie, Lord Esher, and Lord Eoberts. The full significance of this undercurrent of politics was disclosed to me in my second meeting with my cryptic Scot, who apparently had been favorably impressed in his preliminary appraisal of my abilities. **I have heard of your investigation for Mr. Activities in the European Capitals 15 Eowntree on the Continent, I was also told of your intelligence and capacity and of your antecedents . . ., and I am convinced, if rightly used, you could be of great benefit to England, aye, to the world. ' ' I did not know at the time whether this was dis- ingenuous flattery or honest convictions. At all events, the earnestness with which he spoke deeply impressed me, and he urged with great emphasis, heightened by forceful gestures and the flashes of emotion in his penetrating eyes. Sometimes — as if unable to control or repress his abounding en- ergy and vitality — ^he would get up from his chair, walk a few paces up and down, then stop in front of me and repeat his last few words. ** There is a conspiracy on foot to involve this country with Germany — are you willing to help us to ward off this danger?'' *^ Certainly, decidedly," I said, ^^but I fail to see how I could be of any help in the sphere of high politics and diplomacy.'' His statement did not come as a surprise to me. Any impartial observer of the known diplomatic moves of those days, as recorded in the press, could not fail to notice that something on those lines was being enacted. But I did not fully ap- preciate the meaning of his words until, by way of instruction as it were, he informed me of what had been going on in Europe since 1902, which, indeed. 16 Revelations of an International Spy revealed to me the sordid motives and criminal and despicable objects that prompted all those machinations against Germany. My subsequent experiences, my first-hand knowledge, acquired during five years of Secret Service work, have only too well substantiated the charges of this gentleman, whom henceforth I will call *^D.'' **D'' was one of the coterie of influ- ential and distinguished personalities who, being convinced of the dangerous foreign policy of Edward VII with his ententes, decided to watch developments behind the scenes in order to thwart his warlike schemes. They were con- vinced partizans of an Anglo-German general understanding. These two coteries, the Edward- ites and the group of '*D," carried on a *^kid glove'' war behind the scenes, which was none the less bitter. Each group had its supporters in the press, in Parliament and in entourage of King Edward VII. Had Sir Henry Campbell-Banner- man lived a few years longer, the anti-German schemes of Edward VII and Grey would not have resulted in war. I must leave to a future date the lifting of the veil of secrecy from these hidden clashes between the two groups. Once in 1912, **D's'' group nearly succeeded, but unofficial moves by Grey and one of his un- official lieutenants in the Balkans definitely de- stroyed the hope of an Anglo- German understand- Actroities in the European Capitals 17 ing, although in 1913 one more effort was put forth. But it can safely be said that from 1912 the present war became inevitable. There 'must be many people, particularly in Bucharest, who remember my oft repeated prediction within three years we shall have a European war. In the succeeding chapters the reader will be enabled to peep behind tha hitherto impenetrable secrecy and mystery of some of the diplomatic battles fought behind the scenes, though his curiosity will not and cannot be wholly satisfied. Not yet ! Looking back on those years of diplomatic and political preparations, I can truthfully say that an abyss of immeasurable depths and in- calculable dimensions was being dug by Edward VII and his fellow conspirators, who did not dis- dain to enroll as their helpers the infamous and criminal dregs of political humanity: the Pan- slavists of Kussia, and the hysterical chauvinists of France, who for the problematic remedying of imaginary wrongs have made their country the blind and wilHng tool of corrupt Eussia and covet- ous Britain. ** We know," he continued, **that there is a vast scheme on foot, engineered by certain persons in England and France, completely to isolate Ger- many and then make war upon her. We believe this to be inimical to the best interests of Great Britain. We want to prevent this. The first con- 18 Revelations of an International Spy dition is for us to be well and exactly informed of all the moves, schemes, decisions. This would be your duty. You have splendid opportunities. The investigation you are conducting for Mr. Eowntree might easily be made an opportunity for you to get acquainted with ambassadors and statesmen all over Europe. Moreover, the chief centers of interest at present are Paris and Brus- sels — where I understand your work for the pres- ent will lie. Are you willing to undertake work of such a nature!'* I did not see any harm in accepting his proposal. It would not in the least interfere with my work ; besides, it was in complete harmony with my own idea. A keen student and observer of interna- tional politics, I could not fail to see that Great Britain was steering a wrong and highly danger- ous course, and I said so in private conversations and public speeches. Now an opportunity was af- forded me to watch from behind the scenes and, if possible, to contribute to its undoing. I readily admit that in order to do this I had rather often to practise deception. I do not feel any moral scru- ples on this score. I never did. I know I have done very useful work — though unavailing against the tremendous influences arrayed against us. Many armchair moralists will condemn me. But as long as the fate and destinies of nations are di- rected in obscurity by irresponsible secret diplo- Activities in the European Capitals 19 macy, so long the spying out of their work — for their undoing — will have to be done in secret. I was not a spy or a Secret Service agent in the usual meaning of the term. Indeed, the great op- portunities I had of knowing many of the most important events, and the great success that at- tended my missions, were to a very large extent due to the fact that my Secret Service activities were carried out on original lines. The usual Se- cret Service agent is sent to a foreign country with one or two specified objects : ^^Go bring us a drawing of the new naval gun to be installed on the super-dreadnought Thunderer/' Or, **Go to Belgrade and find out how far Monsieur de Harting (Russian Minister) is implicated in the Eussian agitation,'^ or, **Go to Copenhagen and find out the present