~2'^ 
 
F 216 JU ^ T 
 
 .L65 
 
 Copy 1 
 
 FEOM 
 
 THE COMxMERCIAL CORRESPONDENT 
 
 OF AN 
 
 ASSOCIATION 
 
 OB" 
 
 COTTON MANUFACTURERS. 
 
 XiU^ 
 
 glcprntfcir from ^h U^atmit. 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 '^ ^.SS OF GEO. C. RAND & AVERT, 3 CORNHILL. 
 \ 18G5. 
 
 \ 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The following letters, which are reprinted from the columns of " The Na- 
 tion," were written by the correspondent of an association of Massachusetts 
 manufacturers, by whom he has been sent to the South to report upon the 
 condition of affairs with reference to the present and future supply of cotton. 
 His errand is purely a commercial one ; but as his letters in regard to tho 
 condition of the freedmen, and the feelings of the white inhabitants, have a 
 general interest, they have been separated from his cotton statistics, and pub- 
 lished. 
 
 It should be stated, that although the writer of the letters has served 
 nearly three years in the United-States navy, chiefly upon the inland waters, 
 he was not a hearty supporter of the administration of President Lincoln, 
 and was opposed to the policy of emancipation. The manufacturer who se- 
 lected him for this mission was blamed by some persons for sending a man 
 of Southern proclivity, who had been suspected of being a " copperhead." 
 
 This statement is made in order that his present opinions may have full 
 weight. 
 
 It should also be stated, that his severe charges against colored troops 
 apply only to such portions of them as are badly officered. In other letters, 
 he has given them full credit for efficiency and good discipline, where he has 
 found them under the command of good officers. 
 
 "*■ ^^"^OSTON, NOVEMBEB, 1865. ' 
 
 V 
 

 LETTERS. 
 
 Quitman, Ga., Ang. 25, 18C5. 
 It is a fact not to be disputed, by any candid 
 and intelligent eye-witness of the condition of 
 atfairs in this section of the country at this 
 present time, that the freedmen, whatever may 
 be their capacity or willinjfness for labor, are 
 not working to any considerable extent. I re- 
 peat that this is a fact which cannot be disputed 
 by any one who is well informed upon the sub- 
 ject ! Not but that instances abound where 
 the freedmen have done and are doing all that 
 could have been expected of them, and, in some 
 cases, perhaps, even more ; but these are ex- 
 ceptions. 
 
 There is no use in denying that there is an 
 antagonism existing between the blacks and 
 whites which threatens grave results if it is not 
 checked immediately. When I lirst landed, I 
 heard these reports, and paid no attention to 
 them, believing them to be but the results of au 
 unfounded prejudice on the part of the plant- 
 ers. At first 1 laughed at the idea, but recent 
 and new experiences have led me to believe 
 that there is some foundation to the statement. 
 Thus I find the impre.ssion general among the 
 blacks upon the plantations, that next Christ- 
 mas the lands are to be divided among them. 
 This idea they say they heard first from our 
 soldiers. General Sherman's course in setting 
 aside the Sea Islands for the freedmen may 
 have suggested the idea ; but, however it came, 
 it is prevalent to a great extent, and amounts 
 almost to a conviction with some. The breach 
 between the blacks and the whites deepens 
 and widens day by day ; on no account should 
 the militai-y control be withdrawn from this 
 country. Wherever our troops, white, have 
 been taken away, the people would be glad 
 to have them back again. _ Among all law- 
 abiding citizens the desire is that the white 
 troops" shall be permitted to remain until 
 the complete and perfect re-establishment of 
 civil government, tor which, by the way, 
 the bulk of the people seem noways anxious, 
 " tast in Georgia. I am convinced that 
 3uld be content to remain under military 
 I an indefinite period, if the black troops 
 \t be withdrawn. 
 
 ^s a class of hungry politicians and 
 
 ' rs down here wlio are clamorous for 
 
 •on of civil government, merely that 
 
 lime power and office, but the best 
 
 part of the community only appear to desire 
 the restoration of law and order, and appearto 
 think that it is soonest possible under our mili- 
 tary officers. For instance, in the town of 
 Quitman, Ga., there was stationed for a time 
 a command of United-States white troops; 
 and ] am informed that they were as well be- 
 haved as any could expect. Under their super- 
 vision the town was orderly and quiet, and no 
 violations of order took place. In consecj).ience 
 of the peaceable behavior of the inhabitants, 
 the troops were withdrawn. Within two weeks 
 upwards of two hundred bales of cotton were 
 stolen, houses broken into, robberies com- 
 mitted, — in fact, a perfect reign of terror 
 inaugurated, while the inhabitants, though 
 perfectly satisfied as to who were to blame, 
 yet dared not proceed against them. The 
 inhabitants petitioned the general commanding 
 to send back the troops to Quitman to preserve 
 social order. If our troops were withdrawn, I 
 am satisfied that this would be the case over 
 the whole country. The planter places no con- 
 fidence in the negro, and offers him inadequate 
 wages. Five to seven dollars a month, the negro 
 to clothe and feed himself, is the general rule in 
 the interior of the State. Ten dollars a month, 
 and the negro to board and clothe himself, ia 
 considered extremely liberal by the planters. 
 Frequently they otler nothing in money, but 
 only the boai'd, clothing, and medical attend- 
 ance, the latter two being scarcely more than 
 nominal, and then at the end of the season 
 they offer a certain number of bushels of corn, 
 sorghum, &c. Of course, no sensible man will 
 blame the negro for not working for such 
 wages; but then, on the other hand, the freed- 
 nian is not inclined to work, even for better 
 and reasonable wages, except in the most 
 desultory and indifierent manner. I will say 
 more on this subject hereafter. 
 
 SAVANJfAH, Ga., Sept. 2, 1805. 
 As the immediate future of the Southern 
 country appears to hinge upon the relations 
 that exist between the late slaves and their 
 former masters, public opinion is fastened upon 
 the subject, and, for the present at least, noth- 
 ing else is tallced of Even the reconstruction 
 question has sunk into insignificance beside it, 
 as the planter slowly awakens to the fact that 
 
 \ 
 
slavorv is really pone, as •svell in fart as in 
 name. IMany profess to lioj)e, that, by the en- 
 actment of a ripid system of vapjrant laws, the 
 nej^ro mav be eonipeilcd to work on the plant- 
 er's terms; but most of the people reco^rnize 
 the faet that slavery is dead beyond all iiopc 
 of resurrection. The feelinji of the ])lanttT 
 towards the neijro s(>ems to vary accordinjj to 
 position and surroundinjis. Thus in Florida I 
 lbun<l a vasuc and indefinite fear prevalent as 
 to the course of events. An excessive timidity 
 appeared to take tiie place of the late haujxhty 
 character of the planter towards his once slaves. 
 If the latter did not live up to their contracts, 
 as was ijenerally the case, the planter, instead 
 of attemjUincT to stem the tide, by remonstrating 
 with his hands and arGjuing them into a proper 
 state of mind, usually went whining to the 
 provost-marshals. The consequence appeared 
 to be that the negro observed his employer's 
 evident timidity, and learned to despise the 
 planter, and refuse obedience. In fact, in some 
 cases the ])lanter was obliged to call in the aid 
 of the military authorities in order to maintain 
 possession of his own house. At Jacksonville, 
 it was painful to witness the fear on the part 
 of the wliites towards the blacks. This is not 
 confined to Southern men. Thus, at Jackson- 
 ville, a Northern man related to me repeated 
 instances of insult at the hands of negroes in 
 the citj', as, for instance, being knocked off the 
 sidewalk when v,'alking with ladies. lie as- 
 sured me that he had always been a warm and 
 earnest friend of the negro, and had come down 
 Soutli with the Idndest of feelings towards him, 
 but he added that he had been much disap- 
 pointed. I could scarcely credit some of the 
 stories he told me. At ]\Iacon, I found much 
 the same state of affairs. I was there intro- 
 duced to a number of gentlemen, all Northern 
 men, by the way, who had been grossly in- 
 sulted, fired upon without provocation, their 
 lives endangered, &c., by the negro troops sta- 
 tioned there. 
 
