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 V ——X 
 
 
 
SLAVERY 
 
 AND THE 
 
 DOMESTIC SLAVE TRADE, 
 
 
 IN 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 BY THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY THE LATE YEARLY 
 3IEETING OF FKIENDS HELD IN PHILADELPHIA, IN 
 
 1839. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 PRINTED BY MERRIHEW AND THOMPSON, 
 
 No. 7 Carter* s Alley, 
 
 1841 
 
ON SLAVERY, &c. 
 
 Slavery is the exercise ofarbitrary power, vested in one 
 man over another, by thesanction of law, or common usage; 
 extending, in some cases, to the taking of life, as among the 
 ancient Romans ; and in others, accompanied by certain re- 
 straints, imparting to it a mild and lenient character, as 
 that which prevailed among the Israelites. Hence, the re- 
 cords of history exhibit this institution among the nations 
 of antiquity, in different degrees of severity, between these 
 two extremes. The term slavery, therefore, furnishes us 
 with no just conceptions of the amount of evil embraced 
 by it, and it becomes necessary in order to arrive at this 
 knowledge, to inquire into its character in each particular 
 case or nation. 
 
 In justification of this institution in the United States, it 
 is alleged, that slavery has existed in every age of the 
 world ; that the scriptures lend it their unqualified sanc- 
 tion ; that the slavery now existing on the continent of 
 Africa is in its character more rigorous than that in the 
 United States ; and hence, that the condition of the natives 
 brought from that country, has been improved by the ex- 
 change. As these arguments intrude upon us at the thres- 
 hold, we will give them a brief consideration, before enter- 
 ing upon the main subject of this treatise. 
 
 Under the Mosaic dispensation, a Hebrew might be de- 
 
prived of his freedom In several ways. In extreme poverty 
 he could sell himself, and a father his children in a like 
 case. Lev. xxv. 39. Exod. xxi. 7. Debtors were liable 
 to become the bondmen of their creditors. 2 Kings iv. 1. 
 If a thief was unable to pay the penalty of his crime, he 
 was directed to be sold. Exod. xxii. 3. A Hebrew, ran- 
 somed by a Hebrew, might be sold by the latter. In all 
 these cases'they were bought as hired servants, and the 
 term of servitude was limited to six years. Exod. xxi. 2. 
 
 The case of the Gibeonites was peculiar, and occasioned 
 by a fraud practised by them upon Joshua, to secure a 
 treaty. ** Wherefore have ye beguiled us, saying, * we are 
 very far from you,' when ye dwell am:)rg us? Now, 
 therefore, ye are cursed, and there shall none of you be 
 freed from being bondmen, and hewers of wood, and 
 drawers of water for the house of my God.'' Joshua xix. 
 22, 23. The disgrace and hardship of this servitude, how- 
 ever, do not appear to have consisted in the lahoriousness 
 of the service itself, but in degrading the Gibeonites, by de- 
 priving them of the characteristic employment of men, and 
 substituting that which custom left to women and children.* 
 As a nation, they lost their independence, and were oblig- 
 ed to furnish a levy of men for the Hebrew service. 
 
 In case of a Hebrew servant marrying a stranger, a 
 Canaanite, for instance, (for so the passage in Exod. xxi. 
 4, must be understood,) the husband went out free in the 
 seventh year, but his wife and children remained servants 
 to the master. A humane provision is here made, how- 
 ever, to prevent the severing of conjugal and parental ties. 
 " But if the servant shall plainly say, I love my master, 
 my wife, and my children, I will not go out free ;" he could 
 not then be separated from his family ; but his ear was 
 
 * See Harman on the text. 
 
bored through with an awl, in evidence of his having cho- 
 sen to live with them in a state of servitude. Exod. xxi. 
 The Hebrew man and maid servant, who chose to remain 
 with the master , were treated in like manner. Deut. xv. 17. 
 Having thus briefly set forth the ground and origin of 
 the servile state among the posterity of Abraham, we 
 proceed to give a summary of its principal features, as 
 follows : 
 
 1. The time of servitude of a Hebrew was limited, at 
 most, to six years ; and all others were released in the year 
 of Jubilee, and in addition, had the lands of their ancestors 
 restored to them. "Then shall thou cause the trumpet of the 
 Jubilee to sound" — "and ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, 
 and proclaim liberty throughout all the land, unto all the 
 inhabitants thereof. '' Levit. xxv. 10. 
 
 2. The Hebrew servant received a compensation for his 
 services. " And when thou sendest him out free from thee, 
 thou shalt not let him go away empty ; thou shalt furnish 
 him liberally out of thy flock, and out of thy floor, and out 
 of thy wine-press, of that wherewith the Lord thy God 
 hath blessed thee ; thou shalt give unto him." Deut. xv. 
 13, 14. 
 
 3. Oppression and cruelty to servants, in all cases, are 
 strictly forbidden, and anxiously guarded against through- 
 out the Law and the Prophets, the Israelites being often 
 reminded of their having been strangers, and under bond- 
 age in the land of Egypt. Deut. xv. 15. 
 
 4. The master was compelled to keep his servant ; he 
 could not turn him oft', or otherwise dispose of him, if he 
 chose to stay with him. Infirmity, age, or disability, ap- 
 pears to have made no exceptions to this rule. Exod. xxi. 
 Deut. XV. 
 
 5. The servant, on the other hand, could escape from 
 
 1* 
 
6 
 
 under oppression or cruelty, without the fear of pursuit, or 
 compulsory return ; " Thou shalt not deliver unto his mas- 
 ter, the servant which is escaped from his master unto 
 thee ,* he shall dwell with thee, even among you in that 
 place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it 
 liketh him best ; thou shalt not oppress himy Deut. xxiii. 
 15, 16. 
 
 6. The servant was admitted into covenant with God, 
 and was instructed at stated times, in morality and reli- 
 gion. Deut. xxix. 11, 12. xxxi. 12. Josh. viii. 35. 2 Chron. 
 xvii. examine 9th verse. 
 
 7. In all the Jewish festivals, the servant feasted and 
 rejoiced in common with the master ; " And thou shalt re- 
 joice in thy feast, thou, and thy son, and thy daughter, and 
 thy man servant, and thy maid servant, and the Levite, and 
 the stranger, and the fatherless, and the widow, that are 
 within thy gates." Deut. xvi. 14. 
 
 8. These festivals were so numerous, that if we include 
 the sabbath and sabbatical year, it will bo found that the 
 servant enjoyed a period of relaxation from regular labor, 
 amounting to nearly one-half of his whole time. 
 
 Such is a brief view of slavery as it existed under the 
 Mosaic dispensation ; partaking more of the character of 
 a patriarchal government than of slavery ; and on the 
 part of the servant, more a matter of choice than of com- 
 pulsion. 
 
 Among the barbarous and idolatrous nations of antiquity, 
 their slaves consisted generally of prisoners, taken in wars 
 with neighboring tribes, and were treated in some instances, 
 with great cruelty ; yet, even here, slavery possessed 
 some features, which sotlened its rigor, and blunted its as- 
 perity. Among the Egyptians, the slave found in the temple 
 of Hercules, a secure retreat from the iron rod of his mas- 
 
ter, and held the right of obtaining his discharge.* The 
 bondage of the children of Israel appears to have originat- 
 ed from a fear of their numbers, rather than from a spirit 
 of avarice or injustice. Exod. i. 10, 11. 
 
 According to the history, a part of the nation only was 
 under " task masters," and that part consisting chiefly of 
 the male sex, raised, as it would seem, by a levy or con- 
 scription. They had their separate lands, houses, &c., in 
 the rich province of Goshen, and possessed flocks and herds, 
 and " very much cattle ;" and hence, although tributary, 
 had the advantages of a distinct community, with its own 
 form of government and internal rule. Those who were 
 under task-masters were doubtless made to serve with 
 " rigor," but they were not stinted in food ; they " sat by 
 the flesh-pots, and did eat bread to the full." " We re- 
 member," said they, *' the fish which we did eat in Egypt 
 freely, the cucumbers, the melons, the leeks, and the onions, 
 and the garlic." Exod. xvi. 3. Numb. xi. 5. 
 
 But not only the Old, but the New Testament is appeal- 
 ed to, in support of American slavery. The following is 
 extracted from the American Quarterly Review, No. 23, 
 page 248, published in 1832. 
 
 " When we turn to the New Testament, we find not one 
 single passage, at all calculated to disturb the conscience 
 of an honest slaveholder. No one can read it without 
 seeing and admitting that the meek and humble Saviour of 
 this world, in no instance meddled with the established in- 
 stitutions of mankind — ho came to save a fallen world, and 
 not to excite the black passions of men, and array them in 
 deadly hostility against each other. From no one did he 
 turn away ; his plan was offered alike to all — to the mo- 
 narch and the subject — the rich and the poor — the master 
 
 * Rees' Cyclopediae. 
 
