Class Rnnlc > -,^ SMITHSOKIAM. DEPOSIT iF^OQuois f ivE Matins and ssioN Sites. 1656-1684. by JohnS.Clark.i879 E A Pv L Y O 11 A P T E P S OF CAYUGA HI8TOEY JESUIT MISSIONS IN GOI-0-GOUEN, 1(35 6—1684. Also an account of the Sulpitian Mission among the Emigrant Cayugas, about Quinte Bay, in 1668. BY CIIAKLES IIAWLEY, D. D., rreddeid Cayuga County HMorical Society. WITH AN INTKOmiCTION By John Gilmary Shea, LL. D., Author of " IRxtory of Catholic JRsgion^ anwnr/ the Indian Triben of the U. »S'.," etc., d'C. AUBURN, N. Y. KNAI'P .t PKCK, P,OOK AND -lOl? I'ltlN'l'EHS. 1 8 7 9 . ?»<+- Couniry of ike HURON //tRIB€5 Co7ii^ue/ed it/ tke iROQil\o aiout l6JfS. F^OQuois F'veNat.cns anoMiss,onSites.,656-,684. byJohnS.Cl ARK-I879 ? R E F A C E . When tlio writer begun the rcscarclies out of wliicli tlie following pages iiavo grown, lie did not anticipate tliat tlio work wo;,ld reacli its present proportions. His original design was simply to translate from tlie Rdations of the Jesuit Fath- ers at his conunaiid, sucli extracts as described tlieii' labors among the Cayngas whose canton, known to the French as Goi-o-gouen, was hirgely com[)riscd within the limits of the connty which bears tlieir name— and of special interest to the local liistorian as its earliest anmds and written by the hrst white men wlio trod its soil. The several translations were carefidlj' made for the purpose, and with tlic desire tiiat the work of these heroic and devoted men shcdd speak for itself. With this view, a series of articles, which first appeared in the Auburn Dally Advertiser, was prepared, but carrying the history of the .lission in detail no farther than 1672 (tlie Relations in the writer's possession closing willi that year) and they were subsequently gathered into a pamphlet as originally printed. The publication attracted attention outside the immediate locality for which it was intended; and a second series was undertaken at the suggestion and with the co-opct-ation of Dr. John G-ilmary Shea, the accomplislied historian of Catho- lic Missions amoivj th:i Lilian Tribes of the United States, who generously pro- posed to arrange and translate from tiie ampler material in his possession, the nar- rative of the Cayuga Mission from 1672, the point where it was left in the pre- vious publication, to its close. The translations made by Dr. Shea witli ihis view, are included in chapter YII of tlie present series and also cover the complete account of the Sulpitian Mission among the Emigrant Cayngas about Quintc Bay, wliich forms an important chapter in the religious historj- of tliis people. The proof sheets of the entire work have passed under his i-evision, and the Introduction, from his pen, happil}' interprets its scope and purpose. It gives rae great satis- faction to acknowledge this courtes}'-, and the invaluable service thus rendered in the interests of our local history, while the pleasant relations wliich lia\e sprung up in this mutual labor, are Viy no means among the least of its rewards. The opening chapter, containing the preliminaiy histor}' common to the several Iroquois Missions, appears for the first in tlic present edition, and is con- denseJ from the several Relations which cover that period. IV Tlio writer tukcs this opi)ortiiuity to renew his aclsiiowledgmcuts, in the prefa- tory note to the tirst edition, to Mr. Theodore V. Case of Anburn, for vahia- ble aid in llie work of translation, and to Mr. J,ohn II. Osborne, also of this eity, whose collection of rare volumes, maps, &c., illustrative of the early history of the country have been of essential use in the preparation of these papers, and whose assistance has been most serviceable in their publication. Ho is also un- der special obligations to Tien. John S. Clark, of Aul)urn, for the topogr.aphical and archa'ological information to be found in the several notes over his initials, he having given much time and careful study to the location of Iroquois towns and kindred researclies; also, for tlie map prepared expressly for the present work and embracing the territory with the places, routes and relative positions of the several Indian nations, referred to in the text. It is only necessary to ad J, that the whole work has been carefully revised, re-arranged and annotated; and contains, it is confidently believed, as full a narra- tive of these early and self sacrificing labors to Christianize the Cayugas, in ccm- mon with the other Iroquois nations, as it is possible to compile from existing sources. It is re-issued in tliis more complete form, not without the hope that it may contribute somewhat to a truer and more impartial estimate of what has been wrought centuries ago, on this ground, by men who forsook all and en- dured all, to win these fierce barbarians to the Cliristian Faith. C. H. AuBUUX, N. Y., June, 1879. INTRODUCTION. Tlie Jesuit Relations, or Re}K)rts of Missions conducted l)y the religious of the Society of Jesus in Canada, have had a curious history. Thev are a series of small volumes issued in France from l()o2 to 1()72, soon after the annual arrival in that country of the shi})S from Canachi, bearing, with the shipments of Amer- ican produce, the re})ort of the Superior of the Jesuit missions. These volumes were issued in cheap form, and seem to have cir- culated widelv among the pious, in some cases several editions ap}iearing. Tliev thus excited an interest in the American mis- sion, and led to the estaljlishment in Canada of the Sul})itians, the Ursuline and Hospital Nuns, as well as induced many to emi- o-rate to the country and settle there from religious motives. That thev contributed greatly to the colonization and ivlief of Canada is unquestionable. For many vears the influence of the Jesuits in Canada ^vas very great, but their strictness, and especially the stand taken l)y them against the sale of liquor to the Indians, arrayed a strong partv opposed to them with the Count de Frontenac at its head The Recollects were introduced to re[)lace the Jesuits as far as possible, and Indian missions under Sulpitians and secular priests were encouraged, while Frontenac's despatches, the writings of La Salle and his companions, as well as La Hontan and later travelers, united in assailing and depreciating the Jesuits and their labors. The Jesuit Relations drop})ed out of sight and were almost un- known, except as used by DuCreux or Charlevoix. When, how- ever, in ( )ur time collections of American books began t(^ be formed. VI a few of these Relations found their way to libraries. Ban- eroft's Ilistorv of the United States and Murrav't^ British Amer- ica, the Jirst works to use them to any extent as historical mate- rial, drew attention to theiu. The volumes, however, were scat- tered h\v and wide. They were books that no one had thought to treasure uj), and thirty years ago nothing approaching a com- })lete set was known to exist anywhere. A student liad to seek volumes where he could in a dozen dilTei-ent public and private collections, and de])end in many cases on manuscript co])ies oi" extracts when he was so fortunate as to lind e\'en them in the hands of some kind collector. Of one volume a single copy alone was known, and that liad been secured l)y the veteran Faribault for the Parliament Li- brary in Canada. That perished when the valuable collection of books was destroyed by a mc^b. Fortunately, Mr. James Lenox, of New York, had caused an accurate transcript to be made of it, and he re})rinted this Relation, as well as two others, of the very scarcest in the series. Dr. (3'Callaghan })repared a biblio- graphical account of the whole collection for the New York Historical Society, who printed it in their I'roeeeding.s. Tliis stimulated interest in the l)ooks, and the Jesuit Relations were sought l)y collectors with great avidity and in tlie competition rose to very high pi'ices. The Canadian government, however, reprinted the whole se- ries in three stout volumes, thus enabling students to obtain ac- cess to the Relations, which the bibliomaniac-^ were making it ruinous for any ordinary student to think of attem[)ting to ob- tain in the original fo]-m. While the old French volumes arc still the pride of a few choice li1)raries, the matter they contain is accessil)le to all and has been widelv consulted and used. Some indeed, hearing of the interest attached to these volumes, are disa})[)ointed when they come to examine tlieiii, and eonsider tlieii- value overrated. But tliey were not wi'itten witli any view oi' sn})})l\-iiiu- doen- inents for the liistory of a vast repnldieto wlioni l^i'ovidenee was to eontide so much of tliis continent. As tlie Jesuit missionaries toiled fearlessly through the wilderness in the Indian canoe or by the Indian trail, tlieir wildest fancy never studded the land with the thriving cities and l)usy agriculture of the future. They werezeahuTs missionaries, full of their work, pious, often enthusi- a-*ticand sanguine, and they wrote not to leave data for historians, but simply to edify and interest the })ious in France. Their Ee- lations are the work of many hands, thrown together hastily by the Superior of the Mission, with no attempt at literary effect, but they bear the impress of honesty and of being printed as they Avere written. The missions embraced Canada and the whole fnuitier, from Maine to Lake Superior and Illinois; and the Relations give information as to the vari(nis triljes, their language, ideas, relations and annals for nearly half a eenturv. When tested by other contem])oraneous documents thev bear scrutiny and afford us, to the extent of the informati<~)n they give incidentally, excellent data; while it is almost impossible to read them without feeling a personal interest in the educated men who faced such perils for a noble cause, and who record tlieir trials, hardships and the deaths of fellow laborers with such simplicity. The general historians of our country have felt the influence and drawn from this source chapters full of eloquence and beauty : tlic latest historian of our own State has used them freely, and thus invested his narrative with an interest which previous writers on New York could not command. But the Relations themselves acquire a new im[)ortance, and local histcu'v receives a valual)le addition in w(M-ks of which the present opens a ucw series. Here the long and patient re- vm search and topograiiUical knowledux- of the antiquarian aid the translator by determining the })()siti()n of everv mission, town and hamlet, t1ie direetion of trails, the position of friendly and hostile tril)es, and the narrative eomes with a fresh interest as we follow the missionary of two centuries ago in his labors on spots with which we are familiar, and with pleasure we listen to the story of his labors and his hopes, what he was doing for the cause of Christianity among the savage inhabitants of our land. Grand old Cayuga chiefs come u}) before us, sketched by a few traits and incidents, friends or opponents of the missions. We live in their midst, listen to their harangues, scan their pc:)licy, and watch their conduct, in peace and war. When the work which is liere done for Cayuga is accom- plished for each mission, maps will be })ossible which we can scarcely dream of now, and a translation of all the Relations be one of the greatest contrilmtion-^ to American History. Writers have been reproached for not giving ma})s fixing the sites of missions two centuries ago. But those wlio censured little knew the hours and days which had to be spent in deter- minino- the sites mentioned in this volume. Guesses and fancies would have been W(^rthless. Here are given the fruits of long and patient study. Cayuo'a here establishes hei' claim as the })ioneer in this de- partment of accurate and authentic study. JOIIX GlLMAUV SlIKA. Elizabeth. N. J., June i:i, 1879. EARLY CHAPTERS OF CAYUGA HISTORY Jesuit M-issioits Jimang; tlxj) @aij,ugas. It was in the 3'ear 1656, that the French Jesuit Fathers first attem})ted a mission among the Cayugas, one of the five nations then comprising the far-famed Iroquois League.^ The same year, and with concert of plan, missions were planted in the other can- tons with Onondaga'^ as the centre of operations, it being also the recognized capital of the confederacy. It had been for some time a cherished project with these zeal- ous pioneers, both in religion and civilization on this continent, to win these fierce and powerful nations to the Catliolic Faith and, at the same time, secure their friendship to the colony of New France, then aspiring to the mastery of the New World. The IIu- rons, a compact and numerous nation on the westei'n border of the French possessions in Canada, whose alliance to the crown of France had been secured by a similar polic)','' had been driven from their country b_y the Ii'oquois and reduced to a wretched remnant, a part of whom sought refuge near Qnebec, under the 1 Its several cantons extended from east to west in the following order: Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas, the last four corresponding in locality to the counties which bear their respective names. - This was the chief town of the Onondagas, situated on a considerable elevation between two deep ravines, formed by the west and middle branches of Limestone creek, in the present tovvn of Pompey, N. Y., two miles south of the village of Manlius. It contained at this time three hundred warriors, with one hundred and forty houses, several families often occupying a single house. Their cornfields extended for two miles north and south, and in width from a half to three fourths of a mile, interspersed ^vith their dwellings. The grand council chamber was here, in which all matters of interest common to the several nations of the League, were decided. This site was abandoned, about 1680.— J. S. C. 3 The first missionaries among the Hurons were of the order of the Recollects, in 1615. The Jesuits came to their aid in 16i5. The mission was interrupted during the occupa- tion of Quebec by the English (1629-1632), but was resumed and maintained with signal heroism and success, until the destruction of the nation by the Iroquois in 1649, when the mission fell with it ; not, however, until five of the missionary Fathers had won the coveted crovs^n of martyrdom. Four of them, viz., Anthony Daniel, in 1648, John de Brebeuf, Ga. briel Lalemant, and Charles Gamier, in 1649, fell at their posts and shared the cruel fate which befell their converts, at the hands of their savage conquerors. Garnier's colleague, Father Chabanel, was, at the same time, tomahawked by an apostate Huron, who afterward confessed the deed. 10 protection of the French, while others were scattered among their western neighbors. The overthrow of the Hurons was quickly followed by the destruction of the Neuter nation occupying the territory on l)otli sides of the Niagara, and now the Eries, the only remaining barrier to Iroquois ambition on the west, had in turn become the objects of the same relentless sjnrit of conquest. This was in 1653. Besides this bloody w^ork with neighbor- ing tribes, the Iroquois had made frequent incursions upon the Canadian settlements, consisting of Quebec, Montreal and Three Eivers. But now they were ready for peace with the French, at least while they had on their hands this war with the Eries. Accordingly, in the summer of this year, sixty Onondagas, rep- resenting also the Cayugas and Senecas, appeared in sight of the fort at Montreal, shouting from their canoes that they came for peace. An Oneida delegation soon followed. The French, at first, suspected treachery and were slow to accept assurances of friendship so suddenly tendered, especially as bands of Mohawks were infesting Montreal and Three Kivers at the time. But ar- rangements were made for a council, at Quebec ; and in Febru- ary of the following year (16r)4), the embassy arrived prepared to conclude the desired peace. The council was convened, when the Onondaga chief, who headed the deputation, presented six large belts of wampum, indicating the principal points of his speech. The first was to calm the spirit of the French, and prepare their minds to receive without misunderstanding or offence what he had to say. The second was in token that his heart was upon his tongue, and his tongue in his heart, i. e., that all he was about to say was from a sincere desire for friendship and peace. The third represented a tree, he said, j)lanted in the midst of the great river St. Lawrence, opposite the fort of Quebec and the house of Onontio, whose top reaches above the clouds, to the end that all the nations of the earth could see it, and repose in peace under its shadow. The fourth opened a wide and deep abyss in which should be buried all past differences, and all persons who should attempt to disturb, or in any way violate the peace about to be concluded. 