r Lj jyiAYNARD'S English • Classic -Series 1 -l_l-l-l_l_l_i_i-_,_i^p=r CAMPAICN SPEECHES OF" UNCOLNandDOUGLAS F ^ L. i-i-i_i_i_i_i_i_i_i_i_i_i_i ■^ NEW YORK: Matnaed, Meeeill, & Co., 29, 31, AND 33 East Niuetkenth Stkeet. Er^UHSi^'CLAssic Series, FOR Classes in English Literature, Beading, Grammar, etc. EDITED BY EMINENT ENGLISH AND AMERICAN S0HOLAR3. Eadi Volume contains a Sketch of the Author's Life, Prefatory and Explanatory Notes, etc., etc. , 1 Byron's Prophecy of Dante. (Cantos I. and II.) 2 Milton's li' Allegro, and II Pen- seroso. 3 Lord Bacon's Essays, Civil and Moral. (Selected.) 4 Byron's Prisoner of Chillon. 5 Moore's Fire Worshippers. (Lalla Rookh. Selected.) 6 Goldsmith's Deserted Village. 7 Scott's Marinion. (Selections from Canto VI.) 8 Scott's liay of the LASt Minstrel. (Introduction and Canto I.) 9 Burns'sCotter'sSaturdayNight, and other Poems 10 Crabbe's The Villaere. 11 Campbell's Pleasures of Hope. (Abridgment of Part I.) 12 Macaulay's Kssay on Banyan's Pilgrina's Progress. 13 Macaulay's Armada, and other Poems. 14 Shakespeare's Merchant of Ve- nice. (Selections Irom Acts I., III., and IV.) 15 Goldsmith's Traveller. 16 Hogg's Queen's Wake, and Kil- meny. 17 Coleridge's Ancient Mariner. 18 Addison's Sir Roger de Cover- ley. 19 Gray's Elegy in a Country Churchyard. SO Scott's LAdy of the L.ake. (Canto* I) 21 Shakespeare's As You Like It, etc. (Selections.) 22 Shakespeare's King John, and Richard II. (Selections.) 23 Shakespeare's Henry IV., Hen- ry v., Henry VI. (Selections.) 24 Shakespeare's Henry VIII., and Julius Caesar. (Selections.) 25 Wordsworth's Excursion. (Bk.I.) 26 Pope's Essay on Criticism. 27 Spenser'sFaerieQueene. (Cantos I. and n.) 28 Cowper's Task. (Book I.) 29 Milton's Comas. 30 Tennyson's Enoch Arden, The Lotus Eaters, Ulysses, and Tlthonus. 31 Irrlng's Sketch Book. (Selec- tions.) 32 Dickens's Christmas Carol. (Condensed.) 33 Carlyle's Hero as a Prophet. 34 Macaulay's Warren Hastings* (Condensed.) 35 Goldsmith's Vicar of Wake- field. (Condensed.) 36 Tennyson's The Two Voices, and A Dream of Fair Women. 37 Memory Quotations. 38 Cavalier Poets. 39 Drydeu's Alexander's Feast, and MacFlecknoe. 40 Keats'sTh- Eve of St. Agnes. 41 Irving.'8 Le^Ciid of Sleepy Hol- low^. 42 Lamb's Tales from Shake- speare. 43 Le Row's How to Teach Bead- ing, 44 AVehster*8 Banker Hill Ora- tions. 45 The Academy Orthofipist. A Manual of Pronunciation. 46 Milton's Lycidas, and Hymn on the Nativity. 47 Bryant's Thanatopsis, and other Poems. 48 Buskin's Modern Painters. (Selections.) ^9 The Shakespeare Speaker. 50 Thackeray's Roundabout Pa- I pers. 61 Webster's Oration on Adams and Jefferson. 52 Brown's Rab and his Friends. 53 Morris's Life and Death of Jason. 54 Burke's Speech on American Taxation. 55 Pope's Rape of the I«ock* 56 Tennyson's Elaine. 57 Tennyson's In Memoriam. 58 Church's Story of the iBneid. 59 Church's Story of the Iliad. 60 Swift's Gulliver's Voyage to Lilliput. 61 Macaulay's Essay on Lord Ba- con. (Condensed.) 62 The Alcestis of Euripides. Eng- lish Version by Rev. B. Potter ,M. A. (Additional numbers on next page.) MAYNARD'S ENGLISH CLASSIC SERIES.— No. 216 SPEECHES OF LIKCOLN AND DOUGLAS IN THE CxOIPAIGN OF 1858 WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY EDGAR COIT MORRIS, A. M. Prof essor of English in the Syramse University NEW YORK MAYNARD, MERRILL, Sc CO. 89, 31, and 33 East Nineteenth Street New Series, No. 90. April 1, 1899. Published monthly. Subscription price $1.25. Entered at Post Office, New York, as Second-Class Matter. E^s 1 29347 PEEFACE .L-is The purpose of this reprint of some of the famous Lin- co]n-Doug"las papers is to put them into such form that they may be used in the classroom as examples of oral debate. Naturally, therefore, the Introduction is an at- tempt at the briefest possible explanation of the events that led up to these debates. Likewise the notes on the text are merelj' to explain the allusions to facts and people not now very familiar. For historical purposes, the notes might have been made more elaborate; but such books as the *' Life of Lincoln " by John T. Morse, Jr., in the x\meri- can Statesmen Series (Boston, 1894, Houghton, Mifflin & Co.), and Nicolay and Hay's " Life of Lincoln " (New York, The Century Co.) are so easily accessible in most public libraries that purely historical questions have been dis- regarded. The text used is substantially that of the campaign edition of these papers jiublished at Columbus in 18G0, by Follett, Foster & Co. Preceding the title page of that edition is a letter from ^Ix- Lincoln in which he says, " The copies I send yeTu, are as reported and printed by the respective friends, oT Senator Douglas and myself, at the time — that is, his by his friends and mine by mine. It would be an unwarrantable liberty for us to change a word or a letter in his, and the changes I have made in mine, you perceive, are verbal only, and very few^ in Edgar Coit Morris. Syracuse UNiTEB|l!r5>_ Janwa7'2/, 1899. Copyright JJ99, b^Maynard, :Merri]l, & Co. INTRODUCTION The Missouri Compromise grew out of the struggle be- tween the North and the South over the admission of !Mis- souri to statehood in the Union. By the Ordinance of 1787, whereby the Northwest Territory was ceded to the Confederation by tlie various states, it was expressly agreed that slavery should never be established in that territory. But the South desired Missouri to be admitted with a constitution which would allow the people to choose whether or not they would have slavery; the North held such a constitution to be a violation of the Ordinance of 1787, and therefore illegal. This controversy was ended by the Act of March 6, 1820, " whereby the people of the territory of Missouri were allowed to form a state Govern- ment with no restrictions against slaver>^; but a clause also enacted that slavery should never be permitted in any part of the remainder of the i)ul)lic territory Ijing north of the parallel of 30° 30'." ' During the next two decades it became the tacit agree- ment of political leaders that the number of slave and free states should be kept equal in order that the Senate should be equally divided. But a difficulty soon arose, due to the fact that the Northern people were eager to settle new territory, and that the available territory was north of 3G° 30'. When Kansas asked for statehood, there was no corresponding slave state ready. Oppor- tunelj% however, Texas had revolted from Mexico, had declared its independence, and asked for admission to the Union. The Mexican War followed, forced upon Mexico by the slavery element of the Union for the main purpose of obtaining more territorj^ south of 36° 30', As a result, I Morse's "Life of Lincoln," vol. i., p. 83. 4 INTRODUCTION Texas, New Mexico, and California were added to the slave territory. In 1849 gold was discovered in California. The crowds that hurried there made some new form of government imperative. Although in the section of the country usually considered slave territory, and although settled very largely from slaveholding states, they applied for statehood under an anti-slavery constitution. About the same time came a demand from the South for a moie effective Fugitive Slave law, and a protest against the Wil- mot proviso (that all of the new territory acquired by the Mexican War should be free territory), asserting that " Congress could not constitutionally interfere with the property rights of citizens of the United States in the ter- ritories, and that slaves were property." ^ About this same time the theory that Congress could not interfere with slaverj- in the territories gave rise to the plausible war-cry of " popular sovereignty," over which the people became so enthusiastic that when the region afterward made into the states of Kansas and Ne- braska asked for organization as a territory, a bill was introduced into the Senate by Senator Douglas stating that the Missouri Compromise was not effective in this territory. " A later amendment declared the Compromise to be ' inconsistent with the principle of non-interference b3' Congress with slaverj- in the states and territories as recognized by the legislation of 1850,' and therefore * in- operative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into any territory or state nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Consti- tution.' " ^ This bill, passed by Congress and sanctioned by the President, thoroughly aroused all of the anti-slavery people of the North. Among these Lincoln was promi- nent; yet he did not fully commit himself to the extreme 2 Morse's " Life of Lincoln," vol. 1., p. 88. 3 Morse's " Life of Lincoln," vol. i., p. M. INTRODUCTION 5 position of Owen Lovejoy * and the other Abolitionists. He was rather considered as the Illinois leader of the opposi- tion to the encroachments of slavery on the North. On this account he was elected to the state legislature in 1854, but resig-ned, lest by holding- that office he should be- come ineligible to the United States senatorship in 1855. He failed of this election to the Senate, but he developed such g-reat streng^th that he made the election of Lyman Trumbull'^ possible by turning over his following to Trum- bull, thereby showing also his opposition to the Douglas policy in the Kansas-Nebraska bill. In the Pi-esidential campaign of 185G Lincoln received 110 votes for the vice presidency on the Republican ticket, the platform of which upheld the " right and duty of Con- gress to proliibit in the territories these twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery." In the Democratic Convention of the .same year the South favored the re- election of President Pierce, with Douglas as their second choice; the noi'tliern Democrats, however, favored Bu- chanan. Although Buchanan was nomiiuited aiul later received the election, yet Douglas had shown such a fol- lowing that he considered himself a prominent candidate for the place four years later. On account of his prestige in the party, when the senatorial contest came on in Illi- nois, in 1858, the pro-slavery Democrats naturally looked to him as his own successor, while the anti-slavery AYhigs and Eepublicans turned as naturally to Lincoln as their choice. The great issue in the contest could be nothing else but the extension or restriction of slavery; that was the one vital topic of discussion in the North and in the South. The contest began when Lincoln made his speech at Springfield, June 17, 1858, at the close of the Republican State Convention, by which he had been named as the party candidate for Senator. This speech was answered by Douglns, July 9, in Chicago, and was followed by sev- eral other speeches by both men. On July 25, 1858, Lincoln wrote Douglas proposing that they should hold a series of joint debates at several of the * See note on p. 21. ^ See note on p. 9. 