8 
 
 and the slave. He was born in the Roman world, a world 
 in which the most galling slavery existed — a thousand 
 times more cruel than the slavery of our own country — 
 and yet he no where encourages insurrection — he no where 
 fosters discontent, — but exhorts always to implicit obe- 
 dience and fidelity. What a rebuke does the Redeemer of 
 mankind imply upon the conduct of some of his nominal 
 disciples of the day, who seek to destroy the contentment 
 of the slaves, to rouse their most deadly passions, to break 
 up the deep foundations of society, and to lead on to a 
 night of darkness and confusion ! * Let every man, (says 
 Paul) abide in the same calling wherein he is called. Art 
 thou called, being a servant ? — care not for it ; but if thou 
 mayest be made free, use it rather.' 1 Corinth, vii. 20, 21 . 
 Again : ' Let as many servants as are under the yoke, 
 count their own masters worthy of double honor, that the 
 name of God and his doctrines be not blasphemed ; and 
 they that have believing masters, let them not despise them, 
 because they are brethren, but rather do them service, be- 
 cause they are faithful and beloved partakers of the bene- 
 fit. These things teach and exhort.' 1 Tim. vi. 1 — 11. 
 Servants are even commanded in Scripture to be faithful 
 and obedient to unkind masters. Servants, (says Peter) be 
 subject to your masters with all fear ; not only to the good 
 and gentle, but to the froward. For what glory is it, if 
 when ye shall be buffetted for your faults, ye take it pa- 
 tiently? but if when ye do well, and suffer for it, ye take 
 it patiently— ^this is acceptable to God.' 1 Peter, xi. 18 — 20. 
 These and many other passages in the New Testament 
 convincingly prove, that slavery in the Roman world, was 
 no where charged as a fault or crime upon the holder, and 
 every where is the most implicit obedience enjoined. See 
 Ephes. vi. 5 — 9. Titus, xi. 9, 10. Philemon, Colossians, iii. 
 22. and iv. 1." 
 
We agree with this writer when he says, that our Lord 
 meddled with none of the institutions of his time, civil or 
 pohtical, as such; but had He condemned some and not 
 others, or had He been silent only on that of slavery ; the 
 author would then have had a plausible ground for the broad 
 conclusion which he has drawn ; but having " meddled 
 with none" of them, corrupt, and opposed to the religion 
 which He taught, as many of them certainly were, we are 
 obliged to seek another reason for this silence, than that of 
 a tacit justification " of Roman slavery," and more espe- 
 cially if it was, as the writer asserts, " a thousand times 
 more cruel than the slavery of our own country !" 
 
 The doctrine and precepts taught by our Lord, indicate 
 the kind of reform contemplated, and afford an ample illus- 
 tration of the reason why he refrained from an open and 
 outward opposition to the corrupt institutions of that period. 
 He taught that all sin and corruption proceed from the 
 heart of m3.n, as their root, and here he laid the gospel 
 axe. ^Matt. xii. 35. Mark, iii. 10. Luke, iii. 9. The re- 
 form was to be radical, and not merely a lopping of the 
 branches of the corrupt tree. Thus, with spiritual wea- 
 pons — his word, power, spirit, he attacked sin in its throne, 
 the heart, whence proceeds all unrighteousness. Mark vii. 
 20. And the tree being made good, ihefruit will be good 
 also. Matt. vii. 17, 18. xxi. 33. Again, when he says, 
 " Therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men 
 should do to you, do ye even so to them," he strikes at the 
 root of all cruelty, injustice and oppression. See Matt. vii. 
 12. And again, he removes, at once, the causes of war, 
 strife, and contention, when he enjoins obedience to the 
 precepts, " Resist not evil — overcome evil with good — love 
 your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them 
 that hate you, and pray for them which despite fully use 
 
10 
 
 you, and persecute you. Matt. v. 39 to 48. Romans 
 xii. 21. 
 
 To the author's assertion that the New Testament "con- 
 clusively proves that slavery in the Roman world was no 
 where charged ao' a fault or crime upon the holder, we re- 
 ply = 
 
 1. No evidence is adduced to prove that the servants 
 addressed by the apostles were slaves. 
 
 2. If they were slaves, the " implicit obedience enjoin- 
 ed," no more proves slavery to be just and right, than 
 the command to " return good for evil," proves the latter 
 not to be evil, or that cursing and hatred imply no sin, be- 
 cause to be requited by blessing and love. The advice 
 given to the servants, was given to them, not as servants 
 merely, but as Christians, because in accordance with the 
 precepts of Christ, which are obligatory upon all his follow- 
 ers, whatever may be their condition in life, or from what- 
 ever quarter cruelty and persecutions may arise ; hence 
 they belong to the master equally with the servant. 
 
 3. Thus Paul, after exhorting servants to obedience, 
 adds : *' knowing that whatsoever good thing any man 
 doeth, the same he shall receive of the Lord, whether he 
 be bond or free. And ye masters do the same things unto 
 them, (the servsmts) fo?'bea7'ing threatening; knowing that 
 ye also have a Master in heaven : neither is there respect 
 of persons with him." Ephes. vi. 8, 9. Again, " Masters 
 give unto your servants that which is just and equal, 
 knowing that ye also have a master in heaven." Collos. iv. 
 1. And further, the same apostle in sending back Onesi- 
 mus, whom he had converted to the Christian faith, to his 
 master Philemon, writes to the latter to " receive him, not 
 now as a servant, but as above a servant, a brother belov- 
 
11 
 
 ed specially to me, but how much moi'e unto thee, both in 
 the flesh and in the Lord." Philemon. 
 
 4. The gospel is love, tenderness, peace and good will 
 to men. Its whole spirit is opposed to American slavery. 
 Even under the preceding dispensation, which was "but as 
 a shadow of good things to come," miracles were wrought 
 to redeem a nation from bondage, bringing heavy judg- 
 ments on their oppressors. How much less can it be tolerated 
 under the gospel ? The following pages show that negro 
 bondage, with the domestic slave traffic, in this country in- 
 flict upon human beings a degree of cruelty, injustice, and 
 oppression, seldom equalled even in the pagan world, — 
 brmg down its victims almost to a level with the brute,- — is 
 highly corrupting to its authors — and destructive to every 
 interest. How is it possible for a sound mind to entertain 
 the thought for a moment, that a system replete with such 
 a mass of iniquity is so far justified by the scriptures that 
 not " a single passage" can be found there " at all calcu- 
 lated to disturb the conscience of an honest slaveholder ?" 
 Yet the crimes which constitute its essence, and without 
 which it could not have a name to live, to wit : avarice, 
 cruelty, injustice and oppression, are every where con- 
 demned in both the Old and the New Testament, (more 
 especially the latter) as among the most offensive in the 
 catalogue of sins ! ! This fact is so universally known and 
 acknowledged, that it is not necessary to refer to texts to 
 prove it. 
 
 It is in vain, therefore, for any, in this age of gospel 
 light, when " God is calling upon man, every where, to re- 
 pent," to attempt to cover these crimes under false pre- 
 tences; their hope is the hope of the hypocrite, that shall per- 
 ish. Job viii. 13. It is the duty of all Christians to testify 
 against them, whether they exist in the relation of master 
 
12 
 
 and slave, or elsewhere. But in an especial manner does 
 it behoove those who stand in the station of ministers of 
 the most just, most equal, and most merciful religion of 
 Jesus Christ, to abide faithful in their calling, and to " cry 
 aloud and spare not." 
 
 Does the fear or favor of man, the love of ease, or of 
 filthy lucre, cause some to shrink from the discharge of 
 those highest and most imperative of ministerial duties 1 
 We fear that there are not a few among the different de- 
 nominations of Christians, who, girded, professedly, with 
 the linen Ephod, are unfaithful to the high trust ; and 
 even some who despise not " the gain of oppressions," nor 
 shako their hands " from holding of bribes." Great, we 
 fear, will be the condemnation of such. In vain may they 
 answer the Son of man, saying; " Lord, when saw we 
 theo an hungered, or athirst, or a stranger, or naked, or 
 sick, or in prison, and did not minister unto thee?" Tho 
 reply must remain to be, " Verily I say unto you, inas- 
 much as ye did it not to one of the least of these, ye did it 
 not unto mo." Matt. xxv. 45. 
 
 By the laws of Minos, King of Crete, cruelty and in- 
 justice to slaves were prohibited, and their masters were 
 required, once in the year, namely, at the feast of Mer- 
 cury, to exchange situations with their slaves, for whom 
 they performed the same servile offices, during the remain- 
 der of the year, which they (the masters) were accustomed 
 to receive.* 
 
 At Athens, tho slaves were treated with so much hu- 
 manity, that it was a saying of Demosthenes, that " the 
 condition of a slave at Athens was preferable to that of a 
 free citizen in other countries." AVhcn maltreated, they 
 found a refuge in the temple of Theseus, where the Legis- 
 
 * Morelle. 
 