state of negotiations between Eussia and Great Britaiji," or, ^^ Obtain the se- cret naval code of the torpedo boat divisions of the Home Fleet of Great Britain,'' etc., etc. But a Secret Service agent such as I was has quite another work to perform. Although definite questions are occasionally given him, his duty con- sists in continual and indefatigable watchfulness over policies, plots, and schemes, and he is left to his own resources. He is even free to employ sub- agents. He must mix with ministers, statesmen, diplomats — which I have successfully done. Many of those who helped me in my work did not know 20 Revelations of an International Spy it at the time. The reading of this narrative, therefore, will come to them as a shock and sur- prise. I even had the help of Sir Henry Camp- bell Bannerman, Prime Minister of Great Britain, as I will describe it in its proper place. I am bold enough to state that few, if any, agents engaged in secret, political or diplomatic espionage, have interviewed and had the assistance (often unwit- tingly) of so many highly placed personages as I did in the years of my service. The chessboard I had to study and watch might be described as follows : The Playeks : King Edward and Kaiser Wit- helm II. King Edward playing dark; his figures: The King: Russia, The Queen: France, The two Knights : Canada and Australasia, The two Bishops: Italy and Servia, The two Castles : Japan and Portugal, Pawns: Belgium, Persia, Manchuria, Mon- golia, Balkans, Turkey, Morocco and Egypt, King Edward was surrounded and assisted by The Editorial Department (devising the problem) : Lord Roberts, Lord Esher, Sir Edward Grey, Sir Charles Hardinge, Mons, Delcasse, M, Isvolsky, Substitute Playees: Sir Francis Bertie, Sir ^Arthur Nicholson, Sir Fairfax Cartwright, Activities in the European Capitals 21 Marker: Sir Donald Mackenzie Wallace. Attendants : Sir Arthur Hardinge, Sir Frank LascelleSj Sir Edward Goschen and many others. I had to watch the game and find out the inten- tions of the players in advance, by obtaining a summary of their secret conversations, during which the next move was discussed with * ^ D ' ' and decided upon — as will be shown later — and then make a countermove. I have had my own chessboard. My figures were : Sir Edward Grey, who supplied me, osten- sibly for Mr. Rowntree 's investigations, with spe- cial letters of introduction to his chessmen — the British Ambassadors in Europe. These in turn introduced me to their chessmen — Belgian, French, Danish, Servian, statesmen and perma- nent officials. My connections reached up even into imperial and royal circles. I was received in audience in 1910 by the murdered Archduke Fran- cis Ferdinand, late Heir-Presumptive of Austria- Hungary, in his palace of Belvedere, when a highly important conversation about the Balkans took place between himself and myself. Part of this interview I published at his request in a Lon- don Daily {Daily Chronicle), The gist of the interview — a fuller description of it will be given in a later chapter — was his ar- dent desire, which was also the meaning of his two 22 Revelations of an International Spy visits to England, for a rapprochement between Austria-Hungary and Great Britain with a view of paving the way for a general Anglo-German understanding and his emphatic contradiction that Austria-Hungary had political designs on the Balkans. He, however, let it be understood that Austria-Hungary had great commercial interests there which he considered his duty to foster and develop. The publication of it caused a profound sen- sation in all the capitals of Europe. The Neue Freie Presse of Vienna and other leading papers textually reproduced my interview and expressed surprise at the views of the Archduke and confi- dently predicted a speedy denial which, needless to say, did not come. Indeed, the publication of this article was deliberately made for certain rea- sons. The Daily Telegraph, surmising these rea- sons, declined to publish it, but I had to publish it, and so I gave it to the Daily Chronicle. A few days after its publication I called upon Sir Edward Grey at the Foreign Office by appoint- ment, requested by me (I was an M.P. at the time) . I wanted to glean certain things from him, but I did not succeed, for I saw only one of the permanent officials. Sir Edward Grey — I must admit — is very clever, reticent, but shallow. I am afraid the '* German Menace,'* chimed into his ears by the Editorial Department of the Chess Activities in the European Capitals 23 Club, had taken full possession of his thoughts — too insular at all times. Later it became an ob- session. So easily was he caught in the meshes of the intrigues and plots. After a few days of consideration I decided to undertake the fascinating work ^ ^ D ' ' proposed to me and again met him at his club. He was visibly pleased. *^ Before everything else — don't be in a hurry. Take your time. If at any time you con- sider it necessary for us to meet, if you cannot come to London, I shall be pleased to meet you on the Continent. Never trust really important in- formation to the mails, communicate them always personally. Absolute secrecy is not only the first essential condition of success, but is also advisable in order to prevent a European scandal. I do not want to injure either His Majesty or Sir Edward, but I and those who think with me have made up our minds to counteract their schemes and so work for an Anglo-German understanding. Remember this is a work where quality tells. It is a drill of brains. Here is £500 for your expenses. You will be good enough to let me have once a month your statement of accounts. As to your remuner- ation — leave that to me ! ' ' I undertook my work eagerly; I threw my whole energy and enthusiasm into it. I lied, I deceived, I pretended, I betrayed, I mislead, just as King Edward, Sir Edward Grey, and their fellow con- 24 Revelations of an International Spy spirators lied, deceived, and betrayed. I, individ- uals; they, nations; I, to prevent war; they, to bring it about. I, to establish friendly relations between Great Britain and Germany; they, to drive a wedge between the two nations. I, to allay differences ; they, to artificially raise them. These are startling statements, but I shall prove them. During the years 1905-1908 instructions were given to all continental correspondents of the Lon- don Times hy Sir Valentine Chirol to suppress everything that might have a beneficial influence or effect on Anglo-German relations and magnify and holster up everything which will embitter it. Will the Times dare to deny it? It may be objected that the Times is