G70 K PabUihM by th« Onion Repnblicaa CoMTM»ioBal Oomaittec, Waabiastoa, D. PEACE OR WAR. HE DEMOCRATIC POSITION ILLUSTRATED BY FRANK P. BLAIR, Jr. Speeches of Senators Morton of Indiana, Stewart and Nye of Nevada, )cliver€d in the United Slates Senate, Thursday/ and Friday, July Oih and 10th, 1868, on the bill ofered by Sexatob Edmunds, of Vermont, to regulate the counting of the hlec- (oral vote. ^f r. MORTON, said : Mr. President ; I do not rise so much to iscuss tke merits of these several proposi- ioiis as to say that I shall vote for that of- ered by the 8cnator from Vermont, [Mr. Cdmcnds,] believing that it is more specitic ,nd direct than the other two ; but perhaps ,ny one of them would answer the purpose. 1 desire, however, to say one word in re- gard to the importance of this measure. We lavc been noting the proceedings of a con- tention held in the city of New I'ork, which las but just adjourned. I have read the res- )lulions adopted by that convention, the plat- brm of principles it has laid down, and ipon which its candidates have been placed ; ind I wish to call the attention of the Sen- ite to the issue that is i>resented to the coun- ry by this platform and by the character of hese" candidates. General Grant, in his letter of acceptance, ;aid. " Let us have peace;" but the Demo- ::ratic party by their Convention in New York have said, " Let us have war ; there shall be no peace-" They have declared in substance, I might say perhaps, in direct terms, that the reconstruction of these States under the several acts of Congress shall not be permitted to stand, but shall be over- turned by military force if they get the power. Thoy have announced that there shall be no peacoin this country ; that there shall be no settlement of our troubles except upon the condition of the triumph of those who have been in rebellion. This platform and these nominations are a declaration of renewal of the rebellion. Let me call your attention to a ^lart of the eighth resolution in regard to this very question. In speaking of the re- construction of the States, they go on to say 4hat the power to regulate suffrage exists with ■"each State," making no difference between loyal States that have been at peace and States that have been in rebellion, putting them all upon the same footing : " And thiit anj attempt by CoBgresa on any pretext whatever — " That is, upon the "pretext" of the rebel- lion, if you please — "to dnprivo the State of this rij^ht, or interfi-ro with its exercise, ih ii flivRrniit UHUrpntion of power which can find no warrant in the Constitution ; und, if sanctioned by tho people, will Hubvert our form of GoTernment." Mr. HOWARD. Read the rest of it. Mr. MORTON. Yes, sir, I will read the balance of it: "Andean only Olid in a einglo centralized und con- solidated Uovornnient, in which the eeparato exist- ence of tho States will bo entirely absorbed, and aa miqualifiod despotism bo established in place of a Fed- eral Union of coequal States, and that wo regard the reconstruction acts (so-called) of Congress, aa such usurpations, and unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void." This convention has called upon the rebels of the South to regard these governments organized by authority of acts of Con;^res3 by'^thc people of those States as usurpations, unconstitutional , and void, and has thereby in- vited them again to insurrection and rebellion. That is what that resolution means, lliere is whore the Democratic party has placed itself and its candidate, that there shall be no acquiescence in the action of Congress, but that continued resistance is and shall be their policy. They have replied to General Grant by saying, "There shall be no peace, but the war "shall be renewed." There can be no other policy for that party unless it ac- quiesces; If it docs not accept these recon- struction acts there can be no policy but that of resistance and a renewal of the war. — They declare these reconstruction acts to be unconstitutional and void. Being void, no- body is bound to regard them ; they have no authority over any one to coerce or to pun- ish, and may be resisted by any one with impunity. That is not the language of this resolution, but it is the substance aijjl the n:ieaning of it ; and in consequence of this it received the indorsement and the appro- bation of the hundreds of rebels who were in that Convention from the South, men who organized the rebel government and organ- ized and led the rebel armies in battle. This, then, is the issue, a continuance of the war; a renewal of the rebellion; because it is ^either that, or it is submission and acquies- cence to what has been done. But, Mr. President, we are not left to grope for the meaning of this convention ; we are not left even to seek for it by infer- ence. We have a letter of General Francis P. Blair, written, I