 I was shown a bullet which hit a child in bed 
 the night before ; splinters from a door hit close 
 beside a man sitting at the window reading; 
 the morning's paper contained three instances 
 of narrow escapes the night I passed in the 
 city ; and, finally, I was witness to the careless 
 and wanton and nnsoldierlike firing of the 
 black soldiers, whoso bullets went whistling 
 thj'ough tlie streets all night long. All this is 
 wrong, and should be corrected. As far as my 
 observation extends, those regiments of blacks 
 formerly slaves are in a very poor state of 
 di-^cipline, not to say insubordination. They 
 drill well, and may do the other duties required 
 of them well ; but they are, one and all, disposed 
 to shoot down any white man on the least e.T- 
 cuse, and eager to have the opportunity. I 
 have been witness to so many instances myself, 
 that I must say I had rather face any band of 
 guerillas in the country than meet a bo:ly of 
 black troops unaccompanied by United-States 
 
 officers. As regards the relations existing be- 
 tween the planters and freedmen, there is 
 wrong on both sides. In many cases the plant- 
 er has over-reached and deceived the freed- 
 men in his contract, and he replies to their 
 demands for satisfaction with threats of vio- 
 lence; but too often the freedman himself is 
 all to blame. He will sign a fair and liberal 
 contract to-day, and break it to-morrow, or 
 ignore it entirely. When the planter has 
 taken advantage, or imposed uf>on the negro, 
 the latter finds liis redress at the oflice of ti;c 
 provost-marshal or tho Freedman's Bureau. 
 But the ])lanter is left with his crop in the 
 grass at the slightest whlmsey or vagary of the 
 freedman, and has no redress. Thus it has 
 frequently happened here that a planter, who 
 has had a respectable crop planted this spring, 
 has given up all attempts at cultivation, and 
 turned his hands loose, sometimes paying them 
 to go away. What is needed is a law to pre- , 
 vent the negroes from flocking to the towns, I 
 and obliging them to fulfil their contracts when 
 just and right. But the blacks are disinclined 
 to work cotton and rice at any price whenever 
 they can find other work to do. 
 
 '• If oh? massa want to grow cotton, let him 
 plant it himself I'se work for him dese twenty 
 year, and done got nothin' but food and clothes, 
 and dem mighty mean ; now I'se freedman, 
 and I tell you I ain't going to work cotton no- 
 how." 
 
 This is, as nearly as I can remember, the 
 exact language I hail from a freedman, in re- 
 ply to a remark in relation to his raising cotton 
 next year ; and his audience, all blacks except 
 myself, judging from their exj)ressions of ap- 
 proval, perfectly coincided with him. I cannot 
 resist the conviction that it will be years again 
 before we see such large crops of cotton as be- 
 fore the war. I have not the least idea that 
 affairs will settle down at once, as some believe ; 
 every thing is in a transition state, and it will 
 take years to get accustomed to the new order 
 of things. In your letter of the 7th of August, 
 which T found at Savannah on my return, you 
 state that some of the gentlemen who are inter- 
 ested in my mission have an impi-esslon that I 
 am prejudiced against the negroes. I can hon- 
 estly say that impression is erroneous. Indeed, 
 that man who can observe their condition to- 
 day, and not pity them and sympathize with 
 them, must be heartless indeed. However, I 
 must let you judge from my letters. I shall 
 write nothing but what I sincerely believe. I 
 shall fiiitlifuliy attempt to indicate their exact 
 present condition, opinions, and desires. Bnt 
 I must request you to bear in mind that there 
 is a wide difference between the blacks v 
 the ministrations of the Freedman's B' 
 and those who have never come under it- 
 ence, — by far the larger part. I hr 
 menced to send you a separate sheet l/ 
 receipt of your letter, and will write 
 
qnently as I obtain new facts bearing upon this 
 subject. 
 
 Charleston, Sept. 4, 1865. 
 It is to be regretted that people can be found 
 mean enough to impose upon the credulity of 
 the poor blacks. Thus I have known them to 
 come in large numbers, from distances in some 
 cases exceeding a hundred miles, and all the 
 way on foot, " to get the barrel of flour the 
 Queen has sent us," " for a free ride to Wash- 
 ington to sec the President," and on all sorts or 
 kinds of errands wliich the returning con- 
 federates or Union soldiers have made them 
 believe to be possible. Those who have been 
 thus deceived are, of course, suspicious of all 
 stories. I fancy the idea they have of sharing 
 the lands among them is deep and wide-spread ; 
 at least, those among the freedmen who will 
 not own that they believe it, are willing enough 
 to assert that it ought to be so. I have a the- 
 ory, formed since my arrival, that if the planter 
 could be induced to go into the field himself, 
 and overlook the labor of his hands, they would 
 work well ; but this the planter will not con- 
 sent to do. He still clings to that remnant 
 of the past, the overseer, and will not be 
 persuaded that he is better off without him. 
 Kow, the negroes, not having any very pleas- 
 ant recollections of the system of overseeing, 
 utterly refuse to have one over them, and in 
 almost every case have succeeded in driving 
 him from the place ; they are not slow to say 
 that they will kill any man who undertakes the 
 job. I think, however, that where an intelligent 
 and capable negro-driver can be found, such as I 
 had in Mississippi, for instance, the blacks might 
 be induced to labor under his supervision. He 
 must not be called an overseer, however ; 
 they object to that term. Northern men, hav- 
 ing no objections to oversee the freedmen 
 themselves, will get along and have a great 
 advantage in this respect over the Southerners. 
 The blacks, from their numerical preponder- 
 ance in the large plantation districts, amounting 
 in some parts of the country to more than ten 
 to one, arc fast reversing the state of things exist- 
 ing before the war. They are very insolent and 
 saucy where there are no white troops, and I 
 should not be in the least surprised if the next 
 novelty should be the Southern people demand- 
 ing protection against them. Northern people 
 must come down here and regenerate this 
 country, or it is hopelessly ruined for this 
 generation. Society is turned completely top- 
 sy-turvy. New men with new ideas are m 
 great demand just now ; the Southern people 
 have lost all confidence in their own leaders, 
 ^here is no more chance of an outbreak against 
 v3 Federal Government now than there is in 
 ^ton. I hear as bitter denunciations of the 
 ^•?^rs in the Rebellion down here as I ever 
 it the North, and I am persuaded that 
 re sincere. They pet their returned 
 
 vhi 
 
 soldiers, and consider them lieroes ; they all 
 respect and admire their military leaders who 
 were at all successful. Thus I have heard no 
 word spoken of Gen. Lee but in his favor. 
 But against Jeff. Davis, Toombs, Yancey, and 
 the like,' there is an intense feeling amounting 
 almost to hatred. The first thing to be done is 
 to educate the negro. At present, his ideas of 
 freedom are based on his observation of his 
 roaster's habits before the wai'. As the South- 
 ern gentleman did not work, and employed his 
 time in travelling about, so the freedman does 
 no more work than will sufHce for his immedi- 
 ate wants, and occupies his time in travelling 
 from one jilace to another. I meet them on all 
 the roads, in crowds, like packs of gypsies, some 
 going to one place and some to another, and 
 with no idea of how they are going to exist 
 when they get there. This remark applies 
 more particularly to the young men and 
 women. The older ones have more sense, 
 and many of them remain on the plantations. 
 The military authorities are sending them back 
 to their old homes now, but sometimes the 
 planters refuse to receive them. 
 
 I arrived here yesterday, and leave again 
 to-morrow for the West via Augusta and At- 
 lanta. I was six days in getting from Sa- 
 vannah to Augusta last time, and took this 
 route as well to save time as in order to get 
 through a section of the country I had not bo- 
 fore visited. 
 
