'^O^ "^ A" ^^ * • . 1 • aV '-^^ ^1^*' /\ '-^^*' ^^'% •-^:^' /\ -.- \ "> 0^ 'bV" .s-*" .•iJM!-;^ •^^..<.* /Jfev v./ :'MA'^ %.a^ ' ** o_ * P-^- .^^.,. ^ "•• -^^ * M ^^'^ ^ •>-^ .. A D D E E S S '^ BY HON. JxiMES GALLATIN, BEFORE THE DEMOCRATIC UNION ASSOCIATION, OCTOBER 1*^, 18^4. George B. McClellan as a Patriot, a Warrior, and a Statesman. COURSE OF THE ADMINISTRATION, STATE OF THE FINANCES, ETC., ETC. When we call to mind the character of the men sent to the array, the navy, and the leg- islatiTe and executive departments of Govern- ment, to co-ctperate with and support the im- mortal father of his country, drawing from his pure example, and reflecting back upon him, the influence of the ennobling virtues which distinguished the men of that age, our hearts bound with patriotic gratitude to the Supreme lluler of Nations fur bestowing such men up- on our country. H?, in his infinite mercy, has continued these gifts, of great and good men, at every crisis in our history. When this last calamity fell u|X)n us, all our distin- guished statesmen of the third generation — reckoning from the birth of the Republic — having been gathered to their fathers, and there remained among us only one of the il- lustrious warriors of the third generation, the consciousness of his faithfulness to the flag deprived the rebellion of half its terrors. His name was a tower of strength. He rallied around him the requisite forces to maintain ■ tranquillity at the capital, and to preserve the Government from that sanguinary usurpation of power with which, in their blind insanity, some of the insurgent leaders had intended to signalize the month of December, 1860. A grateful people continues and will ever contin- ue to love and respect that illustrious wai'rior. . The infirmities of age could not drive him from his post of duty, until the pi-ogress of the military operations against the rebels had brought forward a successor, whom he deemed . worthy of filling that post. GENERAL MC'CLELLAN THE SUCCESSOR OF GEN- ERAL SCOTT. To this successor of the Hero of Lnndy's Lane — to his character as a patriot, a states- man and a warrior — your kind attention is now invited. When yet a boy, he was ded- icated, with his own and his parents' con- sent, to his country's service. Entering that service, on the completion of his military ed- ucation at West Point, he soon found oppor- tunity, in the war with Mexico, to realize the cherished hopes of his friends, by the display of great skill and valor. Wherever duty called, he wa^ always present, faithful and watchful. When peace returned to bless oax land, he was prepared, like Cincinnatus,. to resume the occupations of acivihan, but ever, ready to serve his country in any capacity.. He was selected as one ©f the oJB&cers of the-- army to visit Europe during the Crim«a«. War ; and.having fulfilled that mission, depos- iting in the national archives a clear exposition 2 e^^^-V^ of the progress of* the military art as exhibit- | ed in tliat war, he accepted the hiborious oc- 1 cupation of engineer on one of the Western j Railroads : from whence he was called by Gov- I ernor Dennison of Ohio, four days after the ■ President issued his proclamation recognizing ; the existence of the rebellion, to take com* : uiand of the troops organizing in the State of : Ohio, in obedience to the call of the Presi- dent, who, ten days subsequently, placed him I iu command of the Department of the Ohio, j embracing the States of Ohio, Indiana and I Illinois. j GEN. MC'CLKLLAX IN WESTERN VIRGINIA. i There was no arsenal belonging to the (gen- eral Grovernment in his department. The ! Western States were wholly unprepared for I the struggle. Without arms or munitions of j war, or money, belonging to the Greneral Gov- j ernment, he Appealed to the State authorities, { and the Governors responded promptly to the I calls which he made upon them. This ser- ! vice of the Governors he acknowledged with all i that gratitude which distinguishes a true man. ■ Without any plans or instructions from Wash- | ington, as to the course he should puisue, find- j ing his Department invaded by the rebels, he ' proceeded, as he says in his report, " forth- with to drive out the enemy." He did it I rapidly and effectually. He rolled in the tide j of victory from Western Virginia Ijy a sue- i . cession *of brilliant exploits which electrified the whole country. He proved that the re- bellion could and would be conquered by the | lo3''al patriotic men of the country, in accor- dance with the principles of civilized warfare, directed by skilful generals. But his victo- ries in Western Virginia were soon clouded by the disastrous afiliu.- of Bull Run, which had been directed from ofiicial quarters at Washington, regardless of the opinions as to the plan of the<3ampaign,of the venerable chief , tain who was the nominal head of the military power, next to the commandei*-in-chief, and who had counselled the organization of a more powerful army to meet and subdue the rebel forces. GEN. MC'CLEIiLAN CALLED TO WASHINGTON. When the disaster of Bull Hun became known at Washington the Government turned . at once to the Hero of Western Virginia, call- ing him to Washington the very next day. He arrived there on the 26tli of July, and . forthwith proceeded to organize the scattered .'and disorganized forces. There were in all ;' about 50,000 infantry, less than 1,000 caval- :tj, and 650 artillery men, with nine imperfect field batteries of thirty pieces. There were no provisions for defence against a respecta- ble body of the enemy, — nothing to prevent the enemy shelling the city from heights with- in easy range. Many soldiers had deserted ; the streets of Washington were crowded with straggling officers and men, absent without authority, indicating a general want of disci- pline and organization. By the 15th of Oc- sober there were in and around Washington an efficient, well or^nized army of 143,647 men. It is not reqtiisite to go into farther de- tails as to the condition of the forces at Wash- ington. His distinguished services were ac- knowledged by the President, who appointed him to the chief -and general coimuand of the all armies of the Union, In August, and again in October, he communicated to the Pres- ident, or Secretary of War, his views and opinions m cxtenso. On the fourth of Au- gust he urged the importance of increasing the army, remarking that " the authority of the Government must lie supported by over- whelming physical force." In October, he remarked, " The unity of this nation, the preservation of om- institutions, are so dear to me that I have willingly sacrificed my private happiness, with the single oliject of doing my duty to my country. When the task is ac- complished I shall )je glad to return to the oh- scurity from which events have drawn me." Yet, as if conscious of the inability of the ad- ministration to understand the magnitude of the work before them, he added : " Whatever the determination of the Government may be, I will do the best I can with the Army of the Potomac, and I will share its fate, whatever may be the task imposed upon me." HIS, COURSE .AS GENERAL-IN-CHIEF- , We now come to his course and conduct as thp General-in-chief; and we shall find that during his administration of that office his views and opinions on public afiahs were pre- cisely the same as that expressed in his recent letter accepting the nomination to the Presi- dency. He assumed the duties of this office on the 1st of November, 1861, and six days thereafter wrote to Gen. Buell, commanding the Department of the Ohio, — " You will please constantly bear in mind the precise issue for which we are fighting. That issue is the j^reservation of the Union, and the restoration of the full authority of the General Government over all portions of our territory. We shall most readily i^uppress this rebellion, and restore the authority of the Government by religiously respecting the con- > siitutional rights of all.