11 The iiftii was to take away the oloucls whicli had so long ob- scured the sun, referring to the false speeches of the Algonquins, and Montagnais, which like clouds had prevented the sweet light of day on them and on the French, and made darkness every- where. Finally, in the sixth present, they promised to bury deep in the earth the war kettle in which they had been accustomed to boil the flesh of captives taken in battle, since all their old ha- treds were now changed into love. Everything seemed to make for peace ; as if indeed the cloud was to be lifted wliich hung so darkly over the French settle- ments. " Yesterday," wrote Father Le Mercier, of the overtures the summer previous, " all was dejection and gloom : to-dav all is smiles and gaiety. On Wednesday, massacre, burning, pillage. On Thursday, gifts and visits as among friends. If the Iroquois have their hidden designs, so, too, has Grod." " There was noth- ing but joy and opening of heart," he writes of the council, " and the sun has no rays more benign than shone in the faces of these embassadors. But a dark night follows a bright day." It ap- pears that the Onondaga orator, who had made this fine speech in the council, had approached several of the Huron chiefs with a proposition that the following spring a colony of Huron fami- lies, under pretence of a desire to be nearer Montreal, should re- move to a point between that place and Three Elvers, where a party of Iroquois, to the number of five or six hundred would meet them, wdien the plan would be more fully disclosed, and all under pledge of inviolable secrecy. A similar project for a col- ony had come from the Mohawks. The Hurons at once sus- pected treachery, and one of then- chiefs disclosed the secret to the Grovernor General, while the council was yet in progress, and sought advice as to the answer they should give to this proposal, which had greatly disturbed them. " It is for thee now, Onontio, and not for us to speak," said the Huron : "We have been dead for four years, since our country was desolated. Death follows us every where. It is ever before our eyes. We live only in thee. We see only through thine eyes. We breathe only in thy per- son. Our thoughts are without reason only as thou givest it to us. It is then, for thee, Onontio, to draw us from these perils and tell us w^hat to do." 12 It was concluded that the French authorities should appear to concur in the enterprise, with the understanding that it should be postponed for at least a year; and the Huron chief, thus instruct- ed, replied to the embassador in a private conference, that the project would doubtless succeed beyond their present hopes ; that the French themselves were disposed to form a colony on the great Lake of the Iroquois ; and for this reason it would be bet- ter in all frankness to communicate to them the design, and not attempt to conceal so important a movement. The Iroquois as- sented, and it was arranged by the Hui-ons that the enterprise should be deferred for a year at least, and in the meantime a resi- dence should be provided for the Jesuit Fathers somewhere in the Iroquois country, and that then they would go willingly, with their wives and children. The Governor General gave his assent in a speech accompanied by six presents, the purport of which was that the Hurons must be left to act with entii'e fi'ee- dom, and go to whichever of the Iroquois cantons they desired, or back to their ancient country, or still farther, to remain with the French if they preferred. He suggested that the tree of peace, which the Onondaga orator had hxed opposite Quebec, be transplanted to Montreal, on the frontier, where it could be more readily seen by neighboring nations. He also urged harmony among the Iroquois themselves, that they might maintain peace with others, and skillfully used their own project of a Huron col- ony to excite the hope of each of the cantons that it might ob- tain the desired acquisition.' In response to these overtures of })eace, but as a precautionary step, it was concluded to send Father Simon Le Moyne, a veteran Huron missionary, as a special envoy to Onondaga to confirm these friendly proposals, before venturing either a mission or a colony in their country. Le Moyne left Quebec July 2, 1654. He was joined at Montreal by a 3^oung Frenchman, noted for both courage and piety, and taking two or three Indians as guides, started on his adventurous journey by way of the St. Lawrence, in a single canoe. Thn-tcen days were consumed in making their way up the river, struggling with the rapids and encountering heavy 1 delation, 1654, Chap. II. The refeveiicfs to tlie Rdutloiix, unless otherwise indicated, are to edition printed at Quebec, 185S. 13 winds, which greatly retarded their pi-ogress. At iiiglit they would seek shelter in the woods, or, if moi'e convenient, under their inverted canoe, and sometimes in the bark hut they would build for the emergency. Game was plenty, and the large herds of elk they met seemed little disturbed by their presence. They reached Lake Ontario, July 30, but such was the violence of the wind that they were compelled to take to the islands in the vi- cinity, and travei-se them on foot, cai-ryi ng their luggage, provis- ions and. canoe on their shoulders. Tliey soon fell in with a par- ty of Iroqnois fishermen, who proved friendly and conducted Le Mojme and. his companions to their village, where the good Fath- er was met by several of his old Huron Christians, who recog- nized him with expressions of delight, and to whom he, in turn, gave the consolations of religion. From this point they took the usual course thi-ough the woods, reaching Onondaga on the fifth of August, after a journey of three weeks from Montreal.^ Le Moyne was received at the Iroquois capital with every ■mark of respect and enthusiasm. They overwhelmed him with kind attentions, tempting him with the choicest luxuries of the season, such as roasting ears of the young corn, with a bread made of its pulj), than which they knew nothing more delicious. One would call him ''brother," another ''uncle," another "cous- in," while every face beamed a welcome. Familiar as the mis- sionary w\as with barbarous life and customs, he writes: "I never saw the like among Indians before." Deputies from the Onei- das, Cayugas and Senecas soon arrived ; and on the tenth of Au- gust the council was convened, by criers passing through the town proclaiming its purpose and summoning all to come to the cabin of Ondessonk," and listen to his words. After invoking the blessing of Heaven in solemn prayer, the sagacious Father, who was well versed in the arts of Indian diplomac}', displayed his presents and began his speech, which he tells us lasted two full hours, and in which he imitated the tone and manner of their own chiefs on such occasi(^ns. He caught the spirit of metaphor characteristic of their oratoiy, and addressed each of the nations represented in the council, as if he had always known their his- 1 BelaHon, 1654, Chap. VI. ■2 Huron name given to Le Moyne. 14 tory and been familiar with the deeds of their noted sachems and warriors, all of which drew from the dusky councillors repeated ejaculations of approval. In the eighth, ninth, tenth and elev- enth presents he gave to the four nations " each a hatchet for the war in which they were then engaged with their new ene- mies, the Eries." In another present lie encouraged them "to strengthen tlieir palisades that they might be prepared against every attack of the enemy ; " and in another he proposed " to daub their countenances, since it is the custom of the warriors never to go into battle except they paint their faces either black or red, or in divers colors, each having his own favorite color, like a particular uniform, to which he adheres until death." The nineteenth present, with which the eloquent Father closed his speech, was " to dry up the tears of the young warriors at the death of their great chief, Annercroas, who had just before fallen into the hands of the Eries." The reply of the orator, who spoke in behalf of the council, was all that could be desired. He was specially importunate that the French should select a spot for their colony " on the shores of the Great Lake, where they would dwell securely in the midst of the country of the Iroquois as they already dwelt in their hearts." Le Moyne added two presents to confirm this proposal ; and with this favorable termination of his mission, returned to Montreal, where he arrived on the seventh of September, having been absent nearly nine weeks.' He was followed, the next year (1655), by Father Joseph Ghaumonot, also an experienced Huron missionary, accompanied by Father Glaude Dablon, recently come from France. They arrived at Onondaga on the fifth of November; and the fifteenth of the same month was appointed for convening a general coun- cil and the delivery of the customary presents. At ten o'clock in the morning of that day, the preparations having been com- menced, and while the prayers were being recited amid the still- ness of the vast assembly, news came that the embassy from Cay- uga had entered the village. The announcement put an end to this part of the ceremony, in order that the deputation might.be '•eceived with the formalities due to their I'ank, ' ^Belation, 1654, Chai). VII. 15 The Fatlicr made them two com pi hn en tar y presents to which they responded with the same number, and adding a tliird, de- sh'ed that further ceremonies might be deferred until the morrow, as the day was already advanced. It was so arranged ; and the next day was occupied in conferring the presents, accom- panied by a speech from Chaumonot, which produced a marvel- ous effect and called out various expressions of wonder and delight from the savages. " The Dutch," they said, " never spoke to us of heaven or hell,*' implying even that their language had no w^ords by which such ideas could be expressed. As the assembly broke up the chief of the Cayugas (Saonchiogwa) as- sured the Father of his desire to take him as a brother, which was accepted as a mark of the highest confidence. The next day (1 7th) was devoted to responses from the rep- resentatives of the several nations to the presents, when the chiefs and others crowded around the missionary Fathers, with their songs of welcome. ^'■H(qypy land!'''' they sang, ^^happy land! in ivhich the French are to dwell^' with the chorus led by the chief of the Oiiondagas, '•'•Olad tidings! glad tidings!'' when he de- clared : ''It is well iliat we have spoken together : it is well that ice have a heavenly '^message.'' A third chant ran: "/ salute thee^ my brother ; I salute thee^ it is loell you have come to us. Oh the charming voice t/ioic hast.'' They also sang: '■'■Farewell to war: Farewell to the hatchet: until 7'iow, loe have been enemies; hence- fortJi we are brothers, yes.^ toe are truly brotliers." These several songs were followed by four beautiful presents, and the significance of each explained — after which the chief of the Cayugas arose and made a speech of thanks, for a good half lioui', characterized by remarkable eloc[uence and sagacity. He said that both himself and his nation held tliemselves under great obligations to Onontio' for the honor he had done them in their adoption ; and that never should they act unworthily of this hon- orable relationship, nor degrade so illustrious a distinction. Never had they been adopted except by persons of rank; but the 1 Derived from Onnonte, signifying a iiioinita'in. It was etween thirty and forty French col- onists under command of M. DuPu_ys. Ilurons, Onondagasand Senecas completed the party. They had a long and perilous jour- ney. On reaching Lake Ontario they had exhausted their provis- ions, and the fishing being poor, they wei'e without food for six days except a small beriy found in the woods, and were saved from starvation only by a bountiful supply of Indian corn and sal- mon despatched from Onondaga whither they had sent a courier for relief. This was while at oi" near the jwint still called Fam- ine Bay, from whence the whole flotilla proceeded by way of far as Salmon River and from theuce continuing on the soutli bank of tlie liver, reach Lake Ontario at Cahihonovage. This was tlie most convenient and direct route for the Orange (Albany) traders to reach the numerous Indian tribes of the great lakes via Quinte Bay. In like manner the great thoroughfare of the French, to tlicir possessions in the south west, passed through this point, the forty miles along the eastern end of lake Ontario being com- mon to the two routes. This accounts for its being described as the place of resort of all na- tions, and for this reason was considered as second only in importance to Cataraquy, (Kings- ton.) In the great strife for dominion between the French and English colonies, the French sought to attract and control the western trade, by the establishment, in 1673, of the trading post and fort at Cataraquy. The English, no less mindful of their interests, found means to divert this trade to the south shore of Lake Ontario, and thence to their market. This led to the expedition of Denonvillc against the Senecas, in 1687, and the construction of Fort Niag- ara. In 1727 the Marquis de Beauharnois. claimed that the French, at some time previous, had a fort of settlement at La Famine, (Col. Hist. V, 827) which Gov. Burnet, in answer, says wits abandoned before the treaty of Utrecht (1T12). (Col. Hist. V, 829.) The map of Col. Romer shows a fort on the bank of the river at Oswego a.s early as 1700 ; and Gov. Dougan, in 1687, says that M. de la Barre came to Cahihonovage, where the Indians would have me build a fort. (Doc. Hist. Ill, 475.) From these accounts it appears that the French had a fort, or settle- ment, at or near this point, at some time previous to 1712, that the English were solicited by the Five Nations to locate there, but probably considering Oswego as preferable, concluded to establish the English post at that point.— J. S. C. 19 the Oswego river and entered Lake Ganentaa the eleventh of Julv, tirine; a salvo of 2;uns which made the forests resound with its echoes, to the delight and astonishment of the crowds of savages along its banks. A grand council was soon assembled to confirm the alliance, and Father Chaumonot, who had been on the ground tlirough the previous wintei', was the spokesman for his missionary brethi-en and their companions. His speech on the occasion is described as one of remarkable eloquence, in which he disclosed, with en- tire frankness and characteristic earnestness, the design of their coming. '• It is not trade " he said "that brings us here. Our pm-pose is a more lofty one. Do you think that yom- beaver skins can pay ns for all the toils and dangers of a long and weary voyage? Keep them, if you like, for the Hollanders; and if any fall into our hands, we shall use them only for your service. We seek not the things that perish. It is for the Faith that we have left our country ; it is for the Faith that we have forsaken parents and friends ; it is for the Faith that we have crossed the ocean and left the great ships of France to embark in your little canoes. It is for the Faith that we have left our comfortable houses to live in your hovels of bark. It is for the Faith that we have denied ourselves the food that is natural to us, for that which the beasts of our country would scarcely touch." And here dis})laying a large and beautiful belt most artistically de- signed,' he continued : "It is for the Faith that I take in my hands this rich present and open my month to remind you of the pledges you gave at the time you came to Quebec, to conduct us into your country. You with great solemnity promised to give ear to the words of I The Onondagas have preserved w^ith great care to the present tiiiic, the ancient wampum belts of the Confederacy. Those associated with the flrst union and league of the Five Na- tions are looked upon with peculiar reverence and held as sacred treasures. Among these is one about four feet in length, composed principally of purple shell beads of the richest hues, and for this reason esteemed as of great value. At one end of this belt is a rude representa- tion of a man, and at the other that of a cross, with a narrow white stripe connecting the two. The legend of this belt as explained at this day is as follows : " Great many years ago, " a company from Canada presented this belt, desiring that missionaries from the Roman " Catholic Church might be settled among the Five Nations, and erect a chapel at Onondaga, •' and that the road (represented by the white stripe) sliould be continually kept open and " free between them." In examining this belt and listening to the traditions connected with it, I was strongly impressed with the idea that it was the identical one presented bj' Chaumo- not on this occasion.— J. S. C. 20 the great God. They are in iny moutli. Listen to them. I am only His voice. We ai'e messengers whom He has sent to tell you that His Son became man, for the love of you ; that this man, the Son of God, is the Prince and Master of men ; that He has prepared in heaven eternal joys for those who obey Him and kindled the fires of hell for those who will not receive his word. -;<- * -X- j£ yQ^^ reject it, whoever you are, Onondaga, Seneca, Mo- hawk, Cayuga or Oneida, know that Jesas Cln-ist who inspires my heart and mj^ voice will plunge you one day into hell. Avert this crime ! Be not the author of your own destruction ! Accept the truth ! Listen to the voice of the Omnipotent ! "' Early in August an aged chief from Cayuga, an intelligent man and still engaged in public affairs, presented a re(|uest on behalf of his nation, that one of the Fathers might be sent to in- struct them in the Faith with the assurance that a chapel would be provided, and that this was the desii'e of the whole people. Father Menard was accordingly sent, with two Frenchmen, and became the guest of Saonchiogwa the chief of the canton, and the same that responded to Chaumonot and Dablon in the coun- cil of the ]:)revious year. 1 Rdatioii 1657, Chap. V. 11. The Cayuga Mission now determined upon as part of the gen- eral pohcy, ah-eady indicated, was confided to the care of Father Rene Menard, who for nine years had been a missionary amono- the Hurons, and for devotion and tact was regarded as second to none among his codaborers. The following narrative of his work in founding tlie mission, is from Chapter XVI of the Hela- iion for 1657, viz. : CONCERNING THE PUBLICATION OF THE FAITH A^IONG THE CAYUGA IROQUOIS. Having adopted, immediately on our arrival in this country, the Onondagas as brothers, and the Cayugas and Oneidas as children,^ it became necessary, for the preservation of this alli- ance, to visit them in order to make them presents, wdiich we shall be obliged to do each year, to render our relationship with them serviceable and desii*able. This was to us a very agreea- ble necessity, as it opened the way for the proclamation of the Gospel in conferring our presents, after the manner in which we had happily commenced our labors. It was with this design that Fathers Chaumonot and Menard left (Onondaga) at the end of the month of August in the year 1656 for Cayuga,- where they arrived after a journey of two 1 The PMve Nations, wrote Count Zinzendoif, nearly a hundred years hvter (174-2), are di- vided into fathers, or children, or brethren, or members of the covenant ; and such as do not belong to some one of these classes, they call cousins. He adds that the Mohawks, Onon- dagas and Senecas are called fathers. The two other nations which are styled children are the Cayugas and Oneidas ; and when at any time they ha\e general proposals made them about Christianity they give for answer that thoy will follow the Onondagas and do the same as they. — Merrwi^ials of Moravian Church 1, 124. 