A n -A^^ SPEECH HON. WILLIAM H. HAYWOOD, OP NORTH CAROLINA, THE OREGON QUESTION .\0 1 DELIVERED [N THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MARCH 4 & 5, 184G WASIKNGTON: printed at the office of blair aisd rives. 1846. /^7sr THE OREGON QUESTION. The Joint Resolution for giving the notice to termi- nate the convention beWeen the United States and Great Britain relative to the Oregon Terri- tory, being under consideration — Mr. HAYWOOD addressed the Senate as fol- lows: Mr. Pkesident: The subject before the Senate is an important one. Viewed in connexion with the topics that have been brought into the discussion of it, it is one of momentous interest; and I confess that its magnitude ojipresses me. My want of ex- perience in political aifairs naturally made me reluc- tant to enter into it as a speaker, when I must necessarily feel, in addition to the high responsibili- ties of the occasion itself, the embarrassment of addressing those who are my seniors in age and in political knowledge. Besides, I have thought that a silent vote, could it have been obtained, would be much more imposing. But the occur- rences of the last few week.s have left me no choice. Silence would now be a compromise with my con- science and my duty to the country, and I must speak. It will take me some time, but I throw myself upon the patience of the Senate, with a pledge that my heart shall be opened sincei-ely, at this the council board of our common country; I have no actions of the past to explain, and no aspirations for the future to restrain me; and if God gives me strength and utterance for the work, I will do my whole duty according to my poor ability^ The President of the United States, who is au- thorized by the Constitution to make, but not to unmake treaties, has a negotiation on foot which was commenced or opened before his term of office began. The object of it has been to fix a line of division by compromise between the United States and Great Britam, and thereby to adjust the con- flicting claims of the two Governments to the ter- ritory lying west of the Stony mountains, common- ly called OREGON. I assume for the present — hereafter I will demonstrate — that in the view of our President, as well as the British Minister, the ne- gotiation is still a pending one. The assumption IS warranted by every incident of the subject in this country and in Great Britiiin, except the absurd conclusions and unauthorized constructions given by some of my own party friends to the Message of the President. And it is confirmed beyond all fixir doubt by the silence of the President upon that point, when, if the negotiation had terminated, Ex- ecutive silence would be unpardonable — the more especially as his jurisdiction over the subject will cease the moment negotiation ends. The negoti- ation once closed, concluded, put an end to, by the Executive, and all the remaining questions about OREGON will become forthwith subjects of legis- lation by Congress exclusively. But to proceed. At the meeting of Congress in December, the negotiators of the two Governments had been unable to agree upon a compromise of their conflicting claims, and the President, believing that, under the existing convention of 1827, the United States cannot " rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the ter- ritory" without giving a year's notice, declared to Congress that, in his judgment, it would be proper to give the notice; and thereupon by his Message he recommended that provision be made by law for giving it accordingly, and terminating " in this man- ner'' the convention of the 6th August, 1827. This then is the question: What shall we do? The Message of the President was accompanied by a copy of all the correspondence which had taken place in the negotiation; and we have subsequent- ly been furnished, by our request, with such fur- ther correspondence as had taken place in it up to February, 1846. In the meanwhile, various propo- sitions ia the Senate, emanating from individual Senators, but not from the Executive, have been of- fered and proposed; and it is true, as some honor- able Senator said the other day, that we have exhib- ited the singular spectacle in this Capitol of a dis- cussion by Congress with open doors of nearly all the foreign affairs of the nation, and more especial- ly of our affairs with Great Britain upon this very subject of the Oregon territory, although, at the same time, negotiations have been going on at the Executive department with the British Minister; and it was rather intimated than charged, that the President was to blame for it. Now, in the spirit of kindness which characterized this complaint, suffer me, a friend of the Administration, to an- swer why I do not concur in it, and how I suppose the sendmg of this correspondence here may be vindicated. The President, believing that the convention of 1827 had better 1)0 abrogated, \vc know that he could do that in either one of two ways, but in no otlier. Either he must get an agreement wiili Great BriUiin to abrogate it by mutual consent, and tlien Congress n(;ed not be apphed to at all: or he nmst get the mandate of a iaui, authorizing him to give a year's notice. The first mode was not attempted. The other manner of doing it is by a laio of this Government; and the President recommended to Congress— Congress alone being competent to would in such a case talk less, but deliberate and then act. Perhaps he thought that, upon a question of this kind, the necessity he was put under to dis- close what was done by the Executive before he had terminated negotiations would hardly be made a pretext for snatching negotiations out of his hands, which he did not recommend, instead of enactmg a law to arm him with a notice that he did recom- mend. How for he was mistaken, if he did so feel and so think, need not be said to this Senate. The events .>f the last few weeks speak for them- enact it-that provision be made for giving the | selves. Believing that, so far as the President has notice accordingly, and for tenninating, " in tliis , been concerned, the British Government 'las go manner^ the convention of 1827. Can it be said | no advantage of us, I confers I did feel mortified that the President erred in choosing " this manner" j in reading the news by th^lTjst steamer at the ne- of terminating the convention, it being the only i cessity of conceding to the debates of the Jintish mode by which that object could be legitimately : Parliament a decided superiority over those ot our- accomplislicd without closing his negotiations for selves in their dignity and moderation; audit would a compromise? The complaint against the Mes- be quite a satisfaction to me to get news by the sa-e implies he had no intention to do that. It next packet of an outrageous debate in the briiish bemg indispensable to apply to Congress for a Parliament; at lea.st sufficient to put us even with law to give the notice, was it not both proper and ; them on that r^^ore. 1 cannot help wishing it may necessary to communicate to Congress everything be so. that had taken place in the negotiation, as far as , [Some Senator: " 'Tis likely you II be grat- it had progressed when the President made his j ified."] , , ^ , . . ,, „,|,^, ,u.,, recommendation' But surely the fault is not altogether that The case is a peculiar one; but that peculiarity 1 of the President. Had he known ever so well did not arise out of anything that this Adminis- ; that his recommendation to legislate, il Longress tration has done, but altogether from the con- 1 saw fit, so as to help his progress in negoludion, venlion it is desired to abrogate, and the limited ' would be misconstrued into an invitation tor all constitutional power of the American Execu- tive. Look to the Message itself, and you see notliing in it either more or less than what the President was, in a great degree, obliged to dis- close to the legislative department under the pecu- liar circumstances of the subject. That Congress sorts of interference by Congress v.-ith the more appropriate duties of the Executive, he would hardly have been justified by it to omit all or any one thing w^hich he has done. He has, as I un- derstand his Message, but done his duty, and no more, and he dared not do less. I hope Sena- mi-ht determine this question of notice, they must : tors will see in all this an excuse, for the Presi- know the state and condition of the negotiation, i dent, if they do not find in it a justification, for Thev would know that best by sending up all the ; his Messao:e to Congress cnmmumcattng the corre- correspondence; and in order that they might sec , spondencc n-lth the Britkh .Minister. That the Presi- and iud^'e for themselves, the President communi- i dent sent this Message to Congress might be excu- rated to^'Con-ress the ichole correspondence which sed indeed for other reasons, without a heavy ax had talcen place. He has done no more, and he is upon our charity. He was bound to presume ha responsible for nothing more. . Congress arc wise and prudent legislators; that Had he any ri-ht to suppose that this would be t they would say nothing to embarrass negotiations made the foundation for violent invective and irre- ] unless Congress really wished to defeat ncsotiatwn; gular discussions, and for all the propositions that , and even in that ca.se, he may have thought that, have followed it.' If he had apprehended any , as by the Corstitution treaty-making belonged to .