* I know that I ' express the feelings and opinions of the Pres- ■ ident, -when I say that we are fighting only to preserve the integi'ity of the Union and the constitutional authority of the General Crovorn- ment." "To the same, on the 12th of Novem- ber, he said : "As far as military necessi- ty will permit, religiously respect the consti- tutional rights of all. , It should he our constant aim to make it apparent to all that their property, their comfort, and their per- sonal safety will be best preserved by adhering to the cause of the Union." Addressing General Halleck, then in ^tis- "iosouri, November 11th, he said : " In fe- gai-d to the political conduct of affairs you will please labor to impress upon the inhabi- tants of Missouri and the adjacent States, that we are fighting solely for the integrity of the Union, to uphold the power of our National Government, and to restore to the nation the blessings of peace and good order." Upon the despatch of the expedition to North Carolina, in charge of General Bum- side, he wrote in the instiructions to that general : — "In no case would I go beyond a moderate joint proclamation with the naval command- er, which should say as little as possil)le about politics or the negro. Jlerely state that the true issue for which we are fioihtino' is the preservation of the Union and uphold- ing the laws of the General Government ; and stating that all who conduct themselves prop- erly will, as far as p t.-sible, be protected in their persons and property." His orders to all the other generals com- manding the armies of the Union were of like tenor. He planned the expedition to North Carolina, as well as that to New Orleans ; and the result of his grand combination was a series of brilliant victories, crowned by the capture of the defences of New Orleans on the 23d of April, exactly one year from the day on which Governor Dennison, of Ohio, called him fr(fm railroad engineering to mili- tary service. Every where, except around Washington, victory seemed to favor our arms. But the interference of partisans at Washington, with the army of the ]*otomac and the movements for the reduction of Kich- mond, knew no bounds. The President himself would seem not to have been his own master ; for in several letters to the command- er of that army he apologized for interfering with the plans of the campaign against Rich- mond. These remarkable words occur in the President's letter of March 31, 18t)2, apolo- gizing to General McClellan for this interfer- ence : — " If you could know the fiill pressure of the case, I am confident that you would justi- fy it." And this " pressure " is explained by the author * of the histoiy of the Presi- dent's administi'ation to mean " the importu- nities" of another general and his friends. Such were the means resorted to to cripple ' and thwart the commander of the army of the Potomac in his campaign against the rebel capital in 18()2. Then there wa? the ambi- tion of the President to be a gi-eat general, as evinced in "his plan " for taking Rich- mond, which has been exploded by sad expe- rience ; while Grant is now closing the great work upon the original plan of the, command- er of the army of the Potomac. But why .'^hould not the President be a great general ? Since we are told by his biographer that he joined a volunteer compa- ny, in 1832, at the age of twenty-three, in the Black Hawk War, and thus obtained, in the language of that biographer, "a bit of military experience." But when the same writer adds, that this experience was " much more, in fact, than the most of our brigadier- generals had had before the commencement of the war," he makes an apparently unconscious admission of the truth that important com- mands have been given to incompetent gene- rals, — political speech-makers, transferred from generals to judges, electioneering •throughout the country for their employers. Alas ! how many of our brave soldiers have been sacrificed on the field of battle by the incompetency of such generals ! It is as if the rebel chief had himself designated who should direct our battles. Such are the men wliose military skill was esteemed superior to that of the commander of the army of the Potomac. INCOMPETENCY IN THE WAR ANI) NAVY DEPARTMENT. Nothing in all our history is more dis- graceful to an administration than the at- tempts made, either through carelessness or ignorance, or worse, to embarrass the army of the Potomac in the campaign against Rich- mond, in 18G2. The Navy Department, next to the War Department, made its imbe- cility most effective for evil upon that occa- sion, and had it not been for the onterpri.se of private individuals, in sending the little "Monitor" to Fortress Monroe in time to check the ravages of the rebel " Morriniac," the disaster would have been overwhelming. Upon this subject I am happy to be able to * H. J. Raymond. appeal to the testimony of that distinguished ship owner, C. H. Marshall, Esq., himself a partisan of the administration, who, at a meet- ing of the Chamber of Commerce, of this city, on the 12th of March, 18G2, offered a series of resolutions, which were adopted in the fol- lowing shape : — "Whereas, the National Government has been furnished by the people of the loyal States with ample means for taking all precau- tions necessary to guard the public interest and the private property of citizens at every exposed jjoint, as well as to prosecute the war with vigor and success ; and whereas, in the recent disastrous engagement in Hampton Roads, by a sudden attack of the enemy, which our naval forces were wholly unpre- pared to resist, many lives have been sacri- ficed, several national vessels destroyed, the flag of the Union lowered to rebels, and dis- credit brought on the Government of the country ; therefore, " Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Chamber, the chief cause of this disaster lies in the culpable neglect by which the defences in Hampton Roads were suffered to remain, after a knowledge of the near completion of the rebel ironclad steamer Merrimac, witli no other protection than one steam-frigate (the Minnesota), one disabled steam-frigate (the Roanoke), whose shafts, which had been broken for four months, might have been replaced during any two of those months, and two or three sailing vessels. ' • Resolved, That under the protecting care of Providence, the safety of the property and life in the waters connected with Hampton Roads, if not also of other important harbors on the Atlantic coast, are due to the scientific skill of Ericsson, who designed the Monitor, and to the active, energetic, and gallant con- duct of Lieut. Commanding Worden, and those under his command, who successfully defended the honor of the national flag. " Resolved, That the President of the