6 INTRODUCTION most important cities and towns of the state. After a brief correspondence it was agreed to have seven such de- bates at the following places and dates: Ottawa, August 21; Freeport, August 27; Jonesboro, Sej)t ember 15; Charleston, September 18; Galesburgh, October 7; Quincy, October 13; Alton, October 15. The plan, as stated by Mr. Douglas and agreed to by ]Mr. Lincoln, was " I agree to your suggestion that Ave shall alternately open and close the discussion, I will speak at Ottawa one hour, you can reply, occupying an hour and a half, and I will then fol- low for half an hour. At Freeport you shall open the dis- cussion and speak one hour, I will follow for an hour and a half, and you can then replj'^ for half an hour. We will alternate in like manner in each successive place." The seven debates occurred according to the above- mentioned plan. For nearly two months they kept the great national question before the people of Illinois in such a masterful manner that the^' finallj^ aroused the closest interest of the whole nation. The ensuing elec- tion, however, was confusing in its significance and un- satisfactory to both parties. The Republicans received 126,084 votes, the Douglas Democrats received 121,940 votes, the Lecompton Democrats received 5091 votes. Although Lincoln thus received the largest popular vote, it should be kept in mind that the Lecompton Democrats opposed Douglas for his failure to support the pro-slavery consti- tution for Kansas, so, on the principle involved in the debates, they w^ere opposed to Lincoln much more than they were to Douglas. This makes the popular vote stand 947 against Lincoln's ideas on the restriction of slavery. In the joint ballot of the state Senate and House his de- feat was still greater, for on account of the district divi- sions of Illinois the Senate stood 14 Democrats to 11 Re- publicans, and the House stood 40 Democrats to 35 Re- publicans. Douglas was therefore returned to the United States Senate, but his popular support was so small that he, the great leader of the Democratic party in the nation, felt the vote to be almost a defeat. SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS SPEECH OF HON. ABllAHAM LINCOLN At Springfield, June 17, 1858 [The following speech w as delivered at Spring-field, 111., at the close of the Republican State Convention held at that time and place, by ^vllich Convention Mr. Lincoln had been named as their candidate for U. S. Senator. Mr. Donglas was not present.] g Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending-, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth 3'ear, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, 10 of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the opera- tion of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. " A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe 15 this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the 20 further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it foi^vard, till it r 8 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS shall become alike lawful in all the states, old as well as new — North as well as South. Have we no tendency to the latter condition? Let anyone who doubts, carefully contemplate that now 5 almost complete legal combination — piece of machinery, so to speak — compounded of the Nebraska, doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also, let him study the history of its construction, and 10 trace, if he can," or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evi- dences of design, and concert of action, among its chief architects, from the beginning. The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the states by state Constitutions, and from most 15 of the national territory by Congressional prohibition.^ Four days later, commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition. This opened all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained. 20 But, so far. Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained, and give chance for more. This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument 25 of " squatter sovereignty," otherwise called " sacred right of self-government," which latter phrase, though ex- pressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if any one man choose to enslave anotlier, 30 no third man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, in the lan- guage which follows: " It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any ter- ritory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave 35 the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." Then opened 1 The Congressional prohibition here mentioned is that of the Mis- souri Compromise. Lincoln's speech, june 17, 1858 9 the roar of loose declamation in favor of " Squatter Sov- ereig-nty,"' and " sacred rig-ht of self-government." " But," said opposition members,' " let us amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the territory may ex- clude slavery." " Not we,'' said the friends of the meas- 5 ure; and down they voted the amendment. While the Nebraska bill was passing- throug-h Congress, a law case involving- the question of a neg-ro's freedom, by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free state and then into a territory covered by the Con- 10 gressional prohibition, and held him as a slave for a long time in each, was passing through the U. S. Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and law suit were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negro's name was " Dred Scott," which 15 name now designates the decision finally made in the case. Before the then next Presidential election, the law case came to, and was argued in, the Supreme Court of the United States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the election. Still, before the election. Senator 20 Trumbull,^ on the floor of the Senate, requested the leading advocate of the Nebraska. bill to state his opinion whether the people of a territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits; and the latter answers: " That is a question for the Supreme Court." 25 The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly 30 2 The "opposition members" are those who supported Senator Salmon P. Chase's amendment to the Nebraska bill which amendment is further debated by Mr. Lincoln on p. 47, and by Mr. Douglas on p. 61. 9 Judge Lyman Trumbull (1813-96) was a judge of the Supreme Court of Illinois, a Democratic United States Senator from 1854 to 1872, and for a time chairman of the judiciary committee of the National Senate. 10 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing- President,* in his last annual message, as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and authority of the in- dorsement. The Supreme Court met again; did not 5 announce their decision, but ordered a re-argument. The Presidential inauguration came, and still no decision of the court; but the incoming President in his inaugural address fervently exhorted the x^^opl^ to abide bj" the forthcoming decision, whatever it might be. Then, in a 10 few days, came the decision. The reputed author' of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make a speech at this capital indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and vehemently denouncing all oppo- sition to it. The new President, too, seizes the early occa- 15 sion of the Silliman "^ letter to indorse and strongly con- strue that decision, and to express his astonishment that any different view had ever been entertained! At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of the Nebraska bill, on the mere question 20 of fact, whether the Lecompton Constitution "' was or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of Kansas; and in that quarrel the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted doicn or voted up. I do not understand * Franklin Pierce. 6 On p. 19 Mr. Douglas says that he introduced the bill. ^ The SilHman letter was addressed to President Bnchanan by the ** electors of the State of Connecticut" hi regard to the situation in Kansas. In reply, the President makes the following reference to the Dred Scott case: " Slavery existed at that period [at the time Kansas was organized as a territory] and still exists in Kansas, under the Constitution of the United States. This point has at last been finally decided by the highest tribunal known to our laws. How it could ever have been seriously doubted is a mystery." — Senate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, vol. i., Doc. No. 8, p. 74. ■^ The Lecompton Constitution was formed by the pro-slavery men of Kansas in 1857, without the aid of the anti-slavery luen, who had withdrawn from the constitutional conventiop. It, of course, favored slavery. Lincoln's speech, june 17, 1858 11 his declaration that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the pub- lic mind — the principle for which he declares he has suf- fered so much, and is ready to suffer to the end. And well 5 may he cling* to that principle. If he has any parental feel- ing, well may he cling- to it. That principle is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott decision, " squatter sovereignty " squatted out of existejice, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding — IQ like the mold at the foundry served through one blast and fell b.ick into loose sand— helped to carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Eepublicans, against the Lecompton Constitution, in- volves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That 15 struggle was made on a point — the right of a people to make their own constitution — upon which he and the Re- publicans have never differed. The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connec- tion with Senator Douglas's " care not '' policy, consti- 20 tute the piece of machinery, in its present state of ad- vancement. This was the third point gained. The work- ing points of that machinery are: First, That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of 25 any state, in the sense of that term as used in the Consti- tution of the United States. This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, of the benefit of that provision of the United States Constitution, which declares that " The citizens of each state shall be entitled 30 to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states." Secondly, That, " subject to the Constitution of the United States," neither Congress nor a territorial Legis- lature can exclude slavery from any United States terri- 35 tory. This point is made in order that individual men ma}' fill up the territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as proj)ertj^ and thus to enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through all the future. 12 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS Thirdly, -That whether the holding- a negro in actual slavery in a free State, makes him free, as against the holder, the United States courts will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of anj^ slave state the 5 negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made, not to be pressed immediateh'; but, if acquiesced in for a while, and apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred 10 Scott, in the free state of Illinois, every other master ma\' lawfully do with any other one, or one thousand slaves, in Illinois, or in any other free state. Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate 15 and mold public opinion, at least Northern public opinion, not to care whether slavery is voted down or voted up. This shows exactly where we now are; and partially, also, whither we are tending. It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back, 20 and run the mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were transpiring. The people w ere to be left " perfectly free," " subject only to the Constitution." What the Constitution had to do 25 with it, outsiders could not then see. Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche, for the Dred Scott decision to aftersvard come in, and declare the perfect free- dom of the people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the amendment, expressly declaring the right of the 30 people, voted down? Plainly enough now: the adoption of ft would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott deci- sion. Why was the court decision held up? Why even a Senator's individual opinion withheld, till after the Presidential election? Plainly' enough now: the speak- 35 ing out then would have damaged the perfectl^^ free argu- ment upon which the election w as to be carried. Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the delay of a re-argument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in favor of the decision? Lincoln's speech, june IT, 1858 13 These tilings look like the cautious patting- and petting of a spirited horse preparatory to mounting him, when it is dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And Why the hasty after-indorsement of the decision by the President and others? ^ We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adapta- tions are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, diiferent portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places and by different workmen— Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and 10 .lames,'' for instance— and when we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and mortises exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly ada})ted to their respective places, and not a piece 15 too many or too few — not omitting even scaffolding — or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in— in sv.ch a case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all under- 20 stood one another fioni the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was struck. It should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska bill, the people of a state as well as territorj', were to be left 25 " perfectly free," " subject only to the Constitution." Why mention a state? They were legislating for terri- tories, and not for or about states. Certainly the people of a state are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United States; but why is mention of this lugged 30 into this merely territorial law? Why are the people of a territory and the people of a state therein lumped to- gether, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being precisely the same? While the opinion of the court, by Chief Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott 35 « These names evidently were intended to refer to Senator Stephen A. Douglas, ex-President Franklin Pierce, Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, and President James Buchanan. 14 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring* Judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the United States neither permits Congress nor a territorial Legislature to exclude slavery from any United States 5 territory, they all omit to declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a state, or the people of a state, to exclude it. Possibly, this is a mere omission; but who can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis ^ had sought to get into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the 10 people of a state to exclude slavery from their limits, just as Chase and Mace ^*' sought to get such declaration, in be- half of the people of a territorj^ into the Nebraska bill; — I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been voted down in the one case as it had been in the other? 15 The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a state over slavery, is made by Judge Xelson," He ap- proaches it more than once, using the precise idea, and almost the language, too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion, his exact languag'e is " Except in cases where the 20 power is restrained by the Constitution of the United States, the law of the state is supreme over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction." In what cases the power 8 John McLean (1785-1861) and Benjamin E. Curtis (1809-74) were Associate Justices of the United States Supreme Court at the time of the trial of the Dred Scott case. They dissented from the majority, ''holding the position that slavery was contrary to right principle, and was only sustained by local law."— *' i\^a^20?i«Z Cyclopwdia of Amencan Biography,'''' vol. ii., p. 469. 10 Daniel Mace (1811-67) was a Democratic Congressional repre- sentative from Indiana, 1851-55, and an Independent representative, 1855-57. Salmon P. Chase (1808-73) was originally a Democratic Senator from Ohio, but left the party on the nomination of Pierce for the presidency, in 1852. From that time he became prominent in the anti-slavery movement, was made Secretary of the Treasury under Lincoln, and succeeded Roger B. Taney as Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court. 11 Samuel Nelson (1792-1873), Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court, concurred with Chief Justice Taney and the majority in the Dred Scott case, on the main issues, but made a separate state- ment of some points, as did others of the concilrring judges. Lincoln's speech, june 17, 1858 15 of the state is so restrained by the United States Consti- tution, is left an open question, precisely as the same question, as to the restraint on the i^ower of the terri- tories, was left open in the Nebraska act. Put this and that together, and we have another nice little niche, which 5 we may, ere loni^-, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring- that the Constitution of the United states does not permit a state to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be expected if the doc- trine of " care not whether slavery be voted down or voted IQ up," shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision can be maintained when made. Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all the states. Welcome, or unwelcome, 15 such decision is probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political dynasty^- shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of ^Missouri are on the verge of making their state free, and we shall awake to the reality 20 instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave state. To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty, is the work now before all those who would prevent that consummation. That is what we have to do. How can we best do it? 25 There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends, and yet whisper us softly, that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there is with which to effect that object. They wish us to infer all, from the fact that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of the 30 dynasty; and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, upon which he and we have never differed. They remind us that he is d great man, and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But " A living dog is better than a dead lion." '^ Judge 35 Douglas, if not a dead lion, for this work, is at least a 12 The " present political dynasty " refers to President Buchanan and the Democratic jDarty. ^3 Ecclesiastes ix. 4. J 6 SPEECHES OF irwnrw .^ ilN-COLN AND DOtTGLAS caged and toothless one Hn-,. of slavery? He don't care anvthf :''^°'' *^ ^<'™' "■i^sion is impressing tZ "pub, V "' «'^ ^™ «»o«* «. A leading Don^L n '"' " *° ^'"•'- "<"■ SDouglas-s superior taleM Win r°""? "euspaper ,hi ""ai Of the Afriean , .'" ^d" n '° ^^^'^* '''^ lieve an effort to revive that T^ ■ ""' ^""^-'"^ has not said so. Does he real v fV 't "''P™""'''"^- how can he resist it? For vei! I I ""■ ^"* " " 10 it a sacred right of whitf men to tat ''^ '"'"''''' *° P""' new territories. Can he nr , , ''«'™ ^'^^<^« i^to , -cred right to ^7 them wh '" '':"' •''^' " ^ '-^ cheapest? And unqnest onably^h ^'^ '''" "^ """^^ cheaper in Africa than in "rgiln 'J'" "^ """^ 15 power to reduce the whole Zfl ^"^ ''""« «" '» » n>cre right of property and a T ,°' ''''"'''■ *° °"« "^ foreign slave trade-how ctn hi" ;°"' ''" '" "PP^"^ ^^ "property- shall be >ertecth ^r' f ""* '"""^ '^ '^ as a protection to the home ,Ti . """'^^^ he does 20 producers will probablyToVask th . """ "^ '"' '""' "holly without a ground of ^'^.^P^^'^'ion, he will I Senator n„ . ^^ """"^ °' opposition. oenator Douglas holds, we know tt. . f"ily be wiser to-day than he w^I' f ' """ '"•''y "»hl rightfully change when he tin V-'"""^-*''''* ^' ""a- 25 »e. for that rf,son run ahead f' T™"^' ^"' -' make any particula; chan'e o,' ? .' " '""* '^'^ "" ffiven no intimation? Can we' °f T k"' '''' ''™^^"- ha. any such vague inference/!w ^ '""" '"^"°" "?"" misrepresent Judge Douo-Z.^.f " ' .^' ''''''•"' ^ "''^h not to 30 lives, or do aught that ca^nh. ""'' ''"''*'°" "^'^ "«- Whenever, if ever, he and we P'^'"^""''"^ ^f-nsive to him. ciple so that ou; cause 1 "T '"""^ *°^^*'''^'- °" P""" great abilitv. I hope to b " ' ""''•''"'^'"^ ^o™ his obstacle. ButeleaX he is It' ""''' "° adventitious 35 pretend to be-he doe's no nro °°'' "'""^ "^""''^ "^"^^ »°* Our cause, then ZltT ^?""^' "'='■ t° "e. its own undoubted frndV","'^*'' 1°' '"''' '^°"""^'"' b^'. whose hearts are in the wo7k ! 'T"" '"""'' "'^ f^^^- Two years ago the Eepubl ca'^r''; 'th""''/"'" '"'^ '"^""*- i uiicans ol the nation mustered Douglas's speech, august 21, 1858 17 ^er thirteen hundred thousand strong-. We did this ider the single impulse of resistance to a common dan- T, with every external circumstance against us. Of range, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gath- 'ed from the fom- winds, and formed and fought the C ittle through, iiiulcrllM' constant, hot fircof a disciplined, rond, and pamj)erc(l enemy. Did wf l)ra\e ail then, to liter now? — now, wlien that same enemy is wavering, ssevered and belligerent? The result is not doubtful, e shall not fail— if we stand firm, we shall not fuU. Wise 10 )unsels may accelerate, or mistakes delay it, but, sooner ' later, the victory is sure to come. FIRST JOINT DKIJATE, AT OTTAWA AuiiHst 21, 1S58 MR. Douglas's speech Ladies and Gentlemen: I appear before you to-dav lor le purpose of discussing the leading political topics hich now agitate the jmblic mind. By an arrangement 13 jtween Mr. Lincoln and myself, we are present here to- \y for the purpose of having a joint discussion, as the spresentatives of the two great political parties of the tate and Union, upon the princii)les in issue between lose i)arties; and this vast concourse of ]ieo]de sho\\"s 20 le deep li'eling whieli piM-\a(les 1 he piil)lie mind in ri'gard » the questions di\iding us. Prior to l^i54 this country was divided into two great )litical parties, known as t lii' Whig and Democratic irties. Both were national and i)atriotic, advocating 25 •inciples that were universal in their application. An d line Whig could proclaim his principles in Louisiana id A[assachusetts alike. Whig principles had no bound- •y sectional line — they were not limited by the Ohio iver, nor by the Potomac, nor by the line of the free and 30 18 SPEECHES OP LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS slave states, but applied and were proclaimed wherever the Constitution ruled or the American flag- waved over the American soil. So it was, and so it is with the great Democratic party, which, from the days of JefEerson until 5 this period, has proven itself to be the historic party of this nation. While the Whig- and Democratic parties dif- fered in reg-ard to a bank, the tariff, distribution, the specie circular " and the sub-treasury, they agreed on the great slavery question which now agitates the Union. I 10 say that the Whig party and the Democratic party agreed on this slavery question, while they differed on those matters of expediency to which I have referred. The Whig party and the Democratic party jointh^ adopted the Compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of a proper and 15 just solution of this slavery question in all its forms. Clay was the great leader, with Webster on his right and Cass ^^ on his left, and sustained by the patriots in the Whig and Democratic ranks, who had devised and enacted the Com- promise measures of 1850. 