13 
 
 lature inqdred into, and redressed their wrongs. They 
 were allowed the important privilege of working for them- 
 selves, amassing property, and purchasing their freedom.* 
 The Helots, in Sparta, were public slaves, and barbar- 
 ously treated. They farmed the lands of the proprietors 
 at a certain rent, inferior to the produce, and which 
 it was deemed disgraceful to increase. Possessing the 
 means of acquiring property, they became rich, and being 
 numerous, were insolent and difficult to govern; and from 
 this cause, it is said, were often treated with great cruelty. 
 They could not be sold out of the small state of Laconia-f 
 By new services they might be advanced to the rank of 
 citizens. The state of servitude among the ancient Ger- 
 mans seldom incurred corporal infliction, chains, or oppres- 
 sion ; and was limited to furnishing the master with a cer- 
 tain quantity of the produce made by the slave. 
 
 The slaves of the Romans were of all nations and com- 
 plexions. They held the power of life and death over their 
 slaves, but they held the same power over their own child- 
 ren ; a power not possessed by any other nation. They 
 treated their slaves with the greatest cruelty, which, as the 
 barbarous state gave place to one more civilized, was re- 
 strained by humane laws, as under the emperor Hadrian, 
 and his successors. Yet some mitigating circumstances 
 were attached to slavery, even among the Romans; The 
 slave had the anticipation of liberty, the privilege conferred 
 on him by the master, of amassing property, called the 
 slave's peculiiim, with which he was permitted to trade, to 
 improve his condition, and often to purchase his freedom. 
 He could also fly to temples as sanctuaries, to drag him 
 from which was deemed sacrilege. His master did not 
 
 * Rees' Cyclopediae. f IbiJ. 
 
14 
 
 fear to instruct him, and Atticus, Crassus, Virgil, Mcece- 
 nus, &c., manifested much anxiety for the education ol 
 their slaves. 
 
 In our inquiries into the present state of slavery in Afri- 
 ca, we shall not attempt to reconcile the contradictory 
 statements of different travellers and writers, on this sub- 
 ject ; but shall avail ourselves at once, of the best testi- 
 mony upon record ; namely : that rendered before the 
 British House of Commons, pending the discussion in that 
 body, of the abolition of the African slave trade. 
 
 Governor Barnes, who resided thirteen years in Africa, 
 testified, " that house slaves were not sold, except for 
 crimes ;" — " the slaves of black masters are very well fed, 
 except in famines, with corn and fish. They are not work- 
 ed for any regular time, nor constantly, and never under 
 the whip." 
 
 J. B. Wcuves, Esq., who resided fourteen years in Afri- 
 ca, testified, that " slaves are the greatest part of their 
 wealth. There are born slaves, and purchased slaves. 
 The born slaves cannot be sold except for crimes. They 
 are tried by judges of their own clan, i. e., slaves belong- 
 ing to, and inherited by one man. The punishment is gen- 
 erally slavery. They are made slaves for theft, witch- 
 craft, &:c. For these crimes, freemen are also made 
 slaves." 
 
 To comprehend hovr those who are already slaves can 
 be punished for crimes as freemen are punished by being 
 reduced to slavery, we must, of necessity, infer that the 
 domestic slave in Africa, is himself essentially a freeman. 
 
 Captain Wilson testified, that "the slaves emplo3-'ed by 
 the Africans, live with their masters, and are so treated as 
 to be scarcely distinguishable from them." 
 
 J. Kiermaiij who v.-as about four years in Africa? tcsli- 
 
15 
 
 fied, that " persons of property there, have a great num- 
 ber of persons under the denomination of slaves, whom 
 they trust as Europeans would persons of their own fami- 
 ly." 
 
 Z. Macauley, formerly governor of Sierra Leone, testi- 
 fied before the house of Lords, as follows : 
 
 " I have frequently made the attempt to ascertain the 
 proportion which the slaves in that country bear to the 
 freemen. I made it an object in every place that I hap- 
 pened to visit ; but so much alike in their appearance, in 
 their treatment, and in the conduct observed towards them, 
 are the domestic slaves in that country and the freemen, 
 that I found it impracticable, unless I went to make indi- 
 vidual investigation, to ascertain that proportion." " I 
 was never able to discriminate between the son and the 
 domestic slave of any chief." " Field labor is performed 
 by free people, and by the domestic slaves jointly and in- 
 discriminately." 
 
 We might go on to quote further evidence to the same 
 effect, but enough is presented to silence the argument, 
 that the African improved his condition, in exchanging the 
 slavery of his own country for that of the New World. 
 
 About the close of the 13th century, the Christian reli- 
 gion put an end to slavery in most parts of Europe. A 
 religion which plainly inculcates equality of rights, duties, 
 and destiny, for all the children of men without distinction, 
 and which makes them equally the objects of Divine be- 
 nevolence and regard, cannot fail, when its doctrines and 
 principles are reduced to practice to eradicate an evil 
 which they so manifestly condemn. But two centuries, 
 however, had scarcely elapsed, before a great falling off 
 was experienced ; and a traffic in human beings was in- 
 troduced among the nations of Christendom, bearing a 
 
16 
 
 character for oppression and cruelty, more aggravated in 
 iniquity, than any that the world had ever before witnessed ! 
 The Portuguese nation became first engaged in the African 
 slave trade, and other nations soon followed the example. 
 In 1620, a Dutch ship, freighted with its living cargo of 
 misery, sailed up the James river, from the coast of 
 Guinea, and brought the first slaves into British America. 
 England came in afterwards for her full share of the trade; 
 despatched her ships in great numbers to Africa, and load- 
 ing them with the unoffending inhabitants, poured these 
 victims of her avarice and cruelty into her West Indian 
 and American possessions. The government at home was 
 applied to, to stop the importation — but in vain. The 
 thirst for gold prevailed ; and the institution of negro 
 slavery became thus established in the American Colonies. 
 1. Negro slavery as it exists in the United States, bears 
 a character, in some respects, unknown among the ancients, 
 where the master and bondman were generally of the same 
 race, both black, or both white. Here the parties are of 
 different races, and that difference generally strongly mark- 
 ed by the color of the skin ; hence, the degradation attend- 
 ant on this condition has become associated, however erro- 
 neously, with the African complexion ; and more or less 
 of prejudice or aversion toward the whole colored race, 
 finds an entrance into the mind through this medium. In 
 the South, every colored person is considered and treated 
 as a slave until the contrary is proved. And in the North, 
 although not deemed a slave, he is gen rally treated as 
 one inheriting the degradation attached to the servile state. 
 Thus the color of his skin marks him out for proscription. 
 What strange perversity in man ! — that a feature which 
 the hand of the Creator has stamped upon the African 
 through the secondary causes of location and climate, 
 
17 
 
 should be laid hold of, as a reason to oppress and degrade 
 him ! 
 
 2. The slave is held as a personal chattel ; and in most 
 of the slave states, is liable at all times, to be sold, re- 
 moved, mortgaged, or leased, at the will of the master or 
 his executors, or at the suit of creditors. This feature of 
 American slavery, as we shall presently sec, opens a door 
 to the internal traffic, in the exercise of which are prac- 
 tised the greatest enormities. 
 
 3. The master may determine the kind, quantity, and 
 time of the slave's labor. 
 
 4. The master may supply the slave with such food, 
 and clothing only, both as to quality and quantity, as he may 
 think proper, or find convenient. 
 
 5. The master may, at his discretion, inflict any pun- 
 ishment upon the person of his slave. (This, of course, 
 excludes power over life or limb.) There arc, we believe, 
 laws to protect the slave from the inflictions of cruel mas- 
 ters, &:c. — but the universal principle pervading the slave 
 states, that no colored person can be a witness in any case, 
 against a white man, renders all such laws a dead letter, 
 except, perhaps, in very extreme cases. 
 
 6. Slaves have no legal rights of property in things real 
 or personal : but whatever they may acquire, belongs in 
 point of law, to their masters. 
 
 7. A slave cannot be a party before a judicial tribunal, 
 in any species of action against his master. 
 
 8. Slaves cannot redeem themselves : and in several of 
 the states emancipation without removal is prohibited. 
 
 9. If injured by third persons, their owners only nuiy 
 bring suits, and recover damages. 
 
 10. Slaves can make no contract, nor be party fo a rivil 
 suit, nor be witnesses against a white person. 
 
 2* 
 
18 
 
 11. The benefits of education are mostly withheld from 
 the slave, and in some of the Southern states, to teach him 
 is punished as a crime. The means of moral and religious 
 instruction are seldom, or but sparingly, granted him.* 
 
 12. No effectual provision is made to restrain the slaves 
 from the grossest licentiousness, by laws to encourage mar- 
 riage, or by other means. 
 