Unit- ed States be respectfully requested to adopt efficient measures for the future protection of Hampton Roads. " Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Chamber, the bill now pending in Congress, for building ton mail-clad vessels, ought to be passed without delay, " Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions, under seal of the Chaiidjcr, be sent to the President of the United States." Many vessels of war built under the direction of the Navy Department have proved such failures that they cannot, actually, float, .upon the water. But, although the bead of that department is the greatest failure of all, let- us remember that we have commanders in the navy who are not failures, — men like Farra- GUT, WiNSLOw, DuPONT, PoRTER ! When the navy was required at Fortress Monroe to co-operate in the attack on Richmond, in 1862, Goldsborough was sent to North Caro- lina, and the fleet at the mouth of the James River was left without a flag-officer ! The James River, now open for naval co- operation with Grant, was then closed to our transports ; and it is a remarkable fact that the delay in the movements of the army of the Potomac, caused by the rebel iron-clad, Merrimac, closing the James to our transports, was really made to appear to be the fault of the general-in-chief of the army. For in- stance, the Merrimac emerged from her hiding-place on the 8th of March, and spread havoc throughout the U. S. squadron, until checked the following day by the Monitor : on the 11th of March, the President removed General McClellan from the office of general- in-chief; and the President's biographer wholly omits to mention the delay caused by the neglect of the Navy Department to pro- \'ide the requisite force to subdue or blockade the rebel monster. That cause of delay was not, certainly, chargeable to General McClel- lan. The advance was ordered for the 22d of February ; but it was not until the 11th of May that the career of the IMerrimac was terminated. The utter inability of the Pres- ident and the Cabinet to compreliend the magnitude of the rebellion, notwithstanding the repeated suggestions of the ablest com- manders in the sei-vice, was painfully mani- fest in the movements of the army of the Potomac throughout the whole progress of events, ending with the battle of Antietam. More than this, the course of those events demonstrated the absurdity, to use no harsher term, of men at the head of the Government undertaking to direct great Inilitary move- ments pertaining to the science of war, of which tiiey were wholly ignorant. Mr. Sew- ard recently took occasion to compliment 3Ir. Stanton with his military proficiency, — the; village lawyers constituting the administra-i tion being a mutual admiration society, — but Stanton's successes have resulted wholly fromi his adherence to the original plans of INlcClel- lan, and his failures have usually resulted from departing from those plans, or from his inability to comprehend them. Mr. Lincoln's plans, and the plans of Mr. Stanton, for the campaign of the summer of 1862, were b tttj persisted in long enough to defeat Gen. McClellan's plan. That was the end of the campaign on the Peninsula. GEN. MC'OLELLAN AGAIN SAVES WASHINGTON, AND GAINS THE VICTORY AT ANTIBTAM. Having got the army of the Potomac back to protect Washiugtou, at the close of August, 1862, the President placed General Pope iii command, leaving Gen. McOlellan without any forces at Alexandria, where he could hoar the sound of the guns in the battles which Gen. Pope was fighting with the eueuiy. Gen. McClellan asked permission to go to the front, that he might by his presence encourage the men he had so long been associated with. It was not granted. He was kept there, strip- ped of command, until news of the disaster to Gen. Pope's army reached Washington, when the President and Gen. Halleck hm-- ried early in the morning to Gen. McClellan's residence, and placed the national capital and its defences once more in his hands. That was on the 2d of September. Again Gen. McClellan concentrated and reorganized a broken army, and led them to victory upon his own plans, without interference. Thirteen days after he took command, when the news of the defeat of the rebels began to readi Washington, the President telegraphed to him: " Your despatch of to-day received. God bless you, and all with you. Destroy the rebel army, if possible."' The battles termi- nated on the 17th of September, and that night our forces slept, conquerors, upon the battle-field of Antietam. GEN. ^C'CLELLAN AGAIN JIEMOVED. On the 7th of November Gen. McClellan was removed from command and Gen. Bum- side appointed in his place. The man who, within nineteen months, had twice saved the capital, who had three times organized an eflfective army, who first rolled in the tide of victory over this most cruel rebellion, who planned those combina- tions which resulted so victoriously wherever they could be carried out without interference of political partisans, — that man was set aside; and village lawyers, in their pride of power and of place, have now the audacity to boast the success of his plans as theh own. But mark the patriotic docility witli which tliis much abused general submitted to ;dl that his superior officers were pleased to in- flict upon him. When removed from the office of General-in-chief, he wrote to the Presi- dent : — " IbeUeve I said to you some weeks since, in connection with some Western matters, that no feeling of self-interest or ambition should ever prevent me from devoting myself to the service. I am glad to have the opportunity to prove it ; and you will find, that, under pres- ent circumstances, I shall work just as cheer- fully as before, and that no consideration of self, will, in any manner, interfere witli the discharge of my public duties." When stripped of his command, at Alexan- dria, hearing the battle raging in the distance, he wrote to Gen. Halleck : — " 1 cannot express to you the pain and mortification I have experienced to-day in list- ening to the distant sound of the firing of my men. As I can be of no further use here, I respectfully ask that if there is a proba- bility of the conflict being renewed to-morrow, I may be permitted to go to the scene of bat- tle with my staff, merely to be with my own men, if nothing more : they will fight none the worse for my being with them."' All who have served with him bear testi- mony to the affection which his men entertain for him. His .solicitude for the welfare of his men, his skilful manoeuvring to achieve vie-, tory at the smallest possible sacrifice of life, his i>ersonal bravery in battle, his consummate abilities as a general, and the purity of his character, readily account for that atfection. It is due to the President to say that he fre- quently acknowledged Gen. McClellan's great abilities as a commander. At the close of the campaign on the Peninsula, July 5, 1862, the President wrote to him : — " Be assured, the heroism and skill of your- self, officers, and men, is [are] and forever will be appreciated." Again : '' All ac- counts say better fighting was never done. Ten thousand thanks for it." WHY THE ADMINISTRATION WISHED TO CRUSH GEN. MC'CLELLAN. It may well be asked why the President and, Mr. vStanton treated (Jen. jlcClellan as they did. The President himself has given the key to this secret, in his despateli