 Travelling here is still very difficult and 
 tedious. As a general rule, the cars only run 
 every other day, and then at a very low rate 
 of speed. Fifteen miles an hour is very quick 
 travelling here by rail. From Quitman to 
 Doctortown, in Georgia, on the Savannah, 
 Albany, and Gulf Railroad, the distance is a 
 hundred and twenty-five miles ; the running- 
 time is upwards of nine hours, making the rate 
 of speed less than fourteen miles an hour. The 
 fare charged is $10, or eight cents a mile. At 
 the North, the distance would be made in about 
 half the time, and for considerably less than 
 half the price. The hacks usually run only by 
 night, in order to make connection with the 
 railroads, and make only about tour miles an 
 hour. Prices on either conveyance are simply 
 exorbitant. Parties of three or four are car- 
 ried distances of fifty miles for twenty-five dol- 
 lars each in the hacks which run between the 
 breaks in the railway. The work of repairs 
 goes on but slowly on these railroads. The 
 steariiboats are about as bad: the rivers are at 
 their lowest. I find I could easily devote my 
 whole time to two or three States, and not half 
 go over them at that ; so I am obliged to visit 
 only the larger towns, where there is the most 
 cotton in store. I have ridden myself sore 
 in the saddle, and begin to appreciate the fact 
 that I have heard so often dwelt upon, viz., that 
 this is a great country. I take every opportunity 
 of getting at the opinions of persons who are 
 generally supposed to have the best informei- 
 
tion as to cotton, and frequently am able to 
 make some arrangements to have information 
 forwarded to me tioin sneh points as are too 
 far away from my route for me to spare the 
 time to visit. Ilei-e, as in Georgia and Flor- 
 ida, the all-engrossing topie, overshadowing 
 every thing else, is the future relations of the 
 blacks and whites. The negroes have always 
 been very quiek to learn, and to assume the 
 privileges and liberties pertaining to freedom ; 
 but they are. as a class, perfwtly ignorant, and 
 not at all inclined to learn of the responsibili- 
 ties they assume with their privileges. Depend 
 upon it, you will have more trouble at the 
 Isorth than at the South in relation to ne<i;ro 
 Buflrage. I don't believe the Southerners will 
 object to their voting as soon as they are edu- 
 cated ; indeed, many arc perfectly willing they 
 should vote now, believing they can control 
 their vote ; but the most of the thinking men 
 I meet are^ anxious to get them out of the 
 country. Ko Southern man a{)pears to have 
 the slightest belief in the free-labor system with 
 the blacks. Emigration societies are forming 
 all over the country to induce free white labor 
 to come down here. 
 
 Orangeburg, S. C, Sept. 8, 1865. 
 
 The sole ambition of the freedman at the 
 present time appears to be to become the own- 
 er of a little piece of land, there to erect an 
 humble home, and to dwell in peace and secu- 
 rity at his own free will and pleasure : if he 
 wishes to cultivate the ground to cotton on his 
 own account, to be able to do so without any 
 one to dictate to him hours or systems of labor; 
 if he wishes instead to plant corn or sorghum or 
 sweet potatoes, to be able to do that free from 
 any outside control, — in one word, to be free 
 to control his own time and efforts without any 
 thing that can remind him of past sufferings in 
 bondage. 
 
 This is his idea, his desire, and his hope. 
 It is common to all, but much stronger 
 among the married and middle-aged. Ask'al- 
 most any one what he is going to do this 
 •winter, and he will answer you, " I'se got a 
 sister" — a wife or a mother, as the case might 
 be — "in Virginia, and I'm going to look her 
 tip and fetch her home." Or they are going 
 home themselves ; that maybe in" Mississippi^ 
 or Kentucky, or any other of the Southern 
 States farthest from them. One and all they 
 have a journey to make ; and generally they 
 are just from some point, ofttimes quite distant. 
 I am more than inclined to doubt if they are 
 ever again induced to work in large gangs on 
 large plantations for the Southerners. . The mere 
 offer of wages, however large, does not appear to 
 tempt them to make engagements for any length 
 of time, — a whole season, for instance. They 
 are generally willing enough to perform job- 
 work at a reasonable rate, if it will not take 
 them more than a day or two ; but it is difficult' 
 
 and well-nigh impossible to keep them steadily 
 at work a week at a time. Tliey are apt 
 to believe, in the matter of contracts, judging 
 from their past experiences, that the fairer tho 
 promises made to them, the less likely thev are 
 to be kept. Then, again, they all appear fear- 
 ful of forfeiting their m-wly accjuired liberty in 
 some manner. The raising of cotton is associ- 
 ated in the negroes' minds with memories of 
 tho overseer, the driver, and the lash, — in 
 fact, with the whole system of slaverv, and 
 tl>ey appear to think them inseparable. I 
 judge tliat a great change has come over them 
 since the war has ceased. Thus, while they 
 regarded the issue as at all doubtful, they were 
 content to live on in the same old way, and to 
 wait for the event to be assured. So long as 
 the Southerners remained in the field, there 
 were doubts ; for their masters were constantly 
 assuring them that they never, never, never 
 coidd be whipped. Tliat is all changed now, 
 and the difference in the behavior of tho 
 blacks is to be noticed at once. The present 
 race of Southern men are most of them too 
 set in their way ever to change their opinions. 
 Here and there one will be found smart 
 enough to endeavor to assimilate himself to 
 Northern ideas of progress, but as a whole 
 they will be left behind in the race of civiliza- 
 tion. It may be that I labor under the objec- 
 tion of being too near the object, and cannot 
 see as distinctly, or judge as con-ectly, as those 
 at greater distance ; but it does appear to 
 me as though it would take years, at least, to 
 restore order out of this chaos. Of one thing, 
 however, there can be no doubt : the introduc- 
 tion of the Northern element an<l principles 
 will do more toward the re-establishment of 
 law and order than any other one thing. Tho 
 Southerners' minds are in a peculiar state just 
 now. They listen to all hints as to the im- 
 provement of their situation ; and the sensible 
 ones are anxious, and even eager, to give the 
 free-labor system a fair trial, although not one 
 in a hundred but will pronounce its success to 
 be an impossibility. There are not wanting at 
 the Soutii a class of men, a small minority as 
 yet, it is true, but, as a class, influential, who 
 think they see an opportunity to make money 
 by falling in with the new order of things and 
 co-operating heartily. "Such men as these 
 will offer, and are now offei-ing, to pay the 
 blacks fair prices for their labor next season 
 on the plantations. I know of offers of fifteen 
 dollars a month, with board, lodging, medical at- 
 tendance, the right to raise stock and to cultivate 
 an acre of ground on their owa account as a 
 garden, to first-class field hands, made by 
 Southerners of this class. Now, in my opinion 
 this is very foir pay. Others ofler one-fourtl? 
 of the crop, of all crops. But the determinf 
 tion of the blacks not to work cotton so lon^ 
 they can find other work to do is all bu^ 
 vincible. Those Northern men who comf 
 operations early next season will be f' 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
make crops ; for they can hire away the stead- 
 iest and best hands from their former owners, 
 who have folded their hands and are waitinc:, 
 like Micawbor, for something to turn up. As 
 to shivery, that man must be bhnd indeed who 
 cannot see that it is as dead as the Pharaohs, 
 and only awaits its burial. Even if the North 
 should acquiesce in its re-establishment, it 
 Would be impossible. The black man is anoth- 
 er being ; the shackles are off, and only by a 
 terrible and doubtful struggle could they be 
 replaced. The fact is, that, while we are de- 
 bating what amount of capacity the black man 
 possesses, he has gone beyond the anticipations 
 of his warmest friends : he not only i-ealizes 
 that he is free, but he is not at all disposed to 
 accept any restrictions on his perfect freedom. 
 Those who have been flattering themselves that 
 he would have to pass through a transition 
 state, will be disappointed. The only trouble 
 now is to prevent him from mistaking license 
 for liberty ; to inculcate the doctrine of respon- 
 sibility among the blacks now should be the 
 aim of every Northern man at the South to-day, 
 for it is only from the Northern men the blacks 
 ■will stoop to learn. Our white soldiers, from a 
 love of mischief, have been filling the ears of 
 the blacks with the most I'idiculous and outra- 
 geous stories. It is easy enough to make theni 
 believe them. Thus, when I tell them it is 
 not true that the lands are to be divided among 
 them, not one in ten fully believes me. " Hasn't 
 General Sherman set aside the Sea Islands for 
 them ? " " What's the use to give us our free- 
 dom if we can't stay Avhere we are raised, and 
 own our houses where we are born, and our 
 little pieces of ground ? " The black soldiers 
 are responsible for the bad habits of the freed- 
 inen to a great extent. I am at a loss to see 
 what possible good their presence here is now. 
 If to humble the Southern pride, that end has 
 been fully accomplished. I have heard black 
 soldiers make the most insulting remarks to 
 Southerners, who are too glad to get by with 
 only that, to take notice of them. The one 
 thing before all others is, however, to educate, 
 educate, educate ! Blacks and whites, old and 
 young, rich and poor, education is their need 
 alike- 
 
 MONTGOMERY, ALA., Sept. 15, 1865, 
 
 Except for the disinclination to make con- 
 tracts for the next year, or to keep those en- 
 tered into for this year, in fact, to do work on 
 plantations, the blacks are acting admirably 
 loherever there are no nenro soldiers stationed. 
 They seem not only willing but anxious to 
 obtain labor of any kind except that on plan- 
 "^tions. They desire to learn mechanical em- 
 'pyments ; any number can be hired for such 
 \'poses ; but they won't work on plantations. 
 ^Y a great deal said about their stealing 
 isitios ; but I feel quite certain they don't 
 Nilf so much as the whites; and to my 
 
 mind it is clear that half the villany charged on 
 the poor blacks is perpetrated by the whites, 
 who find it convenient to make a scape-goat 
 of the negro. Every one who owns cotton here 
 is agreed as to one fact, — the necessity of 
 keej)ing a guard over it day and night to pro- 
 tect it from the white thieves ; and if they will 
 steal cotton, as it is notorious they do, I can't 
 see why they won't steal any thing else. 
 