a private publication, and the British Government cannot be made re- sponsible for its policy. True ; but this policy of the Times was inspired by King Edward via Lord Esher and other highly placed intermediaries. The British Government as such did not know anything about it, but Lord Lansdowne and Sir Edward Grey knew, Sir Charles Hardinge, Sir Francis Bertie, and others knew about it. Furthermore, who was responsible for the trans- fer of Sir Fairfax Cartwright from the Legation at Munich to the Embassy at Vienna, and what were the causes that inspired it 9 It was but an- other deliberate move by King Edward to forge an iron ring round Germany and then wantonly Activities in the European Capitals 25 attack her. Sir Edward Grey published a white paper to justify his conduct, and incidentally to put Germany in the wrong. Does he really be- lieve that the world is in a position to arrive at a sound and truthful judgment with only part of the evidence before itf Why not publish the secret reports which Sir Fairfax was wont of sending from Munich? Not sent to him, I admit, but to King Ed- ward, all of which was religiously kept from the knowledge of the Cabinet. He may be sur- prised that I know of them and wonder how I obtained knowle^e of them. But this is beside the question, ^"^ill he publish them? and if not, why not? Or v/hy not print the facts connected with the sending of secret military missions to France and Belgium in 1909, 1911 and 1912, and let the world weigh their deliberations'? Why were the reports of the British Military Attache at Brussels withheld? Who inspired Sir Francis Bertie 's war preparations in Paris and the clever scheming the Dutch-Belgian rapprochement of 1907 — hidden move which led to the appointment of a joint Dutch-Belgian commission to discuss and propose means to effect it? Why was the commission dissolved and straightway followed by the preparation of plans to fortify Flushing ? My information — as Sir Edward can see — is star- tlingiy complete. I do not expect that he will dare 26 Revelations of an International Spy to publish any of the above. But I will, and many other interesting facts, which will throw a lurid light on the genesis and purposes of this war, fought solely *'for the rights of small nations, for the sanctity of treaties, for the upholding of Bel- glumes neutrality and for European civilization. ' ' On the 25th of March, 1906, at 11 a. m., I found myself seated in the spacious and handsome draw- ing-room of the British Legation in Brussels. Facing me on the wall were hanging two exqui- sitely beautiful Persian rugs, a gift from the Shah of Persia to Sir Arthur Hardinge, formerly Brit- ish Minister at Teheran. Sir Arthur was now British Minister to Belgium, and I was waiting for his appearance. Within a few minutes of my being shown into the drawing-room. Sir Arthur Hardinge, K.C.B., Gr.C.M.G., His Britannic Maj- esty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- potentiary, appeared from a side door and greeted me very cordially. I handed him an official note from Sir Edward Grey, asking Sir Arthur to af- ford me *^all assistance and facilities'' for the carrying out of my work. **Yes, yes — I had a letter from Sir Edward, notifying me of your coming and of the official letter you carry with you," said Sir Arthur, after having read the letter I brought with me. ** Well, Activities in the European Capitals 27 Mr. Lincoln, if you tell me exactly what you want to do, I shall see what I can do for you. ' ' I told him of Mr. Rowntree 's philanthropic work, of his aim and purpose, remembering **D's" instruc- tion: **Make all ambassadors and other persons of influence you will meet interested in your work for Mr. Rowntree. That will provide you with an opportunity of seeing them again and again. Avoid before everything else asking direct ques- tions on international affairs from ambassadors. They would on no account give you the desired reply; besides, you might make them to suspect you. Interest them in your work. Every Secret Service agent must have a guise under which he works. Mr. Rowntree 's investigation provides you with the best possible guise.^ Keep it, there- fore, in the forefront in your conversation with them. Occasionally you should air your opinions on international politics, instead of asking them for theirs. Make statements which they will have to contradict. In other words be satisfied from them to learn the general outline and direction of Grey's policy for the time being. For this will enable you to pursue your work for details in more accessible quarters. '' Complying with these instructions of **D,'' I endeavored in my first three or four interviews iThe results of my Belgian Investigations were published by Mr. Rowntree in 1910 under the title: Land and Labor Les- sons from Belgium (Macmillan). 28 Revelations of an International Spy with Sir Arthur Hardinge to interest him in Mr. Rowntree's work, its magnitude, its large concep- tion, its economic importance. I pointed out to His Excellency that Mr. Eowntree's previous book, *' Poverty, a Study in Town Life,'' was in- strumental in imitating most of the Poor Law leg- islation passed in England during the past few years. I impressed on him that his aim now was : **To find out the causes of economic poverty and its economic remedies.'' And I must say that even after my first interview with Sir Arthur, I had the satisfaction of seeing him interested. Upon my suggestion, he promised to introduce me to the Belgian Foreign Office with a request to introduce me to other ministers and their perma- nent officials I might desire to know. He invited me to come and see him any time I wanted some- thing. Thus I became a frequent — very frequent — visitor to Sir Arthur and to the Hon. Percy Wyndham, First Secretary of the Legation. **D" in his parting instructions to me had said: ^'When chatting informally about international affairs with ambassadors, speak, as a matter of course, of certain things which they know are se- crets, for this will — together with the fact that you come to them direct from Sir Edward Grey — give you a certain standing with them. For instance, show them that you know that His Majesty (Ed- ward Vn) sent Sir Donald Mackenzie Wallace on Activities in the European Capitals 29 a confidential mission to the Algeciras Conference, and from there to St. Petersburg in order to bring Eussia into the Entente Cordiale. Show them that you know why Sir Fairfax Cartwright was ap- pointed British Minister to Bavaria. '^ *^D'' told me many other diplomatic secrets which were not known even to most of the Cabinet Ministers of those days, and