20 In 1851, the Whig party and the Democratic party united in Illinois in adopting resolutions indorsing and approving the principles of the Compromise measures of 1850, as the proper adjustment of that question. In 1852, when the Whig party assembled in Convention at Balti- 25 more for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the " ''On the lltb of July, 1836, the Secretary of the Treasiuy issued an order, afterwards known as the * specie circular,' in the name of the President, ordering the receivers to accept nothing in payment of pubhc lands but gold and silver, or, in proper cases, Virginia scrip. The chief motive was declared to be ' to discourage the ruinous exten- sion of bank issues and bank credit.' This order was denounced by all those who were interested in the prevailing inflation and by all the believers in the 'credit system.'" — William Graham Sumner, '* A History of Banking in All Nations," vol. i., p. 261. " Lewis Cass (1782-1866) " was an ardent supporter and main ally of Henry Clay in his compromise measures [of 1850], and declared he would resign his seat in the Senate if he was instructed by the legis- lature [of his State] to support the Wilmot proviso, and he was equally opposed to the southern rights doctrine." — ", National Cyclopiedia of American Biography,'' vol. v., p. 3. Douglas's speech, august 21, 1858 19 Presidency, the first thing- it did was to declare the Com- promise measures of 1850, in substance and in principle, a suitable adjustment of that question. | Here the speaker was interrupted by loud and long--continued applause.] My friends, silence will be more acceptable to me in the 5 discussion of these questions than applause. I desire to address myself to your judg-^nent, your understanding-, and youi- consciences, and not to your passions or your enthusiasm. When the Democratic Convention assembled in Baltimore in the same year, for the purpose of nominat- 10 ing- a Democratic candidate for the Presidency, it also adopted the Compromise measures of 1850 as the basis of Democratic action. Thus you see that up to 1853-54, the Whig party and the Democratic party both stood on the same platform with regard to the slavery question. That 15 platform was the rig-ht of the people of each state and each territory to decide their local and domestic institu- tions for themselves, subject only to the Federal Consti- tution. During the session of Congress of 1853-54, I introduced 20 into the Senate of the United States a bill to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska on that jirinciple which had been adopted in the Compromise measures of 1850, approved by the Whig party and the Democratic party in Illinois in 1851, and indorsed by the Whig party 25 and the Democratic party in National Convention in 1852. In order that there might be no misunderstanding in rela- tion to the principle involved in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, I put forth the true intent and meaning" of the act in these words: *' It is the true intent and meaning of this 30 act not to legislate slavery into any state or territory, or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institu- tions in their own way, subject only to the Federal Con- stitution." Thus, you see, that up to 1854, w^hen the 35 Kansas and Nebraska bill was brought into Congress for the purpose of carrying out the principles which both parties had up to that time indorsed and approved, there had been no division in this country in regard to that prin- 20 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS ciple except the opposition of the Abolitionists.^'' In the House of Kepresentatives of the Illinois Legislature, upon a resolution asserting that principle, every Whig and every Democrat in the House voted in the affirmative, and only 5 four men voted against it, and those four were old line Abolitionists. In 1851, Mr. Abraham Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull entered into an arrangement, one with the other, and each with his respective friends, to dissolve the old Whig party on 10 the one hand, and to dissolve the old Democratic party on the other, and to connect the members of both into an Abolition party, under the name and disguise of a Re- publican party. The terms of that arrangement between Mr, Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull have been jjublished to the 15 world by Mr. Lincoln's special friend, James H. Matheny, Esq.,^' and they were, that Lincoln should have Shields's ^^ place in the United States Senate, which was then about to become vacant, and that Trumbull should have my seat when my term expired. Lincoln went to work to Aboli- 20 tionize the old Whig party all over the state, pretending that he was then as good a Whig as ever; and Trumbull went to work in his part of the state preaching Aboli- tionism in its milder and lighter form, and trying to Abolitionize the Democratic party, and bring old Demo- 25 crats handcuffed and bound hand and foot into the Aboli- tion camp. In pursuance of the arrangement, the parties met at Springfield in October, 1854. and proclaimed their new platform. Lincoln was -to bring into the Abolition 1* The Abolition movement took definite form in 1823-24, at which time the first American Convention for the Abolition of Slavery con- vened in Philadelphia. ^' Colonel James H. Matheny was a local politician, and Lincoln's " friend and manager for twenty years," as quoted by Ward H. Lamon, in his " Life of Lincoln," p. 363. 18 James A. Shields (1810-79) was the man with whom Lincoln came near having a duel about some articles that appeared in a Springfield paper, and that were said to have been written by Miss Todd. He was a United States Senator from Illinois, 18-^9-55, and served in the Mexican War. Douglas's speech, august 21, 1858 21 camp the old line Whig-s, and transfer them over to Gid- dings, Chase, Fred Douglass, and Parson Lovejoj^^'* who were ready to receive them and christen them in their new faith. They laid down on that occasion a platform for their new Republican party, which was to be thus con- 5 structed. I have the resolutions of their state Convention then held, which was the first mass state Convention ever held in Illinois by the Black Republican party, and I now hold them in my hands and will read a part of them, and cause the others to be printed. Here are the most imj)or- 10 tant and material resolutions of this Abolition-^ platform: 1. Resolved, That we believe this truth to be self-evident, that when parties become subversive of the ends for which they are established, or incapable of restoring- the Govern- ment to the true principles of the Constitution, it is the 15 right and duty of the people to dissolve the political bands by which they may have been connected therewith, and to org-anize new parties upon such principles and with such views as the circumstances and exigencies of the nation may demand. 20 2. Resolved, That the times imperativelj^ demand the re- organization of parties, and, repiuliating' all previous party attachments, names and predilections, we unite ourselves together in defense of the liberty and Constitution of the country, and will hereafter co-oiierate as the Republican 05 party, pledged to the accomi)lishment of the following purposes: To bring the administration of the Government back to the control of first principles; to restore Nebraska and Kansas to the position of free territories; as the Constitution of the United States vests in the states, and 3Q " Joshua R. Gicldings (1795-1864) was a representative from Ohio most of the time from 1838 to 1859. He was a distinguished anti- slavery leader. Frederick Douglass (1817-95) was a mulatto slave, and a noted Abolition oi-ator. Owen Lovejoy (1811-64) was a Congrega- tional minister, a Republican representative from Illinois, 1856-62, and a radical Abolitionist. '^0 Mr. Douglas means that the Republican platform had incorporated Abolition sentiments. 22 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS not in Congress, the power to legislate for the extradition of fugitives from la Dor, to repeal and entirely abrogate the Fugitive Slave law-^; to restrict slavery to those states in which it exists; to prohibit the admission of any more 5 slave states into the Union; to abolish slaverj^ - in the Dis- trict of Columbia; to exclude slavery from all the terri- tories over which the General Government has exclusive jurisdiction; and to resist the acquirements of any more territories unless the practice of slavery therein forever 10 shall have been prohibited. 3. Resolved, Tnat in furtherance of these principles we will use such Constitutional and law^ful means as shall seem best adapted to their accomplishment, and that we will support no man for office, under the General or State 15 Government, who is not positively and fully committed to the support of these principles, and whose personal char- acter and conduct is not a guaranty that he is reliable, and who shall not have abjured old party allegiance and ties. 20 Now, gentlemen, your Black Eepublicans have cheered every one of those propositions, and yet I venture to say. 21 It is almost impossible to condense the Fugitive Slave Law within the compass of a note, but the most obnoxious provisions were: (a) that alleged fugitive slaves were denied the right of trial by jury, but were taken before commissioners appointed for the purpose by the judges of the Federal Court, which commissioners had final power in the matter; (b) that the commissioner should receive ten dollars if he returned the slave to the alleged owner, but only five dollars if he set the slave free; (c) that severe penalties could be exacted in favor of the slave owner if the officers refused to aid or were lax in their search; (d) that the marshals could appoint any citizen, or call upon tlie bystanders to aid in the search or capture of a fugitive slave. It was because the people of the free States were thus compelled to become " slave hunters" that they were so strenuously opposed to the law. 22 This desire of the Republican party to abohsh slavery from the District of Columbia should not be confused with the law of 1850, which prohibited only the buying and selling of slaves within the District. Douglas's speech, august 21, 1858 23 that you cannot get Mr. Lincoln to come out and say that he is now in favor of each one of them. That these propo- sitions, one and all, constitute the platform of the Black Republican party of this day, I have no doubt; and when you were not aware for what purpose I was reading them, 5 your Black Eepublicans cheered them as good Black Re- publican doctrines. My object in reading these resolu- tions, was to put the question to Abraham Lincoln this day, whether he now stands and will stand by each article in that creed, and carry it out. 1 desire to know whether 10 Mr. Lincoln to-day stands as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law. I de- sire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-da^^ as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave states into the Union, even if the people want them, I 15 want to know whether he stands pledged against the ad- mission of a new state into the Union with such a Consti- tution as the people of that state ma}' see fit to make. I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. I desire 20 him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibi- tion of the slave trade betweeii the different states. I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the territories of the United States, .