referring to the '■ pressure " brouglit to bear upon him. by the politicians, to reduce Gen. Mct'lellan's forces. Gen. McClellan was to be crushed if possible. He could not be made subservient to the schemes of the politicians ; and the re- cent attempt of the elder Mr. Blair, to pre- vent the general being a candidate in opposi- tion to President Lincoln, is the last link in that complete chain of evidence wliich fastens the intrigue upon the administration. The slowuoss of the General's movements, with the inadequate forces and raw Jevies under his command, against a more numerous force fighting upon the defensive, was seized as a pretext to find fault with hiin. Ho has been vindicated by the terrible sacrifices made by those who have adopted or pursued different plans ti'oni his. The politicians have shown how absurd it is to expect success in arms, " when campaigns are intrusted to men who have no knowledge of war." Gen. Naglee, of Philadelphia, has. in a recent letter, dated the 2Tth of last month, made a full disclosure of the efibrts of Mr. Stanton to destroy Gen. McClellan, and of the rudeness with which he carried his plans with the President. Mr. Stanton, it seems, aspired to the distinction of a great general, and the chief of the cabi- net, Mr. Seward, has recently introduced him to the jtublic in that capacity. Gen. Naglee states that as soon as Gen. McClellan left Washington, for the Peninsular Campaign, — all the arrangements for which had been made, and approved by the President and a council of Generals, 31cClellan"s /wre to he two hun- dred thousand iiien, — Stanton relieved him of all the armies not under his immediate command, and assumed command of them him- self. But it is too painful to follow the de- tails of Stanton's generalship and intrigues, and I refer to Gen. Naglee's letters for the humiliating facts of the case. MR. LINCOLNS ^VPOLOGY TO GEN. MC'CLELLAN. The President, on olst March, 1862, ap- jjears to have been fully conscious of the mor- tifying situation he was placed in by Mr. Stanton and the politicians; fur in his despatch of that date to General McClellan, announcing the breaking up of the original plan of the campaign, lie confesses tint he was pursuing a course which gave him " great pain.'" Let us hope that on the 4th of March next, at noon, General McClellan will relieve him of all such " pain." The President's apology to General Mc- Clellan for breaking up the plan of the cam- paign referred to something else besides " pain." That despatch speaks of "■ pres- sure " in the case, and the President's his- torian alludes to the political friends of another general as making this '■ pressure." But that despatch made no reference to duty, to the sacredness of the inaugural oath, to the interests of the nation, the preservation of the Union, the suppression of the rebellion, &,c. Oh, no ! That despatch is not '" honest old Abe." It is Abraham Lincoln the poli- tician, the sorry transgressor confessing his inic[uity, dividing the spoils of office, and regu- lating the scramble of the office-seekers, pan- i dering to the lust for office, aimmg at a re-election and the humiliation of a rising competitor, pushed on by Stanton at his back. No double-dealing has ever been charged upon General McClellan. Ever honest and frank, he is always consistent with himself General Naglee says that Stanton pretended to doul)t his loyalty to the Union. That has been the trick of the corrupt minions of the administration, ever since the rebellion broke out, in regard to any one who would not unite with them in their schemes of personal gain or partisan aggrandizement. At first, any man who remonstrated against going or sending some one to the cells of Port Lafayette at the bidding of Mr. Seward, was denounced as a "secessionist; " and now " acopperliead " is the favorite epithet with those who arrogate to themselves the attributes of infallUnlity in the administration of the Government, ^^'e are told that the administration is the Govern- ment, and that the Government, like tlie king in a despotism, "can do no wrong." This is the divine right of kings in a new shape. It certainly is the right di\ane to govern wrong, so far as Messrs. Lincoln, Seward, Stanton, and Welles are concerned. GEN. MC'CLELLAN 'a STKAIGHT-FORWARD CHAR- ACTER. I have said that General McClellan has always proved consistent with himself. Li July, 1862, writing to the President, he said, " The Constitution and the Union must be preserved." He says the same thing, only more forcibly, in his recent letter accepting tho nomination : " The Union nmst be pr.t- scrved at all hazards." There Lsjio double- dealing in thc^Je words. Like his military campaign in Western Virginia, they are di- rect, energetic, and decisive. And he always means exactly what he says: in this respect, his writings more resemble those of Wasliing- ton than any other hero's with which I am acquainted. Lideed, there is a purity of style in all his writings, a straiglitforward honesty, exactly like that of Washington's despatches, letters, and State papers. With Washington, the Union — that Union which constitutes us our people — the Union which confers upon us the attributes of a nation — the Union which gives us a country and a flag — was the first, the highest object of affection, next to God. So it is with McClel- lan, — "the Union at all hazards." His character is a reflex of that of Washington in' his religious devotion. Washington, in all bis gi-eat battles as well as in the ordinary occdrrences of life, sought the aid and guid- ance of Almighty wisdom and power. So with McClcllan : the same spotless purity of private life, which distinguished the one, char- acterizes the other. THE COIIRUPX TARTISAN POLICY OF THE AD- MINISTIIATION. Lot US now turn to the public character, the pulicy, and the conduct of the men com- posing the administration which has expelled this groat and good general from the army, and heaped upon him all these thankful indig- nities. In April, 1861, when the conspirators seized Fort Sumter, there was a universal cry of indignation. No man ever had a fairer chance than i\Ir. Lincoln then had of making himself the rallying point of all loyal citizens. The state of the country ought to have dictated such a policy. But instead of an accommodation to the circumstances, the tone of administration bore an analogy to that of Louis the Fom-teenth iu the meridian of his glory and his triumphs. Party spirit might have been disarmed of its rancor, had he carried into effect his own declarations as set forth in his inauguration s}Xiech, and we should not have had the unfortunate divisions that still exist amongst us. But he has taken a different stand, and placed himself as the^ chief of a faction. The road to favor is through the quagmire of party discipline ; and the recommendation to notice is to be esti- mated by the devotion to the doctrines of cer- tain political sectaiies. The dangers and the corruptions and the prodigies of the times have put an end to all neutrality in polities. The Crovernraent is in the hands of a most per- nicious faction. It is the task, it is the duty, of the friends of liberty and order — the old Jeffersonian and Jackson democrats, and the old constitutional whigs of the Clay and Webster school — to unite together and exert themselves ; for every hour the rising tides ai'e eating away