2 Goi-o-gouen, the site of the Mission of St. Joseph, the principal vilLige of the Cayugas. appears to have been located at this time about three and a half miles south of Union Sprino-s. near Great Gully Brook. Thiohero or St. Stephen, ten miles distant, was on the east side of Seneca river at the northern extremity of Cayuga Lake, the Salt Springs described by Father Eaffeix hi 1672, being a mile and a half north west of Thiohero and about a half mile north of the Seneca river R. R. bridge. The archwological remains in the vicinity of Goi-o-gouen in- dicate different locations occupied at different periods, one of which was on a point at the junction of two ravines about four miles from the lake ; this was very ancient, and probablv occupied in the pre-historic age. According to Dr. Lewis H. Morgan, the locality known as the "Residence Reservation," was called in the Seneca dialect Ga-ya-ga-an-ha. Sever- al other dialected variations appear to have been used, Onnio, Onioen, Ouen,— all, apparently, 22 days; and that Father Chaurnonot having made a brief sojourn there, proceeded to the country of the Senecas, leaving Fatlier Menard to the labors of founding the church about to be formed. This is what he has sent to us : The antipathy toward the faith and our persons, which the Hurons had created among the natives of the country, persuad- ing them that we brought with us sickness and misfortune to the places we visited, caused us to be received quite coolly, and ren- dered our presents, made for the sake of the Faith, worthless in their esteem/ Nevertheless, the men of authority," who out of re- gard for their temporal interests, would not break with us, and trusting that an experiment of the Faith would not endanger the lives of their slaves, set them at work four days after our arrival, to build for us a chapel, on which they employed themselves so diligently, that in two days it was iu a condition to receive the Christians. After it had been furnished and. adorned witli the most beautiful mats, I there exposed the pic- ture of our Lord, and that of our Lady ; this was a spectacle the novelty of which so greatly surprised our barbarians that they came in crowds to consider it, and gaze upon the countenance and movement of the two pictures. I thus had abundant oppor- tunity to explain our mysteries; and so inquisitive were thej' about the pictures, that each day was but catechetical instruc- tion from morning till night ; the result of which Avas, that they were so subdued in spirit that in a few days, we had many neo- phytes not only of Hurons and slaves, but also from the natives of the countr}*. referable to the original Huron ■words, signifying, ^j^o/Ve of the great tobacco jnpe. In their own language, according to Greenhalgh in 1677, the French called the Cayugas Les Petuneurs. This IS an obsolete word, with a similar signification equivalent to "-tobacco 'users.'''' The totem of the Cayugas was a calumet, or great tobacco ]>ipe, and their chief sachem is often called Sanun-awean-towa, signifying the tongue, or voice, of t/i£ great }npe. On the return of the Cayugas after the destruction of their towns in 1779, in Gen. Sullivan's campaign, they appear to have established their castle, one and a half miles north of Union Springs, where it appears on several early maps. The early French writers applied ;tlie term Goi-o-gouen, also to the country and canton of the Cayugas.— J. S. C. 1 This superstition that the Missionary Fathers caused all their misfortunes was one great obstacle to success among the Hurons, and often brought the missionaries themselves into great peril. Menard had often encountered it, and he does not appear to be surprised at find- ing that the old prejudice, as created by these Huron captives, had preceded him at Cayuga. '•i Anciens, the word used to denote the chiefs of the council in distinction from the war chiefs. 23 Many brought their children to me for Baptism ; and aided me in teaching them the prayers, by repeating them after me . and in a short time grace wroiight such marvelous changes, that the little children, who at first made me the constant object of their ridicule and sport, now rendered me the offices of good an- gels, conducting me into the cabins, attending me wherever I visited, and giving me the names of those I baptized, as well as the names of their parents ; which these barbarians are accus- tomed to conceal from us, believing that we record their names that we may send them to France, and there procure their death by magic. The providence of God gave me three excellent teachei's for acquiring the language. They are brothers, natives of the coun- tr}^, and of good natural dispositions. Their kindness in inviting me to their houses, and the patience and assiduity witli which they have instructed me, very soon qualified me to instruct them, and by means of the pictures, which greatly excited their curi- osity, lead them to apprehend our mysteries. The first adult person that I judged capable of baptism, was an old man eighty years of age, who, having been touched of God on hearing me instruct a Christian, desired me, two daj^s after, to visit him, being to all appearance nigh unto death. I had no hesitation in according to him baptism, finding in him all tlie dispositions of a soul chosen for heaven, in the way to which he has had opportunity to prepare himself. The second adult tliat I baptized, was a cripple whose face was covered with a cancer, which rendered him horrible to the sight. This poor afflicted one received me with a joy, equalled only by the fervor of desire he had evinced that I should visit him, and applied himself so faithfully to retain the prayers and instructions, that I soon conferred upon him l^aptism in our chapel. Perhaps these graces, which God has wrought in him, are the fruits of the charity that lie manifested for Fathers Bre- beuf and Lalemant some time before. He told me that he was a witness of their death, and having by his valor acquitted him- self with credit among his fellow warriors on that same day in which he had slain with liis own hand eight Hurons and taken five others prisoners, he had pit}' on these two captive Fathers, 24 and had bought them of the Mohawks for two beautiful wam- ]uim belts, with the design of returning them to us in safety : but that soon their captors gave back to him these pledges, re- claimed their prisoners and burned them with all imaginable furv.' This poor Lazarus, as .1 have named him in baptism, is much esteemed in the canton ; and he is the first support that it pleased God to give to tliis little Church, which he augments con- tinually in attracting others to the Faith, through the zeal of his discourse and his example. The enemy of the Gospel, unable to endure its progress, has not wanted for calumnies with which to trouble the Christians. Our faith is accused of being the murderer of all who profess it ; and the death of several Christians at Onondaga having given occasion for this delusion of the savages, the speech of a certain chief, an enemy of our religion, made at a council, served to ex- cite still more their prejudices. So that not only many natives of the country, judging it was safer to believe what this man of authority among them said than to put faith in the totally op- ]iosite experience of our ancient Hurons, have begged me to re- gard it well for them to omit attendance at prayers, until their fear of me sliould abate ; but also they accuse the Faith of the French of all the evils, both public and private, with which they a]ipear to be afflicted. This it is, that a certain apostate endeav- ored to make these barbarians believe, citing the Hollanders for 1 On the' 16th of March, 1649, at daybreak, an army of a thousand Iroquois burst upon the Huron town of Taenhatentaroii, the mission station of St. Ignatius, whicli, after a resolute but ineffectual defence was involved In a general massacre. The two missionaries, the vet- eran Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant, whils engaged In ministering to the wounded and dying, fell into the hands of the Iroquois, who, after tearing out their nails, forced them through the gauntlet of a double row of savages, dealing their furious blows on every side, to the place of torture. Each was bound to a stake. The hands of Brebeuf were cut off. and the body of Lalemant pierced with awls and pointed irons. Red hot hatchets were thrust under the arm pits and between tlie thiglis of the sufferers, and around the neck of Brebeuf they hung a collar of the heated weapons. As the voice of the old Huron missionary was heard above the din, consoling his converts and proclaiming the judgments of (Jod upon the unbeliever, his enraged tormentors crushed in his mouth with a stone, cut off his nose and thrust a burning brand into his throat ; and as if this was not enougli they tore off liis scalp, and thrice, in de- rision of baptism, poured scalding water upon his head. Then, after hacking oft' his feet, they tore out his heart and devoured it. The gentle Lalemant was wrapped in pieces of bark, which were set on Are, and after a series of tortures similar to those which had been inflicted on Brebeuf, they tomahawked him, leaving the charred and mangled bodies of their Tictims among the ashes of the town.— See Shea's HUtorij of Vatlwllc Mlmotis, &c., 188-191 ; also Relation, 1649, Chap. Ill, IV. 25 proof of what he said, when he asserted that the children of the Iroquois died two years after their baptism ; and that the Chris- tians either broke a leg, or pierced their foot with a thorn, or be- came emaciated, or vomited up the soul with the blood, or were attacked with some other signal malady. If our reputation is thus calumniated, our life is in no greater safety. A warrior of my acquaintance, having come to lodge in our cabin, has given me no little anxiety. For having entered three nights in succession, with a species of possession which ren- ders him furious, he has attempted to take my life ; and would, without doubt, have succeeded in his purpose if he had not been prevented by our host. I was threatened with death, after a more haughty fashion, by a young man, who, after having heard me instruct a catechu- men, very sick, whom I wished to prepare for death, said to me that I was a sorcerer of whom it was necessary to rid themselves ; that I caused to live or die such as I pleased ; and that it was as easy for me to heal this man, as to lead him to heaven. Was not this an agreeable reproach ? ' Nevertheless, these difficulties, raised by the Evil One, have not prevented the faith from gaining day by day upon the con- fidence of the people ; nor that I should be heard everywhere ; nor our chapel from being filled with catechumens ; and finally, that I should not baptize daily either children or adults. This is what the Father has informed us during the two months he has had charge of the mission, having been obliged to leave there and return and join his labors with those of the iThe persecution of the Jesuit Fathers as sorcerers was common among the Hurons. In a house of Ossossane, a young Indian rushed suddenly upon Father Francis Du Peron and lift- ed his tomahawk to brain him, when a squaw caught his hand. Paul Ragueneau wore a cru- cifix from which hung the image of a slcull. An Indian, thinking it a charm, snatched it from him. The priest tried to recover it, when the savage, his eyes glittering with murder, brandished his hatchet to strike. Ragueneau stood motionless, waiting the blow. The as- sailant forbore and withdrew, muttering. Pierre Chaumonot was emerging from a Huron town, named by the Jesuits St. Michel, where he had just baptized a dying girl, when her brother, standing hidden in the doorway, struck him on ihe head with a stone. Chaumonot, severely wounded, staggered without falling, when the Indian sprang upon him with a toma- hawk; but tlie bystanders averted the blow. A noted chief, in the town of St. Louis, assailed Le Mercier, witli the violence of a madman, charging upon him all the miseries of the nation, and seizing a Are brand from the Arc, shook it in the Jesuit's face and told him that he should be burned alive. Le Mercier met him with looks as determined as his own, till, abashed at his undaunted front and bold denunciations, the Indian stood confounded. — Parkman's Jesuits in North America, 124-5. 26 two other Fathers at Onondaga, where tliej have established the foundation and the seminary of all the other missions among the Iroquois. Since then, however, at that same place, the Father having re- turned there accompanied by five or six French and the more prominent of the village, who had come here to beg him to re- turn, he has been received with all the eclat imaginable. Hav- ing fonnd the chapel in the same condition in which he left it, he resumed prayers on the day of his arrival ; and so great was the zeal manifested l)y the convehs and the catechumens, that the Father writes that this church is not less pi-omising than that of Onondaga." In addition to 'this account of the labors of Menard at Cayuga, during the yeai- he was there, and the dangers to which he was exposed, we find»in Cliap. VIII of the Relation 1662-3, written after his death, this passage alluding to his connection with the mission : '' His courage was equal to his zeal. He had seen without fear the Iroquois rushing upon him knife in hand to cut his throat, while laboring for their conversion in the village of Cayuga. Others in the same place had lifted their hatchets to cleave his skull, but he preserved his calmness. He met, with a benign countenance, the insults of the little children who hooted at him in the streets, as if he were a lunatic. "But this generous Father gloried with the apostle in being counted a fool for Jesus' sake, that in the very pangs of persecu- tion, he might give birth to this Iroquois church founded by him and which, in a short time, grew to the number of four hun- dred Christians, with the hopeful prospect of converting the en- tire hourg^ had he not been arrested in the midst of tliis work. This was when we were obliged to abandon the Iroquois mis- sions in consequence of the fresli murders connnitted by these treacherous savages, on our frontier settlements. Thus was he forced to abandon this bountiful harvest, the first fruits of which he had offered to heaven, in the death of many little ones and also of adults, whom he had baptized. It was like taking his heart from his body, or tearing a loving mother from her children." We have in the Relation of 1659-60 an account of the last la- bors of this devoted missionar}^ In 1659, two years after he was forced to leave Cayuga at the breaking up of the Iroquois missions, Menard, then at Quebec, was selected to found a mis- sion among the Sioux, who, with other western tribes had desired commerce with the French that they might gain the means to resist the Iroquois. He was commissioned to visit Green Bay and Lake Superior, and at some convenient inlet establish a resi- dence as a missionary center for the surrounding nations. The enterprise was regarded as one involving peculiar exposures and perils from the rigor of the climate and the pitiless barbarity of the savage ; notwithstanding which, this aged man, obedient to the vows of his order, and trusting, as he said, "in the Provi- dence which feeds the little birds of the desert, and clothes the wild flowers of the forest," went forth into the wilderness to scat- 'ter the seeds of truth which could only be sown in tears. He appears to have had a premonition that this would prove his last work, as writing in haste from Three Rivers, August 27, 1660, to a dear friend, he says : " In three or four months you may add my name to the memento of the deacV'^ After a journey crowded with hardships and peril, he reached in the month of Oc- tober, the bay which he named St. Theresa, where he remained eight months, when he yielded to the entreaties of a wretched company of Huron Christians, refugees on Black River, who implored him to come to them in their misery, lest they should lose altogether a knowledge of the faith ; and against the expostu- lation of both the French and his neophytes, the aged Father departed with a single attendant, a Frenchman, for the bay of Chegoimegon on Lake Superior by the way of Keweena Lake. About the tenth of August (1661), while making a portage, Menard became separated from his companion, who was trans- porting the canoe, and missing his way w^as lost in the forest and was never again seen. His faithful attendant, after a fruitless search, shouting and firing his gun repeatedly in the hope that the poor Father might be attracted by the noise, started for the nearest Huron village, to procure help at any cost; but, unfor- tunately, he himself lost his way, and only reached the village two days after, under the guidance of an Indian whom he 1 Relation 1600, p. 30, in which the letter is giveu in full. 28 chanced to meet in his wanderings. It was some time before he could make the savages understand him, unable as he was to speak a word of their language. At last, however, he succeeded by signs and gestures, in making known his sad errand, and in assuring them that they would be liberally rewarded for any as- sistance they might render in searching for the lost Father — when the whole village was thrown into sudden alarm by a cry to arms, as the enemy was at their doors, and in the confusion, the last hope of continuing the search dissipated. Some time after, the cassock of the lost missionary, was seen in the possession of an Indian ; but he would not acknowledge that he had found the body, lest suspicion should rest upon him that he had dealt the fatal blow. Other articles used in worship, belonging to the Father, were seen in an Indian cabin; but no satisfactory clue could be discovered as to the time or mode of his death. A small piece of dried meat which he had with him would suffice to appease his hunger for two or three days only; and the most probable supposition is that he died of starvation. But whatever doubt there may hang over the circumstances of his death, none can rest upon the sincerity and fervor of his apostolic zeal, or the heroism of his self-sacrifice, whether the lot fell to him to be the first to plant the cross among the Cayugas, or to bear it to the nations not less fierce that dwelt by the great maritime lakes of the^"distant west. Ill The first missions among the Iroquois were of short duration. The settlement of the French with the Onondagas, instead of on the banks of Lake Ontario as at first proposed, and on ground •common to the several nations, had provoked anew the hatred of the Mohawks, while the murder of three oi the colonists by the Oneidas, had led to acts of retaliation on the part of the French. Moreover, the war being waged for the extermination of the Eries was at its height; and the prisoners, including women and children, were brought in numbers to Onondaga and other Iro- quois villages, and after the customary tortures consigned to the flames. In the midst of the general turmoil, a conspiracy was organized for the slaughter of the colony, including the mission- aries. The plot was disclosed' by a dying Onondaga who had re- cently been baptized. Messengers were sent in haste to call in the missionary Fathers from the