believe, less than one week ago, and this letter has been indorsed by that Convention this afternoon by his nomination as their candidate for the Vice Presidency. At least I am informed that he has been nominated. Mr. POMEROY. Let us have the letter read. I want to hear it. Mr. MORTON. It is as much a part of this platform as if it was incorporated in it, for the ink was hai-dly dry before it was in- dorsed by his nomination, I ask the Socre- Uiry to read the letter. The Chief Clerk read as follows: WAsnixoTON, June 30, ISGS. Dkah Colonel: Iu reply to your iuquiries I be}; Icavo lo gay that I leave to you to determine, on consultation with my IViends from Missouri, whether my name shall bo presented to the Democratic convention, and to biih- niit the following, as what 1 consider the real and only issue iu this contest : The reconstruction policy of tho Radicals will bo com- plete before tho next election ; the States so long ex- eluded will have been admitted; negro suffrage estab- lished and the carpetbaggers installed in their seats in both branches of Congress. There is no jJOssibility of changing tho political character of the Senate, even if the DemocratB should elect their President and a major- ity of the popular branch of Congress. Wo cannot, therefore, undo tho Radical plan of reconstruction by congressional action; the i^enatu will continue a bar lo its repeal. Must we submit to it ? llow can it bo over- thrown? It can ou'y bo overthrown by tho autliority of tho Executive who is sworn to maintain the Consti- tution, and who will fail to do his duty if he allows the Constitution to perish under a series of congressional enactments which aro iu palpable violation of its fund- amental principles. If the I'resident elected by the Democracy enforces or permits others to enforce the^e reconstruction acts, the Radicals by tho accession of twenty spurious Senators niul (illy "Representatives will control both branches of Congress, aud his administration will be as powerless as the present ono of Mr. Johnson. There is but ono way to restore tho Government and theCoustitutiou,and that is for the President-elect to declare the.-,o acts null and void, compel tho Army to undo its usurpations at tho South, disperse tho carpet- bag SUito govertiUieuts, allow tho white people to reor- ganize their own governments, and elect Senators and Rcpresent.itives. Tho House of Representatives will contain a majority of Democrats from tho North, and they wiil admit tho Representatives elected by the white people of the South, and with the co-operation of tlio President it will not bo difTicult to compel the Sen- ate to submit once more to tho obligations of the Cou- Btitatiou. It will not be able to withstand the public judgment, if distinctly invoked and cloorly expressed on this fundamental issue, und it is tho sure way' to avoid all future strife to put the issue plainly to the country. ' I repeat that this is the real and onlv question which wo should allow to control us; shall wo submit to the usmpations by which tho Government ha.s been over- thrown, or shall we exert ourselves for its lull and com- plete restoration? It is idle to talk of bonds, green- backs, gold, tho public faith, and the public credit. What can u Democratic President do in re;;ard to any of these with a Congress in both branches controlled by tho carpet-baggers and their allies ? He will be powerlesj to stop the supplies by which idle negroes are organized into political clubs— by which an army is maintiiined to protect these vagabonds in their out- rages upon the ballot. These, and things like these, eat uj) the revenues and resources of the Government and do.-.troy its credit — make the difference between gold and greeobacks. We must restore tho Constituiion be- fore we ran restore the finances, and to do this we must have u President who will e.xecuto tho will of the peo- ple by trampling into dust tho usurpations of Congress known as tho reconstruction acts. I wish tostand before the convention upon this issue, but it is one which em- braces everything else that is of value in its large and comprehensive results. It is theone thing that includes all tliat is worth a contest, and without it there is noth- ing that gives dignity, honor, or value to the struggle. Your friend, FRANK P. BLAZE. Colonel James 0. Broadheab. i\rr. MORTON. Mr. President, Uat is the Democratic platform. General Blair, whatever you may say of him, is a bold, out- spoken man, and he spoke tl4e sentiment of that Convention. He says, " U'])on these sentiments I want to stand before the Con- vention ;" and upon those sentiments he was nominated. Therefore, I say that the lan- gua";eof the Democratic Convention at New York to the wholecountry is war ; resistance by force of arms to Congressional legislation: the overthrow by force of arms of the govern- ments that have