they will indeed hear of it now for the first time. For it should be re- membered that the information which Sir Edward Grey magnanimously vouchsafed to Parliament or even to the full Cabinet was sometimes misleading, always fragmentary, and never the whole truth. This duplicity is known only to a very few and many of the things to be disclosed by me in the course of this narrative will come even to British Cabinet Ministers as a complete surprise. For instance, did they know at the time, or do they know to-day, that in the 4th week of January of 1906 there was a *^war counciP' held in Windsor Castle between King Edward VII, Sir Charles Hardinge, Permanent Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Sir Francis Bertie, British Ambassador to France, and Mons. Cambon, French Ambassador in London, and where a war on Germany was especially discussed — as I will show in its proper place. Did they know at the time or do they know it to-day that Grey made use of the Congo Agitation to force the abdication of 30 Revelations of an International Spy King Leopold II of Belgium, because Leopold would not be drawn into the orbit of the policy of the Entente Cordiale? But more of these matters anon. The Parliament and the whole Cabinet were merely puppets in the hands of Edward VII and Sir Edward Grey. This was easily accomplished. Grey in his memoranda, prepared expressly for the Cabinet Ministers and circulated amongst them a day or two prior to important Cabinet Councils, presented a *^ frame-up'' which was sup- ported by judicious quotations from the secret re- ports of ambassadors abroad. These ambassa- dors knew, of course, what was expected of them ; they were indeed partisans if not the originators of the policy in question, otherwise they would not have been where they were. The Cabinet was frightened, dragged, pushed into accepting and endorsing the policy desired. Sir Edward Grey himself was captured in like manner. Sir Fairfax Cartwright's secret reports from Munich sent to King Edward are a classical ex- ample of sheer stupidity. But all reports and despatches from Paris, Berlin, Vienna, St. Peters- burg, Munich, Brussels, Copenhagen, Constanti- nople, etc., were prepared, written, and edited according to one common plan and policy, for one definite aim, viz : the making of war on Germany. Activities in the European Capitals 31 Even Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister, was bam- boozled by the secret clique. I do not ask for these, my statements, blind belief. Knowing that my knowledge is exact and correct, I am quite pre- pared to relegate the probing of these matters to a Parliamentary Commission — suggested in the Preface. If Great Britain — I mean the people — is desirous of clearing herself of these and other of my charges yet to follow, the appointment of such a commission cannot be denied. Far be it from me to declare that Great Britain and Great Britain alone is responsible for this war. Indeed, I know — and know it better than most people — that such is not the case. Every one of the countries now involved in the war con- tributed to its coming — Belgium not excepted, or rather King Leopold and King Albert. But it was King Edward and Sir Edward Grey who — as- sisted by French Chauvinism and Kussian Pan- slavism — deliberately worked for this war, and either rejected Germany ^s overtures for an entente or made the negotiations concerned a farce — am- ple proof of this is to be found in Downing Street. It was Edward's secret clique who made this plan, the Cabinet, Parliament and the people were only used to register their wish, to approve the policy of the wire-pullers by the adoption of a meaning- less formula put before them. 32 Revelations of an International Spy In order to gain the secrets desired by **D/' I had to establish connection with these very wire- pullers or their executives. \y^he first mission entrusted to me consisted of obtaining exact data to the following questions : 1. Did England and France, under the influence of the Morocco crisis of last year (1905), contem- plate or conclude an alliance directed against Germany! If so, what was to be its scope and which were its provisions ? 2. What was the nature of the feelers and nego- tiations going on (early 1906) between France and England and Russia with a view of extending the Entente Cordiale? 3. What was discussed in the last week of Jan- uary in Windsor Castle between His Majesty, Sir Francis Bertie, Sir Charles Hardinge, and Mon- sieur Cambon? 4. What was behind the Congo agitation? I started my investigations in Brussels, for many reasons. The foreign ministers in Brus- sels — Belgium not being one of the Great Powers — have only the rank of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. France being one of the Great Powers, the heads of the foreign mis- sions there have the rank and title of ambassador. Now ambassadors are not easily accessible. This was one of the reasons. The second reason was that I had to resort to any device first to gain in Activities in the European Capitals 33 Brussels some experience and knowledge of secret diplomatic espionage before pursuing my mission into the more hidden channels of international in- trigues. I had letters of introduction to Sir Francis Ber- tie, British ambassador in Paris, too, but I decided first of all to take my soundings in Brussels. Ac- cordingly I requested Sir Arthur to introduce me to Baron Favereau, Belgian Foreign Minister, and to give me a general letter of introduction and to introduce me to Senator Wiener of the Belgian Senate as well as to the Times (London) cor- respondent in Brussels. **D" *^put me up'* to these two, telling me that Senator Wiener was the confidential friend and adviser of King Leopold II, as w^ell as in close touch with the British Gov- ernment, and Mr. Huybers, the London Times cor- respondent, might be very useful, for he knew cer- tain things that were going on behind the scenes. Sir Arthur gave the letters above referred to, which proved to me very useful ; he arranged with the Belgian Foreign Office for my presentation to Baron Favereau, and took me personally in the legation carriage to Senator Wiener and Mr. Huy- bers. I need not say that everywhere I was not only received very cordially, but with very great respect due to the fact that Sir Arthur let it be known everywhere — as he said in his letter as well — that I was sent to the British Legation in Brus- 34 Revelations of an International Spy sels by the Britannic Majesty ^s * * Minister for For- eign Affairs." (X)ne morning, a day or two after my introduc- tory visit to him, I received a message