-^uch consequences, would that have authorize'd the President under the advice of the Senate, his liim to withhold the recommendation of a mea- , own "fl-iends," without any recommendation from sure of Ic'-islalion which he deemed to be essential ! him, would long ago have proposed and votea to the interest of the nation, and which he may have supposed to be important to the peace of the country ? Upon making such a recommenda- tion, how could he conceal the intbrmation that was necessary to aid Congress in considering it? Had he any means .if foii-soeiiig that this simple act of necessary duty on the part of the Execu- tive would be perverted into an occasion for de- bating, not the question of notice or r ^'•''- ' directly " that the President shall be advisep by the Se.vate that he is mistaken in sujiposing the nation committed itself to any compromise, and that the negotiation upon that basis ought to be concluded, "if that indeed be the decision of the peo- ple." That would be DOING something. I do not affirm that tlie President thought all this, or any of il. Yet another thing has struck my >wn mind with some force, and possibly it might which proiipflv belonss to the Legislative depart- | nut have Iieen without its influence upon the Presi- mciit but also" our ne-oliations with Great Britain, i dent. When he came into office, he declared his when her Mi.iisier is in the city and even in the | belief that our title to Oregon was "clear and un- lobby of the Capitol, and our foreign relations and our grievances, real or sunposed, with all the king- doms of the earth, which legitimately belong to the Executive depart ineiit ? Perhaps, he felt a strong reliance upon the prudence, moderation, and wis dom of Congress— the assembled Representatives questionable." In prosecuting the negotiation, found it to be his duty to offi-r a line of compro- mise at 49, and to give up James K. Polk's opin- ion to the President's obligation to preserve na- tional honor. From some cause or other the public mind had been pre-occupied with the belief that of the people' and the Slates— and hoped that they this oflcr had not been made by him But as it hail been made, the President mi^lit have felt, and probably he did feel, a solicitude at the meet- ing qf Congress to tell the whole — to let out the secret — and" to prevent, if he could, clamors or cal- umny upon the subject. Had the President dread- ed the same clamors, and sought to avoid, by such a disclosure, denunciations like those which have been unceasingly poured out upon the heads of the great men who negotiated and voted for the Wash- ington treaty, I am sure the Senate would not blame him much for it — not vcnj much. That Washington treaty seems to have become a favor- ite hobby. Perhaps it is to be kept agoing until it can fjet company. It may be that the President did not wish to furnish the companion for it by keep- ing his " friends" unapprized of the important fact that he had offered a compromise. I should not wonder at it, if he did not. As it is, that thunder will all be spoiled, as far as concealment goes. I have seldom heard a discussion, Mr. Presi- dent, about our territorial rights in any quarter, that Benton's speech against Webster's treaty M-as not re-produced. A new edition of an old speech, abridged to be sure, but not improved. Our politicians seem determined to convince the vvorld abroad, and the people at home, whether or not, that our nation is always overreached, cheated, and disgraced. But why do this, if at all, long after a treaty has been solemnly ratified by a vote of 39 to 9 ! in the American Senate? Let not Senators give their aid to it, I say, as we love one another or the country. I utter no complaints against the speech itself of my honorable friend from Missouri, [Mr. Benton.] Like everything else that comes from him here, it was eloquent. It was in season and at the right time when he made it. The occasion which called it forth has now passed, and along with it the strong excite- ments under which the speech was made. The constitutional authorities of the Government over- ruled his objections, and it is no disparagement to the fame of the speech or of that Senator to be- lieve that his noble and generous heart would be a!)le to see now (and his manly character would let him own it) that there was quite enough of invective and suspicion in the speech when it was made. I know not how he feels under its repetition, with or without notes, but I have admired the patience of Senators implicated by denunciations about the Washington treaty, and wondered how they could silently endure it. Certainly, when such things are introduced here, they are in exceeding bad taste, and very like what a venerated friend of mine used to call the dullest thing in the world to listen at — " old psalmn sung over (lend horses." Out of the Senate, it is the game by which great men of this nation are to be killed off, and more room left for exalting little men to big offices. But, Mr. President, let all this be as it may, and let it be right or wrong in the. President to liave sent his Message, and the infonnation in it, to the Congress of the United States: he has done it — the act is past recall. The subject is be- fore the Senate, and with all its embarrassments, it has become necessary for the Senate to act upon it, and, in my judgment, the sooner we do that, the better for the country. In order to act aright we must look to the Presi- dent's Messages, and see for ourselves what po- sition he occupies. I agree entirely with some other Senators that we cannot take our position upon this question of the notice until we see the position of the President. See it, I mean, with a reasonable certainty; as positive certainty cannot be arrived at, and cannot be expected. If he means to negotiate for a compromise, or if there be a pend- ing negotiation, it would be unwise, unprecedent- ed, and indelicate, for the President, either him- self directly, or indirectly through another person, to declare beforehand any determination of his own mind upon questions to arise in the further progress of such a negotiation. I shall, in justice to him, have occasion to point out to the Senate hereafter how I think this silence — this necessary silence — proves'almost of itself that his " thoughts are turned on peace." But what is the position of the President in this negotiation ? About it there would be less doubt if there had been less effort to assign the President an extreme position, and a false position. What say the " records?" Where does he stand? We must see before we fling him the notice to terminate the convention of 1827. First, we all know that the President — whose assent is indispensable — will not agree to an arbitra- tion. I do not stop to defend or to accuse him for this; it belongs to some other occasion. If, in the Providence of God, this Oregon controversy should terminate in a conflict, the responsibility of having rejected arbitration will be a fearful one, and he will have to meet it. But the responsibility has been taken by him. The Senate, therefore, must now proceed upon it as a fact, a " fixed fact," that arbitration is out of the question. We cannot help it if we would, and I owe it to candor to say, that I would not if I could. Well, then, we have seen in his Message that Great Britain made an offer of compromise, which was rejected by the American Government, in August, 1844, and the President has informed Congress plainly and distinctly that this British proposition to us cannot be entertained by him, but that it is " wholly inadmissible." So far there is no difficulty. Everything is plain and directly to the point, as it ought to be. Next, we are informed by the Message that the President himself made an offer to Great Britain by which the territory of Oregon between the paral- lels of 42° and .54° 40' was proposed to be divided by a compromise on the line of 49°, and that the British Minister rejected it without submitting any other proposition, &c. This offer of our Presi- dent was made on 12th of July, 1845 — refused on the 2Dlh of the same month. But on .30th August , 1845, the President withdrew his rejected proposi- tion, and reasserted, by his letter to the British Minister, our claim and title to the whole of Or- egon — irhich letter has not been anstrered ! The President does not say that the negotiation has 6ecn abandoned, nor that it will be concluded by him without waiting to receive another offer. No such thing. He does not inform Congress that he will or will not renew, or that he will or will not entertain, his own offer, which he adopted as that of the nation, for a compromise. I repeat, that it was, under the circumstances, impossible for him to do that, provided he considered compromise still ADMISSIBLE. But he does say that he has receded, notwithstanding his opinion as to title, to 6 llu; line of 49° 05 a compromise, and his reasons for it arc given — reasons quite as conclusive in favor of accepting the ofler now as they were for mating it last year! And as I understand the Presicfent's position, he stands this day upon lliat line of 490 as a compromise, if COMPROMISE is to be had. Once for all, let me explain, that when I liave spoken or shall hereafter speak of the "compromise line 0/49"^," 1 do by no means intend to be understood litcralltj. But I mean that line in substance — not " every inch" — I mean the same compromise siibstantially which this Government has frequently oH'cred without regard to slight variations; which may be left for settlement by "equivalents." I do not measure my own or other people's patriotism by the " inch." I shall not recognise tliat measurement in deciding upon the merits of the Administration or tlie wisdom of a treaty — not at all, at idl. Mr. President, / disnvoxo anij a'.Uhorihj to speak FOR the President. I have already said that he could not speak for himself, nor authorize another to speak /or him, so long as negotiation was pend- ing, or not concluded. Oh! I wish it were so that he could speak out. But I must be allowed to speak for myself since the Administration has been so perscveringly ]uit where I ought not to stand by it; and I will dare to speak to the Presi- dent, and o/ihe President and his Messages, from my station upon this floor, as I judge him and them. And I say, in answer to certain Senators of my party, that the President did right, exactly right, in continuing this negotiation for a compro- mise which he found on foot, and in renewing the offer q/'49°fls a line of compromise. And in reply to them further, I say that he ought not, and my con- victions are as strong as death itself that he can- not, will not, disgrace himself and his Administra- tion by refusing /lis oicn offer, should it be returned upon him — refusing, I mean, to entertain it; repuls- ing it, and rashly putting a final termination to his negotiation for a peaceful compromise; and madly forcing liis country into a war, without even con- sulting liis constitutional advisers, the Senate; who are this day assembled. Yet that is said of him day after day in this Senate. A war for what ? Why, Mr. President, a war between two great Christian nations upon the meaning of the word scltlemcnls in the Nootka convention! A war, perhaps, of twenty years, to determine which of these Christian Governments shall enjoy the privi- lege of cheating the poor Indians