been erected in the rebel States under the laws enacted by Congress ; the continuance of this rebellion ; continu- ance of this struggle in a somewhat different form, but still the same struggle, contending for the same principles. It is now announced formally, not at Montgomery, not at Rich- mond, but at New Y^ork. The country need not be at any loss to understand the charac- ter of the contest upon which m'c are enter- ing. It is not one of peace and acquies- cence, of consolidation whereby the ravages of war may be repaired ; but it is a new de- claration of war; a new announcement of the rebellion under somewhat different cir- cumstances, but under circumstances formid- able, dangerous, and solumn. Let the coun- try look tho struggle in the face. General Blair has said truly that all that is said about greenbacks and bonds and ques- tions of finance is mere nonsense. The great issue is the question of overturning the new State governments by force, the restoration of the power of the rebels, or as they call it the white men's government in those States. and all the rest is leather and prunnella. We owe a debt of gratitude to General Blair for hi.s frankness. There need be no dcccp- Eix-cnanK® WoBt.Bee.Biirt.Boo. tion pnicticcd now, and there can bo none. It' Scyinour shall be elected upon that plat- form he stands pledged to use the army of the United SUtos tor the purpose of over- turning the governmontu that have been oh- tablishod in the South by the voice of the whole people, and by that army to place the power back again into the hands of the rebels. They were there with him in that Conven- tion. They have given to him their counsel. They have "indorsed Mr. Seymour, and the Convention and all havo indorsed General Francis P. Blair. 1 know that we shall be told in the North- west thai th.-y intend to have the same cur- rency far the Government and the people, for the bondholder and the laborer. They will proclaim ta::ation of the bonds, as the groat if:suo upon which they expect to gel votes ; but that will be a deception. The "real I.^sue underlying; the whole contest— and we have the solemn declaration of their candidate for Vice President to that elToct — will be the renewal of the war to overturn the State governments that have just been es- tablished under the acts of Congress. Gen- eral Blair has retieved the Republican party of a groat deal of labor. IIo has unmasked the enemy with whom we have to deal, and he has placed before the country the very issue, police or war. SPEECH OF SENATOR STEWART. Mr. President, I see the embarrassment under which the Democratic party is labor- ing; and the misfortune that nas befallen it to-day will no doubt embarrass it still more hereafter. 1 seethe embarrassment that this particular bill presents to the members of that party. Individuals of that party say they intend revolution, and Frank P. Blair sought to be nominated upon that issue- lie avows his ]>urpose of overturning seven States of this Union now entitled to repre- sentation upon this floor. He will do it by revolution. He says it cannot be done by legislation, because the Senate is in the way ; it must be done by force- I have been read- ing the platform, and I find that it dodges the question and declares that the reconstruction measures are unconstitutional and void. The Democratic party, it appears, are un- willing to .say, in express language, what they intend to do with a portion of the States in this Union, whether ihey intend again to put them out. The Domocraiic patty once broke up the government,^ of those Stales ; we have partially restored them. None of them have come square up to the point except Mr. Frank Blair. He has come up to it pretty squarely. I do not understand the Senator from Pennsylvania on that issue. I say this bill is undoubtedly embarrassing to them, because we tell thi.'m exactly what we intend to do: that we intend that every State rcstorud to representation in this Union, that shall have been reorganized, shall vote and participate in the Presidential election ; that no disorganized rebel State shall vote ; that all the States represented in Congress shall vote. That is the exact rule which we followed in 1864, and for which the Senator from Pennsylvania him- self voted. Wo intend to take that broad, honest ground in advance : and we do not fear the threats of individuals, or of the whole Democratic party, tiat they will again attempt to destroy this Government. We want to have it dielinctly understood that none but legitimate State governments shall be represented in Congress and the Electoral College, and that they shall be represented ; and then we want to see which side of that issue the Democratic party will take. I know that it is embarrassing to them to ad- mit that the work of reconstruction is legal- ly, justly, and honestly progreseing, notwith- standing