the narrow isthmus upon which the adh(!rents of thq Constitution are stationed ; and every hour it becomes more necessary to oppose some barrier to these en- croachments. I will not insult you, at such a moment as the present, with any notice of the squabbles in the cabinet, of the recriminations of the ad- herents of Cliase and Seward, the rivals for tlie succession. Mr. Lincoln has been nomin- ated for re-election, and Messrs. Chase and Blair have been removed ri<;n offi<;i!, — the. last named gentleman, you will remember, was expelled from the cabinet not Ion" if"' r his father had failed to induce Genci Clellan to decline the nomination to the Presi- dency. By the expulsion of Caraenm, Chase, and Blair, the unscrupulous Seward, and his notorious adherents, have secured in their own hands the whole patronage of tlie Government. Hiram Barney is summarily ejected from tho' custom house in this city, where, as else- where, the poor clerks have been summoned to give up a portion of their earnings to the party leaders. Time fails to enable me to give all the changes and movements effected by Seward, who is now in the ascendency and in undis- puted control. His f)lans are far-reaching and sagacious, as they have ever been, i will let him speak for himself ; In November 1863. he repaired to Auburn, and made a speech in which he fulminated the thieat that if his par- ty did not carry the tlien pending electicm, the Ship of State would be " diifted and dash- ed " against the rocks of a lee shore. And he added, as to the election this fall : — " What if they (the Democratic party) sliould thMi succeed in electing a President in l^'o4. against the majority who elected Abraham Lincoln in 1860 ? Can that majority be expected to acquiesce without voting and with- out bloodshed V Certainly not : and then you have perpetual civil war, which is nothing else than perpetual anarchy." Here is a threat of repeating the very crime — that horrible and greatest civil crime — which the rebels committed. Seward was sup- posed to have been in a state of mental de- rangement when he made that speech, and very little attention was paid to it at the time. Recently, however, the recollection of it ha.s been brought to the public mind by repetition of the same threat, during another visit to xluburn, in another speech which he made there a few weeks ago. Here is the form in which he made the threat in tliis last speech : ' ' If such a thing could happen as that the Chicago candidate, nominated upon such an agreement, should be elected Prfisident of the United States on the first Tuesday of Novem- ber next, who can vouch for the safety of the country against the rebels, during the inter- val which must elapse before the new admin- istration can constitutionally come into power V It seems to me that such an election would tend equally to demoralize the Union, and to invite the insurgents to renew their eff)rt3 for its destruction." He would be a traitor, you observe, in 1863, wtvu ip ''-I'll .■+■ '■■ Muod'^lK'u ; " lM^^ 'h<> h -. to take tho * ,,,.,-. ,.,.,.., ;iMiothi.h(:. l-k;^'. ., ^uuliag fright and ^l* sr Tri a few weeks more he will be prepared to welcome General McClellan with open arms ; and urge him to come to Washington at once, and prepare to enter upon his duties as Presi- dent on the 4th of March next. Yes ; and I have no douht that Mr. Seward will declare that his dear and intimate friend, Mr. Thur- low Weed, and himself, desired nothing m much as the election of General McClellan to the presidency. I have no doubt that in less than a month the parlors of Mr. Seward will be thrown open fof the reception of Geu- enJ McClellan and his friends, if they will only walk into them. As to the unconstitutional acts of the admin- istration, Mr. Lincoln's own friends. Sena- tor Wade, of Ohio, and Henry Winter Davis, representative from Maryland, were constrain- ed to issue a formal protest against his attempt to override the constitution and the proceed- ings of Congress relative to the re-organization of loyal governments in the rebel States. l>oes Mr. Linclou believe that the American people could ever be imposed upon by such re-organizations : that they would ever ap- prove of a system by which corruijtion would pay for votes in part, and fear force the re- mainder ? Who at this time of day is un- acquainted with the springs and wires that would be employed in such a miserable puppet show ? How can the loyal people in those States believe themselves free and sovereign, when they would be made to take an oath, as a test to give them the right of voting V What could they object to all this, surrounded by armed men ? They would only have to hold their tongues, and to bow down their heads be- fore their masters. But he will probably abandon the attempt to re-elect himself by the votes of such States, for the recent State elec- tions must admonish him, in the same words he applied to Mr. Montgomery Blair, when turning him out of the Cabinet a few days ago, that " his time has come." The arbitary arrests made by Seward and Stanton in places where rebellion did not ex- ist, were wholly injitstifiable and unnecessiiry ; because the constitutional forms of law could have been gone through with, in perfect safety. Arbitary imprisonment and punishment upon mere suspicion, most vexations and odious instruments of despotic power, have been em- ployed on several occasions and in many in- •sUinees in places where there were no military operations. Barriere, hi a report made to the ' Hition during • *^''n in to a huv :>- mercy is the first sacrifice which a good repuib- lican owes to his country. In onler to jweserve the vigor of the goverument, an institution, tei'rible indeed but necessary, has l)ecn disseminated throughout all the sections, (Sec. I mean the laio for the arrest of sus- pected persons. The keen and piercing eye of jealous liberty has been tixed upon every citizen, has penetrated into every family, and pervaded every habitation. Public opinion lias marked out the persons who ought to be .'^uspected, and they have accordingly fallen under the severity of the law.'' Thus you have explained to you the principal advantages l)oth of the theory and practice of the system of arbitrary arrest. It contains the principle of impartial persecution, equally applicable to the separate interests of every distinct class and description of the people, from the farmer and the banker and merchant down to the in- dustrious manufacturer and hard working mechanic and day laborer. Are these the arts of government? Are these the means l)y which the discordant interests and the c Conven- tion ; but upon a motion being made that hon- orable mention of ^he transaction should be inserted in the notes, the Minister of Finance rises with the utmost indignation to oppose so monstrous a proposition. He delivers a most eloquent and vehement invectiA-e against gold and silver : he says, " In a short time the world will be too hTippy, if we should deign to receive pieces of metal bearing the efiigy of tyrants in exchange for Kepublican a.?sig- nats ; already the whole nation rejects and despises those coiTupting metals, which tyrants originally brought from America for the sole purpose of enslaving us. I have in contem- plation the plan of a sumptuary law, by which I will drive tb.e vile dung once m»ore into the bowels of the earth." What was