 The latest " dodge " is for the white women 
 to harness up their wagons and go on a cotton 
 "raid;" then, if the cotton is found on the 
 man's premises, he knows nothing about it. 
 What can you expect from a race who set 
 their wives and daughters to steal for their 
 support? The white man is more afraid of 
 the negro than the negro of the white man ; 
 withdraw your support, and the negro will 
 stand firmly enough by himself. All the pro- 
 ducing labor that is done is done by him, and 
 this will continue to be the case. The white 
 man down here has learned to lean on the 
 negro for support, and he can't do without 
 him ; and the negro knows it. It is all working 
 right enough. The large plantations must be 
 subdivided ; this will come about of itself in 
 time. Already every one is clamoring to sell 
 at any sacrifice. Then small crops from small 
 freeholders will in time be more than equal to 
 large crops on large plantations. Depend 
 upon it, it is all working for the best. As for 
 the re-enslavement of the negro, as well talk 
 of recalling yesterday. The nearest approach 
 that any one down here hopes for is the estab- 
 lishment of such laws regulating labor as would 
 constitute a sort of serfdom. The Banks' sys- 
 tem would be accepted iy an instant by the 
 white man. As regards negro suffrage, many 
 of the planters will not oppose it, thinking that 
 they can secure the negroes' votes ; but they 
 dare not openly advocaSe it, as the middle and 
 poorer classes will not hear of it. They will 
 not consent to discuss it, saying it is simply 
 impossible. The power and prestige and influ- 
 ence of the old planters have in a great meas- 
 ure departed forever. I go from here to Selma, 
 and shall then try to get up in the northern 
 part of the State. 
 
 New Orleans, Oct. 1, 1865. 
 Deau Sir, — Up to this time I have re- 
 frained from expressing any opinion in relation 
 to the temper, policy, or designs of the people 
 at the South, except as regards their relations 
 toward the freedmen. I abstained purposely, 
 and for two reasons ; first, I desired ample 
 time and opportunity in order to form an intel- 
 ligent and impartial idea of their tone of feel- 
 ing under the new and peculiar circumstances 
 in which they have been pkiced ; and next,. 
 I should hot now have ventured to obtrude my 
 opinion upon you, had not you done me the 
 honor to request it. I have, as is natural un- 
 der the circumstances, occupied myself in a 
 
10 
 
 very oonsitlorablc dcprce in observing tlioir 
 jfciu'ral state of mind, in listt-ninj; to tlioir plans 
 and hopes and fears fur tlie future, and, in fact, 
 in atteniptinij to understand their present posi- 
 tion and future prosj)ects. In travelling about 
 as I have, from one section of the country to 
 the other, I have been able to eompare opin- 
 ions, and, as you know, I have had peculiar and 
 favorable opportunities for ascertaining the 
 views they have In common. I have endeav- 
 ored to trace the motives from which they have 
 acted, and which now animate them, and their 
 1-eal [)nrpose for the future, if they have one. 
 In giving you my opinion now, it is proper to 
 say that I have taken no one individual as a 
 criterion of the whole, and have judged them 
 only by the opinions I find they are generally 
 V agreed upon ; neither have I any one's state- 
 ment for their thoughts and actions. My opin- 
 ions, deductions, and conclusions are derived 
 from my own experience and observation 
 among them, and whether they shall be con- 
 firmed or denied by others, are, notwithstand- 
 ing, n'v honest a^id sincere convictions. 
 
 My opportunities for mixing among thorn, 
 and' arrix'ing at their real and true sentiments, 
 have been considerable and frequent, and I 
 have made use of them to the full extent of my 
 ability. I "ow propose to write you a letter, 
 or letters, giving you my full opinion with all 
 the conclusions I have been able to arrive at. 
 If any statement in it may appear to you worth 
 makinf public, yon have my free permission to 
 use my name as authority. 
 
 One needs but a short time to remark, among 
 this people, that, wiiile the war has impoverished 
 • them, reducing the ifost wealthy among them 
 almost to very paupers, and bringing all down 
 to one common level, so far as goods and money 
 are concerned, it has yet given an immense 
 impetus to the whole Southern country, devel- 
 oped a degree of latent force and energy among 
 the inhabitants that was, to say the least, quite 
 unexpected, and has tended directly toward 
 making them more of a self-supporting, self- 
 reliant community than before the war, by the 
 consolidation of their interests and resources. 
 Nor is the movement likely to cease with the 
 war. The poor white goes back to his home 
 with his mind enlarged and strengthened, and 
 capable of grasping i<Ieas which he never even 
 attempted to comprehend before the war. His 
 discipline has improved him immensely, so far 
 as his capacity is concerned; he is far more 
 ready to reason for himself. The fixhe ideas 
 prevalent throughout the South in relation to 
 the dignity or indignity of labor have been 
 ■ done away with almost entirely, and I have 
 met and can mention the names of planters' 
 sons who were esteemed to be worth millions 
 betbre the war, who are not ashamcij to per- 
 form duties they once considered as degrading, 
 such as acting as overseers, clerks, &c., &c., 
 even to the learning of mechanical trades. I 
 have met men who have gone to work since the 
 
 close of the war at fifty cents per diem, cutting 
 fire-wood ami drawing water, who once owned 
 thelr^ilantalions and had many slaves. I be- 
 lieve they honestly accept and intend to abide 
 by the emancipation of the negro. ^lany of 
 them speak of it as if a great load had been 
 lifted olF them. Their position in regard to 
 slavery appears to be this: They felt that they 
 needed the proilucing labor of the negro, and- 
 that under the slave code they were sure of it, 
 in a high degree, while under a free-labor sys- 
 tem, at the best, it could not be made available 
 to such an extent for many years. Besides, 
 they say they were born in this country, and 
 found the blacks here, and even though slavery 
 might be morally wrong, yet what coidd they 
 do? By emancipation they almost universally 
 believe the inevitable destruction of the blacks 
 is accomi)lished. According to their theory, 
 the negro, if left to himself, will relapse into 
 barbarism; and, as he cannot take care of him- 
 self, he will, in time, die out, even if his exit is 
 not hastened by a war of races, which almost 
 all regard as possible, and very many, perhaps 
 the majority, as inevitable. They say that for 
 the negro's sake, quite as much as for their own, 
 they would have perpetuated the institution of 
 slavery. Many of them, while perfectly will- 
 ing to admit that it degraded the white man, 
 assert that it brought the negro higher in the 
 social scale than he ever could have otherwise 
 attained. These say, that, in emancipating the 
 negro, the North has j)ronounced his death- 
 warrant, and that his blood must be on the 
 head of those who accomplished his destruction. 
 They are all anxious to supply their places 
 with white labor. 
 
 If any grand colonization project should be 
 started, the Southerners would all favor it, as 
 they say now, all they wish is, " to get shet of 
 them;" that is, to get them out of the country. 
 But, while I am able to say that they have 
 made up their minds that emancipation Is a 
 fact, anil not to be avoided, I am obliged to 
 state my earnest opinion, that, so far as seces- 
 sion is concerned, that is, the doctrine of State 
 Rights, It is more deeply rooted than ever 
 among them. They are perfectly united In 
 the belief that the division of this country Is 
 both right from a moral stand-point, and j)olitic 
 as a measure of expediency. They have sim- 
 ply changed their base from the battle-field to 
 the ballot-box, believing, as they very frankly 
 admit, that greater triumphs await them there 
 than they could ever hope for in the field. In 
 almost every house hangs the old, worn. Con- 
 federate uniform, which is displayed with pride 
 and satisfaction to all comers. So far from re- 
 penting of the stand they took, they glory In 
 it. They, regret the result, and their non/ 
 success, it is true, but not one in a thousand wi' 
 admit they were in the wrong. / 
 
 Many profess to de{>lore the policy f 
 leaders saw At to adopt ; In fact, almost al'' 
 exceptions to it in whole or in part, as^ 
 
11 
 
 their failure to this or that measure, having, or 
 not having, been adopted ; but, so far as my 
 experience extends, none attack the principles 
 they professed. A favorite idea with them is 
 that if they had not set up a new government, 
 but fought for their rights under the old flag, 
 making the revolution a national one, they 
 ■would have succeeded at once, and could then 
 have reconstructed the Union to suit them- 
 selves. 
 