out of the largest portion of Oregon. No, sir; no, sir. The Presi- dent will not do that. As he loves his country, and values his own fiime, he dare not think of it. But I have said the President did right in oficring a compromise of this controversy. Other friends of this Administration have said he did wrong, par- ticularly the Senators from Ohio, [iMr. Allen,] Indiana, [Mr. Hannjega-v,] and Illinois, [Mr. Breese.] Friends and enemies, (if he has an ene- my here,) will you hear another frif nd in his de- fence.' It is a serious charge, if it bf: true. What arc the facts? Let l.im be tried by these, and there can be no doubt of the decision. Hear them. He found it in ouro«n history a fact, an undenia- ble fact, that, so long ago as forty years, in negotia- tions between thi.i (jJ(jvcrnment and Great Britain, the United States had maintained and asserted that the true line of our national rifrhts, west of tlie Stony mountains, was at the 49th parallel on the north, in virtue of the treaty of Utrecht, and of our treaty with France in 1P03. He found that it was urged by our Government upon the oppo- site parly as a fact, too, tliat commissioners had j been appointed to designate the line west of th' ' Stony mountains, constituting the south bound- ary of Great Britain and the north boundary of France, who sold us Louisiana; and that that line had been settled at 49°; and this fact Avas assumed as the basis of very important negotiations at that time in progress between us and Great Britain. Hf knew that this was in the days of Jcflerson ami his compatriots. •Aofcof/i/, / believe, ever susjjecled Jefferson of being ''British!" He found that, in subsequent efforts to adjust this long-pending controversy, to wit, in 1817J the American Government had proposed this same compromise line at 49°, (suostantially, I mean, not in all its details.) And although our Minis- ters were instructed to insist upon it, they were unable to get the consent of Great Britain; and that negotiation finally tenninated in a convention for what we call a joint occupancy of the whole territory, entered into, I believe, by our request, and cert;\inly done with our oon^ent, which con- vention was to continue for ten years, and no longer. That convention was sent to the Senate, icith all the corresnondence, and it was ratified and approved by a vote of ayes, 38; noes, none — all ''British!" He found that this convention was not satisfac- tory; but the Government of the United States grew anxious to settle and adjust the line of di- vision between us and the European Governments claiming territorial rights west of the Stony moun- tains. Russia and Great Britain both asserted rights there. Russia furnished pretty strong signs of the Emperor's intention to maintain hers against all the world. The American Government, (after a long delay, growing out of our policy towards Spain, whom we did not wish to oflcnd by setting up our claims prematurely,) finally acceded to a pro]iosal of opening negotiations with Russia and Great Britain about 1824, for a line of com]iro- mise. Our Ministers were instructed to get this line adjusted upon a compromise with both nation- at the 49th parallel, and we hoped at one time to unite Great Britain with us against Russia. But Groat Britain, although a " joint occupant" with us, managed her dijdomacy Ijcttcr than that, and after the United States had agreed with Russia tdgnient, be proper to ' give; and I recommend that provision be made ' by law forgiving it accordingly, and terminating ' in this manner the convention of the 6lh August, ' 1827." " All attempts" are very general words. I admit that; and I am not complaining against Senators for their first impressions; but surely it is not illogical nor unreasonable for me to insist that, with the light of his past conduct now before us — his acts of omission and commission, — with the words "consider" and " may" in the same sen- tence — not "enact" and " is," or the like, — with the already ascertained fact that negotiation was and is still pending, — with the knowledge that .TAMES K. POLK is not an imperious MILITARY CHIEF- TAIN, but a CHRISTIAN STATESMAN, to whom politically there is no expectation of a fu- ture at the close of his Presidential term, — with the very strong fact that, unless the President desired to have this legislative action as a merely moral in- strument to aid him in his executive duties, and to pursue the negotiation to a conclusion, (if such should be the will of Congress,) he could have no use for it that is honorable to him or to his Ad- ministration, — with all these things as a key to their true meaning, it will not be said (at least, not by his "friends") that "all e,fforls to effect a comproinise" meant anything more than " all the efforts made anterior to the date of the Message^'' — " all the efforts made up to that period.'''' So inter- preted, how harmless the sentence was! How unjust, how false the deductions made from it! "But the Message said: "Jit the end of the year's ' notice, we shall have reached a period when ' the national rights in Oregon must either be ' abandoned or firmly maintained. That they can- ' not be abandoned without a sacrifice of both na- ' tional honor and interest is too clear to admit of ' doubt," (page 13.) A great deal has been attempt- ed to be made of this by the " true friends of Ore- gon." Now observe, that " at the end of the year's notice," not before it, in the view of that part of the Message, will that period be reached. But it is as clear as a sunbeam that the period cannot be delayed " a year" unless negotiation is to be pur- sued. If the President's mind had been made up to compromise nothing and to negotiate no longer, it was little less than a deception and a mockery to tell Congress that the period for abandoning or as- serting our rights will be reached a year after notice to Great Britain ! In such a case, the period had come already. It is now here! — NOW! — TO- DAY ! — and he would have told us to prepare for asserting " our clear and unquestionable title to all of Oregon." This ought to have been his language, if such had been his meaning. But if, indeed, ne- gotiation was to be " pursued to a conclusion in a spirit of compromise," the period for asserting or abandoning our " national rights" must be delay- ed, and cannot be reached until the negotiation is concluded; and if the notice is passed, it may con- tinue a year, but no longer. If, therefore, Mr. President, I am not most griev- ously mistaken in the man and the officer — if I have not been altogether deceived liy his past conduct and by these "records," the President has not shut the door to a peaceable and honorable adjustment of the OREGON controversy by a COMPRO- MISE ; but, with noble reliance upon his own good purposes and a just regaifd for Congress as the con- stitutional interpreters and representatives of the public will, he has only paused to see whether the Representatives of the States and tlie People will stand by him or not. Standing in the halls of negotiation, with the door of conciliation as open as "before, he but turns to receive from Congress this law to aid his progress. He invites their sanc- tion as a legislative body to a law for notice to ter- minate the existing convention of 1827. But he stands there with dignity, moderation, and discre- tion, ready to hear his constitutional advisers, should they bid him to forbear, and if that indeed be the will of the People constitutionally expressed. That is his exact position as defined by his past conduct, and in no way contradicted by the re- cords fairly interpreted. You see what the Presi- dent's position is, if I understand it, and I believe that I do. I have no fear— no doubt— no distrust of it or of him. WHAT WILL NOW BE YOURS? What shall we do? If you think the President has done wrong, a.s somc'of "the true friends of Oregon" do, and that he has "committed" himself to surrender too much for honor, compromise, and peace,— then close the halls of the Senate, and let those Senators meet the responsibility of advising him to put an end to ne- gotiation; and until you have told him that, and he has obeyed it, do not give him this law to au- thorize the notice; and then you will be doing — VOTING— something towards "All of Oregon or none." That course would be manly; and less than that will not be just to yourselves, nor to the President, nor to the country. He will then see and understand your position truly, and he will know how to use your notice. He will know how to advise you for a preparation for conse- quences. He win understand that you have given it to him as a sword, and not as an olive branch. If you think he has proposed too little — and I fear there may be some here who do, although no one has yet declared so— that more concession ought to be made to the demands of Great Britain than the offered compromise line at 4'J°; that be- cause the President has not, and probably may not, make that concession, it were belter to remit both countries to their ancient condition of a per- petual feud and a joint occupancy under the exist- ing convention of 1827; and that this can be safely done in full view of coming events, then it is cer- tain—I admit it without hesitation— that the notice oudit to be REFUSED by you. But if this Senate have made up their minds that the line of compromise at 49° is substantially all that we ought to yield, or can yield— and if they are willing to strengthen the arm of the Executive in his efforts to settle this dispute THERE, and by a COMPROMISE, to preserve the honor and peace of our country, satisfied as we must be that now or never is the time to prevent demagogues of our land from converting this difference mto a dispute —this negotiation into a war— they will then give him what he asks for— give it to him promptly, confidingly, by passing some sort of law for a notice, wliile "he stands in his present position, that he may terminate the convention of 1827. Mr. President, I hope I have not decided with- 14 out a just consideration of my responsibility, both liere and hereafter, upon the position I siiall take. But after much reflection, long and anxious thought, a conscientious effort to determine the point with justice to other nations, but with un- faltering faithfulness to the honorable obligations and lasting interests of my own country, I have come to the conclusion, as a Senator of the United