the sumptu- ary law by which the Minister of Finance proposed to accomplish this salutary reform ? Here is that excellent law. " All gold and silver metal in specie or'plate, all jewels, gold and silver lace, or valuable effects which shall be -discovered huried in the enrth, or con- cealed in cellars, walls, rubbish, floors or pavements, hearths or chimnej^s, or in any secret place, shall be seized and confiscated for the use of the Republic ; and the inform- er shall receive a twentieth part of the value of whatever he shall discover, to be paid in assignats." Concealment alone is the crime on which the law attaches, without even any of the ordinary pretences of disaffection. In consequence of this decree, every place in which it was possible to conceal treasure is searched with the utmost rigor ; the privacy of every house is violated ; every cellar and garden is dug up ; and the Minister of Fi- nance, with the most unrelenting spirit of persecution, pursues the objects of his hatred and contempt even to the bowels of the earth, where he had threatened to drive them. THE NATIONAL FINANCES. i As to our financial condition, perhaps I' ought not to say much here — I have said a great deal on that subject within the past three years. I confess I am now very anx- ious about the future state of our finances. If Lincoln' should be re-elected, I look with dread and alarm to our future financial situation. I tremble to think of what will bo the condition of our people, when I call to mind the project of such financiers as Thad. Stevens of Penns^'lvania, Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means of the House, IX who would Uiue a thousand millions of paper money, a,n(l pny the interest of the national de})t with it, — who would run the barrel of flour up to tlilrty dojlais and the ton of coal to foriy dollars, rather than lay taxes to pay for the ,v.'ar ;;s faV as po.srflble, as wc go along ; I say I am greatly apprehensive of terrible financial disaster if Lincoln, be re-elected. I do not know ihat 1 can better explain the financial policy of Lincoln and Seward than by giving you the substance of a speech which was delivered in the Senate, by Senator Sher- man, of Ohio, in 3Iay last. It was reported in the Washington Daily Globe of June 1st, 1864. The Hon. Senator spoke with that consci- ousness of authority and in that imperative tone which implied a conviction that his man- dates were to be obeyed, and that no differences of opinion were to be permitted to swerve the power v/hich he represented from going for- ward in the path he directed. It is, there- fore, of the greatest importance to the finan- cial interests of the country that the princi- ples and theories enunciated in this speech should be tlio roughly understood. The leading topic of the speech is the new national banking system. He explicitly de- clares that the [ja[)er money to be issued by the new banks is to be made to take the place of every other kind of paper money, whether of the Government or the State banks. Hav- ing explained his plan " to compel the banks " to withdraw their ch-culation — to "compel them to do so by taxation " — he proceeds to declare that it is the policy of the Government to reduce the volume of the issues of legal- tender paper money, and to finally supersede these issues altogether with the notes of the new national banks. Of the circulation of all kinds then in cxl-stence, he says : — '■ This large redundant circulation must be, retired as rapidly as possible, but I ask you how it can be done now, with two systems of banks rivals witli each other. Suppose the .Government desires to reduce the cii-culating medium. The very moment tbe Governnlent commences reducing its circulation, that very moment these banks would commence to in- crease theirs." 1 That is to say, the old banks would issue their own notes and encounter the risk of bankruptc}^ if the Government did not supply legal-tender notes to them. This is the same blander that iMr. Hooper made in the House, when he attempted to conceal the fact that it is the excess of the Government legal-tender notes which enables the old banks, as well as the now banks, to put out their own notes. i.Ir. Sheriuan explains tlie plans of the Government, relative to the issues of the new banks taking the place of its own, in these words : — '• I take it to be the policy of the Govern- ment, as it is the plainest dictate of reason, to retii'o its cuculation as fast as the national , Ijank currency is issued. We can do it by funding ; we can do it in various ways. We must do it. If the United States continue to issue its own notes in the form of cuiTcncy, and also authorize national bank notes to be issued /)«?•«' passu, both together, in over- whelming amounts, as a matter of course the result would be ^o destroy all values ; but I take it that it is and must be the policy of the Government to retii-e as rapidly as possible the United States notes, and to substitute for them the national currency." Not one word of explanation is given as to the mode in which this new " national cur- rency " is to be redeemed in real money, or how specie pajonents are to be resumed under the new system. WHien it was proposed in the Senate to have the new banks accumulate a part of the specie obtained by them for in- terest on the Government stocks held by them, so as to prepare for resumption of specie pay- ments, he opposed it. And having explained how the new banks are to be made to furnish a paper money, to supersede that of the Gov- ernment, upon the basis of the capital sub- scribed by private citizens, one would natural- ly suppose that he would complete his tlu.'ory with an explanation of the mode in which specie payment could be resumed by the Gov- ernment and the new banks ; but he is si- lent on this point : it is all paper, paper. He does not propose to make the new bank notes a legal tender : that would conflict with the Constitution. He says, indeed, that " the national bank currency will bo better, and in less danger of repudiation, than the greenbacks;" but he does not make it ap- pear how they are to be made any better, ex- cept through the seizure of the capital of the private citizens invested in or deposited with the new banks, which, he says, " are alwaijs within the poiver of Congress: every man tvho goes into them knows that the system must be so conducted that the public se}iti- m>jit will sustai7i them, or else theg will go to the wall. Tlie law organizing them may he repealed, and they may be driven out at any time by the power of Congress. They are under bonds for good behavior. They 12 jile in the oaults of the United States more than the amount of their circulation in bonds of the United States taken at this time when it is necessary to sell our bo7ids." This is the currency and banking sys- tem, thus prepared to become the cat's-paw of partisan strife and caprice, that is to su- persede that standard of value in real mon- ey, which the constitution has established ! One of the principal supporters of the sys- tem has thus clearly defined the policy by which it is to be controlled. The expose is opportune. The people can now see the whole scheme. It is plainly an organized system for controlling the party politics of the couuLry. It is the reflex of the old United States bank, and the State " pet bank," systems. It is a complete union