 They have returned, as they themselves take 
 every opportunity of asserting, because they had 
 to, not because they tvished to. Ask almost any 
 man here if he believes he would be better off 
 out of the Union than in it, and he is surprised 
 at the question. " Of course they would be 
 better off." They return under compulsion, 
 and desire it to be so understood. Their posi- 
 tion is precisely this: they coincide with their 
 military leaders, who believed, as a choice 
 OF EVILS, it was better to return to the Union 
 than to continue the war. The only conces- 
 sion they are willing sincerely to make is that 
 of slavery, which they see has been ground out 
 of existence by the war. It was a measure of 
 policy that induced them to give up, not a 
 conviction of duty. They arc angry with 
 Jeffersox Davis, because he did not accede 
 |o Lincoln's terms, at Fortress Monroe. 
 They argue that at least ninety-five in every 
 tno huntlred votes at the North are sure to 
 be thrown in their favor, and they can now 
 rule the Union by giving up, which is cheaper 
 than to persist in their idea of a separate gov- 
 ernment. That idea, however, is only laid aside 
 for a time. Every boy at the South is being 
 educated in the belief that the relations the 
 South to-day sustains toward the North, are the 
 same as those of Hungary or Venetia toward 
 Austria, or of Poland to Russia. They bide 
 their time. They have adopted for their motto, 
 " Patience, and shuffle the cards." The snake, 
 so far from being killed, is barely " scotched." 
 Meantime, they deem it better to rule in. the 
 Union tlian to serve in the Confederate army. 
 
 As Ilamilcar made Hannibal swear eternal 
 enmity against old Rome, so every Southern 
 matron is bringing up her children to hate and 
 despise the Federal Union. The abolition of 
 slavery is but an incident to them, a part of the 
 price they have to pay ; the idea of a separate 
 and independent nationality is deeply rooted in 
 the Southern heart. It is strongest among tlie 
 youngest. You need not expect to see the 
 Fourth of July celebrated in this portion of 
 the country. Their jireachers are among the 
 most persistent, and all the influence of the pul- 
 pit is on the side of disunion. Their professors 
 second their efforts fi-om their colleges and sem- 
 ■^naries. How long this will continue it is diffi- 
 >Ut to say ; but it does not look as though it 
 
 '^uld die out in a day. I will write more on 
 S^ibject in a few days. 
 
 \ 
 
 New Oulean's, Oct. 2, 1865. 
 
 Dear Sir, — In my letters to you, I have 
 given it as my opinion that the South have 
 made up their minds to accept the emancipa- 
 tion of the blacks as a fait accompli, as some- 
 thing that is done and cannot be undone. It 
 may well appear, however, that many of their 
 argimients and resolutions Mould seem to squint 
 at the re-establishment of slaveiy. Thus when 
 they deny that the President possessed the con- 
 stitutional right to issue Lis proclamation of 
 emancipation (and that being the case liis de- 
 crees upon the subject are not binding and of 
 no eflect), it would be rjuite reasonable and 
 natural to supy)ose that tliey drew the infer- 
 ence that slavery still exists of right ; but, there 
 is another explanation to this. The whole 
 South is in league to obtain compensation for 
 the slaves. 
 
 This is what prevents Kentucky from adopt- 
 ing the constitutional amendment, and this is 
 the secret of all their speeches and resolves. 
 As to the fact itself, it is indisputable. Slavery 
 is dead, and nothing less than a miracle could 
 re-establish it. If the North, however, has any 
 fears upon the subject, they have only to mus- 
 ter out the black troops and send them South ; 
 and, my word for it, there will be much more 
 danger of the blacks enslaving the whites in 
 these cotton States than of the opposite. The 
 South, to-day, so far mistake the situation as to 
 suppose that, by pretending to believe the in- 
 stitution not yet defunct, and that it is still pos- 
 sible to revive it, they can frighten the North- 
 ern people into compensation for emancipation. 
 They are confirmed in this idea by tlie action 
 of New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky. I 
 have heard many a Southern man bitterly ac- 
 cuse Jefferson Davis of neglecting to accept 
 the terms Lincoln offl'red at Fortress Mon- 
 roe ; and, when I asked what those terms were, 
 they answered, " Gradual emancipation, and 
 payment to be made to the owners of slaves." 
 ^Vhen I said the whole South was in league, I 
 should have said, the whole body o( slave-owners. 
 Those who did not own slaves, however, are 
 still the ready tools and accomplices of those 
 who did. 
 
 The devotion of the Southern people to, and 
 their belief in, the reigning class, can hardly 
 be exaggerated. It is my firm belief, that, if 
 either General Lee or AVade Hamtton 
 should raise the standard of revolt to-moiTOw, 
 thousands upon thousands would flock to their 
 support. Not that there is the slightest reason 
 to suspect such a movement. On the contrary, 
 the Southern people have made up their minds 
 not to do any more fighting if they can possi- 
 bly help it ; but they have that confidence in 
 the individuals I have mentioned, tliat they 
 would waive their own opinions in a moment. 
 This does not extend to their prominent politi- 
 cal men, most of whom are distrusted, and 
 some hated as badly as the " the Yankees." 
 
 ^, 
 
 Is 
 
1^ 
 
 As to tlicir aflecnion for their military' leaders, 
 you will liud proof in the elections at lliehmoud 
 and South Carolina. No luan has a better 
 claim to their t^ynipath}-, and none stand a 
 better chance of" election, than those who were 
 the last to give up. Motives of policy may 
 induce them to nominate others, but the fact 
 renuiins as I have stated. I re])eat that Gen- 
 eral Li;k and Wadk Hampton aro the two 
 most popular and best-loved men in the South 
 to-day. I have heard but one disi)araging re- 
 mark made of General hv.v. since I was at the 
 South, and that waa in this connection : I was 
 rilling one nijjht in a hack across the gap in a 
 railway, made by Wilson, and, as usual, the 
 conversation turned on political afiairs and the 
 conditions and prospects of the Southern peo- 
 ple. One man said that General Lee stood 
 the best chance for the next presidency, — by 
 the way, that is a very prevalent idea here at 
 the South, — when another remarked that he 
 would rather have Andrew Johnson. I 
 was curious to know why, and inquired. lie 
 replied, that " he had had but little confidence 
 in Lee since he favored negro soldiers, and in 
 his opinion he was not much better than a 
 black republican." 
 
 The old proverb, you see, holds good with 
 tliis jieople, and these "men convinced against 
 their will, are of the same opinion still." 
 
 Li my next letter 1 will try and indicate 
 what I believe to be the policy of the Southern 
 leaders, and what objects they are trying to 
 achieve. I will mention here, however, that 
 Southern people can scarcely credit the possi- 
 bility of their representatives being refused 
 admittance to Congress; and as to negro suf- 
 frage, they never will give their consent to it. 
 The ])lanters might ; but the prejudice among 
 the middle and poorer classes is too great for 
 them to encounter, and, at the best, they will 
 only remain passive. 
 
 New Orleans, Oct. 4, 18G5. ' 
 Dear Sir, — The Southern people, it ap- 
 pears to me, are, and have been, far more in 
 the habit of implicitly trusting their political 
 leaders than the people of the North. They 
 are less disposed to criticise the actions of those 
 in authority until the event has proved them 
 right or wrong. This results, no doubt, in a 
 great degree, from the fact that their periodical 
 literature (newspapers, &c.) is far inferior in 
 amount of distribution to that at the North. It 
 is no uncommon thing here for men of cultiva- 
 tion and refinement to permit weeks to pass 
 without taking up a newspaper. I mention 
 this fact because 1 am fully persuaded that the 
 disposition of the Southern people is to be 
 allected permanently by the way their former 
 leaders are treated by the North. For instance, 
 it would be the worst ])ossible policy to hang or 
 otherwise severely punish Jefferson Davis. 
 