 13. Slaves escaping from their masters can be recovered 
 within any part of the United States, by an Act of Congress, 
 called the Fugitive law : by which the person claimed can 
 be brought by warrant before a Justice of the Peace, or 
 Judge of the Court : to either of whom is given the power 
 to determine the right of the claimant. Any person inter- 
 fering in the removal of the individual thus claimed, is lia- 
 ble to a penalty of five hundred dollars. 
 
 By this law, a human being ranks in value, or dignity, 
 inferior to property, which cannot he recovered, without a 
 trial hy jury.-\ Thousands of colored freemen have been, 
 enslaved for life, under cover of this law, which leaves a 
 wide door open for fraud and collusion. J 
 
 Such is negro slavery in the free Repuhlican States 
 of America. The servitude among the Hebrews, compared 
 to it, was a mild, patriarchal governnient. Nor can it 
 compete in point of lenity, with the slavery of the Atheni- 
 ans, the Cretans, or the ancient Germans. Among the an- 
 cients, there was, in most cases, some mode of escape ; a 
 place of refuge from a cruel master ; but there is neither 
 
 * American Quarterly Review. No. 29, p. 91. 
 
 + Of late years, three or four of the free states have granted a jury 
 trial to the p'lrty claimed. 
 
 ^ We give these outlines as the general or prevailing features of the 
 institution. In some of the States, modifications exist, which soften 
 its asperities. 
 
19 
 
 temple nor sanctuary where the American slave can take 
 shelter : the Fugitive law pursues him to the utmost extent 
 of the Union. A doubt may well be entertained, whether 
 American Slavery be not equal to, or even more cruel than 
 the bondage of the Israelites in Egypt, for whose redemp- 
 tion such stupendous miracles were performed, bringing 
 upon their oppressors such signal judgments. 
 
 Even between the Spartan slaves or Helots, and that 
 of our own, there are points of comparison where the 
 balance will be found against us. The Helots possessed 
 the privilege of accumulating property, whereas, our slaves 
 have nothing they can call their own but their sufferings 
 and their sorrows. The Helots could not be sold out of the 
 small state where they dwelt ; and familiy ties were not li- 
 able to be burst asunder ; the reverse of this prevails with us 
 to such an extent as to constitute one of the greatest refine- 
 ments of cruelty, belonging to American slavery. 
 
 The same may be said of the Roman slaves, the most 
 abused of all the slaves of antiquity. 
 
 (1.) No particular color or origin marked him out for 
 proscription. 
 
 (2.) He was often allowed by the master to accumulate 
 property, called the slave's pecuUum, on which he traded 
 for his own benefit. 
 
 (3.) In the time of Augustus, the slave was heard, and 
 his testimony admitted against his master. 
 
 (4.) Their heathen temples afforded them safety. It was 
 deemed an act of sacrilege to drag them thence. 
 
 (5.) Many of them were carefully instructed, and under 
 the Christian Emperors their spiritual welfare was not ne- 
 glected. 
 
 (6.) No laws existed against their being emancipated or 
 instructed. 
 
 (7.) A large share of human happiness, or misery, arises 
 
20 
 
 from comparison. The severe Spartan discipline imposed 
 on the free, made the sufferings of the slave to be less felt. 
 The master and slave experienced equally the disadvan- 
 tages of the semi-barbarous state, and in despotic govern- 
 ments the freeman was made to feel, as well as the slave, 
 the exercise of arbitrary power. But the American slave ^' 
 must have his sufferings enhanced when he contrasts his 
 condition with that of the whites around him. He beholds 
 the latter, placed on an eminence where despotic power 
 cannot reach them, and in full possession of" liberty and the 
 pursuit of happiness," and all the means of human enjoy- 
 ment, and he bemoans the more his sad condition. 
 
 But what if semi-barbarous and idolatrous nations have, 
 in some cases, exceeded us in cruelty to their slaves ? — 
 Shall the measure of justice and mercy of those nations — 
 nations who sat in darkness, and worshipped gods of wood 
 and stone — and who bowed down before the crocodile and the 
 ox — shall their measure be the measure of a people who 
 enjoy all the advantages of Christian light and knowledge 
 — who have been outwardly blessed above all other nations 
 of the earth ? 
 
 In process of time, the inhabitants of these American co- 
 lonies began to feel, in their turn, the rod of oppression, by 
 the invasion of their civil rights on the part of the mother 
 country, and they resolved on resistance by an appeal to 
 arms. The approach of a great national calamity now 
 weighed heavily upon their minds : for they were icw in 
 number, and deficient in resources. Humbled by the pros- 
 pect before them, and feeling their weakness and their need, 
 they appealed to the great Ruler of the world for the justice 
 of their cause. But how propitiate this righteous Judge ? 
 For while making this solemn appeal, they were inflicting 
 a flagrant act of injustice on half a million of their fellow 
 beings. How appear before Him as supplicants, whilst 
 
21 
 
 themselves were wtelding a rod over these infinitely more 
 oppressive than that of which they complained, and daily 
 adding to that number, by a most iniquitous trade ? Thence, 
 the response which they received or felt from the Divine or- 
 ccle, was doubtless of the same import, with that formerly 
 announced through the Jewish seer. " Is not this the fast 
 that I have chosen ? to loose the bands of wickedness, to un- 
 do the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, 
 and that ye break every yoke." — "Then shalt thou call, 
 and the Lord .- hall answer." — " Then shall ihy light rise 
 in obscurity, and thy darkness be as the noon-day." 
 
 Such were the circumstances, and such, we believe were 
 the impressions of the Congress of 1774, w^hcn they pledged 
 themselves and the nation, in the following manner : 
 
 We will neither import nor purchase any slaves im- 
 ^^ ported after the first of December next; after u'hich 
 " time, we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and 
 " will neither he concerned in it ourselves, nor will we 
 ^'hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or mannfuc- 
 " tures to those who are concerned in it^ 
 
 This was a good beginning, and for some years, the 
 work of reform advanced. Societies were organized for 
 the protection of the free blacks, and the emancipation of 
 the slaves, both in the north and south: including among 
 the active members, many of the leading and most influen- 
 tial men in the nation. The equality of human rights was 
 everywhere recognized and loudly proclaimed. Petitions 
 against slavery were respectfully received and considered 
 by the new government ; and ia short, such measures were 
 ultimately adopted, as insured the emancipation of the slaves 
 in all the states north of Delaware. Tbus the plighted 
 faith of the nation, given in the hour of calamity, was so far 
 kept inviolate. 
 
22 
 
 But the American people were now to be subjected to a 
 trial, which proved more severe than that through which 
 they had lately passed — the trial of prosperity. The ar- 
 duous stru2;o;le was over: the dant^er had vanished; an in- 
 dependent government was established. 
 
 But the form called the confederation, having been found, 
 upon trial, in many respects defective, a convention of De- 
 legates from all the States met in Philadelphia, in the year 
 1787, to frame a new Constitution. In the course of the 
 debates in this body, the slave question was brought up. 
 Two of the slaveholding states. South Carolina and Georgia, 
 wished to secure to themselves the right of importing slaves. 
 This subject, in connexion with another, was finally refer- 
 red to a committee of one from each State. Their report, 
 called a compromise, with some amendments was adopted, 
 and now forms a part of our Constitution, and is as follows: 
 
 " The migration or importation of such persons, as any 
 of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall 
 not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808, 
 but a tax, or duty, may be imposed on such importation 
 not exceeding ten dollars for each person." 
 
 The states in favor of allowing the importation were 
 New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, 
 North and South Carolina, and Georgia. Those against 
 it, were New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Virgi- 
 nia. New York, it would appear did not vote,* and 
 Rhode Island, was not represented in the convention. In 
 the framing of this provision, the circumlocution resorted 
 to, to avoid the word slave, is worthy of note. The con- 
 vention, no doubt, were deeply sensible of the glaring in- 
 congruity of inserting such a word in an instrument, the 
 great object of which they had declared to be, in the prcam- 
 
 * Pitkins' Hist. vol. II- p. 262. 
 
23 
 
 ble thereto, to establish ^'ws/ice, and secure the blessings of 
 liberty. 
 
 This fatal act of the convention continued the African 
 slave-trade for twenty years longer, in direct violation of 
 the solemn pledge given by the Congress of 1774. It 
 opened a door for an extensive domestic traffic in slaves, 
 and their consequent introduction into new states. It 
 formed, in short, the first link in the chain of causes, that 
 has expanded what was then comparatively but a germ of 
 evil, and within control, into one of giant stature, confound- 
 ing the sagacity of the statesman, withering the hopes of 
 the Christian, and exciting the just fears of all, for the 
 peace, permanency, and happiness of the American Union. 
 