of partisan organizations with banking associ- ations, under the pretext of getting posses- sion of the circulating medium of the coun- try for the relief of the Government, instead of borrowing money upon bonds or treasury notes. The people have again and again frowned upon these schemes of partisans to make the economical affairs of the country the play-things of party. So they will again. He confounds a paper money with money composed of the precious metals, compar- ing the assumed power to issue the former to the power of coining the latter j and thus misrepresents the operation of the natural laws governing monetary systems. He compares the probable fate of the funded stocks, or debt of the United States, had Government issued bonds instead of notes, with that of the legal-tender paper money known as " assign-ats," issued in France, to prove the wisdom of adopt- ing the legal-tender issues nov/ iij use in this country. He refrains from explaining the ruinous teudencjes of the amount of bank-note cur- rency which he advocated, although he ac- knowledged that the currency was exces- sive ; and he must have been aware of the fact that the proposed three hundred mil- lions of new bank notes largely exceeded the amount of the circulation of the old banks. He pleads the necessity of getting " mon- ey," to make every payment with, as an ex- cuse for Government issues of " legal-ten- der " paper money, thus ignoring the em- ployment of those media of exchange in which the business of the civilized world is coad acted, without the active circulation of metallic money, upon a specie basis. He conceals the fact that the new na- tional banks are keeping the public money and loaning it out on interest, although they pay no interest to Government for the use of that money, and draw interest on the stocks deposited as security for the notes they issue. He ignores the constitutional measure or standard of value ; and advocates a paper- money system without any avowed knowl- edge of the mode upon which that system can be i:)ractically sustained, except by the threat of destroying the banks which issue it. and confiscating the private property of citizens invested in such banks. Ho acknowledges the tendency to repudi- ation of a Government paper money issued in excess, yet defends the excessive issues that he has aided in Congress. He expresses an opinion that it is the policy of the Government to reduce the quantity of legal-tender paper without giv- ing any returns to sustain the opinion when the price of gold was rising above ninety premium, the dollar being worth lit- tle more than fifty cents, which was a sure indication of the extent to which the cur- rency was being inflated, and which was, and still is, overwhelming the working peo- ple of the country in the deepest distress, compelling them to pay double, and in many cases more than double, for the nee-, essaries of life. He misrepresents or conceals the facts in relation to the circulatioQ of the old banks throughout the States, giving the circula- tion, in figures, of nine banks in this city which had expanded, and witholding the figures as to the other forf//-fhrtc banks in this city, which had in some cases altogeth- er withdrawn or greatly reduced their cir- culation. He charged the old banks with wantonly inflating the currency because they receive and deal in the issues of the Government whiqh have been made a compuhorij pay- ment by the tender acts, and to refuse which would have been to refuse to receive payment of debts due to them. He pleads the use of paper money as a war measui-e. whereas the most successful wars have been conducted to a triumphant termination upon the basis of a real money system after paper money had proved dis- astrous. He conceals the facts as to the issues of legal-tender paper having wrought a forced and cruel confiscation of the incomes of widows and orphans derived from mortga- n ges, savings-bank deposits, life insurances, and other permanent investments, while the increased taxation of the rich, and those amassing fortunes by the war, has been readily met by the high premium on the gold obtained for interest on the public debt. He'chargcs the inflation of the currency upon the old banks, without acknowledging that they were made to inflate, and the sus- pension of specie payments made lawful, by those excessive issues of Government paper, made lawful money, which have deranged all values, aroused wild manias «>f specula- tion, converted nearly every honest busi- ness pursuit into a species of lottery or gambling, produced tendencies to vice and immorality, and created a love for extrava- gance and display destructive to that eco- nomical and virtuous way of life which our republican fathers taught us was most be- coming our character as a democratic re- publican people. Such are the " financial authorities " that have been and are yet guiding our econom- ical affairs. Our brave armies have done and are doing all that could be expected of them. All our disasters have come from want of skill in our rulers. If an ignomin- ious peace be forced iiipon us, it will be from the mismanagement of the finances. I pray that a merciful Providence may avert such a calamity. THE PATRIOTISM OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. As to the course of the Democratic Par- ty, the resolutions and votes in Congress, passed unanimously, prove that they have no sympathies with the rebellion. So also with Mr. Pendleton. He voted supplies for sustaining the Government and prosecu- ting the war. As to the views of the Dem- ocratic party upon the question of negro en- listments, they have been fully sustained and vindicated by General Sherman, one of our most successful commanders, in his letter of July 30, 1864. As to the character of the opposition to General McClellan, an occurrence has re- cently taken place in newspaper circles which affords a good illustration. I quote the following account of it : — "The inexperienced editor of some West- ern journal having published the subjoined paragi-aplis under the impression that they were extracts from a speech of the late Sena- ,tor Douglas, of Illinois, the New York Trib- une reproduces them in its columns, saying : " ' The lamented Douglas thus powerfully expressed himself on the subject of submis- sion to llebcls in arms : " 'To efface the insult offered to our flag, to secure ourselves from the fate of the divi- ded Republics of Italy and South America, to preserve our Government from destruction, to enforce its just power and laws, to maintain our very existence as a nation, — these were the causes which compelled us to draw the sword, llebellion against a Government like ours, which contains the means of self-adjustment and a pacific remedy for evils, should never be confounded with a revolution against des- ♦ }X)tic power, which refuses redress of wrongs. Such a rebellion cannot be justified on ethical grounds ; and the only alternatives fur our choice are its suppression or the destruction of our nationality. " ' At such a time as this, and in such a struggle, political partisanship should be merged into a true and brave patriotism, which thinks only of the good of the whole country. It was in this cause, and with these motives, that so many of our comrades have given their lives, and to this we are all personally pledged in all honor and fidelity. Shall