from Sir Arthur that I was expected at the Belgian Foreign Office the next morning. I was conducted — once there — to Monsieur Comte van den Steen de Jahay, Chief of the Cabinet of the Foreign Minis- ter. He conducted me to Baron Favereau, who received me very cordially. I only had a few minutes of conversation with the Baron, who asked me what he could do for me. I told him of my economic investigations in Belgium and asked him for his assistance. The reply that he would be glad to do all he could, but he failed to see (wise man!) how he could help me. Indeed so! I sug- gested that he should officially introduce me to some of the ministers in Brussels and I would then, myself, in consultation with the various de- partments in the different ministries, see how far they could help me. This he gladly promised. Count van den Steen promised to arrange all nec- essary steps and I left the ministry highly satis- fied. I did not expect or intend to establish ** con- versational acquaintance" with Baron Favereau. I wanted to see him to have the requisite degree of prestige with the permanent officials in the various departments and also to throw everybody off the Activities in the European Capitals 35 scent. Who could possibly suspect me of diplo- matic espionage? Sir Arthur Hardinge! Did not I come with special letters of introduction from Sir Edward Grey himself? Or Mr. Huy- bers? or Baron Favereau? or Senator Wiener? Was I not openly introduced to them by Sir Arthur? The permanent officials in Brussels? Was I not introduced to them by Baron Fa- vereau? The very openness of my methods se- cured for me opportunities never before attained by any one single diplomatic spy. Indeed, my method worked so excellently that it was only occasionally that in order to find out some vital secret I had to resort to the two time- honored means of secret service work : women and money. In the majority of cases I did all my work alone without even paying for the informa- tion. The usual secret service agent, who goes about his task with an air of mystery, trying sur- reptitiously to buy information, has certainly great difficulties, but I went about my task openly, di- rectly, and addressed myself to the very people who were either the makers' executive organs or at any rate the repositories of the secrets I sought. Diplomatic espionage is much more difficult than either naval or military espionage. It requires more shrewdness, resourcefulness, tact, and clever- ness. Very often protean methods have to be tried. A ^^ governess,'' by roundabout ways and 36 Revelations of an International Spy through very high introductions, becomes a mem- ber of a minister's household. For months or sometimes a year she will abstain from doing or saying anything which would attract notice. She is simply biding her time, until important secret documents are in the desk of her employer. Then she steals them and disappears.^ A ^^ butler*' is similarly introduced into the house of a statesman or diplomat. He overhears conversations and steals documents, letters, outgoing or incoming mail. A driver or chauffeur watches for the fa- vorable moment when he carries important docu- ments to his sovereign in residence near the capi- tal and arranges to be held up at some lonely spot on his way. But all secret matters, referring to secret nego- tiations, confidential instructions from the gov- ernment to their ambassadors abroad, or secret reports from these to their government, are in- variably and without exception sent by couriers. These couriers, or King's Messengers, as they are known in England, are especially selected from among the trusted nobility and their only business is to carry the despatch bags and to defend their trust *^with their last drop of blood." The couriers are often waylaid and robbed of their important documents by clever ruses. A 1 During October King Constantine's private desk was broken open in his palace at Athens. Activities in the European Capitals 37 young lady, naturally very pretty, accompanied by one or two very pretty children (ostensi- bly hers), travels by the same train as the Brit- ish King's Messenger to St. Petersburg. The children are the blind ! The children are sent into his compartment and he makes friends with them or they with him. The * ^mother'' after a while goes after them and apologizes to the gentleman, rebuking sternly *4ier children. *' The gentleman of course assures her, compliments her, etc.; the contact is established. To her surprise and joy she finds that he too is going to St. Petersburg, where her husband is a big manufacturer or some- thing else. She has just been to Brussels to visit relatives. (She joined the train at Brussels.) There are two gentlemen and a lady in another compartment of the same train. After dinner they chat agreeably (the children are already asleep) until the time of action has arrived, which in this case was Cologne. The guard takes his orders from one of the gentlemen in the other com- partment — which are to keep everybody away from this coach. The lady looks at her watch. *^We shall soon be in Cologne. '^ She yawns lan- guidly and drops by ** accident'' her vanity bag or handkerchief. Her chivalrous companion bends down to pick it up — that moment he is chloro- formed. The spies in the flank compartments 38 Revelations of an International Spy come in and they take away documents, children and all, leaving the train at Cologne. It will not seem possible to my readers that this same messenger could have been waylaid again. \/Yet he was, only a few months afterwards on his way to Copenhagen. He was traveling via Quenboro' — Flushing — Hamburg. At Rosen- daal in Holland a gentleman, seemingly a pros- perous manufacturer, got in. He went into the next compartment. It was soon evident that he could not talk Dutch, for when the conductor asked for his ticket it was found that it was not available for this train scheduled as a D. train. This was purposely done in order to get the British messen- ger to interpret for him. Our guard, of course, demanded the payment of the excess fare, but the spy did not understand him and went on jabbering in Swedish, then in French, which the conductor did not understand. The spy grew excited, re- monstrated, and shouted. Many passengers came out into the corridor alongside the compartments. The Messenger too. He spoke French to the spy. The latter was happy, grateful, and expressed his gratitude. When they arrived at the German frontier the same thing happened, he had to pay the ex- cess from Gennep to Hamburg. The messenger again interpreted. They got into a conversation afterwards and dined