all the obstructions that the Execu- tive, that an organized band of rebels in the South, that the organized Democracy, and all the elements that are bad in this country put together, have been aide to throw in the way. Notwithstanding all the obstructions of these elements that arc attempting to de- stroy our country, the work is progressing — the States are being restored. We shall not be scared because the gentlemen who have organized these governmenks in the South, and have come here backed up by a loyal constituency, are denounced as "carpet- baggers" by the rebel leaders in New York, who treated as honored guests Forrest and Wade Hampton. We had to fight once be- fore agains^t the same horde of men, many of the leaders of whom were in New York. We know that they arc powerful, but we whipped them once. Let them try again to pull aowu the (Tovernmenl that we build up. Let them laugh at the " carj)et-b.iggers" as much as thoy please- We have seen all the schemes they concocted vanish into thin air. We know Seymour. He is not ready to rev- olutionize. I hold in my hand a speech of his made in 18(53 which has enough sophis- try, if it had been accompanied by the cour- age of a Hampton or a Forrest, to have plunged the North into civil war- He dare not l.iy his hand upon a State tliat we reor- ganize. Frank Blair is a braver man and an hojiestor man, and he told plainly what they would like to do ; but I tell you, sir, the Democracy dare not come up and say that they will tear down a single Stat*? of this Union. Thoy dare not go before the people on that Issue. This is no new doctrlue It has been dis- cussed over and over in this Hall. Let the Democracy, if they dare, go before the coun- try saying that they will tear down and put out of the Union tho seven reorganized States. I should like to have them sound the tocsin of war and see if the American people are prepared for another revolution. What Frank Blair says means revolution. These men cannot be turned from these Halls except by violence ; these State organ- izations cannot be overthrown except by the shedding of blood. Mr. HOWARD. It cannot be done in that way either. Mr. STEWART. It cannot be done by modern Democracy in that way : and when they dare announce any such purpose they will have fewer followers than they had on a former occasion. I have before me their platform. They are going to pretend to the ignorant and the vicious that this means "we will wipe out of existence every State that has been redeemed," and when they meet a man who has a little money and does not want to go to war they will say " we are op- posed to \'iolence and willing to let things take their own course." I want to pass this bill beforehand. I d© not want to wait until after the election has taken place and then pass a law which they will call ex post facto. I want the people to know exactly what they are voting on, and who has a right to vote, before the election, so as to avoid any unpleasant conseq^uences. The people of the United States want no more revolution, no more war. The people of the South do not believe they can subju- gate us. They do not believe they can re- verse the verdict of the war. They cannot humiliate the Union soldiers who sustained the old flag. Now, what is there in this bill? It is sim- ply a declaration that the States represented in Congress that have been organized shall vote in the Electoral College, and none others. The Senator from Pennsylvania says that unless the disorganized vote the organized shall not ; that unless you let the three disorganized States that have not yet complied with our terms, that are not repre- sented in Congress, vote, the represented States shall not vote. What docs that mean ? The Democratic party will not let organized States, States represented in these Halls, vote. I will not discuss the power of Con- gress, but I say there is not power enough in the Democratic party, with the Executive at their head, to maintain the position that they can put one of these States out of the Union. How are you going to prevent one of these StJites from voting? How are you going to prevent her vote from being counted? In no other way than by puttin"- beroutofthe Union. If that is the new declaratron of war we arc to meet let us know the fact now. and let us fight the battle before the people on that issue. The necessity of this bill'has be- come apparent from this discussion. We want to know what are the purposes of this party, whether they mean revolution or whether they mean peace ; whether they mean war and rapine and plunder and over- throw of the Government, and the preven- tion of the represented States from voting, or whether they mean to submit to the law. I think the Democratic party have had enough of war. I think they have had enough of tearing down States. But perhaps the ovation which the rebel