 To-day there is a strong feeling at the South 
 against the iman. They claim that by his self- 
 will and obstinacy he has done more to injure 
 the Confederate cause than any ten of their 
 antagonists ; now, if he is punished, he will as 
 surely be canonized by the South as a martyr, 
 as lie will be forever disliked by them if per- 
 mitted to go free. The quickest and surest 
 and only way to conciliate the South, if it be 
 their good-will that is sought, is to hold out 
 such inducements to the leaders they still con- 
 fide in as shall cause them to represent to the 
 Southern people that it is for their interest to 
 accept the statu quo. The Southern people 
 can be reached quickest through the medium 
 of such men as 11. E. Lee and Wade LIamp- 
 
 TON. 
 
 At present, every one at the South is occu- 
 pied in his personal and fiiinily interests. There 
 are noj>olitical ])arties; very little coherence of 
 opinion as to the policy best to be pursued. 
 I find among the knowing ones, particularly 
 those who have been on to the North, and 
 remained some time in New York or Wash- 
 ington, a sanguine belief that they can easily 
 resume the reins of office; and these men are 
 the only Unionists in the South to-day. You 
 can depend upon it, that the Southern States 
 in the future will present one solid, tuianimous 
 front, — their leaders have them Avell in hand, 
 and this is precisely what nincty-uine in every 
 hundred of the men, women, and children be- 
 lieve sincerely as to the situation to-day : First, 
 that the South of right possesses and always 
 possessed the right of secession. Secondly, 
 that the war only proved that the North was 
 the strongest. Thirdly, that negro slavery was 
 and is right, but has been abolished by the 
 war. The Southerners are too smart men not 
 to sec that slavery is dead, but many of them 
 hope as long as the black race exists here to 
 be able to hold it in a condition of [iractical 
 serfdom. All expect the negro will be killed 
 in one Avay or another by emancipation. The 
 policy of those who will eventually become the 
 leaders here at the South is, tor the present, 
 to accept the best they can get, to acquiesce in 
 any thing and every thing, but to strain every 
 nerve to regain the political power and ascend- 
 ency they held under Buchanan. This they 
 believe cannot be postponed longer than up to 
 the next presidential election. They will do 
 all in their power to resist negro sutlragc, to 
 reduce taxation and expenditures, and would 
 attack the national debt if they saw any reason 
 to believe repudiation possible. They will 
 continue to assert the inferiority of the Afri- 
 can, and they would to-day, if possible, precip- 
 itate the United States into a foreign war, be- 
 lieving they could then re-assert and obtain'/ 
 their independence. They Avill, most of thenrj' 
 take any oaths you may cause to be adoptey 
 and break them immediately and without s f 
 pie. In one word, this people have p-V 
 
13 
 
 themselves in resolute antagonism to the North ; 
 and this generation, at least, will always haie 
 the Northern people, while the boys are being 
 educated to the same idea. They will never, 
 however, appeal to arms again, unless in the 
 event of a division at the North, where they 
 could be sure of the assistance of one side, or in 
 case of a foreign war. They are bound now, 
 as before, to rule or ruin ; and if admitted to 
 political power, j'ou will find out that what I 
 write is true. The only way to make Union 
 men of them is to appeal to their interests. 
 Their sympathies are all one way ; and they 
 nearly all believe that the disintegration of this 
 nation is accomplished already, and that the 
 bonds that hold it together will soon snap apart 
 from their own weight. 
 
 New Orleans, Oct. 8, 1865. 
 Dear Sir, — Nowhere have I heard the 
 different theories in relation to the best mode 
 of disposing of the difEculties which at present 
 surround the questions of cotton cultivation 
 and the employment of the blacks more bit- 
 terly canvassed, and more decidedly advanced 
 and objected to, than here in New Orleans. So 
 far from there being any unanimity on the 
 subject, it would almost appear that no two 
 persons thought alike on the question. Instead 
 of Northern men believing that negroes can 
 and will work cotton, so that it can be made 
 profitable both to the planter and the freedmen, 
 as a general rule, I find those Northern men 
 whose planting experience has been confined to 
 the past two or three seasons among the most 
 sceptical as regards negro labor. But this may 
 proceed, no doubt does in some degree, from 
 their having been so unfortunate, a result to be 
 traced rather to the ravages of the cotton-worm 
 than to the desultory labor of the blacks ; for it 
 is not that the negro will not work, but that 
 he will not work steadily, that is the complaint. 
 On the other hand, I have met Southerners, 
 former slaveholders, who are more sanguine 
 than the warmest friends of the blacks, and 
 who have out-Yankeed the Yankee in their of- 
 fers to, and treatment of, the freedmen. It is 
 not to be denied that by far the larger part of 
 the community here at the South utterly scout 
 and deride the idea of free negro labor ; but it 
 is my intention in this letter to put in the 
 statements and experience of Dr. B., of Lake 
 Washington, Mississippi. Dr. B. I have known 
 ever since I first came down here in '63., 
 He was one of the most persistent, bitter, and 
 uncompromising secessionists I ever met. A 
 smart man : indeed, as I have frequent occa- 
 casion to remark, honest, outspoken secession- 
 ots are nearly always the smartest, and gener- 
 ^'y, so far as their private lives are concerned, 
 ■most respected and respectable, portion of 
 community. He informs me that he has 
 'i good crop this year ; that he believes 
 'Vee labor can be made more remunera- 
 slave labor ; and that, so far as he is 
 
 concerned, all he fears is that not enough of it 
 can be procured. He has had no trouble 
 with his hands. He paid them this season, 
 men ten dollars, women seven and eight, per 
 month. They worked as well as ever they 
 did : none have left him. Now for the expla- 
 nation of this seeming miracle. Dr. B. said 
 to me, " Last season, I worked my hands by 
 means of an overseer, and all the trouble and 
 tumult common among the other negroes and 
 upon the other plantations ensued. I made 
 up my mind that it was all the fault of the 
 overseer, a good enough man in his way, better 
 than they average ; but, like the rest, he 
 persisted in ignoring the change that had 
 taken place in affairs, and worked on the 
 old system. So this season I resolved to go into 
 the field myself. I told my hands at the com- 
 mencement of the season just what I would do 
 for them, just what I expected them to do for 
 me. They raised sweet potatoes, eggs, and 
 chickens on their own account. I fed and 
 clothed them, and paid them so much. I have 
 not had the least trouble. They have uniform- 
 ly treated me with respect, as I have them with 
 justice. They are all perfectly satisfied with 
 their year's work ; and I expect to pursue ex- 
 actly the same course next season, and have no 
 doubt I shall get along just as well. I should 
 not go into the field witli my negi-oes myself, if ne- 
 cessity did not compel me to it : it has compelled 
 me to' it, and it vnll compel me to it for many 
 years to come, I expect. I have about eighty 
 head of negroes. Of these, only some twenty 
 odd work in the field ; the rest are too old or 
 too young, or house-servants. At fifty cents a 
 pound for cotton, I can afford to support not 
 only the negroes, but their families. If cotton 
 falls, I shall explain to my hands, and they 
 will comprehend me, that, not receiving so 
 much, I cannot afford to give them so much. 
 I am willing always to make a fair division 
 with them." This is a part of what Dr. B. 
 has told me. You will perceive thi'S coincides 
 precisely with the theory I advanced in some 
 of my earlier letters to you on this subject. If 
 planters themselves would direct their negroes, 
 and dispense with the overseer, all the good 
 and well-inclined negroes would obey them so 
 long as justice was done them. The negroes 
 who are vicious and idle, will, in one way or 
 another, be obliged to labor sooner or later. 
 But the former class is the larger, or will be as 
 soon as their excitement about their freedom 
 subsides. The novelty of the thing of course 
 leads to many irregularities, but they are al- 
 ready settling down. I have met one other 
 planter in South Carolina who had had precisely 
 the same experience as Dr. B., having gone 
 to work in the very same manner. But he was 
 a " small " planter, only owning before the war 
 some ten or twelve hands. What Dr. B. has 
 done, nine out of ten of the Southern plant- 
 ers might do, if so inclined. The difficulty lies 
 in their lack of inclination. 
 