together in the dining-car. Activities in the European Capitals 39 When they arrived in Hamburg they decided to drive through the town to the Altonaer Haupt- bahnhof to take the sleeper to Copenhagen. Their sleeping compartments were adjoining. Be- fore retiring they smoked and chatted together. The spy offered him a final cigar. Both lighted and continued their conversation — the messen- ger's cigar soon putting him gently into a state of unconsciousness. When he awoke his despatches were gone. No complaint is ever made by one government to another in any such cases. It is one of the hazards of this dangerous occupation and the courier has a full realization of his peril- ous responsibilities when he accepts his commis- sion. The headquarters of the German couriers of the West is in Cologne. On a certain day of each week the secret despatches for Brussels, The Hague, Paris, London, Madrid, Lisbon, Tangier, and South American capitals are sent by couriers from Berlin to Cologne. Then they are distrib- uted to the respective couriers. One goes to Brussels and The Hague and returns with the despatch bags of the German Legation, then to Cologne, whence they are forwarded to Berlin. Another courier takes the bags to Paris, Madrid, Lisbon, and Tangier; another to Washington, another to London, each bringing back the Em- bassy's despatch bag. The Petersburg, Vienna, 40 Revelations of an International Spy Constantinople, Middle East (Persia for in- stance), and far eastern bags are sent from Berlin direct. The couriers for Egypt, Eome, South Africa, have their headquarters in Munich. DIPLOMATIC ESPIONAGE The most important, withal the least known, branch of secret service work is the Diplomatic Espionage. It must not be confused with military and naval espionage, which is mainly concerned with obtaining plans of fortifications, working drawings of ordnance, plans of mobilization and of battleships and secret code books, etc. This marvelous machine of military and naval secret service I shall discuss in a later chapter. When Kaiser William II meets the Tzar of all the Eussias, it is France, England, and Turkey who must penetrate the veil of the secret conclaves. When Edward VII meets Clemenceau, the French Prime Minister at Marienbard, the secret intelli- gence departments of Germany and Austria must watch for shadows on the political map of Europe. When England and France sign an entente cor- diale, the starting point for new negotiations be- tween these Powers and Eussia, the men from Wilhelmstrasse have already forecasted this eventuality. Such things hidden from the eyes of the plodding citizen in his complacent world are the momentous problems of the diplomatic spy. Activities in the European Capitals 41 In 1912 the world learned with surprise of the Balkan League, the object of which was not so much the defeat of Turkey as the destruction of the Austro-Hungary Empire. These negotiations started in 1910 and were to all intents and pur- poses completed in the early summer of 1911. The conspirators of this thought there were only six or seven persons who knew about it, but they were greatly mistaken. I knew of every phase and stage of it— it was my business to know — as you will see in a later chapter. What would the French or English governments have given for the information that the Kaiser was to visit Tangier in March, 1905, or that the German gunboat Pan- ther was going to visit Agadir in 1911? Clearly these two important events were not decided in a week or even a month. Yet when the Kaiser ap- peared at Tangier on the 31st of March, 1905, and delivered his menacing speech, not only public opinion of Europe, even Cabinets of the Great Powers were taken completely by surprise. So was Monsieur de Selves when a secretary of Ger- many's Embassy in Paris paid him a visit on the 5th of July, 1911, and casually notified him that his government had decided to send the gunboat Panther to Agadir. It shows that the Diplomatic Espionage of France, England, and Eussia are hopelessly inefifi- cient. In contrast with the inefficient English, 42 Revelations of an International Spy French or Eussians the German Government knows of every move, plan, scheme, secret treaty, and secret convention of any and all countries. Even the uninitiated will see the importance of this. But it is not only these matters of high di- plomacy the unraveling and discovery of which is the duty of diplomatic espionage; there are others equally important. The greatest possible demand is made on the intelligence, resourcefulness, daring, shrewdness, tact, cunning, of the diplomatic spy. He must be a man of the world, of good address, who can move and have his being among ambassadors, ministers, and meet them as their equal. He must, above all, have a thorough knowledge of foreign affairs, of political questions, whether they relate to the Macedonian question with all its intricacies, or the influence of French colonial expansion upon the European balance of power. I can pride myself on the fact that I have been employed in some of the most momentous diplo- matic moves and events between 1906-1911 with entire and unqualified success. Many diplomats and statesmen when reading their respective names in the narrative now to follow will remember me with amazement and not a little bewilderment. A word to the permanent officials in Paris, Brus- sels, Copenhagen, Belgrade, Bucharest, and the Activities in the European Capitals 43 other places in Europe : They need not fear that I may betray them, or disclose their names. I know the dangers and predicaments they would find themselves in. They can count upon my dis- cretion at any rate in the part of this narrative which deals with their names. And now after all the preliminary ** coaching,'' let us journey into the underground labyrinths of modem diplomacy. CHAPTER II HIDDEN DIPLOMATIC MOVES IN MANY PAKTS OP THE WOULD (Secret Service Work — March-June, 1906) THE Hotel de la Poste, in whicli I made my headquarters on my first mission to Brus- sels in March, 1906, is one of the old- fashioned, comfortable hotels one still finds in Europe. In this modest hostelry there is excel- lent service, superb cooking, and a *^cave admi- rable," which more than compensate for the questionable advantages of luxurious furniture, superabundance of mirrors and page boys — the stock in trade — of latter-day *^ palace hotels." One evening shortly after my arrival I was hon- ored at dinner by the presence of the Honorable Percy Wyndham, First Secretary of the British Legation, in whose conversation, under the stim- ulus of excellent Clos Veugeot, I hoped to dis- cover some fresh