 As the population of the United States increased, the 
 Federal Government admitted new states into the Union. 
 The purchase of Louisiana, a large portion of it as lux- 
 uriant in its soil as it was vast in its extent, opened a new 
 field for the industry and enterprise of our ])eople, and in 
 1819, Missouri, a district forming a part of the new pur- 
 chase, made application to Congress for admission, and a 
 bill was accordingly framed, and read in the House. An 
 amendment being proposed excluding slavery from the 
 said state, a warm debate ensued, which was protracted 
 through a part of two sessions, and in the issue of which 
 the country manifested an intense interest. It was felt to 
 be the final struggle to prevent the diffusion of a great 
 moral and political evil throughout that fair and productive 
 region. As it respected Missouri, the effort failed ; but a 
 restriction was obtained, by what has been termed a com- 
 promise, limiting slavery in the remainder of the territory, 
 to the south of the thirty-sixth and a half degree of North 
 latitude. 
 
 At the period of the Revolution, there were about Ibiu- 
 
24 
 
 hundred and fifty thousand slaves, in the six states south 
 of Pennsylvania ; to those, which still remain to be slave 
 states, seven more have been added, of the thirteen admit- 
 ted since that period. Thus slavery is now established in 
 thirteen states, containing more than two million five-hun- 
 dred thousand slaves, diffused over a surface of about five 
 hundred and seventy thousand square miles, or nearly 
 double the extent of the thirteen original states. Besides 
 these states, we have three slave territories : Florida, that 
 part of the Missouri Territory south of the thirty-sixth and 
 a half degree of north latitude, and the District of Colum- 
 bia ; all of which contain a number of slaves ; and over 
 one hundred and eighty thousand square miles of surface. 
 
 Having thus given a brief view of the rise, progress, and 
 character of slavery in the United States, we proceed to 
 speak of the internal or domestic traffic. 
 
 The slave region in the United States now stretches 
 over a surface of seven hundred and fifty thousand square 
 miles, or nearly five hundred millions of acres, an extent 
 of territory, more than double that of the whole thirteen 
 original states. 
 
 Those among the old states which depended mainly 
 on slave labor, were Maryland, Virginia, North and 
 South Carolina, and Georgia. As long as the staple of 
 any Estate consisted of tobacco, rice, or cotton, the labor 
 of slaves was deemed profitable, and great numbers of them 
 were employed on the plantations where they were born 
 and raised ; and thus were retained in their own neigh- 
 borhoods. 
 
 But a powerful cause now began to operate, in effecting 
 an important change in the agricultural operations of seve- 
 ral of the slave states ; we mean the increasing impover- 
 ishment of the lands, and the consequent inability of the 
 
25 
 
 cultivators, to compete with the rich soil of the new settle- 
 ments. Hence, their attention became directed to the rais- 
 ing of bread stuffs, and other provisions ; thus lessening 
 the demand for slave labor. But in the mean time, the 
 rapid clearing and cultivation of the new states, producing 
 heavy crops of cane and cotton, and affording immense 
 profits to the planters, together with the abolition of the 
 foreign trade by Congress in 1808, and in 1820 making it 
 piracy and punishable with death ; all combined greatly to 
 increase the demand, and to enhance the price of slaves, 
 thus, not only was a most lucrative market opened for the 
 supernumerary slaves in the old states, but a strong induce- 
 ment offered to rear them for sale. Such was the origin of 
 the extensive internal traffic in slaves, which has been car- 
 ried on for many years in these states ; a iraff.c scarcely 
 exceeded, in the extent of its iniquity and barbarity by the 
 foreign slave trade itself. 
 
 The immediate causes 'of the internal trade, arise from 
 the laws which give the master the power of selling his 
 slaves, and which allow of their deportation, like bales of 
 cotton, from state to state, or to any part of the slave re- 
 gion. 
 
 The domestic slave trade receives supplies from all the 
 states in the Union where the African complexion is found. 
 Virginia alone rears six thousand annually for this traffic 
 besides several thousand supernumerary ; Tennessee, al- 
 though a young state, a considerable number ; and other 
 states, their surplus slave population in different propor- 
 tions. 
 
 The regular trader limits his operations to the slave 
 states ; carries them on in open day ; and shamelessly 
 advertises in the public papers, his occupation, name, 
 residence, and terms. The sphere of action of the kid- 
 
 3 
 
26 
 
 napper is much more extensive ; they are found in every 
 part of the country, preying alike upon the freeman and 
 the slave, and are employed in their vocation both night 
 and day ! In the day, they often single out their victims, 
 and in the night they secure them, and bear them off. In 
 other cases, having first ascertained the practicability of his 
 plan, he obtains a warrant by virtue of the well known 
 fugitive law ; drags the individual he had marked out be- 
 fore a Justice of the Peace, and by the aid of an accom- 
 plice, and a forged advertisement prepared beforehand, suc- 
 ceeds in identifying the man with the pretended slave thus 
 advertised, and of whom he is in search. The Justice im- 
 posed upon in this manner, or conniving at the fraud, 
 grants him the required documents ; and under the protec- 
 tion of the aforesaid law, this victim of barbarity is soon 
 removed beyond the reach of inquiry. This may serve as 
 one example of the many artful expedients resorted to by 
 the kidnapper to effect his purpose. We have here de- 
 scribed him, as operating in the free states. In the slave 
 region he finds less difhculty in the exercise of his calling. 
 The reader may remember, that there, every colored man 
 is, in the eye of the law, a slave until the contrary is prov- 
 ed ; and further, that no colored person, bond or free, can 
 be a witness against a lohite man. Hence, every freeman 
 who has not a white skin to attest his title to liberty, must 
 carry the proof of it, written or printed, in his pocket. The 
 kidnapper, therefore, has only to obtain this proof by force 
 or fraud from the man whom he has marked out for his 
 prey, and his cruel purpose is readily accomplished. The 
 scenes thus exhibited in most parts of our country, appear 
 in a still more offensive and concentrated form, at the seat 
 of government, which has been made, for years past, the 
 head quarters of this traffic. The District of Columbia, 
 
27 
 
 where the functions of every department of our fVee govern- 
 ment are exercised, and over which the National Legisla- 
 ture has exclusive jurisdiction, should, at the least, be an 
 asylum where the rights of freemen might repose in securi- 
 ty ; exhibiting to the world, an exemplification of the 
 working of our free institutions, without a jar, or an in- 
 congruity. 
 
 The following history lifts the veil, and presents a 
 startling and mortifying contrast. 
 
 The District of Columbia was ceded to the United States 
 by Maryland and Virginia, and the laws in respect to 
 slavery have been left with little alteration, as they were 
 at the time of the cession about the close of the last century. 
 There is, however, in addition to these laws an enactment 
 of the city of Washington, by virtue of authority delegat- 
 ed by Congress, bearing date the 28th of July, 1831, 
 granting licences to those " who trade or traffic in slaves 
 for profit, on the payment of four hundred dollars" ! ! ! 
 Since the cession, numerous corruptions have grown up 
 unheeded, and slave dealers and kidnappers, gaining con- 
 fidence from impunity or the sanction of law, have made 
 the seat of the general goverraent their head-quarters for 
 carrying on the domestic slave trade. Various advertise- 
 ments, offering cash for " negroes," are contained in the 
 public prints of that city in the face of Congress and the 
 world, and indicate the openness and extent of the traffic. 
 Thus— 
 
 " Vice is a monster of so frightful main, 
 
 As to be hated, needs but to be seen. 
 
 But seen too oft, familiar with her face, 
 
 We first endure, then pity, then embrace.'' 
 
 Officers of the general government are employed, and the 
 public prisons used, in carrying on the trade. Private and 
 
28 
 
 secret prisons also exist in the District, for the same pur- 
 pose. The trade is not confined to slaves for life. Many 
 who have but a limited time to serve, are kidnapped, and 
 sent off. Free persons of color coming into the District, 
 and being unable, from ignorance or fraud, to prove their 
 freedom, are thrown into jail ; no owner appears, and in- 
 stead of being discharged and compensated for the injury- 
 done them, are sold into slavery, to pay jail fees! In a 
 case of this kind, two respectable citizens went forward to 
 the deputy marshall, and offered their security for the fees, 
 if he would give them time to obtain the proofs of the man's 
 freedom ; but the deputy marshall refused the delay, and 
 lie was sold to a dealer, and carried off. Dr. Torrey found 
 a number of free blacks confined in a garret in Washing- 
 ton city, and among the rest a young widow, a free wo- 
 man, with a child at the breast, who had been seized in a 
 state of pregnancy but a few days after the death of her 
 husband, dragged from her bed, and without clothes, and 
 a rope ronnd her neck, taken to a tavern in Maryland ; 
 and thence to the place where she was found. Her pur- 
 chaser had left her a few weeks, and had gone to the Eas- 
 tern shore in search of more black people, in order to make 
 up a drove for Georgia. During this interval, the Doctor 
 obtained proofs of the freedom of the whole company, and 
 they were released. 
 