\orth as well as South of the INlissouri Compromise line. I de- 25 sire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisi- tion of- any more territory unless slavery is prohibited therein. I want his answer to these questions. Your affirmative cheers in favor of this Abolition platform are not satisfactory. I ask Abraham Lincoln to answer these 39 questions, in order that, when 1 trot him down to lower Egypt,'^ I may put the same questions to him. My prin- ciples are the same everywhere. I can proclaim them alike in the North, the South, the East, and the West. My principles will apply wherever the Constitution prevails 35 and the American flag waves. T desire to know whether Mr. Lincoln's principles will bear transplanting from Ottawa to Jonesboro? I put these questions to him to-day 23 Ijower Egypt was a name colloquially applied to southern Illinois. 24 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS distinctly, and ask an answer. I have a rig-ht to an an- swer, for 1 quote from the platform of the Republican party, made by himself and others at the time that partj- was formed, and the bargain made by Lincoln to dissolve 5 and kill the old AMiig party, and transfer its members, bound hand and foot, to the Abolition party, under the direction of Gidding-s and Fred Douglass. In the remarks I have made on this platform, and the position of Mr. Lin- coln upon it, I mean nothing personally disrespectful or 10 unkind to that gentleman. I have known him for nearly twenty-five j^ears. There were many points of sympathy between us when we first got acquainted. We were both comparatively boys, and both struggling with poverty in a strange land. I was a school teacher in the town of 15 Winchester, and he a flourishing grocery-keeper in the town of Salem. He was more successful in his occupation than I Avas in mine, and hence more fortunate in this world's goods. Lincoln is one of those peculiar men who perform with admirable skill everything which they 20 undertake. 1 made as good a school teacher as I could, and when a cabinet maker I made a good bedstead and tables, although my old boss said I succeeded better with bureaus and secretaries than with anything else; but I believe that Lincoln was alwaj^s more successful in busi- 25 ness than I, for his business enabled him to get into the Legislature. I met liim there, however, and had a sym- pathy with him, because of the uphill struggle we both had in life. He was then just as good at telling an anec- dote as now. He could beat any of the boys wrestling, or 30 running a foot-race, in pitching quoits or tossing a copper; could ruin more liquor -* than all the boys of the town to- gether, and the dignity and impartiality with which he presided at a horse-race or fist-fight, excited the admira- tion and won the praise of everybody that was present 24 There is no evidence to show that Mr, Lincoln was ever au intem- perate man, thongli, like many men of his time, he was not a total abstainer. The fact that he makes no reply to this charge seems to indicate that he knew the people of the time did not consider ifc ^ serious one. DOtlGLAs's SPEECH, AUGUST 21, 1858 25 and participated. I sympatliized with him, because he was striig-g-ling- with difficulties, and so was I. ]Mr. Lin- coln served with me in the Legislature in 1836, when we both retired, and he subsided, or became submerg-ed, and he was lost sig"ht of as a public man for some years. In 5 1846, when Wilmot -^ introduced his celebrated proviso, and the Abolition tornado swept over the country, Lincoln ag-ain turned up as a member of Congress from the San- g"amon district. I was then in the Senate of the United States, and was glad to nelcome my old friend and com- 10 panion. "Whilst in Congress, he distinguished himself by his opposition to the IMexican war,-** taking the side of the common enemy against his own country; and when he returned home he found that the indignation of the people followed him everywhere, and he was again submerged 15 or obliged to retire into private life, forgotten by his for- mer friends. He came up again in 1854, just in time to make this Abolition or Black Republican platform, in com- pany with Giddings, Lovejoy, Chase, and Fred Douglass, for the Republican party to stand upon. Trumbull, too, 20 was one of our own cotemporaries. He was born and raised in old Connecticut, was bred a Federalist, but re- moving to Georgia, turned Nullifier,-^ when nullification was popular, and as soon as he disposed of his clocks and wound up his business, migrated to Illinois, turned poll- 25 tician and lawyer here, and made his appearance in 1841, as a member of the Legislature. He became noted as the author of the scheme to repudiate a large portion of the state debt of Illinois, which, if successful, would have brought infamy and disgrace upon the fair escutcheon of 30 2^ The Wilmot proviso is sufficiently explained in the Introduction, p. 4. 2« It should be kept in mind that the Mexican War was not favored by the people of the North, except by those who sympathized with the extension of slavery. 2^ Those people were called Nullifiers who believed that each State had the right to declare inactive and mill those United States laws which the individual State did not believe to be constitutional or desirable. 26 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS our glorious State. The odium attached to that measure consigned him to oblivion for a time. I helped to do it. I walked into a public meeting in the hall of the House of Representatives, and replied to his repudiating speeches, 5 and resolutions were carried over his head denouncing repudiation, and asserting the moral and legal obligation of Illinois to pay every dollar of the debt she owed and every bond that bore her seal. Trumbull's malignity has followed me since I thus defeated his infamous scheme. 10 These two men having formed this comoination to abolitionize the old Whig party and the old Democratic party, and [to] put themselves into the Senate of the United States, in pursuance of their bargain, are now car- rying out that arrangement. Matheny states that Trum- 15 bull broke faith; that the bargain was that Lincoln should be the Senator in Shields's place, and Trumbull was to wait for mine; and the story goes, that Trumbull cheated Lin- coln, having control of four or five abolitionized Democrats who were holding over in the Senate; he would not let 20 them vote for Lincoln, which obliged the rest of the Abolitionists to support him in order to secure an Aboli- tion Senator. There are a number of authorities for the truth of this besides Matheny, and I suppose that even Mr. Lincoln will not deny it. 25 Mr. Lincoln demands that he shall have the place in- tended for Trumbull, as Trumbull cheated him and got his, and Trumbull is stumping the State traducing me for the purpose of securing the position for Lincoln, in order to quiet him. It was in consequence of this arrangement 30 that the Republican Convention was impaneled to in- struct for Lincoln and nobody else, and it was on this ac- count that they passed resolutions that he was their first, their last, and their only choice. Archy Williams was nowhere, Browning was nobody, Wentworth -* was not to 2H Archibald Williams was a United States district judge and a mem- ber of the Bloomington State Convention held May 29, 1856, and com- posed of ''all opponents of anti-Nebraska legislation." This convention was thus made up of all parties and all creeds. It took the name of tlie Republican party, accepted its principles, and named delegates Douglas's speech, august 21, 1858 27 he considered; the}' had no man in the Tvepublican party Idr the place except Lincoln, for the reason that he de- manded that the}^ shonld carry out the arrangement. Having- formed this new party for the benefit of de- serteis from Whig-g-ery, and deserters from Democracy, 5 and having" laid down the Abolition platform which I have read, Lincoln now takes his stand and proclaims his Aboli- tion doclrines. Let me read a part of them. In his s|)('('cli at S|)ringfie]d to the convention, wliicli n()min;i1c(l him for the Senate, he said: 10 " In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ' A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure prrniancntJu half Hlare and half Free. I do not expect the I'nion to be dissolved — T do not expect the house to fall — ^5 hid I do expect it uUl ceafeated almost daily on me. Will my friend from Michigan read the article to which I allude? " This is a part of the speech. You must excuse me from reading the entire article of the Washington Union, 20 as Mr. Stuart read it for Mr. Douglas. The Judge goes on and sums up, as I think, correctly: " Mr. President, you here find several distinct proposi- tions advanced boldlj^ by the Washington Union editorially, and apparently antlioritatirelij, and any man who questions 25 any of them is denounced as an xVbolitionist, a Freesoiler, a fanatic. The propositions are, first, that the primary object of all government at its original institution is the protection of person and property; secondl3% that the Con- stitution of the United States declares that the citizens of 30 each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and im- munities of citizens in the several states; and that, there- fore, thirdly, all state laws, whether organic or otherwise, which prohibit the citizens of one state from settling in another with their slave propert3^ and especially declar- 35 ing it forfeited, are direct violations of the original inten- ,tion of the Government and Constitution of the United States; and, fourthly, that the emancipation of the slaves of the Northern states was a gross outrage on the rights of 50 SPEECHES OF LIXCOLX AND DOUGLAS property, inasmuch as it was iiiYoluntarily done on the part of the owner, " Remember that this article was published in the Union on the 17th of November, and on the 18th appeared the 5 first article giving" the adhesion of the Union to the Le- compton Constitution. It was in these words: " ' Kansas and her Constitution. — The vexed question is settled. The problem is solved. The dead point of dan- ger is passed. All serious trouble to Kansas affairs is over 10 and gone ' — " And a column nearly of the same sort. Then, when you come to look into the Lecompton Constitution, you find the same doctrine incorporated in it which was put forth editorially in the Union. What is it? 15 " ' Article 7, Scclion 1. The right of i^roperty is before and higher than am- Constitutional sanction; and the right of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase is the same and as inviolable as the right of the owner of any property whatever.' 