Stiites, that we cannot, ought not, must not com- promise this controversy in any manner very nia- teriiilly different from that to which the President, as I understand his position and these records, sUinds himself committed, and RIGHTLY COM- MITTED;— and I shall therefore vote to give him the notice, and with it all the moral weight of an American Sevate's settled opiviok, that if Great Britain will not, or if she cannot, consent to do us justice, by yielding her pretensions of dominion over the territory below that line of 49° as a compromise, then WE WILL HAVE TO FIGHT. I repeat it, WE MUST THEN FIGHT FOR IT. If my mind had not settled down into a determination to concede no more than a compromise at 49°, with the qualifications al- ready sU-itcd, I would vote against the notice; for without that determination of the Senate the no- tice would have no moral weight whatever, and be worthless, worse than worthless, in the negotiation. It would be a temporizing pretence — a species of legislative di|ilomacy, an emjjty bravado, of which v/e have had quite enough already, unsuited to the dignity of this body or the gravity of the subject, and rather embarrassing than helpful to the Ad- ministration in pursuing the negotiation. In a word, we ought to refuse the notice unless there is a solemn determination to make the compromise line of 49'^ our FIGHTING LINE— i/ it must be so. But, Mr. President, there are some other topics that have been introduced into this discussion, which I feel obliged to notice. We have been told that the PEOPLE have decided this question, and all Democrats are ctdled to obey the voice of the people at the peril of consequences. I am a Democrat, and upon party questions a party man. Of this, I make no concealment; and at home I have never been suspected, I think, but once, and that did not last long. But I am not a slave to dictation, nor a tame follower of any man's lead, especially upon questions likely to in- volve my party in danger, or my country m ruin. I am Democrat enough not to shrink from speak- ing the Irutli boldly to the people, as they shall liear who hear me at all. I had rather serve them than please them, though I have found in my own experience that honest service is the best avenue to their confidence. I do not know nor believe that the people are opposed to an honorable compromise of this controversy. That they might be made so by wilful appliances, I have no doubt. But I do not shrink from meeting such an issue directly — not I. I should hold rnysclf no Democrat if I did. By the Constitu- tion of the United States, the makivg of trea- ties is confided to the PRESIDENT, under the advice of the Senate. I talk of treaties; not ordina- ry laws. In treaty-making, we act in private, and upon information we cannot disclose. We deny to I foreign Ministers the right to discuss the cause of j their Governments to our PEOPLE. Should one undertake it, he would be driven from the country, as he ought to be. We represent STATES; and I Senators are presumed to be statesmen of some learning and great judgment. We generally ratify a treaty before the PEOPLE are permitted to know anything of it, or of the reasons for its ratification. If we were cautious to observe the rules, this would always be the case. How absurd, therefore, to assert that the People have retained, or that they wish to exert, or that they can rightfully exercise, the power to instruct the Senate upon the making of a treaty. How execrable and revolutionary would be the doctrine that a President should seek to set aside his constitutional advisers, and go be- fore the people, whether it were the honest " mass- es," or Baltimore Conventions, or town and county meetings, wherein factions are first formed, and then led by demagogues, who called them together. Oh, my country! — my country! when that shall be our fate, if, in the providence of God, it shall ever be! Sir, hear what the Father of his Country said, a half a century ago. Let the People hear him. Let an American Senate hear him. Let PRESIDENT POLK hear PRESIDENT WASHINGTON, and stand to his position ! How precious will be his reward ! "There had been a public meeting in Philadelphia ' for the purpose of passing resolves against Jay's ' treaty. After the business of the meeting was ' closed, a copy of the treaty was suspended on a ' pole and carried about the streets by a company ' of people, who at length stopped in front of the ' British Minister's house, and there burnt the ' treaty; and also before the door of the British ' Consul, amidst the huzzas and acclamations of ' the multitude !" In Boston the same sort of thing was done, and a town meeting addressed to the President a protest. This was his reply to all: " To Ezckiel Price, Thomas Walley, William Board- man, Ehenezcr Seaver, Thomas Crafts, Thomas Edwards, IVilliam Little, William Scollay, and Jesse Putnam — Selectmen of the town of Boston. " U.vited States, July 28, 1795. " Gentlemen: In every act of my Administra- ' tion, I have sought the happiness of my fellow- ' citizens. My system for the attainment of this ' object has uniformly been to overlook all per- 'sonal, local, and partial considerations; to con- ' template the United States as one great whole; to ' confide that sudden impressions, when erroneous, ' would yield to candid reflection; and to consult ' only the substantial and permanent interests of ' our country. " Nor have I departed from this line of conduct ' on the occasion which has produced the resolu- ' tions contained in your letter of the 13th instant. ' Without a predilection for my own judgment, I ' have weighed with attention every argument ' which has at any time been brought into view. ' But the CONSTITUTION is the guide, which I ' never can abandon. It has assigned to the PRES- ' IDENT the power of making treaties, with the * advice and consent of the SENATE. It was ' doubtless supposed tliat these two branches of 1. ' Government would combine, without passion, and ' with the best means of information, those facts ' and principles upon which the success of our 'foreign relations will always depend; that they ' ought not to substitute for their own conviclion the • opinions of others, or to seek truth through any ' channel but that of a temperate and well-informed ' investigation. " Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the ' manner of executing the duty before me. To the ' high responsibility attached to it, I freely submit; ' and you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these ' sentiments known as the grounds of my proce- ' dure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for ' the many instances of approbation from my coun- ' try, I can no otherwise DESER,VE it than by ' obeying the dictates of my CO^i^SCIEXCE. " With due respect, I am, gentlemen, &c., [Signed] " GEORGE WASHINGTON." Who does not know the history of that party denunciation and violence which disturbed this nation even under Washington's Administration, when GENET appealed to the PEOPLE of the States in behalf of France and against Great Brit- ain, and how PFvESIDENT WASHINGTON'S celebrated Proclamation of Neutrality saved the PEACE OF AMERICA. In taking leave of the duties and cares of public station, hear what Washington said of it to the people: " After deliberate examinatioBi, with the aid of ' the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied ' that our country, under all the circumstances of ' the case, had a right to take, and was bound in • duty and interest to take, a NEUTRAL position. ' Having taken it, I determined, as far as should ' depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, ' perseverance, and firmness.'^ And, oh, how like a patriot and father, did he, still yearning over his country, warn us by his FAREWELL ADDRESS to beware of all self- constituted combinations to overawe and control this Senate ! It is Washington who speaks to us from the grave; let Senators listen! " The basis of our political systems is the right ' of the people to make and to alter their constitu- ' tions of Goverimient. But the constitution which ' at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and ' authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly ob- ' ligatory upon all. The very idea of the power • and the right of the people to establish govern- ' ment presupposes the duty of every individual to ' obey the established government. "AH obstructions to the execution of the laws, ' all combinations and associations, under what- ' ever plausible character, with the real design to ' direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular delib- ' eralion and action of the constituted autiiori- ' ties, are destructive of this fundamental princi- ' jile, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organ- ' ize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordi- ' nary force, to put in the place oC the delegated will ' of the nation the will of a party — often a small ' but artful and enterprising minority of the com^ ' munity — and, according to the alternate triumphs ' of difiorent parties, to malce the public adminis- ' tralion the mirror of the ill-concerted and incon - ' gmous projects of faction, rather than the organ 'of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by ' common counsels, and modified by mutual m- ' terests. " However combinations or associations of the ' above description may now and then answer ' popular ends, they are likely, in the course of ' time and things, to become potent engines, by ' which cxmning, ambitious, and unprincipled men ' will be enabled to sxibvert the poiver of the PEOPLE, ' and to usurp for THEMSELVES the reins of ' Government, destroying afterwards the very en- ' gines which have lifted them to unjust domin- ' ion." — Farewell Md^-ess. What words of wisdom and of truth are these ! They are the principles of liberty, well-regulated liberty; of freedom, constitutional freedom. Methinks I see the coming storm. The press may be already charged ; but no matter. This is my country's question, not a mere party strife. These are the sentiments my head and my heart approve, and I will not withhold them. The President may peril his Administration — some of you believe he will — if he or his friends should dare to think like WASHINGTON— to act like WASHINGTON. But he will violate his dutt and peril his countrt if he does not. So did WASHINGTON peril his Administration ; but, the people, the DE- MOCRACY, came to the rescue, and all was well. A much humbler victim (like him who addresses you) must expect to be marked as a disturber of our party harmony. But shall I preach harmony when there is no concord, upon such questions as these .' It would be political hypocrisy. I read to an Amer- ican Senate the lessons which Washington taught, and upon which AVashington ACTED; and if " that be treason, make the most of it. " But, before you strike, the PEOPLE shall hear. Are not these the true principles of the Constitu- tion, upon which every Administration of this Gov- ernment, from Washington down — Federal and DEMOCRATIC— have ACTED,— have ACT- ED, I say — in the management of our foreign affairs ? I challenge a refutation by their acts — not mere words. It is southern Democracy, Mr. President, beyond all dispute. It is that sort which I have always professed; not like a potato, that grows under ground at the root; but which blooms and bears its fruit in the open air of heaven, and then ripens and is fit for use. I say nothing about Legislative Instructions: not a word. I have not time to speak upon that point, so as to express myself in a manner to avoid misrepresentations; and it is not necessary I should raise that question before I shall be instructed. Suf- fice it to say, that North Carolina has not in- structed her Senators. 