14 
 
 ArBTTM, Tetlvs, Oct. 23, 18C5. 
 I could not engage a private conveyance to 
 San Antonio for less than one hundred dollars 
 in specie. Nothing but specie circulates here 
 among the natives; and people having business 
 hero will do well to provide themselves with 
 gold and silver, as rates are much ciieaper lor 
 " the hard " than Avhen paid in greenbacks, 
 estimating gold at .50 per cent, premium. I 
 passed tlirougli Bastrop on the 21st, and found 
 the inhabitants (engaged in raising an American 
 flag over the court-house, with the honor of a 
 salute. As the act was voluntary, it proves that 
 there is really and truly a genuine " Union " 
 sentiment in some portions of this State. The 
 German element in the population here as 
 elsewhere is sincerely loyal, I believe. The 
 cotton they bring into market (the (Jermans) 
 is uniformly much better handled, picked 
 cleaner, &c., than that produced by negro 
 cultivation. The Germans raise from one to 
 fifteen bales apiece. Almost all the cotton 
 ■which has yet been brought in is theirs. The 
 condition of society in this State is beyond all 
 deserlption. Every one goes armed ; the best 
 citizens, old gray-haired men, carry two or 
 more pistols, and are ready to use them on the 
 least provocation. Travel, there is little or 
 none. A person might be almost excused for 
 believing that the country was relapsing into 
 utter barbarism. One finds here the most ul- 
 tra secessionists, but also " Union" men of the 
 Parson Brownlow type. Business here is not 
 nearly as good as during the war. In fact, Texas 
 improved during the war in population, wealth, 
 and resources. As there is no railway within 
 upwards of a hundred miles of this place, all the 
 stocks of goods have to be hauled in on wagons. 
 During the war no inconvenience was experi- 
 enced from the blockade, as the business was 
 done through ^Mexico. ]\Iost of the stoi es are 
 close<l here, having sold out every thing. Spe- 
 cie abounds, and there is no poverty. Every 
 one is going to try and raise cotton next year. 
 In fact, Texas is entirely unlike the other 
 States through Avhich I have pa.ssed. To i)rove 
 how entirely every thing is sold out of the 
 country, it is only necessary for me to state 
 that all the di-inking saloons are closed up, be- 
 cause they are unable to haul whiskey in fiist 
 enough to supply the demand. As every one 
 familiar with Southern character knows that 
 whiskey with them is the most indispensable of 
 necessities, they can understand liow completely 
 every thing down here is thrown out of gear. 
 I hear manyof tiie people regret that they had 
 not persevered after the surrender of Lee, and 
 kept up the war on this side the Mississippi. 
 There are several thousand Confederates on 
 the west side the llio Grande, hoping and ex- 
 2)ecting the United States will get into a war 
 with INIaximilian, when they expect to form 
 the imeleus of a Southern army. The amount 
 of old cotton in the State is leas than the new 
 crop, and of poor i^uality. 
 
 San Antonto dk Bkxar, » 
 Tt;xAs, (.»ct. •■Hi, leiij. i 
 
 INfy route from Austin to this city took me 
 through tile (Jerman settlement of New Braun- 
 feis. All the (Jermans intend to plant cotton 
 next year, and I should not be surprised if the 
 amount raised in this State by their labor alone 
 should amount to one hundred thousand i)ale3. 
 You can set Texas down for a large crop in 
 18Gr>, unless something extraordinary oceurs. 
 At New Braunfels I found a cotton mill in 
 operation, started witliin three weeks. The 
 machinei-y is slated to have come from Eng- 
 land ; but I discovered it was from New York, 
 smuggled across the border, just before the close 
 of the war, from Mexico. These Germ:-uis hero 
 maintain all their national characteristics, and, 
 as an evidence of their loyalty, it is sullicient to 
 state that out of twenty-two hundred enlisted 
 in the Confederate service at New Braunfels, 
 seventeen hundred deserted as soon as they 
 found themselves in the vicinity of our troops, 
 and, re-enlisting under the old flag, Ibught 
 straight through to the end. Tlie first pi ice in 
 Texas where they hoisted the stars and stri])es 
 at the suri-ender was here at New Braunfels, 
 two months before they saw a Federal soldier in 
 their vicinity; in fact, their sincerity and loy- 
 alty is not to be questioned, and they will 
 prove the redemption of the State in the end. 
 To prove how slow and inadequate are the 
 operations of the Freedraen's Bureau, there 
 was not an agent in the State, except on the 
 Island of Galveston, when I landed. The day 
 before I left Austin, the capital, a lieutenant 
 reported for tin- first time, but he informed me 
 lie had sent in his resignation, and it was 
 plainly to be seen that the duty was distasteful 
 to him. As (Jen. Thomas well says, it will 
 take " heroes " to do the work pro[X)sed. At 
 present their work is about equal to JMrs. Par- 
 tington and her mop versus the Atlantic Ocean. 
 (Jen. Gregory told me that it was almost im- 
 possible to find oliicers competent and willing 
 to act as agents. Only two had been sent to 
 him when 1 left Galveston. lie is a host in 
 himself, however, and has got Galveston at last 
 under his control. I ought to have mentioned 
 that the cotton mill at New Braunfels is run 
 from early dawn until eleven o'cloc-k at night. 
 
 Harrisburg, Texas, ( 
 Oct. 31, 18C5. ) 
 
 I reached this point this morning ; and leave 
 again to-day, if I can find a conveyance. In- 
 stead of reaching the ccxist by way of Victoria 
 and Indianola, as I had desired, I found I must 
 in oilier to economize my time, strike for tl 
 nearest point on tlie railway, Alle}-ton, wk'' 
 I made in two days and nights' staging if 
 San Antonio. My route lay tlii-ough the/ 
 heart of the cotton district. I noticed ty 
 fields of cotton needed picking badly, - 
 there is an unusual amount of wa"^ 
 
15 
 
 pickino^. The planters are complaining loudly 
 of the meffifieut manner in whioh the freedmen 
 are woyking. The amount of old cotton in the 
 State is quite difficult to ascertain on account 
 of the vast extent of country. A considerable 
 amount was on its way toward the Rio Grande 
 at the close of the war, and remains where the 
 news reached the wagoners. There appears to 
 have been not the least difficulty either in pro- 
 curing or forwarding supplies and merchandise 
 of any kind through Mexico via Matamoras. 
 As the future of the cotton-planting interest 
 hinges directly upon the relations this section 
 of the country sustains towards the General 
 Government, I shall offer no apologj for di- 
 gressing to the question of the sentiment of the 
 people here. It appears to me to be deepening 
 and intensifying day by day. So far from any 
 genuine and sincere loyalty to the Union, the 
 people evidently regret and think they made a 
 mistake in laying down their arms as they did. 
 The Germans, however, in this State, are safe 
 to be depended upon, and there are not want- 
 ing individuals of the Houston, Jack Hamilton, 
 Andy Juhnsou t3'pe, who are true in their ac- 
 tions as well as professions to the Union cause ; 
 but here as in all the other States the large 
 majority of the people believe themselves to- 
 day the victims of a mihtary despotism; and 
 fiome even in their heart of hearts believe that 
 the Confederate government still exists de jure, 
 and will one day be restored. The women, 
 especially, take every opportunity of declaring 
 that " this affair is not yet over," and " the war 
 has yet to be fought out." The men are more 
 cautious from motives of policy, but their feel- 
 ings and sentiments are the same. 
 