20 " Then in the schedule is a provision that the Constitu- tion may be amended after 1864 by a two-thirds vote. " ' But no alteration shall be made to affect the right of property in the ownership of slaves.' *' It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton 25 Constitution, that they are identical in spirit with the authoritatire article in the Washington Union of the day previous to its indorsement of this Constitution." I pass over some portions of the speech, and I hope that anyone who feels interested in this* matter, will read the 30 entire section of the speech, and see whether I do the Judge injustice. He proceeds: "When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton Constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in 35 the Constitution asserting the doctrine that a state has no right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the " states of this L'nion." I stop the quotation there, again requesting that it may Lincoln's speech, august 21, 1858 51 all be read. I have read all of the portion I desire to com- ment iq)on. What is this charg-e that the Judge thinks !• must have a very corrupt heart to make? It was a pur- pose on the part of certain high functionaries to make it impossible for the people of one state to prohibit the 5 people of any other state from entering it with their " property," so called, and making it a slave state. In other Avords, it was a charge implying a design to make the institution of slavery national. And now I ask your attention to what Judge Douglas has himself done here. JQ I know he made that j)art of the speech as a reason why he had refused to vote for a certain man for public printer, but when we get at it, the charge itself is the very one I made against him, that he thinks I am so corrupt for uttering. Now, whom does he make that charge against? 15 Does he make it against that newspaper editor merely? No; he says it is identical in spirit with the Lecompton Constitution, and so the framers of that Constitution are brought in with the editor of the newsj^aper in that " fatal blow being" strufk." lie did not call it a " conspiracy." 20 In his language it is a " fatal blow being struck." And if the words carry the meaning better when changed from a " conspiracy " into a " fatal blow being struck," I will change my expression and call it a "»fatal blow being struck." We see the charge made not merely against the 25 editor of the U it ion, but all the framers of the Lecompton Constitution; and not only so, but the article was an aiithoritalire article. B\^ whose authority? Is there any question but he means it was by the authority of the President and his Cabinet — the Administration? 30 Is there any sort of question but he means to make that charge? Then there are the editors of the Union, the framers of the Lecompton Constitution, the President of the United States and his Cabinet, and all the supporters of the Lecompton Constitution, in Congress and out of 35 Congress who are all involved in this " fatal blow being struck." I commend to Judge Douglas's consideration the question of how corrupt a man's heart must be to make such a charge! 52 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS Now, my friends, I have but one branch of the subject, in the little time I have left, to which to call yonr atten- tion, and as I shall come to a close at the end of that branch, it is probable that I shall not occupy quite all the 5 time allotted to me. Although on these questions I would like to talk twice as long as I have, I could not enter upon another head and discuss it properly without running over my time. I ask the attention of the people here assembled and elsewhere, to the course that Judge Douglas is pursu- 10 ing every day as bearing upon this question of making slavery national. Not going back to the records, but tak- ing the speeches he makes, the speeches he made yester- day and day before, and makes constantly all over the country— I ask your attention to them. In the first place, 15 what is necessary to make the institution national? Not war. There is no danger that the people of Kentucky will shoulder their muskets, and. with a young nigger stuck on every bayonet, march into Illinois and force them upon us. There is no danger of our g'oing over there and mak- 20 ing war upon them. Then what is necessary for the nationalization of slavery? It is simply the next Dred Scott decision. It is merely for the Supreme Court to de- cide that no state under the Constitution can exclude it, just as they have already decided that under the Constitu- 25 tion neither Congress nor the territorial Legislature, can do it. When that is decided and acquiesced in, the whole thing is done. This being true, and this being the way, as I think, that slavery is to be made national, let us con- sider what Judge Douglas is doing every day to that end. 30 In the first place, let us see what influence he is exerting on public sentiment. In this and like communities, pub- lic sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, noth- ing can fail; without it nothing can succeed. Conse- quently he who molds public sentiment, goes deeper than 35 he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or impossible to be executed. This must be borne in mind, as also the addi- tional fact that Judge Douglas is a man of vast influence, so great that it is enough for many men to profess to be- Lincoln's speech, august 21, 1858 53 lieve anything', when they once find out that Judge Doug-- his professes to believe it. Consider also the attitude he occupies at the head of a larg-e party — a party which he claims has a majority of all the voters in the country. This man sticks to a decision which forbids the people of 5 a territory from excluding- slaver}-, and he does so not be- cause he sa^'s it is right in itself — he does not give any opinion on that — but because it has been decided by the court, and l)eing decided by the court, he is, and you are bounti to take it in your political action as law — not that 10 he judges at all of its merits, but because a decision of the court is to him a " Thus saith the Lord.'" He places it on that ground alone, and you will bear in mind that, thus committing himself unreservedly to this decision, commits him to the ne.vt one just as firmly as to this. He did not 15 commit himself on account of the merit or demerit of the decision, but it is a " Thus saith the tjord.'"' The next deci- sion, as much as this, will be a " Tims saith the Lord^ There is nothing that can divert or turn him away from this decision. It is nothing that I point out to him that his 20 great prototype. General Jackson, did not believe in the binding force of decisions. It is nothing to him that Jeffer- son did not so believe. I have said that I have often heard him approve of Jackson's course in disregarding the deci- sion of the Supreme Court pronouncing a National Bank 25 constitutional. He says, I did not hear him say so. He denies the accuracy of my recollection. I say he ought to know betler than I, but I will make no question about this thing, though it still seems to me that 1 heard him say it twenty times. I will tell him though, that he now claims 80 to stand on the Cincinnati platform,^" which affirms that Cong'ress cannot charter a National Bank, in the teeth of that old standing decision that Congress can charter a 36 The Cineinuati platform was the one adopted by the Democratic National Convention of 1856, which nominated James Buchanan for the Presidency. In this convention, Mr. Douglas, on one ballot, received 121 of the 295 votes cast. Of course this convention was in favor of the extension of slavery, and was heartily supported by Douglas. 54 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS bank. And I remind hini of another piece of history on the question of respect for judicial decisions, and it is a piece of Illinois histor3% belonging- to a time when the large party to which Judge Douglas belonged, were dis- 5 pleased with a decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois, because they had decided that a Governor could not re- move a Secretary of State. You will find the whole story in Ford's History of Illinois, and I know that Judge Douglas will not deny that he was then in favor of over- 10 slaughing that decision by the mode of adding five new Judges, so as to vote down the four old ones. Xot only so, but it ended in the Judge's sitting down on that iTnj bench as one of the fire new Judges to break down the four old ones. It was in this w^ij^ precisely that he got his title of Judge. 15 Now% when the Judge tells me that men appointed condi- tionally to sit as members of a court, will have to be cate- chised beforehand upon some subject, I say, " You know, Judge; you have tried it." \Vhen he says a court of this kind Mill lose the confidence of all men, will be prostituted 20 and disgraced by such a proceeding, I say, " You know best, Judge; j^ou have been through the mill." But I can- not shake Judge Douglas's teeth loose from the Dred Scott decision. Like some obstinate animal (I mean no dis- respect), that will hang on when he has once got his teeth 25 fixed; you may cut off a leg, or you may tear away an arm, still he will not relax his hold. And so I may point out to the Judge, and say that he is bespattered all over, from the beginning of his political life to the j)resent time, with attacks upon judicial decisions — I may cut off limb after 30 limb of his public record, and strive to wrench him from a single dictum of the court — yet I cannot divert him from it. He hangs, to the last, to the Dred Scott decision. These things show there is a purpose stro)ig as death and eternity for which he adheres to this decision, and for which 35 he will adhere to aU other decisions of the same court. A Hibernian — " Give us something besides Drid Scott." INIr. Lincoln — Yes; no doubt you want to hear something that don't hurt. Now, having spoken of the Dred Scott decision, one more word and I am done. Henry Clay, my Lincoln's speech, august 21, 1858 55 beau ideal of a statesman, the man for whom I fought all my humble life — Henry Clay once said of a class of men who would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation, that they must, if they would do this, g"o back to the era of our Independence, and muzzle the can- 5 non which thunders its annual joyous return; they must blow out the moral lig-hts around us; they must penetrate the human soul and eradicate there the love of liberty; and then, and not till then, could thej^ perpetuate slavery in this country! To my thinking", Judg'e Douglas is, by 10 his example and vast influence, doing that very thing in this community, when he says that the negro has nothing in the Declaration of Independence. Henrj" Clay plainly understood the contrary. Judg"e Doug'las is going back to the era of our Revolution, and to the extent of his abilit}^ 15 muzzling the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return. AVhen he invites any people, willing to have slavery, to establish it, he is blowing out the moral lights around us. When he says he " cares not whether slavery is voti>d down or voted up " — that it is a sacred right of 20 self-government — he is, in my judgment, penetrating the human soul and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty in this American people. And now I will only say that when, bj'^ all these means and appliances, Judge Douglas shall succeed in bringing public sentiment 25 to an exact accordance with his own views — when these vast assemblages shall echo back all these sentiments — when they shall come to repeat his views and to avow his principles, and