1 esteem it a jewel in the crown of my State, that North Carolina never didj in any parly mutations or political excitements, in- struct her Senators upon a tueatv or treaty- Making, so far as I know. I presume it will not so much as be pretended that I ought to pay obedi- ence to the mandates of any other State. [At this st;\gc of his remarks, Mr. Haywood gave an amusing account of the game of politics to be played with this Oregon question in Presi- dent-making. The substance was, that the great Western Democratic statesman, (Mr. Benton,) — [he had seen ever since last summer,] — Was to be drum- 16 med out of the party, with the false label upon his back, of " traitnr to Oregon!" The gi-cat Southern Democratic statesman, [INIr. Calhoun,] was to be dismissed, falsely laliellcd with the cry of" Punic fu'tth to Oregon." The Senator from Arkansas, [Mr. Skviek,] another eloquent and early friend of Orca;on, would find himself marched out for his want of foresight — because, in the last Consjress, he made a speech for the notice, but instead of jjoing: for " all or none," " fight or no fight," he had got for his reward a vulgar patch to his back, of ^'notice for the sake of negotiation." The Secretary of State, [Mr. Buchanan,] and all the Cabinet, would probably be dismissed, in a body, from the party, branded as " British compromisers." And as that left the Governor of JVeto York still in die party, Mr. H. asked, " what of him? How is he to' be got rid of?" "Oh, that will be a small job, provided the indignation against the Washington' treaty can be kept up to a white heat long enough, as he voted for its ratification." [Then turning to Mr. Webster] — " The Senator from Massachusetts may see a more amiable ex- cuse for certain stale strictures upon the " Wash- ington treaty" than malice towards tlie negotiator. GbVER^'bR WRIGHT, as a Senator, voted for its ratification; and he happens not to be here to vote upon Oregon. So " Ratification of the Jlshbur- ton treaty," will be his badge upon his dismissal. During this part of the speech there was much laughter, and the picture, although drawn serious- ly, v/as exhibited in good humor. He then pro- ceeded as follows:] Why, in the name of all that is safe to my party, where do the Democrats expect to find a Presiden- tial candidate? Who will be our President after we have expelled all our biggest men ? Sir, I am sure I do not know. [Mr. Hannegan remarked: "Take him from ninongst the people, where we got one before."] Oh ! Ay, then he IS to be taken from among the people, is he — without resorting to such statesmen as those I have named? We shall see, however, whether the people agree to have this game played nfler a three year's notice. There is a mistake, however, Mr. President, in what the Senator from Indiana exclaimed, at his first sight of my imperfect picture. In my State, let me tell that Senator, wlicn Democrats talk of " thejieople,"wemean " themasses" — the " bone and smew" of the land, as distinguished from the statesmen, lawyers, politicians, and such like. In that sense, I deny that President Polk was got for n candidate from among " the people." He has been a politician all his life, and we knew it when he was nominated.- Thank God for it ! — he has now proved himself to have been more — one of the statesmen of this great country. And if he will only sUmd up by the side of Wash- ington, as he has done, and I hone he will do, he will be entitled to our lasting admiration. That sort (if fl:Utery to the people would not take at all with " the people" in my part of the world, and I should be sorry to think it would tii'kle the people very much anywhere. A man is no worse, as a man, because he docs not possess tlie learning and political experience which are requisite to fit him , for the station of Chief Magistrate of the United | States. Nobody pretends to that. But it is a great evil when everybody thinks he is fit to be the President; and if my friend from Indiana should stand up before a crowd of honest Democrats in my State and talk to "the people," the "real peo- ple," the "masses," there — the men who drive their own ploughs, make their own carts, &c., and quiedy pursue their occupation at home — about NOMINATING ONE OF THEM FOR PRES- IDENT, they would do what /will not — laugh in his face, and tell him that he might as icell talk of get- ting a blacksmith to mend icatches. But let me ask the attention of Senator."* whilst I give to the Baltimore resolution a more par- ticidar notice. It has been often referred to in the Senate, and no one has answered. 1 be- lieve the Senator from Illinois [Mr. Breese] is entitled to the distinction of having first read it in the Senate. He did not have the Secretary to read it, but read it himself: Next year for the next step! The Senate, having no wish to misrepresent me, need not be asked to remember that I shall have nothing to say against the conven- tion or its members. The resolution which has been gravely read, and often relied u])on as deserving great weight and consideration in our deliberations, IS my subject; not the convention. The resolution on Oregon is simply this: The declaration of opin- ions by a party convention recommending those opinions to the people which were unanimously adopted by the conveiuion. That is its precise character. They are before me: " Resolved, That our title to the whole of Oregon ' is clear and unquestionable; that no poition of ' the same ought to be ceded to England or any ' other Power; and that the re-occupation of Ore- ' gon, and the re-annexation of Texas, at the ear- ' iiest practicable period, are great American meas- ' ures, which this convention recommends to the ' cordial support of the Democratic party of this 'Union." It is remarkable how this resolution has acquired so much importance now, when it was not even thought worthy of being communicated to Mr. Polk" at that time by its authors. I have before me, in Niles's Register, the letter informing him of his nomination, and expecting to elect him; and his reply accepts the nomination, hoping they may. That is about the whole of it. In good taste, and enough said. If any Senator wishes it, I will read the letters. Plere they are. But not a word about Oregon — not a syllable. No pledges made, and none required. In truth, we all know that the Baltimore Convention was not called to instruct or to express opinions for the party, but simply to choose a DEMOCRATIC CANDID.\TE. So you come round again to Mr. Polk's opinion voluntarily expressed before he was a candidate for President, and which he has not changed to this day. Of that I have already spoken. Then whom does tliis resolution biiid? Why brought into this Senate? But before you answer me, recollect there were two Baltimore conventions. [Some person said — " three. "] 1 know, but I don't count the Tyler Convention. [A good deal of laughter took place .at this remark, and Mr. H. said, " I mean no sneer — no offence to any one."] The fr/iig Senatoi-s, I suppose it will be admitted, 17 are not bound by the Democratic Coiivenlion res- olution. [Mr. Dickinson, of New York, and others said, " Of course not."] Then that is settled. How is it with a Democratic Senator, whose State voted for Mr. Clay, and repudiated the Democratic Convention? That is my case. My State adopted the Constitution many years ago; and besides that, they refused to vote for Mr. Polk, or to approve this resolution in 184-1. What is it expected of ME to do.' To obey the Constitution, and follow the people of my State; or this resolution of a con- vention sent to Paltimore to NOMINATE A CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT, but not to make CREEDS for the party.' [Some one re- marked, " Of course you are not bound as a Sen- ator."] Very well ; it is as a Senator I talk here, as a Senator I vote here, and as a Senator I heard these resolutions read here; and yet as a Senator I am not bound to heed them. That is a strange result after all we have heard of this matter. And in behalf of my Democratic neighbors, the Sen- ators from South Carolina, I would respectfully inquire whether they were bound, and how far.' — since South Carolina would not join the conven- tion, and had no delegates in it. [Several voices: "Oh, yes; her delegates came in after."] I under- stand it: South Carolina delegates came into the nondnafion. However, I suspect that much of all this, intended or not intended, will be used to aid the cry of "Punic faith" — "Punic faith," of which I shall speak hereafter. But in the next place, Mr. President, I presume to tell my Democratic associates who thrust this new CREED upon me as a test of orthodoxy in the party, that they seem to me not to understand it themselves, and it were as well to look to that before any cry of treason shall be got up, either against the President, or against the Senate, or against an humble individual like myself. I chcirge the Senator from Illinois, and all other Senators who subscribe this as a creed, and yet go for 54° 40', with insisting upon more than the Baltimore