several cantons, who together with the colonists, fifty-three in number, were speedily gathered in their fortified house on Lake Ganentaa. M. Du Puys, the ■officer in command, immediately entered upon pi'eparations for their escape from the country. Every movement had to be con- ducted with the utmost secrecy, as the slightest suspicion of their intentions would be the signal for a genei'al massacre. Moreover the savages were on the watch day and night as they lounged before the gate of the mission house or stealthily crept a,bout the palisade that enclosed the premises. The French find- ing that they had only canoes for half their number, built in the garret of the Jesuits' house, unsuspected by the Indians, two batteaux of light draft and capable of holding fifteen persons •each, which were kept concealed until everything should be in readiness for the departure. Eesort was now had to strategem. Among tlie French was a young man who had been adopted into the family of an Onon- daga chief and had acquired great influence with the tribe. He 30 gravely told his foster father that he had dreamed the previous night lie was at a feast at which the guests ate everything set before them, and asked permission to make a similar feast for the whole tribe.' A day was named for the banquet; the stores of the settlement were freely contributed to swell the bounty and give zest to the festivities, which took place on the evening of the 20th of March in a large enclosure outside the palisade that protected the mission house. Here, amid the glare of blazing- fires, Frenchmen and Iroquois joined in the dance, the musicians, in the meanwhile, with drums, trumpets and cymbals keeping np a continuous uproar, in the midst of which those in charge of the boats were making the necessary preparations for the em- barcation. The feast lasted until midnight, when gorged to re- pletion and under the soothing notes of the guitar played by the young Frenchman, the guests fell into a profound slumber. He then silently withdrew and joined his companions who lay upon their oars anxiously awaiting his coming ; and before morning, the fugitives were far on their wa}^ to Oswego. Late into the next day, the Indians stood wondering at the silence that reigned in the mission house ; yet, as the afternoon wore away, their pa- tience was exhausted, and scaling the palisade, they bui-st open the doors to find, to their amazement, every Frenchman gone. Gaz- ing at each other in silence, they fled from the house. No trace betrayed the flight of the French. " They have become invisible," cried the savages, " and flown or walked upon the waters, for canoes they had not."" The party reached Montreal, after a perilous journe}^ on the 3d of April, with the loss of a single canoe and three of their num- ber drowned in the St. Lawrence. The same 3'ear, (1657) a fe- rocious war between the French and Iroquois raged all along the Canadian frontier. It lasted some two years, during which the missionary Fathers had a steadfast friend in Garacontie, the re- nowned chief of the Onondagas, who left no means untried to 1 A dream was regarded as a most imperative form of di\iiie revelation, and was to be obeyed at all hazards. This sort of feast at which everything was to be eaten (feMin a manyo' tout) also ranked among their superstitions, and was sometimes resorted to for the healing of the sick, an instance of which occurs in the next number. ^ Relation 1C5S, Chap. I, II. See also : Old Regime of Canada, pp. .35-39. Shea's Catholic Missions, pp. 238-239. Field Book Revolution, I, 229-230. 31 bring about a peace for the sake of their return.' It was through his influence that an embassy under charge of Saonchiogwa, the head sachem of the Cajugas, was sent to Montreal to secure this object. The negotiations were attended with many difficulties, and required adroit management on the part of the Cayuga orator. The French had learned to view with distrust such overtures, if they had not lost all confidence in Iroquois sincerity. " They cry peace," writes Father Le Jenne in his account of this em- bassy, "and murder in the same breath. Peace is made at Mon- treal and war is waged at Quebec and Three Rivers. While we receive them at our homes, they kill us in the forests, and our people are murdered by those who protest that they are our best friends." In giving the account of the embassy we follow the narrative of Le Jeune : ''It was in the month of July (1660) amid such disasters, that there appeared above Montreal two canoes of the Iroquois, who, on displaying a white flag, came boldly under that standard and put themselves into our hands as if their own w^ere not red with our blood. It is true they had with them a pass- port that put them above all fear of harm from us, go where they would, in four French captives whom they came to return as a pledge of their sincerity. They asked for a conference, saying that they were deputed by the Cayugas and Onondagas, from whom they had brought messages of importance. Indeed, the head of the embassy was the celebrated Captain of the Cayuga na- 1 It wa< not until after the flight of the French that Garacontie became the avowed pro- tector of Christians and the advocate of peace. Indeed, he fitted up in his own cabin a chapel, and maintained, so far as he was able, the emblems and associations of the Faith. He succeeded ia rescuing a number of French captives brought to the ditterent cantons, and these he would assemble at Onondaga, morning and evening, with the Hurons to prayer, at the sound of the mission bell, which he had carefully preserved, and which was only allowed to be used on the gravest public occasions. A war party of the Mohawks in one of these raids in the vicinity of Quebec, took from the Hurons on the Isle of Orleans a crucifix, some two feet in length, which they bore among their spoils to their village. On learning of this, Garacontie went in person to the village and by arguments and rich presents rescued the sa- cred symbol from profanation and set it up over the altar which awaited the return of the missionary Fathers. On the resumption of the mission at Onondaga, Father Milet, in speak- ing of his methods of assembling the adults to Catechumen, says : " I borrowed for this pur pose a bell which they had thirteen or fourteen years ago from tliose of our Fathers who were in this mission when the war was kindled there." He also speaks of its having been used to summon the deputies to the council, the same that had called the faithful to worship to the Jesuit's chapel at Ganentati. Relation, 1661, 32 : 1670, .51. For an interesting account of the finding of fragments of this bell, see Clark's Hint. Onondaga Co., II, 257, 876. 32 tion, who was friendly to us when we were among the Iroquois, and tlie host of our Fathers in their hibors to found the first church among his people. We appointed a day for the conference, and received him as if innocent of any participation in the murders which had been committed throughout our settlements. The day arrived, when he displayed twenty belts of wampum, which spoke more elo- quently than his speech, marked though it was from beginning to end with much native grace, and presenting with great adroit- ness all the points to be secured by his mission. He had come, and this was the important object of the embassy, to obtain the release of eight Cayugas, his countrymen, kept at Montreal since the previous year. In order to induce us to liberate these pris- oners, he broke the bonds of the four Frenchmen he had brought with him, promising at the same time the liberty of twenty oth- ers who were held at Onondaga ; and finally assured us of the good will of his nation, notwithstanding the acts of hostility committed during the past two years. His speech was clothed in excellent terms and was attended with much ceremony. First of all he offered a present to Heaven to bring back, he said, the Sun which had been in eclipse during these wars, the evils of which that luminary had refused to look upon. It had been, he said, forced, as it were, to retire so as not to shine upon the inhumanities that attend such conflicts among men. Having thus propitiated Heaven, he next sought to restore the earth, convulsed as it had been by the tumult of war. This he did by a present which was intended at the same time to calm the rivers, clear out all the rocks, smooth down the rapids and thus establish free and safe intercourse between us and them. Another present covered all the blood that had been shed and • brought again to life all that had been slain in these wars. An- other gave us back the comfort and peace we had lost in the troubles we had suffered. Another was to restore the voice, clear the throat and organs of speech, that none but the pleasant words of })eace might pass between us ; and in order to show with what sincerity he desired to be bound to us, he said, in pre- senting a magnificent belt : This is to draw the Frenchman to us that he may return to his mat which we still preserve at Ga- 33 nentaa ;' where the house is yet standing that he liad when he dwelt among us. The fire has not been extinguished since his departure, and the fields, which we have tilled, await but his hand to gather in the harvest ; he will make peace flourish again in the midst of us by his stay, as he had. banished all the evils of war. And to cement this alhance, and bind us together vso firm- ly that the demons, jealous of our happiness, shall never be able to cross our good designs, we ask that the holy sisters should come and see us, as well to take care of the sick as to instruct the children, (he intended, to speak of the Hospital nuns and the Ursu- lines) ; we will erect roomy cabins, furnished with the most beau- tiful mats the country affords ; and they ueed have no fear of the water-falls or the rapids, for we have so united the rivers that they may put their own hands to the oar without trouble or fear. Finally, he made a full recital of the comforts these good nuns would find in his country, not forgetting to mention the abun- dance of Indian corn, strawberries, and other fruits of this sort, which he set forth in his discourse as the strongest inducement to attract them on this expedition. His whole manner, both of gesture and posture, in arranging the two presents given with this object, indicated that he was moved in their bestowal by his gallantry, rather than by any expectation that the request would be granted. The final word he spoke, was in a tone of stern resolve, as raising the last belt he exclaimed, a Black- gown must come with me, otherwise no peace ; and on his com- ing depend the lives of twenty Frenchmen at Onondaga. In saying this he produced a leaf from some book, on the margin of which these twenty Frenchmen had written their names, in confirmation of the object of the embassy. 1 Ganentaa— The site of the Mission of St. Mary. The Onondagas had a traall Indian village, used as a landing place, situated near the southern extremity of Onondaga Lake. North of this and about midway between the two extremities of the lake, on the north side, was the site assigned for the French residence and Mission. It was about twelve miles from the main village of the Onondagas, w ho then lived about two miles south of the present village of Manlius in the town of Pompey. The "Jesuits Well " still exists with :t.s accompanying salt fountains, and may be found just north of the railroad bridge on lot 106. This was the flrsi CatJiolic Chapel erected in the present temtory of the State of New York. Frontenac, in 1696. erected a palisaded fort on this site, for tlie protection of his batteaux and supplies, while en- gaged in the destruction of the Onondaga and Oneida villages. In 1797 Judge Geddes, in making surveys for the Slate, found the remains of a palisaded work at this point, some of the pickets of which were still standing. This was probably erected on the same site in 1756 by Sir William Johnson for the Onondagas. (See instructions for building. Doc. Hist. N. Y., II, 442-470.)— J. S. C. 34 After the speech, lie formally delivered n[) the four French captives, who recounted to us the hospitable reception given them at Onondaga and the kind treatment bestowed upon their companions whom they had left behind. Finally, these poor Frenchmen implored us, with clasped hands, to have pity on them as we had nothing to fear from these people among whom they had thus been cared for, and begged us to send one of the Fathers to break the bonds of their fellow captives and deliver them from the flames, to which otherwise they were inevitably doomed. The diplomacy of Saonchiogwa proved a success, and, not- withstanding the misgivings of the French as to his personal safety. Father Le Moyne, whose visit to Onondaga in 1653 opened the way for the first missions, was allowed to return with the em- bassy, and arrived at Onondaga the 12th of August, 1660, when the pledge given by Saonchiogwa was fulfilled in the release of the French prisoners and their safe return with the Father to Montreal. The chief obstacle to resuming the missions at this time, was in the implacable hostility of the Mohawks, who per- sistently refused to make peace with the French, until six years after, when they were attacked on their own teri'itory by a force of a thousand men, led in person by M. de Tracy, Viceroy of Canada, and three of their villages, with a large quantity of corn, destroyed. This was in the autumn of 1666, and resulted in the restoration of peace, followed by the resumption of the missions in the several cantons of tlie Iroquois. Before his return to Moiitreal, (1662) Le Moyne made a brief visit to the Mohawks,' which nearly cost him his life, and he was 1 In 1655, Le Moyne made a visit to the Mohawks, and instead of returning directly to Que- bec, passed the winter in New Ketherland, and for the first time saw New Amsterdam, the Dutch capital, containing then about 1,000 inhabitants. While there, says Brodhead, (Hist. N. Y. Vol. 1. pp. 645) he formed a warm friendsliip with Dominie Johannes Megapolensis, whose early missionary efforts among the ^Mohawks led him to look with lively interest, if not with entire sympathy, on the zealous labors of the Jesuit Fathers. It was at this time that Le Moyne communicated to his distinguished friend an account of his visit in 1654 to the ■' salt springs " of Onondaga. Governor Stuyvcsant availed himself of the i)resence of Le Moyne to obtain through his influence a permission from tlie Governor of Canada for Dutch vessels to trade in the St. Lawrence, and a bark was forthwith cleared from New Amster- dam with a cargo on which the duties were remitted, as it was the first from Manhattan to Canada. But the unlucky pioneer vessel on entering the St. Lawrence was wrecked at An- ticosti. 35 barely able to make his escape from the scene of his earlier mis- sionary labors. The Cayugas offered him protection, and he spent a month with them, laboring with characteristic zeal for their spiritual welfare. In the Relation^ 1661-2, Chap. TV, we have this account of the reasons which led Le Moyne to visit Cayuga, and of his work during tlie brief time he was there. " The Iroqnois of Caynga, who are less cruel and whom we have found more affectionate than the other Iroquois nations, espe- cially at the time when we ministered in their cantons to the Hu- ron church among them, were moved with compassion at our troubles, and in order to give protection to the Father, invited him to come and instruct them until the danger should have passed. The Father was rejoiced at this offer, more for the sake of the salvation of these kind barbarians than from any considerations of personal safety, and went to serve them for some weeks. He was received with public acclamation, and found an ample field for the exercise of his zeal. " The lancet of a young French surgeon who accompanied him, and whose skill God wonderfully blessed during the prevalence of a dangerous and infectious disease, aided the good cause inas- much as many, whose lives had been despaired of, were cured. This won the hearts of the people and opened to the Father the door of every cabin, where he was met with a kindly eye and lis- tened to with a ready ear, as he spoke to them of the things per- taining to their salvation. A whole month was too short to bap- tize all the little children, and to console a number of good Hu- ron Christian women, whose captivity of fifteen or twenty years had not separated them from the cherished Faith. They con- vert the cabin of their masters into a temple ; they serve one an- other instead of pastors, and sanctify by their prayers the woods and fields where Jesus Christ would not be worshiped except for these poor captives. What a joy to this scattered flock to see again their shepherd ! The eye spoke more than the lips in this happy interview. How could we I'cstrain our tears of joy and compassion, seeing these poor Christians weeping with such devotion ! Surely these are, the tears which, flowing from the eyes of the savage, heal his pains and soften the labors of his hard lot. IV. Cayuga was among the last of the cantons to have its mission restored. In 1664, four years after the embassy narrated in the previous number, Saonchiogwa headed a delegation of C'ayugas to solicit missionaries, but failed. Two years afterward he re- newed the request ; and Fathers James Fremin and Peter Eaf- feix were chosen to accompany him to his canton ; but again his hopes were baffled. Fremin went on to the Mohawks, and Raffeix remained at Montreal to carry out a plan for a settle- ment at Laprairie. Father Julian Garnier was already at Onon- daga, and no sooner was the mission there inaugurated by the building of a chapel, than Garacontie witli several French pris- oners, set out for Quebec to secure an additional missionary for his own people, and one for the Cayugas who had been so sorely disappointed the year before. He made his appeal directly to the Governor, and Fathers Peter Milet and Stephen de Carheil were selected to accompany him to Onondaga. Milet remained there ; and de Carheil proceeded to Cayuga with Garnier to conduct the ceremony of his introduction to the village. "We give the account of the first year of Father de Carheil's labors in re-establishing the mission, from Relation 1669, Chap. \Y : MISSION OF ST. JOSEPH IN CAYUGA. This people, making a fourth Iroquois nation, are located about one hundred and sixty-five leagues from Quebec and twenty from Onondaga, going always between west and south. Father Stephen de Carheil arrived at Cayuga on the 6th of No- vember, 1668, and there presented to Heaven, as the first fruits of his labors, a female