generals re- ceived in New York has inspired them with new hope, and they think the ''little un- pleasantness" did not amount to much after all. Perhaps they are prepared to join the Northern Democracy in another eQort to put States out of the Union, and to overthrow State organizations ; but I think they will hesitate a little. It is well enough for us to make the declar- ation contained in this bill, so that the peo- ple will know where we staind ; but it is not to be supposed that the Democratic party are going to declare anything affirmatively on such a question. After having destroyed their best men by the two-thirds rule, and having got men that we are accustomed to, that we know all about, we have no appre- hensions. We all know the connection of Seymour with. New York politics during the war. We know how he acted during the New York riots. We know how his appeals to his friends iu the city of New York af- fected the loyal masses oi the country. We know how we in the West felt at the obstruc- tion of Seymour to the progress of the war. We know what power he had then, and we believe that he evinced a disposition, if he had had the requisite courage to back his dis- position, to plunge the whole country in war. We have seen him go as far up to the verge of revolution as he dare go, but he has had a little experience since then. I hold in my hands now a speech of Hon. Horatio Seymour, delivered on the 4th or July, 18G3, a speech that I have read on sev- eral occasions. It is a speech full of fault- finding with the Government, putting ideas in the minds of the people to make them dissatisfied, complaining of your sectional strife and your sectional war, calculated in every way to breed discontent ; and this, too, when the country was in the most im- minent peril. At that critical time, instead of coming forward arxl vindicating the au- thority of the Government, we find Horatio Seymour filling the minds of the people with distrust and reverting to the mistakes of the Government. With a stem Governor at New York, such a Governor as Indiana had, there would have been no New York nots. With such a Governor iis Ohio had there- would have been no New "i'ork riots. The weight of Uiat great State, the moral influ- ence of its Governor was thrown against the cause of the Union in such a manner and at sucii a time as to prolong the war, I verily believe, more than one whole year. 1 hat Governor had all his predictions falsified, for he predicted failure all the time. After having seen our arms ride triumphant over ix thousand battle-fields; after having seen the rebellion put down; after having seen the loyal Congress engaged for four years in reconstruction and restoration, ho is now the candidate of those opposed to the gal- lant leader of the armies that saved the na- tion. That noble man is at the head of the great party who conducted the war. and who have been endeavoring, against the eftbrts of rebels, Democrats and the Executive, to restore this (iovernment. I say that after all this Seymour has not the nerve to do what this platform intimates that the Demo- cracy will do, namely, tear down the States ibat have been built up. SPEECH OF SENATOR J. W. NYE. Mr. President, I care but little whether the amendment offered by the Senator from New York is adopted or not. It amounts to about the same thing as the original proj)©- sition. But I am not willing to let go un- challenged the things that have come from the honorable Senator from Kentucky. — While he has been sneaking I have thought whether there should not be a change in the form of the Lord's Prayer in Kentucky: •' Give us this day our daily bread, if consist- ent with the Constitution; but be sure. O Lord, give us white bread made for white men." That form, I think, would be adap- ted to the creed which the honorable Sena- tor has just proposed. In the course of an existence as long as that of the honorable Senator from Ken- tucky, there is hardly a phase of political life that he has not seen. I was forcibly impressed with that in his allusion to IS'lO. Where, then, was the honorable Senator's heart? Mr. DA^^S. Exactly where it is now, for the Union, tho Constitution, and the enforce- ment of the law. Mr. NYE. I recollect very distinctly that very year hearing the distinguished Senator denounce the Democracy in more unmeas- ured terms than he is capable of denouncing the Kepublicau parly. Ihey had beaten his pet, Mr. Clay, and he never has forgiven then), lie came here at the commencement of this rebellion a strong Union man ; and he says now that he hugs to his very soul a platform that disunionists have made. I merely suggest these things to show that where next he may be found, the Lord only knows, in the new catechism which Ken- tucky may put forth. He has spoken of the barbarities of some negco chieftain, whose nami; I did not un- dcr<