such devotion as that of our dead comrades be of no avail? Shall it be said in after ages that we lacked the vigor to complete the work thus begun ? that, after all these noble lives freely given, we hesitated and failed to keep straight on un- til our land was saved ? Forbid it, Heaven, and give us firmer, truer hearts than that.' " The above " powerful " observations so heartily approved by the Tribune, supposing them to be utterances of " the lamented Doug- las," are from the eloquent and patriotic ora- • tion of Georjre B. McClellan at West Point, that th Gren. McClellan, but only by accident." One of the strangest occurrences in the conduct and policy of the administration re- lated to the substitute brokers in this city. Secretary Stanton or the President at one time permitted them to go on with their business, then arbitrarily arrested and imprisoned them ; and then on a recent occasion encouraged them td go on again, and actually granted them li- censes to do so, Wilson's speech stopping re- cruits, and the course of Stanton inliarmony with that speech, were in strange contrast with the constant demand of leading generals for more men and larger armies. INTELLIGENCE AND SKILL REQUIRED IN THE ADMINISTRATION. In conclusion, permit me to say that, in my humble judgment, the great want of our coun- It will be seen that the Tribune can some- times be just to 14 tiy now is ordinary intelligence in the men at the head of public affairs. The incompeten- cy of our pul)lic men has led to innumerable failures. Our foreign affairs, too, have been po strangely mismanaged that foreign powers have ventured to foster privateers to prey up- on our commerce, although the rebel govern- ment sending out these privateers has not been recognized as an independent power by any na- tion. Our Grovei'nment, for some unexplained cause, would not license privateers to destroy the enemy's vessels, and thus our commerce has been destroyed ; merchants compelled to stand with their hands tied, watching their buniing ships, without being able to raise a hand to defend themselves. I dare say, Mr. Seward has some grand rhetorical exposition prepared to print in defence of such a policy, but I cannot understand the principles which have governed him and Mr. Lincoln in this matter. The effect has been, practically, to destroy our mercantile marine, and transfer our commerce — once the greatest, in tonnage, j in the world — to other nations, principally to Great Britain, which has built and equipped rebel privateers to destroy our ships. AVith the election of G-en. McClellan we shall have patriotism, skill, honesty and hon- or. His election will be the first-fruits of the purifying influence of our civil war. Men of honor and integrity will replace the grovelling political tricksters now in power. True states- manship will once more direct our affairs, and peace and prosperity, with the blessing of Providence, again bless our united country. General McClellan's Views of the War and the Country. The Harrison's Bar Letter. Head-quarters, Army of the Potomac, , Camp near Harrison's Landing, Va., July 7, 1802. Mu. Puesuient: You have been fully informed that the rebel army is iu our front, with the purpose of over- whelming- lis "by attacking our positions, or reducing us by blockudiug I'ur liver communications. I cannot but regard our condition ns critical; and I earnestly desire, in view of possible contingencies, to lay before your Excellency, for your private consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of this army, or strictly come within scope of my official duties. These views amount to convictions; and are deeply impressed upon my mind and heart. Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the cause of free insti- tutions and self-gfovernnient. The Constitution and the Union must be'preserved, whatever "may be the cost in time, treasure or blood. If secession is successful,^ other dissolutions are clearly to be seen in the future. Let neither military disaster, political faction, or foreign ■war, shake your settled purpos^to enforce the equal operation of the laws of the United States upon the people of every State. Tiie time has come when the Government must de- termine upon a civil and military policy covering the whole ground of our national trouble. Tlie respousi- Jbility of determining, declaring, and supporting such civil and military policy, and of directing the whole course of national atlairs in regard to the rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by you, or our cause will be lost. The Constitution gives you power sufficient even for the present terrible exigency. This rebellion has assumed the character of war; g,s such it should be regarded; and it should be conduct- ed upon the highest principles known to Christian civil- ization. It should not be a war looking to the subjuga- tion of the people of any State, in any event. It should not be at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political organizations. Neither confisca- tion of property, political executions of jK-rsons, terri- torial organizations of States, or forcible abolition of slaver)', should be contemplated for a moment. In pros- ecuting the war, all private property and unarmed per- sons sliould be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of military operations. All private property, taken lor military use, should be paid or receipted for: pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes; all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited, and otlcnsive demeanor by the military towards citizens promptly re- buked. Military arrcstsshould not be tolerated, except in places where active hostilities exist; and oaths not required by en.acliiients constitutionally made, should be neither demanded nor received. Military govern- ment should be confined to the preservation of public order, and the protection of political rights. Military power should not be allowed to interfere with the rela- tions of servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for suppressing dis- order, (ts in other cases. Slaves contraband under the act of Congress,' seeking military protection, should receive it. The right of the Government to appropri- ate permanently to its own service claims to slave labor, should be asserted; and the right of the owner to com- pensation tlierefor should be recognized. Tliis principle might be extended, upon grounds of military necessity and security, to all the slaves within a particular State; thus working manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia also, and possibly even iu Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is only a question of time. A system of policy thus constitutional and conserva- tive, and pervaded by the infiuences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the sujiport of almost all truly loyal men; woiikl, deeply impress the rebel masses and all foreign nation,*, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty. Unless the priuoiiiles governing the future conduct of our struggle shall be made known aud approved, the ettort to obtain rei,t it would, comiuend itself to the liivor of the >\lmigbty. -JIarris<^n^^^^^- ^°^:^^'> ./^•^k'% C0^•i.^.> ^,. V* ,»i^* ^ Ap^ .*;^°'. ^ "^ *!itf»w% ^ -ftp V ^« ^o-nK. V ^0^ ^^-^^^ " ■« * r BOOkBINDINC ■ . , ' .0 ''V^ ♦•it* .^*^ <->^ * • . ' «0 c*-^^ >..«=>'