slave of the Andastes.' They had come I Andastes, a term used generically bj' the French, and applied to several distinct Indian tribes located south of the Five Nations, in the present territory of Peinisylvania. They were of kindred blood, and spoke a dialect of the same lan2;u;it:e as the Iroquois of New York. The most northerly of these tribes called by Cliamplain in Kil.") Carantouannais, were de- scribed by him. as residing south of the Five Nations, and distant a short three days' jour- ney from the Iroquois' fort attacked by him in that year, which fort is supposed to have been 37 in company from Onondaga, and tins journey which they made together was the means of enabling her to proceed on her way joyfully towards paradise ; for having been instructed and bap- tized during their journey of two days, as soon as she had ar- rived at Cayuga, she was roasted and eaten by these barbarians on the 6th of November.' located in the town of Fenner, Madison Co., N. Y. Late researches appear to warrant the conclusion that the large town called Carantouan by Champlain, and described as containing more than eight hundred warriors, was located on what is now called "Spanish Hill," near Waverly, Tioga Co., N. Y. One of the most southerly tribes was located at the Great Falls between Columbia and Harrisburg, Pa., and in vicinity of the latter place ; described by Gov. Smith in 1608 as occupying five towns, and called by him Sasquesahanoughs or Susquehanna?. At an early date, a tribe resided in the vicinity ot Manhattan, called Minquas, and the Dutch colonists appear to have applied this term to all cognate tribes, west of them, and south of the Five Nations ; in like manner the English of Virginia, knowing only the Sus- qaehannas, considered all as Susquehannas in their vicinity, to the north and west. Less is known of these tribes than of other nations by which they were surrounded. The Jesuit Fathers had no missions among them, though frequent reference is made in the Relations to the wars between them and the Iroquois, and of the torture, and burning of prisoners, brought by the latter to their villages. In Relation, 1647-8, Andastoe is described as a country be- yond the Neuter Nation one hundred fifty leagues southeast, \ south from the Hurons in a straight line, or two hundred leagues by the trails. This distance locates the town at this date, in a vicinity of Columbia, Pa., aqd identifies them with those known as Conestogas, probably the same as the Susquehannas of Smith. In Rdation 1662-3, Father Lallemant says that in the month of April (1603.) eight hundred Iroquois warriors proceeded from the western end of Lake Ontario to a fine river resembling the St. Lawrence, but free from falls and rapids, which they descended one hundred leagues to the principal Andastogue village, which was found to be strongly fortified, and the aggressors were repulsed. This route ap- pears to have been through Genesee river, to Canaseraga creek, thence up that stream and by a short portage to Cauisteo river, and thence down the Canisteo, Chemung and Susque- hanna rivers to the fort. This route is indicated on the earlier maps, as one continuous river, flowing from Lake Ontario, under the name of Casconchagon and so appears in Charlevoix's Map or 1744. This probably is same position alluded to In 1647-8. These tribes were en- gaged in various wars with the Iroquois which began as early as 1600 and continued with more or less frequency until 16T5, those nearest the Five Nations being first overthrown. At the latter date, their power for further resistance appears to have been completely broken, and they were incorporated into the League, a part, however, retreated southward, and were menaced by the Maryland and Virginia troops, the last remnant falling victims to the butch- ery of the Paxton boys. A very interesting account of the Andastes may be found in a paper by Dr. Shea, originally printed in the October number of the Histoncal Magazine 1858, enti- tled, " The Identity of the Andastes, Minquas, Susquehannas and Conestogues ;" and since incorporated in his edition of Alsojfs Maryland. Gallatin in his map, followed by Bancroft and others, place the Andastes near Lake Erie. This may have been one of the most west- ern of these tribes originally located farther east, and to escape destruction by the Iroquois, accepted the alternative of emigration. La Honton in his map of 1683 also places Andastogue- ronons south of the west end of Lake Erie. These may have been the Ontastois described by Galinee in 1669, as near the Ohio.— J. S. C. 1 Father Isaac Jogues, the first missionary among the Mohawks, and who suffered martyi - dom at their hands, relates a similar instance which occurred while he was among them. They sacrificed an Algonquin woman, in honor of Areskoui, their war god, exclaiming Areskoid to thee we burn this victim, feast vpon the flesh, and grant us new victories— vihexeioTQ ber flesh was eaten as a religious rite. 38 Father Garnier, wlio accompanied Father de Carheil, on ar- riving at the village, made the customary presents to secure the building of a chapel and prepare the way for the reception of the Christian faith. These were responded to by similar presents on their part, in which they promised to embrace the faith and erect a chapel. The chapel was completed on the 9th of No- vember, two days after his arrival, and dedicated to St. Joseph by Father de Carheil. He writes, that on St. Catherine's day, he had the proof that this eminent saint was actively engaged in Heaven on behalf of himself and these poor savages; that on this day there came quite a number desiring prayers and instruction, so that he thinks he may call this the day of the birth of this mission and church. "This is also the day," he adds, "that I implored this saint to whom I had before been consecrated, that she would teach me to speak in the way she had formerly spoken to convince the idolatrous philosophers. Since this time, the chapel has been en- larged and has never lacked for worshipers." It so happened, at first, that but few of their warriors were able to come for instruction, as the greater part were engaged in hunting or fishing. But the rumor of a war party of the An- dastes in the vicinity, soon gathered them together and gave the Father an opportunity to preach the Gospel to a large number. This wide-spread report that the enemy, to the number of three hundred, wei'c on their wa}^ to attack Cayuga, proved false ; but it served as an occasion for the Father to show to the Iroquois that he loved them, and to raise him in their esteem by his con- tempt for death, in remaining night after night with those who acted as sentinels. Thus were they disabused of the idea, that in the general panic, he would manifest the same alarm which had seized others ; and the warriors themselves, the chiefs with the old men, gave him a testimonial of the honor in wliicli they held him, in a public feast. The Father knew how to make the most of the opportunity, as he passed from cabin to cabin, saying to them: " Know, my brothers, that men like us fear not death. Why should they be afraid to die? They believe in God; they honor Ilim ; they love Him; they obey Him, and are certain, after death, of eter- 39 nal happiness in heaven. It is you, my brotliers, who ought to fear death ; ior till now, you have neither known nor loved God. You have never obeyed Him. He will punish you eternally if you should die without believing in Him, without loving Him, without keeping His commandments and without being bap- tized." Then, having been invited by a child into a lodge where there were about twenty warriors, he harangued them after this manner: "I am delighted, my brothers, to find myself in like danger with you. Be assured that I do not fear death ; that I would rather lose m}^ life than to see you die without receiving baptism." And he added as the moral of this apprehended com- bat, that they would behold him fearlessly going among the wounded, to baptize such as were rightly disposed by a firm be- lief in our mysteries and a true sorrow for sin. These warriors listened with marked pleasure to this discourse, and although it grew out of a false alarm, common among the savages, yet it exerted an influence as favorable for the faith, as if the enemy had really been at the gates. Thus a wise mis- sionary neglects no opportunity, and intelligently improves the time to gain, for eternity, precious souls which cost the blood of the Son of God. This church begins already to grow. It numbers among its converts not only women and children, but also warriors, two of whom are among the more noted — one because he bears the name of the hourg of Cayuga,^ which he maintains with honor, and the other in consequence of his riches and valor. Prayer is not despised at Cayuga as in other places. If some are opposed to it, they are the very few ; nevertheless, we are not in haste to give baptism to this people. We wish rather to prove their con- stancy, for fear ol: making apostates instead of Christians. The Father employed in the beginning of his teachings ex- clusively the Huron language, readily understood by the Iro- quois when it is well spoken. He has since prepared a formula 1 The name of this great war chief was written Goigouen Orehaoiie, and he is known in the annals of the time as "Orehaoue the Caj'uga." The other warrior here referred to was doubtless Sarennoa, who is associated with Orehaoue in the subsequent history, and particu- larly in the expulsion of Father de Carheil from their canton in 1684, of which at the time they were the two head chiefs. The latter became, as will be seen, a conspicuous figure in the history of New France. 40 of baptism in the Cayuga dialect, and in composing it lias used only the simple roots of the language ; and is assured from his familiarity with the Iroquois tongue, acquired in his travels, and from his past experience, that if in the use of roots and of various discourses, he can gather a sufficient number of words to express different actions, he will have mastered the language.' Besides the town of Cayuga, which is the seat of the mission, there are two others under his charge — one four leagues from there, and the other nearly six leagues. The last two are situ- ated upon a river, which coming from the region of the Andas- togue, descends, at four leagues distant from Onondaga, on its way to empty into Lake Ontario. The great quantity of rushes on the borders of this river (Seneca) has given the name of Thi- ohero' to the village nearest Cayuga. The people who compose the body of these three large villages ai-e partly Cayugas, and partly Hurons and Andastes — the two latter being captives of war. It is there that the Father exercises his zeal and asks com- panions in his apostolic labors. While he takes occasion to praise the docility of the Cayugas, he is nevertheless not without his trials. His host (Saonchi- owaga), who is the chief of the nation and who had taken Inni under his protection, has for some time past ill-treated him ; for desiring as the missionary of his people a certain other Father, whom he had brought with him to his home and whom it was 1 The dfficulties which the missionary had to encounter in this regard are given at length by Le Jeune in his Relation 1633, where he recounts his experience, in acquiring the lan- guage of the Lower Algouquins, which in its structure resembled closely that of the Hu- rons. After long and patient labor, enhanced by the incompetency of his teacher, of whom he would often be compelled to ask a number of questions to reach the meaning of a single word, he prepared a grammar and a dictionary and succeeded in composing a catechism, in- cluding the Lord's prayer, the creed, &c., in their own language. He could do this only as he used words which approximated to the ideas he wished to express ; for while he found the language copious in words fitting ideas derived from the senses, and singularly adapted the knowledge and experiences of the savage, it had no words to designate moral truths and spiritual conceptions. sThiohero, or St. Stephen, was located at the northern extremity of Cayuga Lake, on the east side of the'.river, on the farm now owned by John La Rowe. This was the crossing place of the great trail, at which was afterward the bridge of the Northern Turnpike. The Salt Springs mentioned by Father Rafflex in \&i-Z were a mile and a half northwest on the oppo- site side of the river, and about half a mile north of the Seneca river railroad bridge. Both of these places are mentioned by the Jesuit Fathers as being four leagues, or ten miles, distant from Goiogouen, then located on Great Gully Brook, three and a half miles south of Union Springs. At the time of Sullivan's campaign in 1779, a small village was found here named in some of the journals, Choharo.— J. S. C. 41 his indisputable right to retain/ he liad allowed Fatlier de Car- heil, against his own wishes, to be given to Cayuga by Garacontie the famous chief. He says in a haughty way that he does not belong to them, but to Onondaga, or perhaps to Oneida, wdiere he insists he ought to go. On the other hand Garacontie would have preferred Father de Carheil, as having been placed in his hands at Quebec, for Onondaga where he is chief. But the ne- cessity of affairs at present has compelled the arrangement as it is." This conflict of rights, however, and this emulation as to who will have these missionaries is sufficient ground for great hopes, and is proof that to establish the faith, all that is required, is the necessary number of evangelical laborers. The famous Garacontie, the most renowned of all the Iroquois chiefs, and the most friendly of all to the French, earnestly de- sires baptism. He no longer accepts a dream as a guide to hu- man conduct f and promises that hereafter he will no more grant the things that are dreamed, without the explicit understanding that it is not because it is a dream that he accedes to the request. Furthermore he has so conquered himself that he will no longer have more than one wife. But inasmuch as it is necessary in a chief of his reputation, that all these matters should undergo a strict examination, we still defer baptism.'* He has made the host of Father de Carheil a present of a wampum belt, to affirm peace and to establish our Fathei's firmly in that country. Moreover, everybody among the Iroquois con- 1 The reference here is to Father Fremin, who, the previous year had accompanied Saon- chiowaga from Montreal, but instead of remaining at Cayuga proceeded to the Mohawks, and was at this time Superior of tlie Iroquois Missions. 2 In the existing arrangement, the distribution of missionaries was as follows: Dablon, who was with Chaumonot at Onondaga in 1656, and Jean Pierron, wlio had just arrived ft om France were assigned to the Mohawks. Bruyas, who had been about a year in Canada, and who af- terward became so distinguished as an Indian philologist, was sent to the Oneidas. Gamier the flrst Jesuit ordained at Quebec, and Milet were at Onondaga, when Carheil was transferred to Cayuga. Fremin, after being made Superior of the Missions, went to the Senecas and was soon joined by Rafifeis. There was a Seneca village, named Gandougare, composed of refu- gees from the Neuter Nation and the Hurons, which Fremin himself took charge of, detail- ing Garnier from Onondaga to Gandachiragou, about four miles south of the great town of the Senecas, Sonnontouan. 3 Dreams were the oracles of the Iroquois, and were to be obeyed at all hazards. 4 In June 1670, an embassy led by Garacontie visited Quebec, at which time the renowned chief was baptized by the Lord Bishop Laval, with great ceremony, and took the name of Daniel, from Courcelles, Governor of Canada. His Indian name signified— .S''^/< /hat advances. 42 tinues to appreciate the blessings of peace, after seeing the victo- ries of the Fi-ench arms among their neighbors. Nevertheless, nothing is so assared among these barbarians, that it is not necessary always to be on one's guard. Father de Carheil, perceiving that it had a good effect, by way of ridicule, with those savages who choose something created and vile as the master of their lives,' to frame a prayer in ac- cordance w^ith their notions, has, in certain instances, resorted to this method : " We must pray," said he, "to the master of our life ; and since this beaver is the master of thy life, let ns offer him a prayer : Thou Beaver^ ivho canst not speal^:, thou art the master of the life of me, who can speak! Thou who hast no soul, thou art the master of mij life luJiO have a soul T One such prayer brought them to serious reflection, and made them admit that they had hitherto shown a want of common sense in recognizing these creatures as the masters of their lives. Thus he introduces little by little, the knowledge of the true God, and teaches them his command- ments, which they find to be most reasonable. But alas ! these fair beginnings are unhappily reversed. All the powers of hell are arrayed in opposition. Superstition has taken a new lease of life; and the Father has discovered that in a heathen and barbarous country a missionary is compelled to carry his life in his hand. The Father had gone to Tiohero, and there been invited to a feast, at which everything was to be eaten, ^ for the healing of a sick person, whom he went to visit I The manUoii, or master of life, was the spirit that ruled all things. It might be of a bird, a buffalo, a bear, &c., or even a feather or a Skin. It is said, moreover, that no Indian would choose the manitou of a man for an object of adoration. ■■! Each guest was required to eat the whole of tlie portion assigned him, however great the quantity ; otherwise his host would be outraged, the community shocked, the evil spirits be roused to vengeance, and death and disaster ensue to the individual and the nation. This kind of feast had other significations, as would appear from an incident which Mr. John Bartram relates as ofcurring on his journey from Philadelphia to Onondaga in the sum- mer of 1743. He was in company with Conrad Weiser, who was in high repute with the Delawares and Iroquois, Lewis Evans and Shickalmy, tlie father of the celebrated Loo'an. "We lodged," he writes, '-within about fifty yards of a hunting cabin, where there were two men, a squaw, and a child. The men came to our Are, made us a present of some venison and invited Mr. Weiser, Shickalmy and his son to a feast at their cabin. It is incumbent on those who partake of a feast of this sort, to eat all that comes to their share or burn it. Now Weiser, being a traveler, was entitled to a double share ; but being not very well, was forced to take the beneflt of a liberty indulged him of 48 with tlie design of baptizing her, after imparting the necessary instruction. Obserxang that h'e did not eat all this they had pre- pared for him, they insisted that it was essential that he should eat it all in order to heal the sick one. " I do not see my broth- ers," he replied, "that I can heal her in making myself sick by over eating, and by a remedy which the Master of our lives for- bids ; since it would make two persons sick instead of one — the first one remaining sick and he who over eats becoming so." All were taken by surprise with this reply. The sick person, above all, approved of what had been said, declaring that since this was not the proper course, she was resolved to have nothing more to do with superstitious remedies of this sort, nor with their dances as well, which only served to split a sick person's head.