 Galveston, Texas, ) 
 Nov. 3, 1865. J 
 
 I am sorry to say that I very much doubt if 
 a large proportion of this year's crop will not 
 be lost entirely, either by not being picked at 
 all, or wasted in the picking. To give you an 
 
 idea, is one of the largest planters in 
 
 this State : he informed me yesterday that he 
 Lad at the surrender sufficient cotton planted 
 to have raised from twelve hundred to fourteen 
 hundred bales this year. When Kirby Smith 
 surrendered, you will remember it was quite 
 late in the season, and cotton was well ad- 
 vanced in this latitude, and has not 
 
 been injured by the worm in his crops to any 
 extent ; but such has been the difficulty in 
 obtaining adequate labor, and so great has 
 been the waste in the field, that he now only 
 expects from three to four hundred bales. 
 Now here is a loss of at least 65 per cent, 
 probably 75, caused entirely by the conduct of 
 the freedmen and their employers, tor 
 
 one of that large body of Southern planters 
 
 •0 can never be induced under any clrcum- 
 
 ces to go into the field himself regularly to 
 
 'utend the labor of his employes. They 
 
 will not work under an overseer; and hence 
 they are left under the nominal supervision of 
 one of their own number whom they do not 
 mind, as is sufficiently evidenced by their be- 
 havior. It is a sad sight to see the broad fields 
 of beautiful cotton, hundreds and thousands of 
 acres in extent, all being lost and ruined by 
 the want of sense on the part of the planters. 
 At this rate I must reduce lyy estimate of the 
 amount o? neio cotton from 150,000 to less than 
 50,000 bales. I never would have believed 
 people could have been so utterly foolish 
 and neglectful of their own interests if I 
 had not seen it. But it is a fact that 
 there are plenty of planters here who will 
 sit still and see themselves reduced to beggary 
 rather than exert themselves to prevent it. I 
 
 will add 'ri statement as to the course 
 
 he pursued with his freedmen. He informs me 
 that as slaves they were in the habit of picking 
 from 200 to 400 pounds of seed cotton per 
 diem, picking say 300 pounds upon an average, 
 and picking it clean and nice. He first paid 
 them by the month, and they averaged only 
 50 pounds per day. Then he paid them by 
 the pound, and they rose in one day to the old 
 amount, and only worked half as long as they 
 used in the old time ; but, instead of picking the 
 plants clean, they hurried through the field, 
 pulling out the largest bunches, and scattering 
 all the rest around, trampling down the plants, 
 and losing from two-thirds to three-quarters in 
 the field. This could all have been avoided, 
 of course, if they had had a superintendent or 
 overseer who had them under control ; but the 
 fact is, the freedmen have no idea of real sensi- 
 ble freedom, and fancy the word means license 
 complete and unrestrained : hence they refuse 
 to be controlled by any one. 
 
 The following letter, written from Galveston, 
 gives, not the impressions of Texas, through 
 which the writer had not then passed, but of 
 South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama, in 
 which latter State the writer barely escaped 
 with his life from an attack of guerillas. 
 
 It does not appear in the regular series ac- 
 cording to its date, because it was thought best 
 not to print it until the statements made had 
 been confirmed from other sources of informa- 
 tion, as they have been. 
 
 Galveston, Tkxas, ) 
 Oct. IG, 1803. j 
 
 Dear Sir, — I leave here this afternoon 
 for Houston. You asked me in your last 
 letter what my ideas were in relation to 
 cotton-planting. If Northern men will assimi- 
 late themselves to these half-civilized South- 
 erners, will consent to give up all the ties that 
 connect them with their homes, promise to 
 oppose negro suffrage to the death, and submit 
 to a constant and untiring surveillance of 
 every action, they will be permitted to remain 
 in this Southern country ; although any maa 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 16 
 
 born north of Mason & Dixon's lino, or wlio 
 Las cvL'r borne arms in tbc Federal service, 
 will be rejrardeil with more or less distrust, 
 ■Nvill hear his i'rionds' sentiments and education 
 made the subject of never-ceasing abuse and 
 vituperation, and must never expect to bo 
 allowed to advocate any theory that docs not 
 meet with general favor. If any man from the 
 North comes down here expecting to hold and 
 maintain " radicjfl " or " abolition " sentiments, 
 lot him expect to be shot down from behind 
 the first time he leaves his house, and know 
 that his murderer, if ever brought to justice, 
 will I)e acquitted by the jury. Jf the military 
 are withdrawn, his house even will be no pro- 
 tection, and he may expect to be hung from 
 his own chamber window. I tell you, Mr. 
 
 , these men are only taking breath, and 
 
 recuperating. Not that' there is the slight- 
 est danger of any immediate outbreak. No; 
 the Southern people arc too smart for that. 
 They will never again measure strength with 
 the North, unless their success be assured 
 beforehand. In case of foreign war or a 
 domestic convulsion at the North, they will 
 rise, but they will never try it alone and with- 
 out assistance. Meantime they propose to 
 " take it out in hating." Already our officers 
 are the subject of a social ostracism. It will 
 be possible, by minding one's own business, and 
 not interfering with politics on either side, by 
 keeping at home as much as possible, and 
 adopting a conciliatory policy, for Northern 
 men to get along ; but, for one, / should rather 
 plant under the old state of affairs, for then it 
 was fair and open warfare, and we knew what 
 to expect; now there are hundreds of the 
 most bitter and resentful secessionists at home, 
 who then were in the army. These men say 
 what they will do, and I believe them. I 
 repeat that any man of radical views, who 
 comes down here to plant cotton, will be in 
 constant danger, night and day, unless he 
 holds his tongue. 
 
 The Union that these men fancied they were 
 : returning to is the old Union of Pierce and 
 • Buchanan. My room-mate on the " Magno- 
 lia," from New Orleans, told me that he would 
 make one of a party to assassinate all the 
 officers connected with the Freedmen's liurcau 
 "in a minute." I told Gen. Gregory of it, but 
 the remark was too common to attract notice. 
 \ Nevertheless, if people think these threats 
 mean nothing, they arc much mistaken, else I 
 am a very poor judge of human nature. Mili- 
 tary law is the only chance or hope for perma- 
 nent order in this unhappy country. 1 begin 
 to think with Carlyle that " America is the 
 dirtiest chimney of the nineteenth century," and 
 must burn itself clean. The ministers of the 
 gospel, of all denominations, the instructors of 
 the youth of the country, the women and the 
 young men, all hate the North with a degree 
 of intensity that cannot be exaggerated. The 
 only men on whom it is possible to depend, 
 
 014 366 351 6 
 
 singular as it may appear w xju, .i. ^ -..v. 
 leaders of the South during the war. Convert 
 such a man as their Vice-President, Stcplieiis, 
 and his influence for good will be innne'iise ; but 
 the masses of the people ore bejond our 
 reach. The wealthy and educated men of 
 the South arc not so foolish but they must see 
 how useless all this blind hate is; and, if you 
 can secure their influence in abating it, you 
 will have done all that can be done at present. 
 All our officers will confirm my assertion when 
 I say that the soldiers and officers of the Con- 
 federate army are more moderate, more rea- 
 sonable, and milder in their views and opinions 
 than tliose who never fought for the cause at 
 all. lYind our officers are getting to return 
 hate for hate ; and no wonder. Tiicse people 
 were and are a conquered people, and they can 
 only be held as sucli ; they must be held down, 
 or tlicy will hold us down. 
 
 I am pretty well, but tired enough of this 
 country. 
 
 Webb's Ranch, Isaqi'kna Co., ) 
 Miss., Nov. i3, 1805. { 
 
 I regret to state, that under the civil power, 
 now deemed by all the inhabitants of Missis- 
 sippi (since the order of President Johnson 
 revoking Gen. Slocum's decree in relation to 
 the State militia) to be paramount, the condi- 
 tion of the freedmen in many portions of the 
 country has become deplorable and priinful in 
 the extreme. I must give it as my deliberate 
 opinion, that the freedmen are to-day, in the 
 vicinity where I am now writing, Avorse off in 
 most respects than when they were held as 
 slaves. If matters are permitted to continue 
 as they now seem likely to bo, it needs no 
 prophet to predict a rising on the part of the 
 colored ]ioj)ulation, and a terrible scene of 
 bloodshed and desolation ; nor can one blame 
 the negroes if this proves to be the result. I 
 have heard, since my arrival here, of number- 
 less atrocities that have been perpetrated 
 against the freedmen. It is sufficient to state 
 that the old overseers are in pouer again. 
 The agents of the Freedmen's Bureau are 
 almost powerless. Just as soon as tlie United- 
 States troops are withdrawn, it will ix' unsafe 
 for the agents oi* the Bureau to remain. The 
 object of tlic Southerners appears to bo to 
 make good their often-repeated assertions, to 
 the efiect that the negroes would die if they 
 were freed. To make it so, they seem deter- 
 mined to goad them to desperation, in order 
 to have an excuse to turn upon and annihilate 
 them. Tliere are, within a few miles of where 
 I sit writing, several Northern men who have 
 settled here, designing to work plantations. 
 Tii'ey all assure me 
 themselves safe ii 
 them, cx-colonels 
 
 are afraid to leave their places without f 
 armed escort. Other Northern lessees do y 
 dare remain on their places. >/ 
 
 7 
 
 isigning to work plantations, y 
 me that they do not consider ^ 
 in the country; an<l two ofy 
 is of the United-States arnv f 
 
 / 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 014 366 351 6 ^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
 Conservation Resources 
 Lig-Free®' Type I 
 Ph 8.5, Buffered