Con- vention have recommended the party to believe and do ; and here is my proof. It truly says that Texas and Oregon are " great »^merica?i" questions ! You insist ih'at Oregon is a "Western" question: and sometimes it is treated by you as a '^ party" ques- tion; and I am afraid that, by bringing it here, you will soon induce other persons (without Sen- ators intending it) to convert it into a very danger- ous presidential — sectional — anti-democratic, anti- Administration question, and teach others to PRO- SCRIBE those who cannot lay aside our original faith as we do our clothes; and, therefore, still be- lieve that this is an "e'J)HC7-ica?i" question, and that, likeTexas, the "twin-sister to Oregon," the bound- aries of Oregon ought to be left to a settlement by negotiation through the President and Senate of the United States — the only constitutional organs for treating with foreign Governments. But more than that, Mr. President: this CREED is in favor of the " RE-OCCUPATION OF ORE- GON." And that is what it recommended to our party. Ah! "re-occupation" — that's the word; not occupation, but re- occupation. Now, we can)iot "re-occupy" what we never "occupied" before. We never occupied the Oregon that lies north of the compromise line of 49'^ before, but the Oregon on this side of that line we have heretofore occu- pied. Therefore wc cannot re-occupy north of 49°, but we can i-e-occupy all south of that line ! And that is exactly what the President has been endeav- oring to do, and exactly what I am in favor of do- ing — ^^ fight or no ftght.'"' Sir,if a Democrat thus comes fully up to this creed by his action, what gave Senators here the privilege to denounce him as untrue to the Democratic ftiith.' This construction of the CREED is not hypercritical. What is " OR- EGON.'" The country (in the Columbia river and south of {/—all lying below the line of 49° — used to be Oregon. The old historians, maps, and ge- ographers all had it so. It is a thing of modern origin to call any part of the territory north of 49° "Oregon." There is, then, an old Oregon and a modern Oregon. The old Oregon was once occu- pied by us. Outside of that we have never occu- pied any portion of the modern Oregon; and there- fore, if this CREED had gone for an occupation of Oregon, it might well be construed "all of Oregon," old and neic. But as it only went for a " re-occu- pation,"it is as clear as day that the creed must be interpreted to mean the old Oregon up to 49°; that same Oregon which we once occupied; that same Oregon which lies south of 49°; that same Oregon which the DEMOCRATS all go for still;— only some of us are not anxious to fight for any more ! If we stand to the faith, and keep the bond as it was written for us, will not that suffice ? I think, Mr. President, I have disposed of the Balti- more resolution generally and specially. With unaffected pain did I hear a chai-ge of " PUNIC FAITH" brought and repeated against the South, in this Senate, with respect to this Ore- gon notice, &c., and in a way that challenged a re- ply to it. Personally I care nothing about it, as I voted for the Oregon bill last session; and some Senators know that my reason for voting against notice the session before was, that its form appeared to me to violate the Constitution. [Mr. H. here explained at length his objections to the form of that notice. He also excused himself for voting to take up the Oregon bill last session, by stating that if he had known at the time (as he does now) how the ne- gotiation then stood, he would not have voted for so much of that bill as proposed to take jurisdiction. But the Senate did not know the facts at that time, and they had not been told to him. He did not wonder at the offence that was taken by the Brit- ish Parliament, who, no doubt, believed that wc knew it all, at the time the bill passed the other House.] But I do not feel myself at liberty to let such an accusation grow into a proverb against the South. The South is my Home; and such accusations have a baleful influence in kindling and preserving sectional feelings: I shall, there- foi-e, expose its injustice, and then forbear. I sliall do that by the Journals of the Senate now be- fore mc. I will read from the books, if any of my statements should be questioned. This charge of "Punic faith," the Senate will remember, was in- troduced here some days ago, when the honorable Senator from Georgia, [Mr. Colquitt,] had spoken of the course of the Senator from Indiana [Mr. Hannegan] ujion the Texas question. The hon- orable Senator from Indiana said, in substance, as IH I I' Mil I liliii (I lidvn mil lilM WHi'ilw luilni't* nil') iIimI Im' IimiI liii MiiMiK lliiii' i|('<4li'iii1 M III fii'i'ii Mlitii lit i hiiiii," 'i'iii> itl NiMiHi kIImm' lliiio, liMi illiMil IiiIIiiiiiIimI iIimI Iii> liMil nmiiil iIhiI I'iiiiIk hillh In Ilii' Mniilli DiIin Mi'llMliMM \\li» rnllllMlly I'IiIImiI III lllti II Ill Vllllll I'Mll' llllll r^i'llMllH, \iy llirlr MllllMlll'llhl, I'lliiWllIM lllltl h Itlly \VMI>INIIM'|ill<|lllNll|'llll'NlMllll,lil'wh|l>li I till mil riiiii|ilMln. AlliiMilliir llm i< |iIiil liy iimMii imiiM Niiiillii'iii HmimIhm lit' llii' I hmiiii iilh' lun III I iiml llii'NituiH'llv iililii' lmmintl
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'riiii Hiinnn.i r>mii |iii||,uim iil lluU ai-wwlmi In-M 'l'.-Mi«t In Ilia l)iinil Mn ><.•«/,' Amnl ' Wlllimii lilH \>ili> 11 I'iMilil mil liiivi' |HiH».>i| I Oii'iimi Im^KiHl (>m> viilo III nivvi* II, 'ruMiB Imi mn' vnliMi. Mil It, W'liiil I'liilm will lio f.1'1 n|< Hm' Rujinillv. uml n|imi \\\v\\ uinnn.U i^im In* mnlio iIiIm i^litim. nyndiftl llin Mmilli, wlii'n 111' IiimI imly lo |,nv.> mmln ilm |ii(i«f4iii.|i tit' lliit (»iiMiim l.ill It uln. t;m« tmii In IiIm vnlii |\ii 'I\>\HH, „ml llm llilmj wmdil liii\.. Iitvn ilimi>, li.idt wmiltl luiM' |in.i,i.il, m m>|||uM' TIk' (»rt>unn lilll iwnNi liiw.i |m«m>il iilwi»v« |ihivlili'(l, |\it onwld li.wt'Hitl H .M,nMM»iH>j MiiiNM'im III mnlvo mwh « l»it»t!mn wlllt lilml I In lutil lini Iwn Nnnnhn-« m limli' Willi, l\it' ttll lint ivnt nr n<4 voli'il l\n' lln>Oi>r fi'ttn lull w nliitni « piiw, 'I'lmt |\i> iliil m.i ili'lvn o im>Hi>m i\«i Ohvviin Ix im i^itn.Mnn nl" n>lnt>, |M»\ Hv\tvt...n hi>iv Miinlvti nl' Me, \\vmw wn «n nlt«t»ni Ai.'u.l, whi.m lit> |t.Mnlt> Kji.nm'l m\|nil ni»|>t>v>»li>nM, umi wiiMnlmnl lt> i»i'.»>t>oili wln>n ^li. MvNNiHtiVM III nni>o Inlttfwpl.Ml litm liy (i\- itttw..ii,ii Oil' ItltiltKxi i«i|i\in',tilm\ itml iT«|it'i'i Ww Ml III i.t'H, i\ml tli.ii\iiwi'il (ill i^'iM'l urinli'iili.m l > lin|inli> In lilm iiii tii^l, ni' nvii n ilmni:',lil mI' iIm. mIIuIiIi'mI ilinlmimi' iid i\ iniiii nc ii Kiniiliir, | Ml Ihvivimii I niillnni'il, 'I'linl Ii4 unmi^lii Ml, I'li'i^tlilinl, 'I'liii iiliii'i I Iilti Mtiiiiiliii' I' I Miinili (tiiiiilimi I Ml'. Mi'|)iim''Mlmi' i.i|i|i'm, 'I'IiIm Im mil II |i|MiiFtiinl mi(<, Mr. rii'sliliml. Ill t'lmilim tn tlm (tiiiii r(i(Wi' Ibmi llin I'Sli'i'iimf^l I'liilm nl' tny nwn rmiiili'y. VVmti II MlilM(*l),(ii liny Mlill WHiltt'i nml nmi'it illMlnii'lnl ((iivi'iimnml, It' I liimw my ntvii ln'iii'l, ml I II. IK I'liim II llnni I wimlil I wimlil InnlKil III inr iliililw, Hill' Chlni^l (ji'niii llilh.li I llllll' iii.)lilM, |ii>M ilily nml In lnvn, I'' ni'lllii'i, nml tVnni im nllii'i' ( liivinnim'nl In llii> sviirlil, wmilil I Inlin wlinl wm^ iml limmrnlilt' I'nr my nwn In ili'imiiiilt mn'iin In wiir wIlli nny niillnit Wn' t'lllii'i n |i|iiltlnlil ' iin nn|iriilllnliln wi'ima, I iniial lii> |iniilniii'il, lliilnnll'nl wnn imlllii'i' |n»l imi' |iiililii||i<, 'I'lm ii'Ml III' llm wi'niil will 111 I'lipiy In |ii'r«nniln, Willi Aini'ili'ini Hi>imliir« in llit'in, llllll mil' I'linnli'v l<^ llll I'lipiy Iriii't llit'in, llllll mil' I'minli y U mi'iin l'nlln^ll li ii|iiiri>NF] llm wi'iili. nml Inn t>iiwniilly in nriNi'il mii' I'l^iil):! iijjnlnMl llm Ftlinnii, Mrnnl Iti'ilnln will linni Iv llllll in llml (ll'i^lm Imllnvnil jl) ii iiimIIvk \\\v h\w- ii'ni|i>i'lii(s "nil iit'Oii'Hiin" willnml i\ IImIiI, *<\i'ii II' II nlimilil linnnun llim It m> nnllni llum llii' nlll (lI'lrHMIK WANIIlNd'nMN in liii> liiMi wni'it.^ In llmrmiii iry, Inuiilil us " //tii< //♦(.' nn/lnii ii'/ili7( Im/ii/iicn /n- n'lniN itniW/i(ln. n* n't- h,'U llk,< t'l W ii/' tmtnAiiti'i i'iNiiiMM>>> |imly| in w,\m, Iml in |n>in>n i'niwNmi.'' 'rimi'n Im imlliln^llml Imti Iniimloil nil' In tln'^nl, nml imlliin^ r^linll (ti'lvi> nn* In vinli\lt<, llm (>nnnmil ni'my i>nnnli y 'm llilln'r. nni' lliiw l^imln nnmlnl nnwini nt*l^'l'l' Aini'ili'ini InplilnllniiPi, Ni'l lltm- will I Inindi llm inMiiiln Iniln II, Unml iniMi iMiuM iini n|i|i|i\ml 111(1 Nnniiln t'nr II, IIi'uv.'H vvnnlil iinl i'\imimi> Iin |ivm'lli'nl n|i|ilti>i\llnn, mn Oill, |ii'rlnt|iFt, In vIhII |I\i> itniiHi i|m'mM nnlinn ll«i'll\ Willnml w«>lii,\$ Inlntmi' llllr< lit \\w T<>i'i'llm>y, (\vl»li>lu It' liH' Miniolt* thnitwn, onu Un iltnm l\i'n> nOi>i' nml wln'ncMM' llm Mil l\n' liiKlny t'"'f""''ll'"> nviM' Oi'tiRnn, tii' "nny imillnn »»!' Il,'* I'nmi'ii ti|t t\ii' (>nn«Mi>ri\lli'n.^ I will It'll y.m. in \.m'v I^w wnnN, llm m'linml nl' clalil \i|i'im w lilivli ^il'' llmi't> wnH' nn nlinn '> I w nnl imlilii'iil lUltMf'I'nl'mv iMiinli'v l.> «livlrli llnoll' willnml nny inli'dnplinn I'v Wwh.w If) Ooverntfiniilrt (Votri llui AthuiU; Ut din Vncil]t:-^ fVoffI «M< I" P''ii "II lliift (^(in()in'i(l-^ii''''.(ii'(llii^ MR wn mirm'iv'p mIimII JMil!',!' ii (iX|-('(ll('iil, or (Kil, Tlml. WUlK'ijtlirlil (linl II IM irr (l|rnri l.liJ!^ coiitiiil'lil: wIlOII (Kir INI>|i;I'KiN|)|<;n<'.K wm« (>Hli(l.li«li(wl, Ri(l.|(wl, only (« Umi |ri(iviMii, (Jidt, w'» iiikrI iicI. (((li'iir(i W(if» (isl/iMifilicd, (i(»r wllli Rimiliir rt(/lil« Ik Idiifjiny (i. wo (!ANNOTKII|',Mn'T() IT. (»iir divi- (liii.i; lino \f> III '111" on iIiIr wliln (.1' llic iiiiMiiilMiiiR; ( iril if) ftli'(iljj|il(Mi('(l li. llic IVcillc. Oil llic (iilicr ill iMiriiiiiiiy, W(i iiiiijlii III III' cnlinlli'il, In F^i'lljinii Hull lino lii'lwdcii lliii Ivvd (JiivoriniiciiM, llio {irmil InW (if " InVii hill! Wind will In iiinii'' ri'i(i(li'('« cim dCfifsiddft Cdi' (MMilviili'iilfi, Id lie utircdd I'nr liy niiiliinl Cdiiwi'iil, niid llicy plmnld Im iiiiilimily nindc Tur Ilio ('dnvriiiciicc' n|' m\v\i nilirii mikI iIicpo lire 111 mili Joi'Ifi I'lir IVi(iiidly iK'tiiiliMlidn. 