to say all that he saj's on these mighty questions — then it needs only the formality of the second 30 Dred Scott decision, which he indorses in advance, to make slaverj' alike lawful in all the states — old as well as new, North as well as South. My friends, that ends the chapter. The Judge can take his half-hour. 56 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS MR. DOUGLAS'S EEPLY Fellow-citizexs: I will now occupy- the half -hour al- lotted to me in replying to Mr. Lincoln. The tirst point to which I will call your attention is, as to what I said about the organization of the Republican party in 1854, and the 5 platform that was formed on the 5th of October, of that year, and I will then put the question to Mr. Lincoln, whether or not, he approves of each article in that plat- form, and ask for a specific answer. I did not charge him with being a member of the committee which reported 10 that platform. I charged that that platform was the plat- form of the Republican party adopted by them. The fact that it was the platform of the Republican party is not denied, but Mr. Lincoln now says, that although his name was on the committee which reported it, he does not 15 think he w^as there, but thinks he w as in Tazewell, holding court. Now, I w^ant to remind Mr. Lincoln that he w^as at Springfield when that convention was held and those resolutions adopted. The point I am going to remind Mr. Lincoln of is this: 20 that after I had made my speech in 1854, during the fair, he gave me notice that he was going to reply to me the next day. I was sick at the time, but I stayed over in Springfield to bear his reply and to reply to him. On that day this very convention, the resolutions adopted bj^ 25 w^hich I have read, was to meet in the Senate chamber. He spoke in the hall of the House; and when he got through his speech — my recollection is distinct, and I shall never forget it— Mr. Codding" walked in as I took the stand to reply, and gave notice that the Republican State 30 Convention would meet instantly in the Senate chamber, and called upon the Republicans to retire there and go into this very convention, instead of remaining and listen- ing to me. 37 Ichabod Codding (1811-66) was a Presbyterian clergyman and an eloquent anti-slavery lecturer. He was also, a member of the Bloom- ington Convention. Douglas's speech, august 21, 1858 57 In the first place, Mr. Lincoln was selected by the very- men who made the Kepublican organization, on that day, to reply to me. He spoke for them and for that party, and he was the leader of the party; and on the very day he made his speech in reply to me, preaching- up this 5 same doctrine of negro equality, under the Declaration of Independence, this Republican party met in convention. Another evidence that he was acting" in concert with them is to be found in the fact that that convention waited an hour after its time of meeting- to hear Lincoln's speech, 10 and Codding-, one of their leading- men, marched in the mo- ment Lincoln got through, and gave notice that they did not want to hear me, and would proceed with the business of the convention. Still another fact. I have here a newspaper printed at Springfield, Mr. Lincoln's own town, 15 in October, 1854, a few days afterward, publishing these resolutions, charging Mr. Lincoln with entertaining these sentiments, and trjing to prove that they were also the sentiments of Mr. Yates, then candidate for Congress. This has been published on Mr. Lincoln over and over oq again, and never before has he denied it. But, my friends, this denial of his that he did not act on the committee, is a miserable quibble to avoid the main issue, which is, that this Republican platform declares in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law. 25 Has Lincoln answered whether he indorsed that or not? I called his attention to it when I first addressed you, and asked him for an answer, and I then predicted that he would not answer. How does he answer? Why, that he was not on the committee that wrote the resolutions. I 30 then i^peated the next proposition contained in the reso- lutions, which was to restrict slavery in those states in which it exists, and asked him whether he indorsed it. Does he answer yes, or no? He says in reply, " I was not on the committee at the time; I was up in Tazewell." The 35 next question I put to him was, whether he was in favor of prohibiting the admission of any more slave states into the Union. I put the question to him distinctly, ■whether, if the people of the territorj^ when they had 58 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS sufficient population to make a state, should form their Constitution recog-nizing- slavery, he would vote for or against its admission. He is a candidate for the United States Senate, and it is possible, if he should be elected, 5 that he would have to vote directly on that question. I asked him to answer me and you, whether he would vote to admit a state into the Union, with slavery or without it, as its own people might choose. He did not answer that question. He dodges that question also, under the 10 cover that he was not on the committee at the time, that he was not present when the platform was made. I want to know if he should happen to be in the Senate when a state applied for admission, with a Constitution acceptable to her own people, he would vote to admit that State, if 15 slavery was one of its institutions. He avoids the answer. It is true he gives the Abolitionists to understand by a hint that he would not vote to admit such a state. And why? He goes on to say that the man who would talk about giving each state the right to have slavery, or not, 20 as it pleased, is akin to the man who would muzzle the guns which thunder forth the annual joyous return of the day of our independence. He says that that kind of talk is easting a blight on the glory of this country. What is the meaning of that? That he is not in favor of 25 each state having the right to do as it pleases on the slavery question? I will put the question to him again and again, and I intend to force it out of him. Then again, this platform which was made at Spring- field by his own partj', when he was its acknowledged 30 head, provides that Republicans will insist on the aboli- tion of slavery in the District of Columbia, and I asked Lincoln specifically whether he agreed with them in that? [" Did you get an answer? "] He is afraid to answer it. He knows I will trot him down to Egypt. I intend to 35 make him answer there, or I will show the people of Illi- nois that he does not intend to answer these questions. The convention to which I have been alluding goes a little further, and pledges itself to exclude slavery from all the territories over which the General Government has exclii- Douglas's speech, august 21, 1858 59 sive jurisdiction North of 30° 30', as well as South 38. Now I want to know whether he approves that provision. I want him to answer, and when he does, I want to know his opinion on another point, which is, whether he will redeem the pledge of this platform and resist the acquire- 5 ment of any more territory unless slavery therein shall be forever prohibited. I want him to answer this last question. All of the questions I have put to him are practical questions — questions based upon the funda- mental principles of the Black Kepublican party, and I 10 want to know whether he is the first, last, and only choice of a party with whom he does not agree in principle. He does not deny but that that principle was unanimously adopted by the llepublican party; he does not deny that the whole Republican partj^ is pledged to it; he does not 15 deny that a man who is not faithful to it is faithless to the Republican ])arty; and now I want to know whether that party is unanimously in fa\or of a man who does not adopt that creed and agree with them in their principles: I want to know whether the man who does not agree with 20 them, and who is afraid to avow his differences, and who dodges the issue, is the first, last, and only choice of the Republican party. A voice — "How about the conspiracy?" JVIr. Donglas — Never mind, I will come to that soon 25 enongh. Bnt the platform which I have read to you, not only lays down these principles, but it adds: Resolved, That in furtherance of these principles we will use such constitutional and lawful means as shall seem best adai^ted to their accomplishment, and that we will 30 support no man for office, under the general or state gov- ernment, who is not positively and fully committed to the support of these ^jrinciples, and w^hose personal character and conduct is not a guaranty that he is reliable, and who shall not have abjured old party allegiance and ties. 35 ^*' Evidently north and south should be transposed. The context shows plainly that either Mr. Donglas inadvertently transposed the words, or the printers confused them in setting the type. 60 SPEECHES OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS The Black Eepublican party stand pledged that they will never support Lincoln until he has pledged himself to that platform, but he cannot devise his answer; he has not made up his mind whether he will or not. He talked 5 about everything else he could think of to occupy his hour and a half, and when he could not think of anything more to say, without an excuse for refusing to answer these questions, he sat down long before his time was out. In relation to Mr. Lincoln's charge of conspiracy against 10 me, I have a word to say. In his speech to-day he quotes a playful part of his speech at Springfield, about Stephen, and James, and Franklin, and Roger, and says that I did not take exception to it. I did not answer it, and he re- peats it again. 1 did not take exception to this figure of 15 his. He has a right to be as playful as he pleases in throwing his arguments together, and I will not object; but I did take objection to his second Springfield speech, in which he stated that he intended his first speech as a charge of corruption or conspiracy against the Supreme 20 Court of the United States, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself. That gave the offensive character to the charge. He then said that when he made it he did not know whether it was true or not, but inasmuch as Judge Douglas had not denied it, although he had replied 25 to the other parts of his speech three times, he repeated it as a charge of conspiracy against me, thus charging me with moral turpitude. When he put it in that form, I did say, that inasmuch as he repeated the charge simply be- cause I had not denied it, I would deprive him of the 30 opportunity of ever repeating it again, by declaring that it was in all its bearings an infamous lie. He says he will repeat it until I answer his folly and nonsense, about Ste- phen, and Franklin, and Roger, and Bob, and James. He studied that out— prepared that one sentence with 35 the greatest care, committed it to memorj^ and put it in his first Springfield speech, and now he carries that speech around and reads that sentence to show how pretty it is. His vanity is wounded because I will not go into that beautiful figure of his about the building of a house. All Douglas's speech, august 21, 1858 61 I have to say is, that I am not green enough to let him make a charge which he acknowleclg-es he does not know to be true, and then take up m^^ time in answering it, when I know it to be false and nobody else knows it to be true. I have not brought a