gossip of the chancelleries. I ventured to get his complexion of mind on the Morocco Conference. **You diplomats, Wyndham, are past-masters in the art of coining phrases — ^look at this Mo- 44 Hidden Diplomatic Moves 45 rocco Conference heralded by an ecstatic press and by a flood of after-dinner oratory as a permanent guarantee of peace. What has it brought? Nothing, my dear sir, but tension and crisis. I am sorely afraid it is the precursor of an Anglo-Eussian understanding, which in turn will be the inevitable step toward war — a great European war. What a policy is this for Glad- stone's party to father!'' *' That's all very well, my dear fellow, but don't forget it is a question of expediency for us. We have made up our differences with France and are on the way to do so with Kussia — you see, it is a kind of insurance policy against the German menace." ^*Look here, Wyndham, you are not addressing a public meeting in England or the House of Commons — leave your sophistries; they are out of place with me. By entering into a treaty with Germany's western neighbor," [France], *^ nego- tiating one with her eastern" [Kussia], **you create a German menace. In other words, you provoke her, you push her — it seems deliberately — into an antagonistic, aye, hostile attitude." * * That may be so, ' ' he said, lifting his glass and smiling across to me, *^but perhaps it fits into our policy. ' ' I did not push my advantage. It would have been unwise then to pursue the subject further. 46 Revelations of an International Spy Under the casual and informal guise of irrespon- sible table-talk I could safely approach the sub- ject in our frequent meetings. His unguarded admission was significant in light of my instruc- tions from **D/^ and the questions, which my readers will recall, had determined to answer: 1. Did England and France, under the influ- ence of the Morocco crisis of last year, contem- plate or conclude an alliance directed against Germany! If so, what was to be its scope and what were its provisions! 2. What was the nature of the feelers and ne- gotiations going on between France and England and Eussia, with a view of extending the Entente Cordiale! 3. What was discussed in the last week of Jan- uary in Windsor Castle between King Edward VII and the Ambassadors present there! 4. What was behind the Congo agitation! I received these instructions during the last days of March, 1906. I set to work. Prior to this I had had several cautious conversations with Sir Arthur Hardinge, British Minister in Brussels. I should point out here and now that each embassy and legation is always kept in- formed by the Government of the general direc- tion of their foreign policy, sudden changes, and flanking movements, though they may not be ac- Hidden Diplomatic Moves 47 quainted with all the details and secret negotia- tions. If, for instance, there is a meeting of minds in England and Russia on a pertinent topic, it is important that the British Minister in Brus- sels should know of it; for the Congo question, the employment of Belgians in the Persian cus- toms (the historic spot of Anglo-Russian rivalry), may all be used as a lever in any desired direc- tion. Again, the British Ambassador in Con- stantinople may by these timely words be warned not to oppose too vehemently or openly the habit- ual intrigues of his Russian colleague at the Sub- lime Porte. Even ministers in remote stations, such as Buenos-Aires or Mexico City, are kept in- formed of the various moves, but not as minutely as the European embassies or legations, who are important pawns on the diplomatic chessboard. Now, during my frequent conversations with Sir Arthur Hardinge (I could always find a pre- text of seeing him in connection with my economic investigation), I always criticized England's for- eign policy — and greatly deprecated the Entente Cordiale. This was by no means a pretended criticism — it was my honest conviction. I could never draw Sir Arthur into a general conversa- tion — I did not really try. I was quite satisfied if I could learn from him sufficient to enable me to pump Mr. Wyndham. After all, the despatches 48 Revelations of an International Spy from or to the Foreign Office in London were de- ciphered by Mr. Wyndham, so, of course, he knew all. I remember once during this time (in April) having called on Sir Arthur Hardinge at the le- gation in Kue de Spa on some matter connected with my economic investigation. The day before there was a rather ironical, almost cynical, edi- torial in the Times about Germany's inconsistent and noisy foreign policy, quite particularly as re- gards Morocco; how they had climbed down, etc. I called His Excellency's attention to its bril- liance and mordant satire. ''Cherchez Vltalie," His Excellency smilingly remarked. To me this was a tremendously significant re- mark, for it was evident, even to the most casual newspaper reader, that Italy was not acting loy- ally to her partners at the Algeciras conference. Knowing that the attitude of a government on any question of international importance is at all times determined by material considerations, I could perceive the impelling influence behind this ''cherchez Vltalie!'^ A few days afterwards Mr. Wyndham was my guest at luncheon. Over our coffee, liqueur, and cigars said I : **Did you read that ironical editorial in the Times a few days ago — on Germany, the bete noir of Printing House Square I" Hidden Diplomatic Moves 49 **Yes, it was very good, quite funny,'* he re- marked. *^This Algeciras conference,'' I said, *^will mean trouble in the future, I am afraid. The de- flection of Italy from her partners in the Triple Alliance will be interpreted by Germany, and rightly so as a further attempt to isolate her. And she will not submit to it. Do you really sup- pose that she does not know that Italy has been squared for her support and promise!" **You mean the 500,000 men?" I said ^'yes" — although I did not know what 500,000 men, or what they meant at all. But I posed as one who knew. **Now, Italy may consider the prize worth her promise and support, but any attempt to honor the promissory note will be prevented by Ger- many — who, conscious of her strength and posi- tion, will not submit to continual snubbing and of- fense." ^*My dear fellow, matters will not be driven to extremes until the ring around her is strong and completely forged," was his ominous reply. But I did not yet know who or what those 500,000 men were. *^I hope," I continued, ''that Grey makes no mistake, for, after all, he might think the ring forged and strong and it might turn out to be weak. Consider the disastrous, the irretrievable, 