^ After that, she permitted no remedy which the missionary deemed superstitious, and after baptism, she was taken from Tiohero to Cayuga where she made confession of sins committed since she had received the grace of baptism. At length she died, filled with the consolation of knowing that after death she would be eternally happy. Her death, however, joined with the wide spread impression that baptism caused the death of individuals, con- firmed the delusion with which the Evil One has blinded these people to prevent their salvation. Since this occurrence, the Father writes us, that he has often been repulsed and even driven from the cabins whither he has gone to visit the sick. But to understand fully the situation in which he soon found himself, and the danger of losing one's life, eating by proxy, and called me. But both being unable to cope with it, Evans came to our assistance, notwithstanding which we were hard set to get down the neck and throat, for these were allotted to us. And now we had experienced the utmost bounds of their indul- gence, for Lewis, ignorant of the ceremony of throwing the bone to the dog, though hungry dogs are generally nimble, the Indian more nimble, laid hold of it first and committed it to the fire, religiously covering it over with hot ashes. This seems to be a kind of offering, perhaps first fruits to the Almighty power to crave future success in the approaching hunting season."' These Indians proved to be Cayug.is, on their return to their own country. — Observations &c., ill his travels from PMsilvania to Onondago, Osivego, &c., London, 1751, p. 24. 1 Charlevoix gives an extended account of the superstitious customs here alluded to. The instance as tjld him by a missionary Father who witnessed the scene, was that of a Huron woman afflicted with a rheumatic distemper, wlio took it into her head that she should be cured by means of a feast, the ceremonies of which were under her own direction. The va- rious performances lasted four days, attended with cries or rather bowlings and all sorts of extravazant actions. His informant stated that she was not cured, but claimed to be better than before ; nevertheless, he added, a strong and healthy person would have l)een killed by the ceremony.— &5./o(/7vi«y in North America, II, 202-206. 44 to which the missionary in this heathen country is continually exposed, it is necessary to give, in his own words, the evil treat- ment he has received, more particularly on one or two occasions. "I had entered a cabin," he says, "to instruct and baptize a young woman, the daughter of a Huron captive ; and though the time for baptism was pressing she would not listen to me as she did at the commencement of her sickness, when her father answered sajnng, '' Thou speakest as formerly spoke Father Brebeuf in our country. Thou teachest that which he taught ; and as he caused men to die by pouring water on their heads, thou wilt cause us to die in the same manner." I well knew from that moment that there was nothing to hope foi'. Im- mediately after this, I observed one to enter who is a medicine man of our cabin; nevertheless he is much attached to me, and is in the habit of praying to God, and even knows the prayers by heart. He remained for some time without disclosing his purpose, but seeing that I did not I'etire, he commenced, in my presence, first to apply some remedies in which I saw no harm ; and then not wishing ray presence during the application he was about to make of certain other remedies, he insisted that I should leave the cabin. It caused me great sorrow to make up my mind to leave, and I could not do it, as I looked upon this poor crea- ture dying, without weeping with all the compassion of which my eyes were capable. As I saw the people that filled the cabin astonished at my tears, and also met the look of the sick person who at the first had turned her e3^es from me, I spoke to them after this manner : " Why do you wonder, my brothers, to see me weep thus ? I love the salvation of this soul, and I see her about to fall into eternal fire, because she is not willing to hear my words. I bewail her danger which you cannot know as I do."' After this I left and sought a neighboring field to pour out my complaint to God, still beseeching tlie salvation of this person. But there was no more tune ; for a few moments after they had driven me out, and in my person the mercy of God, this unhappy soul was taken from the body b}' divine justice and banislied eternally from heaven. I felt, through the evening, my heart filled with the bitterness of grief, which took away all disposition to sleep, ever keeping 45 before mj eyes the loss of this soul that I loved and desh'ed to save, but which now was lost. I then had a much clearer con- ception than ever before of the singular anguish of the heart of Jesus who loved all men and desired to save them all, but who nevertheless knew the prodigious multitude of men that would damn themselves in the course of the ages. His sorrow was in proportion to the greatness of his love. That, which at the loss of this one soul, so beat down my heart, was out of love which did not ajiproach the love of Jesus — only a feeble spark of it. O God, what was the condition of the Saviour's heart, conscious of this universal sorrow over the fate of all the damned ! O how small is the grief which men feel for temporal losses in compar- ison with that which one feels for the loss of souls, when he re- alizes their infinite worth ! Then the words of St. Paul, which describe the sufferings he recounts from his experience, came into my mind; and it seemed to me that those which expressed his deepest anguish, were Solliciludo Ecclesiaram — the care of the churches. Whilst engaged in these thoughts I was astonished at the ap- pearance of my host, who approached me with a frightened coun- tenance and whispered in my ear, that I must not go abroad on the morrow, nor even for three days, on the side of the town in which is the cabin of the woman who liad just died. My first thought was that they had formed the design to tomahawk me. Then all the bitterness of my heart was dissipated and changed into extreme joy, at seeing myself in danger of death for the sal- vation of souls.' I urged him to give me the reason why I should not go in that quarter; and though he did not seem willing that I should think they intended to kill me, he never- theless said enough to make me believe it. I did what prudence demanded, and replied that I would restrain myself from going, 1 The Jesuit missionary craved, above all things, the glory of martyrdom. The desire some- times rose to a passion, as in the vow of Brebenf which he renewed each aay, exclaiming as he partook of the sacred wafer : What shall I render unto thee, Jesus my Lord for all thy ben- fjittt. I will accept thy cup, and invok'. thy name. I vow therefore in the sight of thy Eternal Father and the Holy iSpirit ; in the sight of thy most Holy Mother, and St. Joseph ; before the. holy angels, apoHles and mirtyrs, an-i before my sainted Fathers Ignatius and Francis Zavier, to thee my Jesus I vow, never to decline the opportunity of martyrdom and never to receive the death blow but with joy. Relation 1649 Chap. V ; 18. 46 during these tliree days, in my work of instruction to the other side of the town. In the rneanwlnle the old men were ahnost continually in council to restrain, by presents, this furious man who had re- solved my death, the report of which reaching Onondaga cre- ated much excitement among all our Fathers and in the neigh- boring cantons, even causing them to send by express to know the truth of tlie matter." The affair has had no further result. All is now appeased, and Father de Carheil continues, without fear, his ordinary labors. This first affront that he received was only a trial of his cour- age to prepare him for a similar one given by a young warrior, who chased him from his cabin because the Father would not allow him to say, that in roasting an ear of Indian corn in the ashes he was roasting the master of his life.' These are the only instances of ill-treatment that he has received in the town of Cayuga, composed of more than two thousand souls, and in which thej^ count more than three hundred warriors. They do not associate death with prayer, as with baptism. Many warriors and numbers of women pray to God. The chil- dren even know the prayers by heart. The knowledge of God's commandments has become common in their families; and so eager are they for instruction, tliat they ask to pray to God in the open streets. Drunkenness," which has penetrated even to the Cayugas, has made havoc among them and hindered greatly the progress of 1 The maize, the native corn of America, is still honored with a species of worship by the Arickasses In Dacotah. See Ethnography and Philology of Hidatsas—U. S. Geol. and Geog. Surrey, 1668, /;. 12. - In this same year, 1668, at the suggestion of Father Pierron of the Mohawk mission, several sachems of that canton, came to New York with a petition to the English Governor, Lovelace, accompanied by a letter from the missionary asking him to interpose his authority to prevent the introduction of intoxicating liquors among the Indians. Lovelace at once directed the officers at Albany to put in force the existing laws against selling liquors to the Indians, and assured Pierron in a letter that he would take all possible care, and under the severest penal- ties to restrain and hinder all such traffic. lielation 1669, f'hap. 1, p 6. In 1702. Father de Carheil himself writes to Intendant Champigny from Michilimakinac : "Our missions are reduced to such extremity that we can no longer maintain them against the infinity of dis- order, brutality, violence, scorn and insult which the deplorable and infamous traffic in brandy has spread universally among the Indians in these parts. * * * In the despair into which we are plunged, nothing remains for us but to abandon them to brandy sellers as a domain of drunkenness and debauchery." Archires Natioaalex. For full account of what was styled the "Brandy Quarrel," see Old Regime of Canada, 319-323. 47 the gospel. The Father writes us from there, that it is very common for tliem to drink for the mere sake of intoxication. They avow this loudly beforehand ; and one and another is heard to say, "/am gomg to lose my head: I am going to drink (lie water tvhich talces away my ivits." The number of persons that have been baptized is twenty- eight, of whom one-half have already died, with such prepara- tion as leads us to believe that they have gone to heaven. V. The second letter of Father de Carheil from Cayuga bears date June, 1670, and is prefaced with the statement that the canton lias tliree principal towns, viz., Cayuga, which bears the name of St. Joseph, Kiohero, otherwise called St. Stephen, and Onontare' or St. Rene. I have baptized, since last autumn, twenty-five children and twelve adults, a good portion of whom Heaven has claimed, and among them nine children, whose salvation is thus secured. The loving providence of God has appeared to me so manifest in ref- erence to some for whom I had almost no hope, that I have been taught by experience, a missionary ought never to despair of the conversion of any soul, whatever resistance it may offer to di- vine grace. I had, as it appeared to me, thrown away my time and labor in endeavoring to gain to God a man and woman already very old, and who at best could not live long. The things of heaven made no impression upon their hardened hearts. They regard- ed faith and baptism with horror, as serving only to hasten their death. For it is the received opinion of the larger part of this people, founded as they say on their own observation, that for the thirty years and more, in which our fathers have labored for the conversion of the Indians of Canada, not only the families, but likewise whole nations, which have embraced the faith have 1 The site of this town was near Savannah, in Wayne Co., N. Y. It was about five miles north of Thiohero, located at the foot of Cayuga Lake (note on page 21), and fifteen miles from Goi-o-gouen (Cayuga) on Great Gully Brook, three and a half miles south of Union Springs. It appears on Charlevoix's map as Onnontatacet, and is mentioned in 1688 as Onnon- tatae, a village of the Cayugas where there are several cabins and being on the way from the Bay of the Cayugas (Great Sodus) to Goi-o-gouen. All these names convey the idea of moun- tain; and a site known locally as Fort Hill, south-east of Savannah, on a high elevation, was probably one of the very early locations of this town. Other sites on lower lands near would naturally retain the name after the great hill had been abandoned.— J. S. C. 49 become desolated or extinct, almost as soon as they have become Christians, and that the greater part of those on whom is con- ferred lioly baptism die soon after receiving it. These wretched people seem to be so possessed, on this subject, with the artifices of the Evil One that they do not consider that, for the most part, the persons we baptize are already in the extremity of their dis- ease and nigh to death, and thus that baptism cannot be the cause of their death any more than of their sickness. This pop- ular error had so alarmed these two poor savages that they would not listen to the idea of l)eing baptized, nor permit me even to visit their fi-iends when sick. Nevertheless, liaving seen eacli other stricken down with a mortal malady, they sought our in- structions and demanded baptism with such ardor of desire that it was not possible to refuse them. Thus God knows well how to interpose in favor of Ilis elect and the most suitable time for tlie infallible operation of His grace. The person of all this neighborhood, who had given me most solicitude with respect to her baptism, and finally the most con- solation, is a woman of the Senecas, who had been sick for nine or ten months. The extraordinary number of persons she had seen die after the arrival of Father Fremin in her canton, men, women and children ; and the noise made everywhere about him as the sole author of this general desolation, and by his sorceries and magic and poisons causing death wherever he went, had given this woman such a horror of our person and remedies, our instructions and of baptism, that I could not gain access to her, nor obtain an opportunity to speak to her of her salvation. She had even communicated this aversion to all in the same cabin, saying that they were dead if they permitted me to come near them. She had alarmed them to such a degree, that as soon as I entered the cabin they all remained in profound silence, regarding me with a frightened look, and in their unwillingness to hear me, making no response, except that I should leave forthwith. In exchanging her residence subsequently, she fortunately went to live with ]^ersons who were friendly to me; still she preserved in hei' heart the old aversion toward me as one who carried about with him a deadly poison, with the power to communicate it by 50 woi'd or look.' But tlie more this ])oor woman held me in repug- nance, the more our Lord enabled me to exei'cise charity toward her, and to hope for her salvation, even against hope ; and though I saw no way in which this could be brought about, night and day I thought of lier, commending her to God, and her guardian angel, and to the one who has care of me, and to those who watch for the salvation of the people near to her. The night of her death I felt strangely impressed to offer mass solely for her ; and in this I solemnly vowed to our Lord that there was noth- ing in this world that I was not willing to saci'ifice to Him, pro- vided he would accord to me this soul for whose salvation He had given a thousand fold more than I could offer Him, since He had bought it with His own blood, and by His life. After mass, I went to visit her five or six times; but the Evil One still retained his hold upon her blinded mind. She would only re- gard me with a fierce and angry look and drive me from her presence. One time her resentment rose to such a pitch, that weak as she was, she took one of her shoes and hurled it at me, and I left the cabin. But God, who would save this soul, pressed me to I'e-enter immediately ; and ])i-oinpted me to adopt this method of gaining her attention. I addressed the people about her, saying to them the things wliich I would teach the sick person herself, as if intended for them. In this way she was led to apprehend very clearly the danger of eternal miser}^, which hung over her, and was touched with the thought of in- tinite happiness in paradise, now brought so near for her ac- ceptance. In availing myself of this mode of address, I spoke before her to those persons of all these things, to which I added 1 David Brainei'd in his diaiy of missionary labors among the Delawares in 1744, writes thus : '•! perceived that some of them were afraid to hearken to and embrace Christianity lest they should be enchanted and poisoned by some of the jwwaws ; but I was enabled to plead with them not to fear these ; and confiding in God for safety and deliverance, I bid a challenge to all these powers of darkness to do their worst on me first." {Life of BraiMrd, p. 107.) John Brainerd, brother of David, also a missionary among tlie Delawares thus alludes to the same superstition : " It is said that the Indians keep poison among them ; and that it is of such a nature that if one takes it in his breath it will cause him in a few months to pine away and die. A.nd this is supposed to be in the keeping of their old and principal men, and by this means they keep the people in continued dread of them. And some of the Indians seem to be so sottish as to imagine that they can poison them by only speaking the word, though they are at a distance of twenty or thirty miles, and are consequently afraid to dis- please them in any point." — Life of John Brainerd, p. 234. 