'riiiR Ml null',' Mr. I'lrwidnil, nrn tiidro liiinilinr Willi llic ddi'Irliirw mihI llin li'iuiiln^f nC IkkiIim /iIkhiI I'l'iilifritilji mill I'iiiiOiillllil limit I iM'dD'WR In Im; miiiI liii'V iiiijilil Wdll rnni|ilMlii df mo il' I ciiliirfrrd ii|idii llii.Kn |ii|iii'fi. My OdiiMliliioiils tiro (I |ilniii i'0|miIi liiiiii |ioii|i|o, will! SiOiH'iiilly (Id iidl cmo In Ko on ll;;liloiii'd liy rikiIi Iroolli^oft. A« mmiy nl' llicm iif^ (In, will I'oml I'lM' llioiiiRi'lvow. My llio'< IniiRliltilidii tlioy liHVo onlriirttod llio miihliiii I'lT 'IMt lOA'TllOW will! llio l'i(>widoiil iiiidMoimlo, Tlioy nro tanllRUnd with Iho CoiittilittlKii HI It ;,"m'o. 'Hioy wilMool (iiid tiiiilorRliiiMl ihirt (ifjflorlidii t\{' our rij'Ji'l In f,;rnw mid iiuilll|*ly wlioii in llio|M'iivliloiii'Pi>r(Joil ihooniinlry Wi\nl« III ill. ||,| mill I ildiilij iiiii it will vinilii'iilo mo. A I Hiiy I'lilo, Ihoy |iiil llio ill Ihift MoiKxIo In tuM dii (lU('«U('inf»(i('llilwwnrl,(/iir,'i/l(iii.t(j/'/i'(^i(';/-Hi((/i7ii;!',miil to l\(lv|po iho I'rofiiih'nl iicodidint) In my IionI jiidfv iiioiit, Ujidii tlio rosiioiipiliilily dC my nwn' nm soioiioo, mid I Rlinll finvoni I'liysoll' iii'i'nnliimly ; lUHiiMiiilolilo Id (.^iil ihol my nid'livoN nro ijt'dd. in my miwdiliiioH ihiit mv pi'ioooIi ho iVnnk, In tho i.odi.iodiiiv (hni I ho luoiid ii|idii llio odin'So (Irnil Urllniii moy (Mirsiio, or mi\y iml |mi'mio, iijuiii Iho snhjorl id' n Odiinu'iimiso. (M* Hull I Kiidw tinlhlnji'.' I inily Idmvv vvhiil f>ho oiuair In i|n, mid ihiil. I Ii'iiirI Iii (Jud fdio will ill., (^110 Ihliifi' i» o(.;rit\lii— U will ln'liiM' 1114 Id iho Olid, ir II (liioHi iml uiil iiogiilintidii il will mil hllidor il, I holiovo (Iroiil Mrltuin donlros |ionoo, l.oomiRO il l« hor liiioi'o ft'nm n ('hi'if*liun |iodiilo iiitd it Chrisllmi Odvonimont, Why phdiiltl wo ddiil.t Iho I'osiill f llo will hm'il ly lOKVo hol'di'o hr lijis 111 loiiRl lidil iiS whal ifi ihiit "FUin'MKU I'ROIU'^.M. MoUl''. (X)N8lH'r. mr WITH rAIRNKHM AND KfilU'rV/' wlii'h lio l.nifitcd llic. Anicrii'dn Clnvornmorii wniild iiiiikn Id him, (////. 1 1, (!!),) Hir, llic civili/.c-d world would oxoiriilo Ihi! Mininlors oi' holli (idvo.rnmoiila ir iIiIh ri(^ii;dlinl.idii wlmidd ho Icrrnirwrlod (i|idn miy |idiri(. dl' jiorRonnl or dii'loinMl.io. tauivi'/iTf,. rihriM- lidii liirids dro mil l.o ho involved in Wdr« dl. ihiw ihiy (or llio iidiwinnl y;lY/((,(i of iticir dj^diilw. MiniwIorH ol'liodoo do iidl Rcolt oociiFiidn (or d (jiidrrol; Iml, if rodlly ini'linod lo ('dr(i()roirilRC, Ihoy would ho lool(- od l(|idii iiH iriiporiihio liwiijrlnii^ when cilhor or holli of ihoiii riimidl, lind in llioir dwn coriofsiiondorico, or olwowlioro, d ronwon nr it proloxl (or m/ikin^ miy oD'or tlidl would |irovodci'o].ldlilolo holh. Ic tkhiiii iiif, ANV Biiod, lodVo dll llml lo Ihom, (uid Ihoro let iJio roF)|ionFiiliilily i'i^nI, iindividod hy wfi. This iiidllor odii ho coniiiromifiod, if ihe Ivvo (invi rnnionls dro willing' I" do il. fC aroni Ihil- diii doofi nol, inloiid t(i oom|iromiRO, wo onj;til lo liiiow il; lol hor not. hovo ihooxi'tiso for il llml Iho, I'loRidi'iil. WdH dgdiiist, " ((// rompi^oiii'inci" hiil in Ciivor dC" dl! ()rot:oii or none," She rIioII nol ho jiormiMod In Riiy llml llml, miRi-oiiRlriicliim oC llm Amorii'dii f'rcRldoiil, dllhdiij^h prooldimod in Iho Amoiicmi .Mrniilo hy Rome Hondtni'R, wiiR noillier rohiiod nor I'diilriidirloil l>y miy dihor, TliiH iidliiMi m lid ihronl. iil dli; iinil I ih. nol ox- |iorl il, IR oilhor Id inlimidiilo (Jrnil Ihilnin or In dn'ond hor. Iliil, hilhorli. noilhor dl" Iho Iwn (Inv- oriimonls RooniR In hiivo fully rodli/.od Iho iiociRRily .,.,.,, ..I,-, f^. ■ ,,.,^ ... ,,,,.. ..i.._|. . ^ ....... .. ■ ■ f loniiiiidlin(r IIiIr IorI cdiiRo nf (liRjinlo holwi Ihom, iind dl O|ioiiin{r Iho wiiy wider for iho nil liviilinii (tf d |ioiiiimioiil tidlidnid oniirdi'd. VVhnlovor nmv ho //(c/r odiirRO dr//irirodiidilinii, il RooiiiR In mo ihdl WIC di'o lid loniror lofl nl IIImm'- ly Id (idp|(iimo d lliidl Roltlomonlof ihid whole eon- Irovoi'Ry dhoiil Oroy'dii. Tho |iiihlie will, ox|ireaR- 0(1 lhrdtip,li Ihoir inimodidlo doloonloR in Iho oilier I I'oiiRo, IR very odiioliisivo ii|idn llml pninl, An- dlhor I'losidonlidl eloelidii. diid every olhor (iiiofi- liim will hr nuido .'^iihdrdiniilo In lliis'diie fur "Owr hyih." rho |inlilii' miiiii, iihriidy |iri-nroii|iioil hy oiie- idoil ,.!',. y'dii. will I ,^ Ir li.lhowhdiodf Ore- ^ lo Id iliNiMiRR il; Iho |ieo|)lo will liooM'ilod mid mi.'^ilod hy iloniiiieidtinnR iiiVdiiiRt ovory mmi whi. Iin,=! Iho nidriil ri.nrd;^' lioroiil'ler lo diMil'.lil.mid oven lmi,«;hlldi'.i.ll him, ^[^-''I'.riliRh;" Iho |iruiloiii'o of di;e will ho deerieil iin tho eimii roIr df i\ foroif,'!! iiilUioiiee hy n hired jiroRs; llio wlRilom dl'RluloMmon will ho Holiisido hy Iheolam- (M'R df roIIirIi iloiiin!Jd;:;iieR; (ho love of poiu'o end tho four of tJdd doiidimrod hy DietidiiR, mid vilified^ hy polf-oniiRtiiniod nsRdeiiilionH, hr iho eownrdieo of IriiilorR and the dirootdlidil of hy|.(>eiiRy. li will Pddii hoedliK^lhiMinhdly vvorK of miiiifnrwilod iiarly R|m'il,iiidod hy |iorRi.iinl miihitidii, tdoioiitomiil |iid- diii'o III our lidii|iy Odiinlry lhi.<*, mid nnu'li mnro Ihnii ihiRi— nil, hr l d|.|'relioiid, for iho Riiko of [uil- liiir jjroni moil down, mid ovallinj;: lilllo men lo liijiii j.lai'os, lUdi'O ihaii ii will ho'for the imr|.dso(.f Roi'iinii!^' onr iiiilimial rij^hlR. Hoiiiilor.'^ and olIiorR win. would worn lo piny Iho ^iimo (\ro ineaiilioiiRly fui'iiiRliliiK the (Mii'dR— ",\ll of Oioii'on, or nono" — I'nr (itlo i.>( " eloar mid unimoRlionahlo" — "The AdmiliisliiUioii is with \ir'— "nnwii with iho Iroai'horoiiR /)fmiirn(/or"nriliRh"Wliir; who oi.oiis liiR mimlh for eoid/iromi.vr .'" TIioro erioR will bo 20 so many obstacles to Peace! — honorable peace. As we would keep the power over this subject in the hands to which the CONSTITUTION has en- tiTistcd it; as we would protect the trust committed to the Senate, and do our whole duty to the cause of liberty regulated by law, to God, and to our consciences — I think the Senate should aid to bring this controversy to a conclusion, in some way or other, as soon as possible. Another year, and it may be too late to settle it in peace. Another three years' delay, and it tcill not be settled without a dreadful conflict of political agitations at home, and perhaps a desperate war between two Christian nations. God deliver us from both! If the trusts of this body under the Constitution must be carried for discussion beforehand to the court-houses and party caucuses of the land — if we must encounter the agitations and perils and bitter- ness of a popular ordeal, in our foreign affairs — will not the Senate agree that it is safer and wiser to take care that the pleadings shall be made up so as to present the TRUE ISSUES? Notice or no notice is an old question — predetermined and pre- judged; and the peace of the country can hardly be preserved if we suffer that to be the issue which goes before the country. Let us give the notice, then, to the President's hands, before the negotia- tion is closed, and, if tliere is a compromise, the question will go to the people upon that. The re- sult is, to my mind, neither doubtful nor fearful. If no compromise that we can accept with honor shall be offered now, it never will be offered; and then we shall soon have the whole subject before us, and can take such steps as will protect our rights and carry this question into ourjjopular elections upon fair and true issues. But there has been a doubt excited lest the President might abuse the notice after we have authorized it, and you hesi- tate. Is there not more danger from our delay, than in any trust we may repose in the Executive by giving him the use of this notice, even if he should abuse it? Friends of the Administration — Democrats — surely WE can confide it to him, else we ought not to be his friends. Confidence is not to be expected with so much alacrity from those who have been his political opponents, especially when some of ourselves have misconstrued the Pre- sident. But, Whigs of the Senate, do you still doubt his position? Do you fear he may abuse this notice after it is given to him, (as it lias been said he would,) by abruptly closing negotiation, and even refusing his own offer for a compro- mise at 49°, should it be returned to him? To such as are resolved to stand by him AT THAT LINE OF COMPROMISE, and to NO OTH- ERS, do I appeal. I have said already that if you do not mean to stop concession at that line, you do right in refusing the notice. He cannot speak upon that point; official propriety forbids it, as I have already said and proved. But here is a guaranty. Let him but venture to occupy that position contrary to your hopes and expect- ations. Let him only attempt to betray the confidence you put in his conduct. (Oh! he will not do it. I feel like I was defending a friend's honor, when I say again, and again, and again, that this construction CANNOT be true.) But what if he should attempt it? The country will yet be safe. He might embarrass the Senate, but he would destroy himself. The moment he does it, the whole subject will, by the Constitution, pass out of his hands, and fall EXCLUSIVELY INTO OURS. The Legislative, and not the Executive department, will thenceforth have it in charge; with no change but the abrogation of a convention that it were rashness in us to continue longer in force. We have a majority here for peace, and for every honorable means of preserving it — no more, but all that — men who, I am sure, would defy fac- tion, and laugh at demagogism in the crisis of their country's fate — Democrats and Whigs, all patriots and together upon an " AMEPJCAN" question. And the bill for extending our jui-isdiction over Oregon need not to be, as it ought not to be, adopt- ed, until we see what more the President will do, and what Great Britain means to do. And this Senate ought not to adjourn until we know whether we are to have PEACE or a SWORD. IT SHALL NOT BY MY VOTE. It would not be becom- ing in me to undertake to advise how we ought to act in such a case upon subsequent measures. Though I do not admire the common use of Scrip- ture quotations in political speeches, the subjectand the occasion appear to be solemn and impressive enough to excuse me for saying- upon that point, " Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." I come now to invite the attention of the Senate to some of the several forms in which it has been proposed that this notice shall be authorized. The resolution reported from the Committee on Foreign Affairs was ^ot at all objectionalile