 A freeman was seized, ignorant and friendless, and 
 thrown into jail, where his legs became so frozen, that 
 when released, he walked upon his knees a cripple for the 
 remainder of his life. 
 
 Another freeman had married a slave, by whom he had 
 a family of children. Being industrious and frugal, he was 
 enabled to purchase his wife and children. On returning 
 to his family after some days absence in his lawful occu- 
 
29 
 
 pations, he found his house empty. His family had all 
 been kidnapped and carried oft' in his absence. In unut- 
 terable distress, he applied to the former owner, (a humane 
 man,) who went with him in pursuit of them. It was 
 found that they had been lodged in one of the jails in the 
 District of Columbia for a short time, but had been hurried 
 away from thence, no one could tell whither, and that they 
 were irrecoverably lost. 
 
 In the prosecution cf this trade, numerous devices are 
 resorted to. A dealer holds an indented servant, who has 
 two or three years to serve ; he causes him to be arrested 
 as a runaway and thrown into jail ; after a time, he is sold 
 out for his jail fees, when a trusty friend buys him in, and 
 he is converted into a slave for life. Again ; this class is 
 purchased at cheap rates by the slave traders, and carried 
 off*, where the proofs of their freedom cannot be had, and 
 their protestations are unheeded. 
 
 Instances of death from the anguish of despair ; of self- 
 maiming, and suicide, by the victims to this trade, have 
 occurred in the District. Scenes of human beings exposed 
 at public vendue, arc here exhibited and permitted by the 
 laws of the general government. Almost every week, 
 droves are brought into town of ten or twelve chained to- 
 gether. Twenty-two or three were observed, on one oc- 
 casion, to be brought out of the cellar of a small house in 
 the District ; a by-stander inquired of a civil officer^ how 
 many slaves it was lawful to confine in a damp cellar ; the 
 officer replied," as many as it will hold." The same thing 
 exists with regard to shipping them ; they may crowd as 
 many in a vessel as it will hold. 
 
 It is believed, that many thousand colored persons are 
 
 annually transported by land and sea, from the District of 
 
 Columbia, and parts adjacent, a considerable nmnbcr of 
 
 3* 
 
30 
 
 whom are entitled to their freedom by the laws of the land. 
 Advertisements are issued by the traders, of the sailing of 
 slavers, at stated periods, from the port of Alexandria, in 
 the District. The number transported by land and water 
 to the new States have been estimated as high as 60,000 
 in one year. 
 
 Thus, it appears, that while a law of Congress exists, de- 
 claring the African slave trade to be piracy, American 
 slavers are fitted out at the seat of government, the time of 
 their sailing with their human cargoes publicly advertised 
 in one or more of the most conspicuous papers in the United 
 States, and thus, the same flag which waves over and pro- 
 tects the domestic slave ships and their crews, as American 
 citizens, if used by the same citizens in the foreign slave 
 trade, subjects them, on due conviction of the crime, to the 
 punishment of death 1 
 
 Neither can we discern any material difference between 
 the foreign and domestic slave trade. Scarcely an evil is 
 seen in the former, that has not its parallel in the lat- 
 ter. No inconsiderable proportion of its victims are 
 freemen by the laws of the land, seized by violence, 
 and carried off; the dearest ties of human nature are cruel- 
 ly violated ; — husbands and wives, parents and children, 
 torn asunder once and for ever ; and they doubtless feel as 
 great a horror at the prospect of deportation from the land 
 that gave them birth, and from their friends and relatives, 
 to the far distant shores of the Missouri and the Mississippi, 
 as did their forefathers in crossing the Atlantic. 
 
 The people in the District of Columbia, have not been 
 indifferent spectators of this traffic. In 1812, a Grand 
 Jury at Alexandria presented this trade as a grievance, 
 exhibiting a scene of wretchedness and human degradation, 
 disgraceful to our characters as citizens of a free govern- 
 
31 
 
 ment. " True it is," said they, " that these dealers in the 
 persons of our fellow men, collect within this district from 
 various parts, numbers of those victims of slavery, and 
 lodge them in some place of confinement until they have 
 completed their numbers. They are then turned out in our 
 streets, and exposed to view loaded with chains, as if 
 they had committed some heinous offence against the laws." 
 *' We consider it a grievance that the interposition of civil 
 authority cannot be had to prevent parents from being 
 wrested from their offspring, and children from their parents, 
 without respect to the ties of nature. We consider those 
 grievances demanding legislative redress, especially the 
 practice of making sale of black people, who arc, hy the 
 will of their masters, free at the expiration of a term of 
 years." 
 
 Judge Morrell, in his charge to the Grand Jury at Wash- 
 ington, in 1816, urged upon their attention the slave trade 
 carried on in the District. He said, that the frequency 
 with which the streets of the city had been crowded with 
 manacled caj)tii^cs, sometimes even on the Sabbath, could 
 not fail to shock the feelings of all humane persons ; that it 
 was repugnant to the spirit of our political institutions, and 
 the rights of man ; and he believed, was calculated to im- 
 pair the public morals, by familiarizing scenes of cruelty 
 to the minds of youth." 
 
 A petition was presented to the Congress of 1828, signed 
 by more than one thousand inhabitants of the District, 
 praying for the gradual abolition of slavery therein. A 
 member of Congress from Virginia, in 1816, introduced a 
 resolution into the House, " that a committee be appointed 
 to inquire into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traf- 
 fic in slaves, carried on in and through the District of Co- 
 lumbia, and report whether any, or what measures, are ne- 
 
32 
 
 cessary to put a stop to the same. Numerous petitions 
 have, for years past, l)cen presented to Congress from dif- 
 ferent parts of the country on the same subject, but all in 
 vain. These atrocious crimes continue to be perpetrated 
 to this very hour. While we are writing, a free colored 
 man lies in the jail at Alexandria, having been seized and 
 dragged from on board a vessel trading from Delaware to 
 that port. Proofs of his freedom have been forwarded, but 
 his keepers refuse to deliver him up until his jail fees are 
 paid. A just fear is entertained that he will share the fate 
 of thousands of his brethren before the money can be sent 
 on for his release. Another freeman has just arrived in 
 Wilmington, who was seized, a few months ago, by three 
 men in open day, while cutting wood in a secluded spot, 
 near Smyrna, in Delaware state. They bound him with 
 ropes, and as soon as night closed in, a carriage came up, 
 into which he was forced, and hurried off. Thus far we 
 have endeavored to delineate the features of nei^ro slavery 
 and its action upon those who are within the reach of its 
 iron grasp ; and great as we have found the evil to be, we 
 have yet seen but a part, and perhaps the smaller part of 
 the mischief of which it is capable. Grant it the character 
 and progression which it has maintained among us for 
 the last fifty years, to continue without control, (and con- 
 trolled, we believe, it cannot be, except by the emancipation 
 of the slaves) and the final result in all human probability 
 will be, such a disorder or destruction of all the moral ele- 
 ments that sustain and bind human society together, that a 
 general convulsion throughout those states where it prevails, 
 must be the consequence. 
 
 The secondary causes which are operative in bringing 
 it about, are_set forth in a speech of Thomas Marshall, a 
 son of Judge Marshall, in the loo:islature of Virginia — of 
 
33 
 
 that Virginia, once the " fairest region of America ; every 
 word of which," says the Reviewer, "is true."* 
 
 " Wherefore then object to slavery ? Because it is 
 ruinous to the whites — retards improvement — roots out an 
 industrious population — banishes the yeomanry of the 
 country — deprives the spinner, the weaver, the smith, the 
 shoemaker, the carpenter, of employment and support. 
 This evil admits of no remedy ; it is increasing, and will 
 continue to increase, until the whole country will be inun- 
 dated with one black wave, covering its whole extent, with 
 a few white faces here and there floating on the surface. 
 The master has no capital but what is vested in [slaves;] 
 the father, instead of being richer for his sons, is at a loss 
 to provide for them — there is no diversity of occupations, 
 no incentive to enterprise. Labor of every species is dis- 
 reputable, because performed mostly by slaves. Our towns 
 are stationary, our villages almost everywhere declining, 
 and the general aspect of the country marks the curse of 
 an idle, wasteful, reckless population, who have no inter- 
 est in the soil, and care not how much it is impoverished. 
 Public improvements are neglected, and the entire continent 
 does not present a region for which nature has done so much, 
 and art so little. If cultivated by free labor, the soil of Vir- 
 ginia is capable of sustaining a dense population, among 
 whom labor would be honorable, and where the 'busy hum of 
 men' would tell that all were happy, and that all were free." 
 
 There is one evil which is not adverted to in the above 
 catalogue — the increasing danger of a servile insurrection ; 
 to v/hich may be added, the constant dread of such an 
 event, with the consciousness of its becoming yearly, more 
 and more within the reach of probability. No truth, we 
 think, is now better established than this — that tlie slaves 
 
 * American Quarterly Review, Vol. 2i, p. 392. 
 