51 some considerations on the mercy ol: Jesus Clifist, who became man for our salvation, giving her to understand that He would bestow upon her His everlasting love, if she would only have recourse to Him in simple trust. I passed the day without any satisfactory i-esult. Finall_y, I returned that evening as for the last time. It proved however, the first in which I gained her confidence. This time I only spake to her with my eyes, regard- ing her with a gentle kindness, and a sympathy sensibly touched by her affliction, and endeavoring to render some little attentions to alleviate her condition. I perceived that she began to relent and show a disposition to tolerate me. But God availed himself of a brave woman, who was instrumental in finally gaining this soul to Him. " It is time," she said " that thou hearest this wliich the Father would teach, to the end that thou mayest be happy through all eternity." "I am content," replied the sick person, '' let him instruct me. I will hear him gladly." She now listened with remarkable attention and docilit}'. She re- ceived with faith all my instructions, and at my request that she would repeat after me the prayers, said: "Thou seest well, my brother, that I can scarcely speak. My disease is lieavy upon my chest and suffocates my voice, but I pray you believe that my heart says all that thou sayest, and what my tongue cannot sa}'. Now baptize me without delay ; I wish to die a Christian, that Jesus may have pity on me." I baptized her on the mo- ment, and the same night God called her to heaven. Oh ! how well we are rewarded for all our anxieties, painful as they may be, by one such marvelous conversion ; and how happy is a missionary in awaiting from God that which to his feebleness appears impossible. He realizes the truth of the words of the evangelist, that God can cause to he horn of these very stones chil- dren unto Ahraham — that is to say, choose his elect from these hearts which to us appear so hard and impenetrable to His grace. I declare in all sincerity that it is to me a great consolation to see myself surrounded by so many sepulchres of saints in a place, where, on my arrival, my eyes I'ested only on the graves of the heathen ; and as it was this spectacle of the dead which struck me so painfully on my first coming here, so it is now, the thought that gives me the greatest joy. The lirst winter after I came to this village, God favored me with the ])rivilege of giving baptism to two good women, one of whom had called me expressly to baptize her, on the Day of Purification. They botli survived tlieir baptism an entire year, and as they had been faithful to their promises, and frequented the prayers and sacraments with devotion, I doubt not they liave increased the number of the elect in Heaven. A Chi'istian man and Christian woman of our ancient church of the Iliirons, have also given me the greatest consolation as the witness of the purity of their faith and of their lives, until death for which the)^ had attained a saintly preparation in the use of the sacraments of the church. In arranging for my first catechetical exercise, and apprehen- sive that none w^ould, of their own accord, respond in public, I drilled beforehand some of the children more particularly, as an example to the others of the manner I would have them answer the questions. But I was taken by surprise when I saw three or four women, among the more aged, rise on their feet to an- ticipate the cliildren in their responses. After the first day, we counted eighty-eight persons present, besides a number who listened at the door. One day, after explaining the crea- tion of the world and the number of years we count since the beginning to our time, and in order that they might the more readily comprehend the matter, T had shown it by some small stones which I used as counters, to prevent confusion and aid them to repeat the computation, when a warrior rose all at once in his })lace and faithfully rehearsed all that I had said ; but he did not fail to demand, by way of rewai'd, the same |3rize that I gave to the children.' ' LeJeune thus describes his method of catechetical instruction while among the Algon- quins. Calling the children around him with his little bell, he had them all join in the open- ing exercise, in this prayer in their own language \—Noukhimami Je^ms iagoua Khistinohi- monitou Khikitmdna cede KhUcHtamoidn. CacatouM-hichien Maria oi/ccaonia Jem ca eata- ouachichieii Joseph aimiliito>dnait—My Cap/uin, ./«. tism. He was pleased, therefore, to confer with his own hand this sacrament ; and M. Talon, the Intendant, gave him the name of Louis. The ceremony was attended with all possible solenuiitv, and concluderinted on all minds that this lirst and most necessary of all sacraments had not the advantageous effects which I declared to them; but others quite contrary, which I concealed in order to bring them to it more easily, and of which tha chief two which sprang from it as their source, were a speedy death and an eternal captivity, after death, under the domination of the French. As the rage of the deuK^ns eould invent nothing more coiiti-ary to the salvation of the souls of my dear mission than this thought, tlierefore I could hope to do nothing for the establishment and advancement of the Faith except by banishing it from their minds, or at least gradually diminishing it, although from all the efforts I had made to this end in previous years, I could not see any success, and this year even, I could hope for it still less than ordinarily l)ecause sickness and deaths had been more frecpient than before. Yet I do not know how Providence has acted, l)ut it lias done me the grace (in spite of all the false rumors which have been spread against me more than usually) to infuse into the heart of some mothers dispositions wliicli I could not expect from my endeavors. There have been tliirteen who liave asked me for their children what they did not yet wisli to ask for themselves ; they liave besought me to ba})tize them, In'inging them to me in tlie chapel. This prayer could not but be infinitelv aofreeable to me, as it was a first stei) in effacing: from minds all the false impressions against baptism, to remove the aversion towards it and to produce the love and esteem for it which I desired ; but as nothing should be done precipitately, I never granted on the spot what they asked me. I have al- wavs put them off to some coming holidov. in <)i"der bv this de- lay to make them conceive a better idea of what I wished to grant them and which I in fact granted on tlie app(^inted day, baptizing theii' children with the ceremonies and even making some who were ca])able, answer the interrogations which arc to be made therein. There are still other mothers who solicit at my hands b;q)tism for their children, and to whom I granted it in time. 70 having learned by experience that those whose chiklren are bap- tized, have much greater respect for a missionary, and conse- quently a greater disposition for the Faith than the others, inas- much as they esteem themselves as it were bound, according to what I told them, to come and Itring their little baptized ones to the prayer if they are not of an age to come to it themselves or to receive tliem there if they can do so. As for tlie eleven adults whom 1 ba})tized, they are all dead, inasmuch as I no longer baptize any except in danger of imme- diate death, apart from which I find none who are susceptible of all the dispositions necessary to baptism. License in marrying and unmarrying at their option, the spirit of murder, and hu- man respect prevent their becoming docile to instructions. Of the children ba})tized eighteen are dead, who, added to the adults, make in all twenty-nine ; but I nuist avow that what con- soles me most during this year w\as the death of a young war- rior of the age of twenty-five years. He was attacked by a mal- ady which, causing him to languish a considerable time, gave me leisure to instruct him gradually. He always listened to me without repulsing me, but also without evincing conviction from what I said to him, like a person who wishes to examine and determine for himself whether what is told him is reasonable. He remained in this state, until seeing him fail, I deemed it my duty to })ress him the more, but always in sucli a way as to con- strain him gently (In* a simple representation of the importance of the truths wliich I taught him, and conformable to his intel- ligence) to ask me for baptism of his own accord. He did in fact solicit it, and I Ijaptized him witli all the greater assurance of his good disposition as I have had more time to pre})are him, and as I knew that he had examined all tliat I had taught him. He remained some days after his baptism without his disease seeming to increase notably, when I myself fell into such a pros- tration of strength that I was obliged to take to my bed in or- der to get a little rest so as to restc^re mc. But the very day I wished to do so, my patient, feeling himself much more oppressed than usual, and liaving no doubt l)ut that it was the last day of his life, sent about nine o'clock in tlic nioniing to beg me to go anil visit him in his cabin. I went there at once, when he de- 71 clared to me tliut he was conscious that he was near death and entreated me to do all I knew to he necessary for his eternal happiness in heaven, as he had a strong hope of attaining it through iny instrumentality. I was ravished at his dis})()sition, and according to his desire began to repeat to him summarily our principal mysteries and to make him exercise upon each of them acts of faith in the form of })rayer, after which I questioned him as to what he might have committed since his baptism that might be displeas- ing; to God ; and I warned him that if he had not conceived a genuine sorrow for the sins he had committed before baptism that he should d(j so now; otherwise it would be useless to him to have been baptized. He assured me that before I ba})tized him, he had formed a true act of sorrow for his sins and that he continued in this sorrow, Ijoth as to them and to those he had committed since baptism. I then gave him absolution, after which he begged me not to leave him until he was dead, l)ut to remain constantly with him and not cease to pra}' or ti^ make him pray, as I did from nine o'clock in the morning until four o'clock in the afternoon when he died. During all that time, if I wished to breathe a little for a few moments' relaxation, he would immediately warn me to begin again, and consoled me infinitely by this eagerness which could proceed only from the Holv Ghost who, in spite of his disease, attracted him power- full v to the prayers which I recited aloud and in his name, be- cause he could no longer do this lymself. From time to time he rallied his strength to ask me al)out Heaven, in order that I might confirm him in the ho})e of going thither, and that I might increase the consolation which he derived therefrom. Towards the end he had moments of such intense ])ain that it made him burst out into words of impatience, which I stopped immediately by telling him that this impatience displeased God, and that he ought to bear the sufferings he experienced in order to satisfy for his past sins. He acquiesced readily ; he conceive^l sorrow for his outbursts, and I gave him absolution, after which he remained calm until death, without showing the least sign of inqn^tience, however great the pain caused by his disease. I closed his eyes; and I could not refrain from eml)racing and kissing liiiu when I saw lie was dead, so great was the joy I felt, and the assurance tliat he would })i-ay earnestly lor nie before God, according to the promise which lie had niand reme nrge*! ly tlieir friends, who waiaied them of the evil designs formetl ;iw;ijiist \\\r\v persons. 'I'he}' accordingly persevere in laboring loi' the eoiiN-ei-sion of these pe<)})les, and we leani tliat (xod lias i\'\vanl(^«l their eoiistaiicv bv a. little oaliii wliieli He g-iv(\< tlicm. and 1)\- move than three hundred l)aptisins wliieh they liave eonferred this last year, to ^^■hicll I add that the yirecediiig year they had baptized three hundred and fifty Iroquois. The year l)etV)re, Father Gar- nier had baptized fifty-five in one of the towns of the Sonnon- touans ; Father de Carheil as many at Oiogouen ; Father Milet forty-five at Oneiout (Oneida): Father James de Lamberville, more than thirty at one of the towns of Agnie (Mohawk), and Father Bruyas in another eighty: Father John de Lamberville seventy-two at Onnontage, and Father Piei-ron ninety at Son- nc^ntouan. It is estimated that they have })laeed in heaven more than two hundred souls of ehildren and siek adults, all dead after Tiaptism."' Idle ^Mission at Cayuga for the remaining l)rief. period of its eontinuanee was unmarked l;)y any striking event, the obstinate and haughty spii'it of the people being the Same, until about the year 168-1, when Father de Carheil who for sixteen vears had labored so faithfully for their good, was plundered of every thing and driven from the country bv Orehaoue' and Sarennoa I The same referred to in note page 39. Father John de Lamberville of Onondaga, in a letter to M. de hi Barre, Feb. 10, 16S4, writes : " Tlie man named Oreliaoue of Cayuga, told me also he intended to visit yon at ^Montreal. It is he who made Father de Carheil to withdraw from Caynga and who treacherously brought the six Tionnontates there. lie is ex- ceedingly proud. Sorrenna and he are the two greatest chiefs in Caynga. It is this Orehaoue that the English of Albany made nse to prevent Penn purchasing land of the Andastes. who were conquered by the Iroquois and the English of Marj-land. I believe he will be better pleased with yon than \\ith the English after he shall have had the honor of an interview with you. I told him that if he ■should wish to see Father d& Carheil yon would send for him to come t') Montreal. He has great influence among the Cayugas and has conceived a profound esteem for you as a great Captain, which he also piques himself to be. Your dex- terity and experience in winning over all these various characters, will attach him to you, I believe, most intimately, and he will be convinced that Onontio of Canada is quite a diil'er- eut thing from the Burgomasters of Orange, (Albany) whose civilities in his regard are the never ending subject of his praise." (Col. Hist. N. Y., IX, 2i7.) M. de la Barre » as soon suc- ceeded by M. Denonville as Governor General, who, in 16S7, under the guise of peace and friendship attracted to Ganneout. some ten leagues above Fort Frontenac, a number of Iro- quois, and some forty Cayugas were seized as prisoners, among whom was Orehaoue, and sent to France. (Col. Hist. IST. Y., IX, 171.) But in 1689, Orehaoue and his companions were re- leased from their captivity by the King on learning of the circumstances of their seizure, and they arrived at Quebec, Oct. 12th of that year with Count Frontenac, who had been re-ap- pointed Governor of Canada. The kind treatment received at the bauds of the Count on the voyage attached Orehaoue very strongly to him and served greatly to conciliate him toward the French. At his own suggestion and with the approval of Frontenac. a commission con- sisting of four Indians of the returne 1 cajitives and Gagniegaton.was sent to Onondaga with the news of Orehaoue's return, inviting his tribe to come and welcome their father the Gov- 78 the two head chiefs at tlie time of the Cayuga canton.. This was doubtless due to English intrigue. In 1683, Col. Thomas Don- gan, govenior of New York liad so far succeeded in destro^ung the influence of the French with thc^ Iroc^uois that, though him- self a Catholic, lie directed all his efforts to expel the Canadian missionaries; and to inspire the Indians with confidence, he promised to send them English Jesuits instead, and build them churches in their cantons. As a resnlt the Oneida and Seneca missions were broken u}) a year l)efore the expulsion of Father de Carlieil from Cayuga. Father John Lamberville was the last to leave his })ost, at Onondaga, where his life was })ut in peril, owing to the alleged treacliery (^n tlie part of the French in seizing a number of Iroquois as })risoners and taking them to Fort Catarocoui. In concluding tlie history of the mission at Cayuga, so long the scene of the labors of Father de Carheil, a sketch of this ac- complished and intrepid missionary is herewith appended. He came from France to Quebec in 1()5() and was immediately sent to the Hurons among whom he acquired great influence, and who gave him the name of Aondechete. In 1667, he accom- enior, whom they had so long missed, and thank him for his goodness in restoring to them a chief whom they had supposed irrecoverably lost. The deputation brought back word ex- pressing the great joy felt by tlie Five Nations at the return of Orehaoue whom they still re- garded as chief of their country, but demanding his prompt return to them and that he be accompanied by a messenger and all who had been his companions in captivity, when furth- er consultation would be had in the matter. It was also demanded that full reparation be made for the treacherous seizure of the prisoners at CJanneout, before any further negotia- tions could be had. Frontenac was greatly mortifled at this turn of affairs, and for the time was disposed to blame Orehaoue as either insensible to the kindness shown him or as want- ing in influence with his nation. The great war chief himself was chagrined as he felt the justice of the rebuke ; but without evincing the least annoyance, counselled Frontenac to remember that on his return from France he had found the cantons bound by an alliance with the English and so embittered against the French, whose treachery had driven them to contract this alliance, that it became necessary to trust to time and circumstances for a more favorable disposition ; that for his own part he could reproach himself with nothing : that his ref nsal to return to his own canton where he was passionately desired should banish every suspicion of his fidelity ; and if. notwithstanding so unmistakable a token of his attach- ment to the French, they were so unjust as to entertain any such suspicions he would soon dispel them. Orehaoue renounced his own peoi)Ie and became firmly attached to the cause of the French. He was active in hostile operations against the Iroquois, and sucli was his valor that the otlier tribes demanded him for their chief. He died at (Juebec, in 1698, from an at- tack of pleurisy, after a brief illness, greatly lamented as "a worthy Frenchman and a good Christian ;" and as a mark of distinction for his fidelity and eminent service was buried with ecclesiastical and military honors.