to my mind in the outset. For nothing on its face do I now think that resolution objectionable. But other Senators were not satisfied v/ith it, and preferred to pursue a different form of words; and I have held myself ready at all times to adopt any form that might be more acceptable to others, so long as the substance was not sacrificed. If I could desire to put Sena- tors of any party in a false position upon a ques- tion of this kind, I should despise myself. The resolution and preamble offered by the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden,] when it was pro- posed, seemed to me to arrive at the object, sub- stantially, by another form of words, perhaps bet- ter, perhaps not; any way, I was, at the begnming, and I am now, contented to take that. I like it — I approve it. But I should like to see it altered by striking out the proviso which delays the notice until after the present session of Congress. My reasons have been already stated. Should they make no impression upon the judgment of the Senate, I do not expect to make that proviso a reason for voting against that amendment. The preamble, although not originally necessary, was, perhaps, expedient, on account of the course of the debates which sprung up in the Senate, and connected themselves with OREGON; and the in- troduction of the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Crittenden] was at once a wise and patriotic movement, to check the progress of unnecessary alarm in the country. With the lights at that time before us, I think it was so. Though I knew nothing of it until it was proposed by him, in my heart I tiianked him for it. That Senator is a better judge than I am, whether all the valuable and patriotic purposes designed by him have not 21 been fully accoiiiplislied. The difference be- tween authorizing the President to give the notice at his distrelion, and a law annulling the treaty and directing him to give the notice, does not seem tome to be very material; and if it were, I would suggest that the House resolution leaves it to his discre- tioii, as well as the resolution of the Senator of Kentucky. I am willing to vote for either of the three, as may be most agreealile to others. The amendment suggested by the honorable Senator from Georgia, [Mr. Colquitt] I cannot vote for — the last resolution. I sat down to ex- amine it, with a sincere desire to approve, if I could; but I cannot, and I regret it on many ac- counts. The words are as follows: "Sec. 2. dml he it further resolved, That it is ' earnestly desired that the long-standing contro- ' versy respecting limits in the Oregon territory ' be speedily settled, by negotiation and compro- ' mise, in order to tranquillize the public mmd, ' and to preserve the friendly relations of the two ' countries." I object to this, because, although circumstances may make it proper or excusable in a Senator or Senators to express his or their individual opinions upon a negotiation in a debate, yet this Senate as a Senate ought not to do it, and we ought not to take charge of a negotiation pending at the Executive Department. The Constitution has left all that to the President, unless he asks the Senate for ad- vice; and that advice should then proceed from the Senate alone, acting in Executive session, not from Congress. This Senate may be more competent to conduct a negotiation than President Polk, but the CONSTITUTION has determined that matter otherwise; and, " by the Constitution," President Poik is the wiser and safer negotiator. We must not gainsay that by our resolutions as a Senate. If It be our right, I should question the expediency of giving any advice unasked. If we were ever so competent by the Constitution to give the advice unasked, and it were not inexpedient to do it for other reasons, yet it is entirely unnecessary in this case. The negotiation is pending upon the basis of " comp-omise," and we have the President's de- claration to the British Minister that he has " de- termined to pursue it to a concl;!sion" upon that basis. Indeed, Senators know that after the basis v;as once arranged by mutual consent, it was not in the power of one of them to change that basis, without the consent of the other, or else termina- ting the negotiation. i object to it further, because if the SENATE has a right to advise, and it would be prudent and wise to give the advice, still it cannot be pretended that CdNGP..ESS has such a power under the Constitution; and it is one of the first and highest duties of the Senate to protect the peculiar trusts which, under the Constitution, ajipertain to it, and not to admit, much less to invite, the House of Representatives into partnership for advising the President upon our foreign affairs. By "adding this amendment to a joint resolution, we violate that duty ourselves, and consent to and invite an encroachment upon the Senate; and that forms to ray mind a conclusive objection. Were there no oilier, it ought to prevail. I object to it further, because, if it is intended as a declaration of our " earnest desire" made to a foreign Government, and addressed to it; then it is very unusual, if it be not a reflection upon our Chief Magistrate. Pie is the " only mouth" of this Government to speak to other nations; and he has already told Great Britain that he " de- sires" a compromise. Once is enough. I would give no room for an inference that we distrust- ed him or his peaceful purposes. It is proper that we should give him the moral weight of our^ Legislative opinion by act or resolution for notice, and leave him to use it the best way he can, but still responsible for any abuse of it. There I hope we shall stop. Give all the aid he asks, but offer no impediments. Thenceforth I would make no more calls for correspondence, but leave the Min- isters to carry through the negotiation. Our calls may be embarrassing to both "of them. They are not calculated to aid our own. There is another objection to this resolution, that is conclusive to my own mind, and I ask particu- lar attention to it. If I interpret it aright, it advises a compromise between 49^ and the Columbia river. Now to that / cannot agi-ee. In the 6th protocol are these words: The British Minister said '^ that ' he did not feel authonzed to enter into a disctission ' respecting the territory north of the i9th parallel ' of latitude, ivhich ivas understood by the British ' Government to form the basis of negotiation on the ' side of the United States, as the line of the Columbia 'formed that on the side of Great Britain." To this, I apprehend, our Government assented by signing the protocol, and Mr. Pakenham has ever since treated the matter accordingly. Then the " pending controversy " respecting limits is U)iderstood to be a controversy whether those lim- its shall be settled at 49°, or at the Columbia river; and our advice to settle it by compromise would be advice to compromise, viz: to give and take for a line between these two. I do not say it was so intended; I am sure it vv^as not. But see how much difficulty- there is in agreeing upon our construction of the Message. Shall we not multiply embarrassment by every step of our interference with negotiation ? Suppose that mine was not the proper interpre- tation of this resolution. It must be admitted not to be free of doubt. That is sufficient to con- demn it; for it may mislead Great Britain. Her Minister may understand it as I do, and the con- sequence will be that no offer that we can accept will be made. Upon the whole, I submit to the Senate that the House resolutions, under all the circumstances now surrounding this subject, had better be adopt- ed by the Senate. Their second resolution is but a proviso excluding any inference that that House designed by the first one to obtrude into a subject belonging to the President and Senate. It was perhaps riglit for them to say so. It was l)ut say- ing to us and to the President, "As a negotiation is pending, and this House claims no right to inter- rupt it, we have taken care to declare that negotia- tion is a matter with which the people's Represent- atives in the House do not hereby intcr])ose." And, at the same time, the vote on their part im- plied the absimce of any hostility to negotiation. Upon this subject, and at this stage ofh,ncgo(iaiion means compromiw. From that there is no escape. 90 Tlie great reason why I would entreat the Senate to take the House resolutions, so free of objection n,^ they arc, is this: The ilifiei'ence, if any, in favor of either of the other jiropositions over those from the House, is not to be comjiared to the inconvenience, using no stronger expression, which the sending of this di.s- cussion back to the other House will produce in thjE country, and the ceriain delay and probable ^embarrassments it will lead to in pursuing the ne- gotiation. The whole subject is with the Senate — with the Senate I leave h. Mr. President, I have now concluded what I had to say. I must be more or less than a man if I felt so indilTerent to the kind and flattering atten- tion of the Senate for two days, as not to express my gratitude for it. I have spoken plainly of firinciples and things — I hope not too much so. t is difficult, I know, to do that without an ap- pearance of disrespect to those I answer. But an attack upon errors of opinion is no assault upon the persons holding them. In my lieart there is nothing of unkindness. If I had not been placed, most reluctantly, in an attitude where I must speak, or be misunderstood; if I had not been goaded by repeated declarations which I could not assent to, and which, if correct, I knew would force me to oppose the Administration, and to abandon a friend, and which, if not cori'cct, it was my duty and my right as a Senator to refute in free debate — I should not have opened my mouth. If this performance of an unavoidable duty should leave me exposed to misrepresentation, I must bear it. My hands arc clean — my heai-t is easy — my conscience is unburdened; and if I have done anything for good I shall rejoice — if not, I have tried to do it. And having confidence in God stron2:cr than any " confidence in princes," I jiray that HE who rules the destiny of nations may guide our counsels so as to save the peace of my beloved country, and protect it forever by His mighty arm in the enjoyment liberty and religion. L^???^^ O*^ CONGRESS 017 187 210 8 J LIBRARY OF CONGRESS I I I I I II I I 00171872108 ^