charge of moral turpitude against 5 him. When he, or any other man, brings one against me, instead of disproving it, I will say that it is a lie, and let him prove it if he can. 1 have lived twenty-five years in Illinois. I have served you with all the fidelity and ability which I possess, and 10 Mr. Lincoln is at liberty to attack my public action, my votes, and my conduct; but when he dares to attack my moral integrity, by a charge of conspiracy between myself. Chief Justice Taney and the Supreme Court, and two Presidents of the United States, 1 will repel it. 15 Mr. Lincoln has not character enough for integrity and truth, merely on his own iijsc dixit, to arraign President Buchanan, President Pierce, and nine Judges of the Su- preme Court, not one of whom would be complimented by being put on an equality with him. There is an unpar- 20 donable presumption in a man putting himself up before thousands of people, and pretending that his //>.sr di.tit, without proof, without fact, and without truth, is enough to bring down and destroy the purest and best of living men. 25 Fellow-citizens, my time is fast expiring; I must pass on. Mr. Lincoln wants to know why I voted against ^Vv. Chase's amendment to the Nebraska bill. I will tell him. In the first place, the bill already conferred all the power which Congress had, by giving the people the whole power 30 over the subject. Chase offered a proviso that they might abolish slavery, which by implication would convey the idea that they could prohibit by not introducing that insti- tution. General Cass asked him to modify his amendment, so as to provide that the people might either prohibit or 35 introduce slavery, and thus make it fair and equal. Chase refused to so modify his proviso, and then General Cass and all the rest of us, voted it down. Those facts appear on the journals and debates of Congress, where Mr. Lin- 62 SPEECHES OF LINCOLX AXD DOUGLAS coin found the charge, and if he had told the whole truth, there would have been no necessity for nie to occupj^ your time in explaining- the matter. ]Mr. Lincoln wants to know why the word " state," as Swell as "territory," was i^ut into the Nebraska bill? I will tell him. It was put there to meet just such false arguments as he has been adducing. That first, not only the people of the territories should do as they pleased, but that when they come to be admitted as states, they 10 should come into the Union with or without slaverj-, as the people determined, I meant to knock in the head this Abolition doctrine of Mr, Lincoln's, that there shall be no more slave states, even if the people want them. And it does not do for him to say, or for- any other Black Re- 15 publican to say, that there is nobody in favor of the doc- trine of no more slave states, and that nobody wants to interfere with the rig-ht of the people to do as they jDlease. What was the origin of the Missouri difficulty and the Missouri Compromise? The people of Missouri formed a 20 Constitution as a slave state, and asked admission into the Union, but the Freesoil party of the North being- in a majority, refused to admit her because she had slavery as one of her institutions. Hence this first slavery ag-itation arose upon a state and not upon a territory, and yet ]\Ir, 25 Lincoln does not know why the word state was placed in the Kansas-Xebras'ka bill. The whole Abolition ag-itation arose on that doctrine of prohibiting a state from coming in with slavery or not, as it pleased, and that same doc- trine is here in this Republican platform of 1854; it has 30 never been repealed; and every Black Republican stands pledged by that platform, never to vote for any man who is not in favor of it. Yet ]\lr, Lincoln does not know that there is a man in the world who is in favor of preventing a state from coming in as it pleases, notwithstanding, 35 The Springfield platform saj's that thej', the Republican party, will not allow a state to conje in under such cir- cumstances. He is an ignorant man. Now you see that upon these very points I am as far from bringing Mr. Lincoln up to the line as I ever was be- Douglas's speech, aitgust 21, 1858 63 fore. He does not want to avow his principles. I do want to avow mine, as clear as sunlight in midday. Democracy- is founded upon tlie eternal principle of right. The plainer these principles are avowed before the people, the stronger will be the support which they will receive. I 5 only wish I had the power to make them so clear that they would shine in the heavens for every man, woman, and child to read. The first of those principles that I would proclaim would be in opposition to ]Mr. Lincoln's doctrine of uniformity between the difl'erent states, and I would 10 declare instead the sovereign right of each state to decide the slavery question as well as all other domestic questions for itself without interference^ from any other state or power whatsoever. When that princii)]e is recognized, j'ou will have peace 15 and harmony and fraternal feeling between all the states of this Union; until 3'ou do recognize that doctrine, there will be sectional warfare agitating and distracting the country. What does Mr. Lincoln propose? He says that the L'nion cannot exist divided into free and slave states. 20 If it cannot endure thus divided, then he must strive to make them all free or all slave, which will inevitably bring about a dissolution of the Union. Cenllemcn, 1 am told that my time is out, and I am obliged to stop. 25 English Classic Series-continued. 63 The Antigone of Sophocles. English Version by Thos. Franck- lin, D.D. 64 Elizabeth Barrett Browning. (Selected Poems.) 65 Robert Browning. (Selected Poems.) 66 Addison's Spectator. (Selec'ns.) 67 Scenes frunx Oeorge Bliot's Adam Bede. 68 Matthew Arnold's Cultaro and Anarchy. 69 DeQuincey's Joan of Arc. 70 Carlyle's Essay on Barns. 71 Byron's Childe Harold's Pil. grimage. 72 Poe's Raven, and other Poems. 73 & 74 Macaulay's liOrd Cllve. (Double Number.) 76 Webster's Reply to Hayne. 76&77 Macaulay's Lays of An- cient Rome, (Double Number.) 78 American Patriotic Selections: Declaration of Independence, Washiugtou's Farewell Ad- dress, Liincoin's Gettysburg Speech, etc. 79 & 80 Scott's Lady of the Lake. (Condensed.) 81 & 82 Scott's Marmion. (Con- densed.) 83 & 84 Pope's Essay on Man. 85 Shelley's Skylark, Adonals. and other Poems. 86 Dickens's Cricket on the Hearth. 87 Spencer's Philosophy of Style* 88 Lamb's Essays of Ella. 89 Cowper's Task, Book IL 90 Wordsworth's Selected PoemSt 91 Tennyson's The Holy Grail, and Sir Galahad. 92 Addison's Cato. 93 Irving' 8 Westminster Abbey^ and Christmas Sketches. 94 & 95 Macaulay's Earl .of Chat- ham. Second Essay.* 96 Early Engrlish Ballads. 97 Skelton, Wyatt, and Snrrej, (Selected Poems.) 98 Edwin Arnold. (Selected PoemS.) 99 Caxton and Daniel. (Selections.) 100 Fuller and Hooker. (Selections.) 101 Marlowe's Jew of Malta. (Con> densed.) 102-103 Macaulay's Essay on Mil- ton. 104>105 Macaulay's Essay on Ad- dison. 106 Macaulay's Essay on Bos- well's Johnson. 107 Mandeville's Travels and Wy- cliflfe's Bible. (Selections.) 108-109 Macaulay's Essay on Fred- erick tlie Great. 110-111 Milton's Samson Agonis- tes. I 112-113-114 Franklin's Autobiog- raphy. 115-116 Herodotus's Stories of Croesus, Cyrus, and Babylon. 117 Irving' 8 Alhambra. 118 Burke's Present Discontents. 119 Burke's Speech on Concilia- tion with American Colonies. 120 Macaulay's Essay on Byron. 131-132 Motley's Peter the Great. 133 Emerson's American Scholar. 124 Arnold's Sohrab and Rustum. 135-136 Longffellow's Evangeline. 127 Andersen's Danish Fairy Tales. (Selected.) 128 Tennyson's The Coming of Arthur, and The Passing of Arthur. 129 Lowell's The Tision of Sir Launfal, and other Poems. 130 Whittier's Songs of Labor, and other Poems. 131 Words of Abraham Lincoln. 132 Grimm's German Fairy Tales. (Selected.) ^ 133 JEsop's Fables. (Selected.) 134 Arabian Mights. Aladdin, or the AVonderful Lamp. 135-36 The Psalter. 137-38 Scott's Ivanhoe. (Con- densed.) 139-40 Scott's Kenilworth. (Con- densed.) 141-42 Scott's The Talisman. (Con- densed.) 143 Gods and Heroes of the North. 144-45 Pope's Iliad of Honter. (Selections from Books I.-Vlll.) 146 Four Mediaeval Chroniclers. 147 Dante's Inferno. (Condensed.) 148-49 The Book of Job. (Revised Version.) 150 Bow-Wow and Mew-Mew. By Georgiana M. Craik. 151 The Niirnberg Stove. ByOuida. 152 Hayne's Speech. To which Webster replied. 153 Alice's Adventures in Wo»]- derlaiid. (Condensed.) By Lewis Carroll. 154-155 Defoe's Journal of the Plague. (Condensed.) 156-157 More's Utopia. (Con- densed.) ADDITIONAL NUMBERit ON NEXT PAGE. ENGLtSH Classic Series-continued. 158-159 Lamb*a Essays. (Selec- tions.) 160-161 Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution. 162-163 Macaulay'* History off England, Chaptei- 1. Complete. 164-165-166 Prescott's Conquest of Mexico. (Condensed.) 167 L-ongfellow's Voices of the Night, and other poems. 168 Hawthorne's Wonder Book. Selected Tales. 169 DeQuiucey's Flight of a Tar- tar Tribe. Complete. 170-171-173 George Eliot's Silas .. « Marner. Complete. 173 Ruskin's King of the Golden River, and Dame Wiggins of Lee and her Seven Wonderful Cats. 174-175 Irving's Tales of a Trav- eler. 176 Raskin's Of Kings* Treasuries. First half of Sesame and Lilies. Complete. 177 Raskin's Of Queens' Gardens. Second half of Sesame and Lilies. Complete. 1 78 Macaulay's L,ife of Johnson. 179-180 Defoe's Robinson Crusoe. 181-183-183 Wykes's Shakespeare Reader. 184 Hawthorne's Grandfather's Chair. Part I. Complete. 185-186 Southey's Life of Nelson. Condensed. 187 Curtis's The Public Duty of Educated Men. 188-189 Hawthorne's Twice-Told Tales. Selected, 190-191 Chesterfield's Letters to His Son, 193 English and American Son nets. 193 Emerson's Self-Reliance. 194 Emerson's Compensation. 195-196 Tennysoa's The Princess, 197-198 Pope's Homer's Iliad. Books I., FI., XXII., and XXI V . 199 Plato's Crito 300 Qui da's A IW>g of Flanders 301-303 Dryden'» Palamon and Arcite. 303 Hawthorne'ti Snow-Image, The Great Stone Face, Little Daflfydowndillv. 804 Foe's Gold Bug. 305 Holmes' Poems. Selected o«f "2,9^ Kingsley's Water-Babie* 308 Thomas Hood's Poems. S< lected. 309 Tennyson's Palace of Art, an other Poems. 310 Browning's Saul, and othe Poems. 311 Matthew Arnold's Poems Selected, New numbers will be added from time to time. Single numbers, 32 to 96 pages mailing price, 12 cents per cony Double numbers, 75 to 151 pages ; mailing price, 24 centt per copy, SPECIAL NUMBERS. Milton's Paradise Lost. Book I. Cloth. Mailinq price, 30 cents. Milton's Paradise Lost. Books I. and II, Cloth. Mailing price, 40 cents. Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales. The Prologue. Cloth. Mailing price, 35 cents. Chaucer's The Squieres Tale. Cloth, Mailing price, 35 cents. Chaucer's The Knightes Tale. Cloth. Mailing price, 40 cents. Goldsmith's She Stoops to Con- quer. Cloth. Mailing price, 30 cents. Homer's Iliad. Books I. and TI. Metrical translation by George How- land. Cloth. Mailing price, 2S cents. Homer's Odyssey. Books I., T., IX., and X, Metrical translation by Qeorqb Rowland. Cloth. Mailing price, 25 cents. Horace's The Art of Poetry. Trans- lated in verse by George Howland. Cloth. Mailing price, 25 cents. The Story of the German Iliad, with Related Stories. By Mary E, BnRT. Llustrated. Cloth. MaiU tng price, SO cents. Special Prices to Teachers. Full Dejjcriptive Catalogue sent on application. .^^^ ^ ^^^ ... ^^ ' % o V "^ .'^^r- % i*^ /,;4:^;% ^-.. •"-<.^- ^^^ "^ ^w%^^ ^^% ^'^m^^ s V. -. -.^^:.:^,^ .^^