— See Vol. Hixt. N. Y., IX, ^fil, 524, OSl ; also Shea's Char- levoh; IV, 1.51, 203, 212, 24'i. 79 ])aiiie(l Garacontie, the Onondaga chief, froiu (Quebec and the following year was assigned to Cayuga. After liis expulsion from this canton, he was transferred to the Ottawa mission and was stati(Mied at Miehilmakinae. lie stood in the very front rank of the Jesuit Fathei'S of his time, and wa- distinguished alike for his scholarly attainments and his saintly devotion. He died at Quebec in 172(1 at an advanced age. Charlevoix, the historian of New France, pays this touching tril)ute to his character: ''I left this missionary at Quebec in 1721, in the })rlme of his vigor and apostolic zeal ; yet liow clearly had his life illustrated tlie truth, that men the most holy and most estimable for their })ersonal qualities are but instruments in the hands of Go(h with whom He can as easily dispense as with His most un|)i'oiitable servants. He had sacrificed noble talents through which he might have attained high honors in his profession, and looking" forward oidy to the martyr fate of many of his brethren, wlio had bedewed Canada with tlieir blood, he had, against the wish- es and larger designs of his Superiors, obtained tliis mission wiiose obscurity thus ])lace(l him far without the circh* of am- bitious strife, and could ])resent to him naught l)ut the hard- ships of the Cross. Here he had labored persistently for more than sixty years, and could speak the language of the Hurons and the Irorpiois with as much facility and elegance as his na- tive tongue. The Frencli and the Indians alike regarded liim as a saint and a genius of the highest order. Yet with all tliese accomplishments, liis conversions were very few. He liumili- ated himself before God, and this mortification of pride served more and more to sanctify his life. ■ He often declared to me, that he adored these manifest designs of Providence toward him, persuaded as he was, that the lionors and success he might liave attained upon a more brilliant arena would have resulted in the loss of his soul ; and that this thought was his unfailing consolation amid the sterile results of his long and toilsome apostolate. "I have deemed it my duty to record this bright example, that those now entering upon the calling of an evangelist may understand "that no years and no toils can be lost, if thr(_)ugh 80 thcrn all thov attain saiiitliiu^ss of character; that the ronver- sioii «i[' souls is ah)iie the work of ^u'raee ; that no natural talent, nor even tlie snblirnest ^•irtnes, can have any ])0\ver to melt hard hearts, except as God himself may give them efficiency; and that amid all tlieir fruitless toils, they should ever remember, that those ministering angels Avho draw from the very l:)OSom of Divinity the lieavenly fire, a single spark of which would suffice to draw the Avhole world to the end)race of tlie Divine Love, and to whom the guardianshi[) of nations, as of individuals, is comnutted — even those holy angels often are left to mourn over the lilindness of unbelievers anro(luceors and s:icritiees. But in the continued struggle between the English and French for the dominant influence, little was accomplished, when by the treatv of I'trecht, concluded in 1712, Louis XIV acknowl- edged the right of Fngland to the whole l^n-ritory occupied by the Five Nations and thus completely closed their cantons against tlie French Jesn it Fathei-s. 1 The reader who would learn more of this remarkable Indian is referred to Li HnKlaii'x Vo!/(m--''i. lir, 189, 191 : also Shea's C'harlemix IV, Vi, 11, 57 ; V, 68, 110, 141, 143, 145-7, from which the above sketcli has bean derived. Thf- Sulpitian ^Bissian at I^uinte Bai}. In the Relation for 1668, mention is made ol' a colony of Cay- ngas wlio for fear of the Andastes had fixed their abode on the noi'tli side of Lake Ontario, at the western extremity of (.iaintc Bay. Th.e language of the Relation implies that Jesuit mission- aries had labored among them for some two years previous, Ijut no statement is made elsewhere as to tlie fact/ If they had a mission there in 1666, at the partial conclusion of peace between the French and the Iroquois, the Mohawks alone remaining hos- tile, it was surrendered at the re-opening of the missions in the several Iro(]^uois cantons in 1668 to the Society of Sulpitians, founded some twenty years before in the parish of St. Sulpice, Paris, by Jean Jacques Olier, and to which had been transferred the landed proprietorship of the island of Montreal. Two mem- bers of the order, Claude Trouve' and Francis de Salignac de Fenelon,'* who arrived at Montreal in June. 1667, were selected for the Mission (the first under the auspices of the Sulpitians among the Iroquois) and the following year proceeded to their field of labor which they reached Oct. 28, 1668. 1 Sho;i"s Charlevoix 111, 110, note. - Trouve was of the diocese of Tours, and was onl}' a sub-deacon when he came to Canaela, He was ordained priest a short time after his arrival at Montreal. In 1G90, at the capture of Port Royal by the English Admiral Phibs. he was taken prisoner with a number of others, and one account says carried to Boston. But on tlie raising of the siege of Quebec, in the same year, bj'Admiral Phibs, Trouve was recovered by the French in an exchange of prison- ers. See Shea's Charlevoix III, 110, n.; lY, \17, n. 159, 18", n. 3 Hennepin, in his Nouvelle Decouverte 169r, p. 14, says that this Abbe de Fenelon was the great archbishop of Cambray. This error was developed by Greenhow, in a paper reai be- fore the N. Y. Historical Society (Proceedings 1844). The life of tlie Canadian missionary has been clearly and well drawn by the Abbe Yerreau. in a series of articles in the Canadian Journal of Education, and by Mr. Faillon in his Histoire de la Colonic Prancaise. Pons de Salignac, Marquis de la Mothe Fenelon, married Feb. 20, 1639, Isabelie d' Esparsis do Lus- san, daughter of Marshal d' Aubeterre, and had eleven children, among them Francis the Canadian Missionary, who was born 1641 ; entered the Seminary of St. Sulpice in October, 1665, and having received minor orders, came to Canada June 27, 1667. He was ordained priest June 11, 1668. The same year, as we have seen, he began a mission at Quinte Bay. 84 A C()iitcin])oi-aneoLi,s account of tlie attempt to Christianize the portion of the Cayugas who retired beyond Lake Ontario is found in the Rev. DoUier de Casson's' Histoire de Montreal, a work which remained in manuscript till it was issued by the Histori- cal Society of Montreal in 1869, as the fourth part of their Me- nioires. The portion devoted to the (^uintc Mission begins on p. 209. su:\i:\rA]iv of the mission of kente.- All that we have to say of anv importance on this mission is contained in a letter which lias been addressed to us by Mr. Trouve, who has always been an eye witness of all that passed there, not having abandoned it from the very beginning. The following is a faithful report of what he has written me: Since you desii'e me to tell you something in writing as to what has passed in our dear mission among the Iroquois, I will do so very willingly in spite of all the repugnance which I feel, never having desired anything till now, except that all that passed tliere should he known only by Hirn to whose glory all our actions should tend; and this is the reason why our gentle- men who have been employed in this work have always main- tained great silence. Hence it came that the Abbe de Fenelon, having been questioned one day by Monseigneur de Pestree, our bishop, as to what h,e might insert in the Relation concerning the Kente mission, made this reply ; " that the greatest favor lie could do us, was not to have us spoken of." He also founded an estiiblishnient at Oontilly for Indian children, to aid \vliich Frontonac in 1673 granted him three small islands. In ](i~4, he preached the Easter sermon at Montreal, and La Salle reported some passage* to Frontenac, as painting him as a tyrant. The gov- ernor went to work with a high hand. Fenelon claimed all his rights, but wa.s sent back to France and died in ]t)Ti1. See Faillon's Histoire de la Colonic Francaise 111, pp. 171. 480. Francis de Salignac Fenelon, archbishop of Cambray, was the son of Pons de Salignac by his second wife, Louisa de Cropte, and was born August 6, 1651, and was, conse()uently, but seventeen when his brother went to Quinte.— Shea's Chnrlevoio: III, 100, n. ' Dollierdc Casson. born about IG'.'O. bad Ijecn a captain in Turenne's Cavalry where he dis- l)layed a courage e(iuul to his immense strength ; for he is said to have been al)le to hold a man seated on each hand : Faillon's Histoire de la Colonic Francaise III. p. 150. He came to Canada about 1665. In 1670 he explored Lake Ontario. He was Superior of the Sulpitians at Montreal, till 1676, when his health compelled him to return to France. On his recovery he resumed his office at Montreal, and died Sept. 2."), 1701. Shea's Charlevoix III. 96, n. - Translated bv Dr. Sliea for the i)resent work. 85 It was in tlie year 16(i8 that tliey gave us orders to set out for the Iroquois ; and the principal place for our mission was as- signed to us at Kente, because that same year several j^ersons from that village had come to Montreal and had asked us posi- tively to go and instruct them in their countrj^ Their embassy was made in the month of June, but as we were expecting a Su- perior from France that year, oui- gentlemen thought best to beg them to return, not deeming it right to undertake an affair of this importance without awaiting his advice, so as to do nothing in the matter, except in conformity witli his orders. In the month of September the Chief of that village returned punctually at the time assigned to him, in oixler to endeavor to obtain missionaries and conduct them to his country. The Abbe da Quel us having by that time arrived as Superior of tliis community, it was referred to liim, and he very willingly gave his consent to this design, in consequence of which we applied to the Bishop who supported us by his formal act. As to the Governor and Intendant of this country we had iio difficulty in obtaining their consent, inasmuch as tliey had from the hrst fixed upon us for this enterprise. These absolutely necessary steps having been taken, we set out without delay, because we w^ere alread}' far advanced in the Autumn. At last we em- barked at La Chiue for Kentc on the 2d of October, accompanied by two Indians of the village to which we were going. After having already made some advance on our way and overcome the difficulties which are between Lake St. Louis and Lake St. Francis, which consist in some carrying places and dragging places for canoes, we perceived smoke in one of the bays on Lake St. Francis. Our Iroquois at lirst thought it was their own people who were on that lake. Under tliis belief they made for the lire, but we were greatly surprised, for we found two poor Indian women, utterly emaciated, who were on their way to the French settlements in order to escape from tlie slavery in which they had been for several years. It was forty days since they left the Onneiou village where they had been slaves. Dur- ing all that time they had lived only on some squirrels killed by a boy ten or twelve years old witli some arrows which these poor forsaken women had made for liini. (Jn our arrival we 86 made them a present of some l^iscuits wliich they at once threw into a little water to soften and to be able the sooner to appease their hunger. Their canoe was so small that they could scarce- ly sit in it without upsetting it. Our two Indians consulted to- gether what was to be done. They resolved to take these two poor victims and the boy with them to their village, and as the women feared they would be burned, as that is tlie usual pun- ishment for fugitive slaves among the Indians, they began to show their grief ; then I endeavored to speak to the Indians and induce them to let these women go, as tliey would soon he among the French. I told them that if they took these women, the Governor on being informed of it, would be convinced that there was no sure ground for peace, inasmuch as one of the ar- ticles of peace was that prisoners should be given up. All these threats had no effect on their minds. They gave us as a reason tliat the life of these women was imjiortant, that if the Indians of the village from which tliey had escaped, should happen to meet them they would tomahawk them at once. Then we advanced for four days through the most difficult rapids that there are on this route. After that one of our In- dians who carried a little keg of brandy to his country, di-ank some, and so much that he got drunk, for they do not drink otherwise or with any other object unless some one prevents them by force. Now as tliese people are terrible in their intoxi- cation, the prisoners thought it was all over with them, because Indians usually get drunk to commit their evil deeds. This Iro- quois having passed into this excess, entered into a furious and unapproachable state, and then he began to pursue one of these women. She, in her alarm, lied into tlic woods, preferring to die by starvation rather than by the hatchet of lier enemy. The next day this brutal fellow, surprised at tlie escape of his jM-ey, went to look for her in the woods, but in vain. At last, seeing that time pressed for us to reach his village, and that we had al- ready had some snow, he resolved to leave her in that])lace, with her child, and in order to make her die of hunger there, they wished to break their little canoe, because that place was an island in the midst of the river St. Lawrence; nevertheless by dint of prayers, they at our instance left lier this sole means of 87 safety. After our departure, when the Indian woman was some- what reassured, she eame out of her hiding place and then find- ing her canoe which we had made them leave for her, she em- barked in it with lier little bo}^, and safely reached Montreal, the ancient asylum of the unhappy fugitives. As for ourselves, having taken the other Indian woman five or six davs above that island, without her ever being able to obtain her liberty, at last meeting some Harons who were going to ti-ade at Montreal, our Indians reflected on what I had said that Mr. de Courcelle, for whom they iiad an extraordinary fear, would take ill their conduct, wdien he came to know it. This reflection induced them to deliver up the other women into the hands of these Ilurons to take her back to Montreal, which they did faithfully, as we as- certained the year after, when we learned wdiat had happened to the otlier poor woman and her little boy. By dint of paddling we arrived at last at Kentc on the feast day of St. Simon and St. Jude. We should have reached it the eve, but for our encountering some Indians, who, delighted to hear that we were going to Kente to reside there, made us a present of half a moose. Moreover the same afternoon after meeting these men who liad made us this present, being very near the caltins, we perceived in the michlle of a l>eautiful river which we had entered that day to shorten our route, an animal called liere Scononton, and in France called Chevreuil (deer), which gave us the pleasure of a very agreeable hunt, especiallv on account of its beauty and grace which much excel what we see in those of France. Its taste also is better and surpasses all the venisons of New France. Having arrived at Kente we were regaled there as well as it was possible by the Indians of the place. It is true that the feast consisted only of some citrouilles (squashes) fricasseed with grease and , which we found good; they are indeed excel- lent in this country and cannot enter into comparison with those of Europe. It may even be said that it is wronging them to give them the name of citrouilles. They are of a very great va- riety of shapes and scarcely one has any resemblance to those in France. There are some so hard as to require a hatchet if you wish to split them open before cooking. All have different names. One poor man liaving nothing to give us, was all day long iisliing in order to eatcli something for us, and having taken only a little pickerel presented it to iis, utterly discomfited and con- fused to have only that to give us. There is nothing more cap- able of mortifying an Iroquois than to have a stranger arrive in his country when he has nothing to offer Ihm ; they are very hospitable and very often go to invite those wlio arrive in their nation to come and lodge with them. It is true that since they frequent the Europeans, they begin to act in a different manner; but seeing that the English and Dutch sell everything to tliem, if it is only an apple, they like them less than the French who usually make them a present of l)read or other little things, when they come to our houses. No one could be received in a more friendly way than we were by these savages. Every one did what he could, even to a good old woman, who for a great treat threw a little salt in a sagamite or boiled Indian coi'u she was preparing for us. After having breathed a little the air of this countrj^. Mi", de Fcnelon and I deliberated what we should do on the subject of religion. We agreed to apply on this point to the chief of the villao-e called Rohiario, who had obliged us to <2;o to his country. In consequence of which we Avent to sav to him that he was per- fectly aware that he had come to seek us in order to instruct them, tluit we had come only for that purpose, that he ought to begin tt;) aid us in this design, that he should notify everyone in his village to send his children to our cabin in order to be in- structed This having succeeded as we had desired, sometime after we begged this same Indian to find it good and persuade his nation that we should baptize their children. To this that old man replied: ''It is said that this waslfing with water (so they call baptism) makes the childi'en die. If thou baptizest them and they die, they will say that thou art an Andastogueronon (who are their enemies) who has come into our village to destroy us." "Do ncjt fear," saitl I to liim, "tliey are, ill-advised who told thee that this baptism killed cliildren, for we l^rench are all bap- tized, and but for that we would not go to hea\'en, and yet thou kiunvest well we are very numerous." 89 Then he said: "Do as thou wilt; thou art master." We aceordinglv assigned a