50 Revelations of an International Spy consequences. In a future war 500,000 men here or there will have no decisive issue. '* *^I do not agree with you. Five hundred thou- sand Italian soldiers thrown against the Germans in South Germany — ^via Austria — ^will threaten Germany *s lines and communications in Alsace — a very decisive theater of war in the future con- flict.'' I was getting on quite well. After this, it did not take me long to find out all about the 500,000 men. Here is the full story. During the diplo- matic skirmishings preceding the opening of the Algeciras conference, Italy's support was gained on the following understanding : Should war re- sult between France and Germany or should the tension between the two result in a European con- flagration, Italy would come to the aid of France with 500,000 men. In return she was promised Tripoli (at the first opportune time), besides con- cessions on the vexed question of Abyssinian rail- ways, so long opposed by England. The question of *^ economic concessions" in Asia Minor received ** favorable reception," with an assurance of ** sympathetic consideration" when the time came, but nothing more substantial. This is by no means the only Franco-British intrigue behind the scenes of Algeciras. Count Cassini, the Russian Plenipotentiary, and Sir Hidden Diplomatic Moves 51 Arthur Nicholson, the British Plenipotentiary and newly appointed British Ambassador at St. Pet- ersburg, continued to discuss the bases of a gen- eral understanding between the two countries. These negotiations were started soon after the Anglo-French treaty of 1904, but they were dis- continued during the Eusso-Japanese War. Mr. Huybers, the correspondent of the Times in Belgium and Holland between 1900-09, also gave me a most valuable and startling piece of information. I was introduced to Mr. Huybers by Sir Arthur Hardinge, who took me in the lega- tion's carriage to him — a fact which must have had its effect on Mr. Huybers. Indeed, Mr. Huy- bers used to converse freely with me and commu- nicate to me anything of importance. He did this without any arriere pensee; it was nothing but an exchange of views between two men who agreed on the subject. Mr. Huybers is a gentle- man of high moral standard and he thoroughly disagreed with English foreign policy and the pol- icy of his paper. Indeed, it was this disagree- ment that led him to sever his connection with the Times, In justice to Mr. Huybers I must say that he did not know who I really was, yet, on the other hand, he never bound me to secrecy — so I do not think I should withhold the information he 52 Revelations of an International Spy gave me. Deploring the anti- German direction of Britain's foreign policy, lie plaintively re- marked : *^The Times has fallen low from its once high tradition. Just imagine! Mr. (now Sir) Valen- tine Chirol, Director of Foreign Department of the Times (1899-1912), gave me instructions to suppress all news tending to improve Anglo-Ger- man relations and to bolster up everything that might embitter it.'' This same instruction was given to all European Times correspondents. I was staggered. Can any one imagine a more Machiavellian, aye, diabolical scheme to sow dis- trust, dissension, and hatred between two great nations? But his own comment on this informa- tion is even more startling. ^*I have reasons to say that Lord Esher is be- hind this inspiration." Lord Esher, it should be remarked, was King Edward VII 's unofficial but trusted and confidential adviser. I considered this information of such importance that I imme- diately sent it on to *^D" — not waiting for the completion of my report. It was this very same Times which gave great prominence to the pub- lication of an appeal for better relations between Britain and Germany issued on January 12, 1906, by a very influential committee of prominent Brit- ons and Germans. Concurrently with these little intimate dinner parties with Mr. Wyndham, or Hidden Diplomatic Moves 53 Mr. Huybers, and my rather frequent visits to Sir Arthur Hardinge at the British Legation, I also had several illuminating interviews with Monsieur Sam Wiener, Belgian Senator. The Senator always received me with utmost cordial- ity and discussed questions of international im- portance quite freely, due, no doubt, to the fact that I was introduced to him by Sir Arthur Har- dinge. It should be pointed out that the Senator was one of King Leopold II 's confidential advis- ers and from him I learned these hidden cracks in the lava: During the acute stages of the Morocco crisis of 1905, England and France inquired of the Bel- gian Government what would be their stand in case of an armed conflict between France and Ger- many and what political attitude they would as- sume. The reply, inspired by King Leopold II — an inveterate opponent of British policy through- out the world, as we shall see later — was as fol- lows: Belgium would mobilize her forces to de- fend her neutrality; as to her political attitude, that would be determined by the circumstances of the moment. This reply did not in the least satisfy England and France, and they suspected, with good reason, as M. Wiener added, that, should Germany in- vade Belgium, King Leopold would simply pro- test but would not oppose it by force of arms. 54 Revelations of an International Spy This was one of the reasons of the sacrifice of M. Delcasse by the French Government in 1905 and the acceptance by them of Germany's proposal of a European conference for the settling of the Morocco question. France, under such cir- cumstances, would have been crushed before she was fully mobilized. For my own satisfaction I wanted to have confirmation of this from Sir Ar- thur Hardinge. He, indeed, confirmed this and added. * * Indeed, Belgium is in an unfortunate position. If she is not amenable to France, she is bullied by her and threatened with tariff wars and the like. If she is, she is threatened by Germany, and vice versa.'' Senator Wiener assured me that the renewal and intensity of the Congo agitation in England was secretly inspired and fanned by the clique of conspirators in England who were working against friendly relations with Germany. Sir Edward Grey made repeated and determined ef- forts in vain, to force King Leopold to abdicate, for it was feared that in case of war he would simply protest against Germany's invading Bel- gium but would not offer armed resistance. In addition to the persons already mentioned I estab- lished excellent relations with several high per- manent officials in the Ministry of Foreign Af- fairs, and Ministry of Finances. The usefulness a l'Ambassa