34 
 
 increase faster than the whites. Thus, (notwithstanding the 
 constant drain of her slaves going on in Virginia to supply 
 the plantations of the new states,) the slaves have so multi- 
 plied, that, though east of the Blue Ridge in 1790 the 
 whites had a majority of twenty-five thousand, in 1830, the 
 blacks had grown to a majority of eighty-one thousand ! 
 
 Few, if any, of the pro-slavery writers have defended the 
 abstract right over slaves, or have been willing to relin- 
 quish the hope of the final eradication of slavery. That it 
 cannot be perpetual, is certain. The continual increase of 
 numbers must produce, in process of time, such a fall in the 
 price of labor, and a consequent rise in that of provisions, 
 that the cost of rearing a slave will exceed the price of his 
 labor. The coming of this event must be expedited by the 
 progressive reduction of the fertility of the soil, the never- 
 failing effect of slavery. When it does arrive, no other al- 
 ternative will be left to the holder of slaves than emancipa- 
 tion or famine. But the Christian moralist may, with rea- 
 son, entertain the belief, that the action of these causes will 
 be too slow for the requisitions of Divine justice, and that 
 the rod of oppression will be broken, as in the case of the 
 Egyptian tyrant, by means less tardy in their operations ! 
 
 Some writers, in defence of slavery, tell us, that it is a 
 necessary evil that must be borne with : one which we 
 have had no hand in creating, and are not competent to re- 
 medy : that emancipation without removal would produce 
 greater evils than all the evils of slavery. 
 
 It is true, that the mother country forced the slaves upon 
 several ofher colonies: but it is also true, that a large amount 
 of capital was employed by the Northern states in the fo- 
 reign slave trade — that northern votes secured a majority 
 in the Convention, for continuing the importation of slaves 
 
35 
 
 into the United States for twenty years longer — and that 
 Northern votes in Congress turned the scale in favor of 
 the introduction of slavery into the extensive and fertile 
 territories of Missouri and Arkansas. All, therefore, are 
 guilty ; the whole nation is implicated in creating and sus- 
 taining neg»ro slavery; but we leave it to Him, who "sound- 
 eth the reins and thoughts of men," to decide where the 
 balance of iniquity preponderates. 
 
 Emancipation forces itself upon all minds, as the only 
 radical cure for slavery — the negro slavery of America, 
 fruitful in present, and pregnant with future evils. The 
 moralist sees it debasing the soul of its victim, created for 
 the noblest purpose, to a level with the brute, and corrupt- 
 ing the minds of those who wield its iron sceptre. The 
 Christian beholds its overgrown iniquities, and fears the 
 consequence, for he knows that *' God is just, and will 
 break in pieces the oppressor." The politician sees it to 
 be an uncompromising enemy to national wealth, dependent 
 as it must bo on industry and economy ; for the slave is 
 indolent and improvident — producing as little, and con- 
 suming as much as he can. He casts his eye over Vir- 
 ginia, who in days past sat as a queen among nations ; — 
 he compares her with her sister Pennsylvania, two hun- 
 dred years younger than she, and he finds the latter great- 
 ly in advance in population — in the price of her lands — in 
 agriculture, commerce and manufacturers, — in roads, 
 bridges, and all public improvements : — in short, he sees 
 the land that had " blossomed as the rose," converted into 
 a wilderness ; instead of the fir-tree, has come up the 
 thorn, and instead of the myrtle tree, has come up the 
 briar — an everlasting sign that shall not be cut off*; for, as 
 he extends his view, he finds the painful truth demonsf rat- 
 ed, that wherever slavery has prevailed, the same evils 
 
36 
 
 have been inflicted, that have humbled and impoverished 
 the once noble state of Virginia, 
 
 Thus, of all persons, c mancipation presses itself with 
 most urgency upon slave-holders . Let it not be believed 
 that " it would produce greater evils than all the evils of 
 slavery." This opinion is drawn, probably, from events 
 that occurred in St. Domingo — events caused, we believe, 
 by the vacillating legislation of the French government, 
 and the improper conduct of its agents, and of the planters 
 in that Island. Happily, another experiment has been 
 made in the same region, and with very different results ; 
 which we shall now in a brief manner, proceed to lay be- 
 fore the reader, extracted from a work, entitled, " Fami- 
 liar letters to Henry Clay of Kentucky, describing a winter 
 in the West Indies, by Joseph John Gurney." — 1840. 
 
 The first island visited by our author, was Tortola, 
 with a population of five thousand ; of which about two 
 hundred only are white. No inconvenience was felt, that 
 he could discover, from this disparity in numbers, and free- 
 dom was reported to be working well. A school for black 
 children, which he entered, was found to be satisfactory. 
 In the jail, there was one prisoner only, w^ith the jailor and 
 the judge. Not a single criminal indictment was found, at 
 the last three courts. Wm. R. Isaacs, the former Presi- 
 dent of the Island, had fifteen hundred free negroes under 
 his care. He stated of his own accord, that his laborers 
 were working well. " I have," said he, " no complaint to 
 make." A large proportion of the island had passed out 
 of the hands of the proprietors, into those of the merchant 
 and money-lender, which was taken for conclusive evidence 
 against slavery. He visited President Isaac's property, 
 saw *' a large company of negroes, male and female, 
 heartily at work holing" — ard'Uhcir work was excellent." 
 
37 
 
 Wages were small; only six-pence sterling per day ; but 
 their privileges, viz. a cottage, good provision grounds, 
 and pasture for their stock, free, were worth at least 
 double the amount of their wages. 
 
 The next Island visited, was St. Christopher. Robert 
 Claxton, the solicitor-general of the colony, " a gentleman 
 of great respectability and intelligence," informed the 
 visitors, that six years ago, and just before the act of eman- 
 cipation — a period of "great depression and alarm — (such 
 alarm as our southern brethren are wont to indulge in, at 
 the thought of emancipation) a certain property, with the 
 slaves upon it, was worth only two thousand pounds ; "but 
 now," said the owner, " I would not sell it foi six thou- 
 sand." This rise was found to be " general and consider- 
 able." " I asked President Crook, and some other per- 
 sons," says the author, " whether there was a single indi- 
 vidual on the island, who wished for the restoration of 
 slavery." Answer, " Certainly not one." Wages seven 
 pence to ninepence sterling, besides the usual privileges. 
 "But the negroes have no difficulty in earning from two to 
 three shillings per day, hy job -work.'''' "The change for the 
 better," said the Methodist minister, Cudman, "in the dress, 
 demeanor, and welfare of the people, 'is prodigious.''' The 
 difficulty experienced by the " gentry living in the town, 
 in procuring fowls, eggs, &c. from the negroes, is con- 
 siderably increased. The reason is well known — the 
 laborers make use of them for home consumption. Mar- 
 riage is now become frequent among them, and a profu- 
 sion of eggs is expended on their wedding cakes !" There 
 are nine churches on the island, containing nearly six 
 thousand members. The Lieutenant-Governor stated, that 
 he had just received the reports of the stipendiary magis- 
 trates, as to the general state of their respective districts on 
 3 
 
38 
 
 this island, and they were, without exception, most cheer- 
 ing and satisfactory. The author concluded his visit as 
 before, in holding two religious meetings, thronged to ex- 
 cess ; but strict attention, and good order prevailed. 
 
 The author passed by Nevis and Monserrat on account 
 of the fever prevalent there; but the report of the stipen- 
 diary magistrate of Nevis, to the Governor-General, for the 
 half-year ending with the eleventh month, (Nov.) 1839, 
 states that " the conduct of the laborers was peaceable and 
 orderly, and that a good understanding generally prevail- 
 ed, between them and their employers — that schools are 
 numerous and well attended, marriages frequent, and the 
 sabbath well observed." The report from H. Hamilton, 
 President of Monserrat, to Sir Wm. Colbrook, dated Jan. 10, 
 1840, says, " It affords me great satisfaction to report to 
 your Excellency the good and orderly conduct of our la- 
 boring population. During the Christmas holidays, our 
 churches and chapels were crowded to excess by a well- 
 dressed peasantry, and our jail nearly untenanted." 
 
 The author also visited Antigua and Jamaica ; but our 
 space is too limited, to follow him in his most cheering, 
 and deeply interesting narrative. It furnishes, in sub- 
 stance, the same results as stated in the foregoing account. 
 He every where found a " rapid increase, and vast extent 
 of elementary and Christian education — schools for infants, 
 young persons and, adults, multiplying in every direction — 
 a decided diminution, and, in many districts, almost an ex- 
 tinction of crime — a happy change of the general, and 
 nearly universal practice of concubinage, for the equally 
 rreneral adoption of marriage" — the blessed fruits of the 
 diffusion of vital Christianity, with her " handmaid," liber- 
 ty, among this so lately poor, oppressed, debased, and de- 
 graded race of men. In a physical and political point of 
 
39 
 
 view, the change was seen to be equally striking. The 
 external comforts of the laborers were increased tenfold ; 
 the price of land, and all kinds of property, steadily ad- 
 vancincr ; repairs and improvements, not thought of under 
 slaver/, undertaken with that spirit of enterprise found 
 only in the breasts of freemen. 
 
 The author concludes his narrative by concentrating the 
 whole subject under five heads. 
 
 1st. The emancipated negroes are working well on the 
 estates of their old masters. 
 
 2d The debit in account of the planters is almost as 
 much decreased as are his crosses and cares. One planter 
 stated, that he had rather, for the profit's sake, make sixty 
 tierces of coffee under freedom, than one hundred an<l twen- 
 ty under slavery. 
 
 3d Real property risen, and is rising m value. 
 4th. The personal comforts of the laboring population 
 under freedom are multiplied tenfold. 
 
 5th, and lastly. The moral and religious improvement 
 of this people under freedom is more than equal to the in- 
 crease of their comforts. 
 
 We oucxht not to omit mentioning the satisfaction and 
 gratitude manifested by the people, on account ot the visit 
 paid them by their philanthropic friend. " One woman, 
 savs he, " in particular, was at a loss to express the multi- 
 tude of her good wishes. As far as I could understand her 
 p«.o.., they were, that "sweet massa might be well fed 
 on his journey, and supplied with plenty of the Holy Spirit 
 for his work in the gospel." 
 
 On the subject of free labor, as compared with slave la- 
 bor, the author has the following remarks. 
 
 " Many a time have I seen the slaves of Virginia and 
 the Carolinas at work in the fields, under the surveillance 
 
40 
 
 of a white overseer, and I could not believe that the work 
 obtained was in quantity comparable to that of free men ; 
 for the slaves were laboring without vigor, and the over- 
 seer was doing nothing. On inquiry, in South Carolina 
 especially, I found that the quantity of work procured from 
 the slaves was even much less than I had anticipated. I 
 understood, that in a body of slaves on any estate, the pro- 
 portion in active service, at any given time, is not greater 
 in America than it was in the West Indies. There are the 
 old, the infirm, the sick, the shammers of sickness, the mo- 
 thers of young children, &c., — all these belong to the dead 
 weight, and they leave about one-third of the black popu- 
 lation in actual operation. Now this operative class has 
 no stimulus to labor, except compulsion, i. e. the whip ; 
 and people neither will nor can perform, by compulsion, an 
 average quantity of continuous work. That they should 
 do so, is contrary to the laws of nature, and to the consti- 
 tution, not only of the negro, but of all mankind. The re- 
 sult is, that the cotton and rice planters of Georgia and 
 South Carolina are very generally contenting themselves 
 with half a day's work from their negroes. Their task is 
 finished by twelve, one, or two o'clock ; and for the rest of 
 the day they are left to themselves. Most v/illingly do I 
 allow, that this arrangement is to the credit of the benevo- 
 lence of their masters, though I fear that this prevailing 
 kindness has its occasional painful exceptions ; but the plain 
 fact is, that the slave cannot fairly do more, or much more, 
 than he is now doing. Compel him to perform the task of 
 a freeman, and you drive him to death. Where the only 
 stimulus to exertion which survives under slavery, I mean 
 compulsion, is withdrawn, the work, of course, becomes 
 light in proportion." 
 "It appears, then, that the work obtained from three hundred 
 
41 
 
 slaves in your Southern states, cannot be estimated as more 
 in quantity than the fair day's labor, on wages, of one-sixth 
 of their number, that is, of fifty freemen. But the whole 
 three hundred slaves must be supported ; and the expense 
 of supporting them in your states is vastly greater than it 
 was in the West Indies. I was surprised to hear, on ex- 
 cellent authority, when lately in South Carolina, that the 
 average expense of maintaining a slave, on estates where 
 they are liberally treated, is not less than fifty dollars per 
 annum." 
 
 We think the mere maintenance is here overrated, per- 
 haps ; and the estimate of fifty freemen as equal to three 
 hundred slaves may be considered as an underrate of slave 
 labor. The average cost of a slave is now not less than 
 five hundred dollars, the interest of which is thirty dollars. 
 The average serviceable period of a slave's life does not ex- 
 ceed twenty-one years, counting from his maturity ; his an- 
 nual depreciation, therefore, is twenty-four dollars, nearly. 
 His clothing can scarcely be less than sixteen dollars a 
 a year. The incidental expenses of medical attendance, 
 average overseership, and loss of time by sickness, running 
 away, &c., may be put at sixteen dollars more ; which, to- 
 gether, make an annual amount of eighty-five dollars. 
 What the slave consumes, and what he wastes by omission 
 and commission, will keep a free laborer, and the wages of 
 the latter will not rate over eighty-five dollars a year in 
 the South. But the slave does, on an average, only three- 
 fourths the labor of a freeman at most, leaving a balance 
 against each slave of twenty-one dollars per annum. To 
 this must be added the slave's keeping when past labor, the 
 progressive impoverishment of the land under slavery, and 
 the many vexations that accompany the system, independ- 
 ent of its moral evils. 
 
 3* 
 
42 
 
 When the author returned to the United States, he visit- 
 ed Washington, and had an interview with some of his 
 southern friends, to whom he related the results of the West 
 India experiment. 
 
 It was listened to with the greatest attention, and after it 
 had been brought to a close, a belief was expressed, not on- 
 ly in the accuracy of the relation itself, but in that of the 
 five points, partly pecuniary and partly physical and 
 moral, on which it furnished such ample evidences of the 
 favorable working of freedom. But an effort was made to 
 show, in reply, that the emancipation of the blacks in the 
 West Indies was safe to the white inhabitants, only because 
 it was guarded by the strong arm of Great Britain — that 
 the two races are so distinct and opposite that, without the 
 intervention of such power, they could not be expected to 
 live together in peace, in the capacity of free men — that 
 where the blacks preponderate in numbers, the whites 
 would be overwhelmed — that where the numbers are equal, 
 there would arise interminable violence and strife — that in 
 America, therefore, the political objections to the abolition 
 of slavery are not to be surmounted. 
 
 These arguments the author replies to, as follows : — 
 " First, with regard to Jamaica, the strong arm of the 
 British government was indeed considered necessary for 
 the protection of the whites during slavery, when the plant- 
 ers and their families were on the edge of a volcano which 
 might any day explode ; and, notwithstanding that protec- 
 tion, I believe it may truly be said, that an explosion must 
 long since have taken place, had it not been for the unri- 
 valled patience and forbearance of the negro race. But 
 now, under freedom, the volcano is extinguished ; the plant- 
 ers and their families are in perfect safety ; the protecting 
 arm of a third party is no longer requisite, and, to a great 
 
43 
 
 extent, it has already been withdrawn. We were thoroughly 
 satisfied, in all the islands which we visited, that the few 
 troops remaining in them were, in a political point of view, 
 utterly needless, and might be withdrawn, to a man, with 
 entire impunity ; and this, I believe, is the general opinion 
 of the planters themselves. In the mean time, we did not 
 find that any inconvenience is arising from the constitu- 
 tutional difference of the two races. Certainly there is no 
 antipathy of the blacks towards the whites, but rather the 
 feelings of respect, deference, and affection ; and, on the 
 other hand, the prejudices of the whites against the blacks 
 is greatly on the decline." 
 
 " That the position of things which I have now described 
 as existing in the West Indies, is one of harmlessness and 
 safety, cannot reasonably be denied. Experience has al- 
 ready proved it to be so, to a considerable extent. Nor 
 can I perceive a single sound reason why it should be 
 otherwise, were it tried in the slave states of your own 
 Union." 
 
 " While it is obvious that the juxtaposition of the two 
 races already exists, and cannot he avoided^ it is to me 
 equally evident, that the true danger of that juxtaposition 
 lies in the relations o? slavei'y^ These are unnatural ; they 
 are opposed to the eternal rule of right, and they contain 
 in themselves, the seeds of violence and confusion. 
 
 What will those now say, who oppose the emancipation 
 of the slave ? The enormous political and moral evils flow- 
 ing from slavery, are demonstrated and acknowledged on 
 all hands. The main arguments against emancipation have 
 hitherto been — that the two races cannot live together in a 
 state of freedom without collision, and war, and blood- 
 shed ; and that the negro cannot take care of himself, if the 
 inherent rights of " liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," 
 
44 
 
 which slavery has wrested from him, are again restored to 
 him. These arguments are now demonstrated, practical- 
 ly, to be unfounded, and ought to be for ever put to rest. 
 
 To the slaveholders here, the West Indian experiment 
 must prove the more satisfactory, as the slave is exhibited 
 in the required position, namely, — immediately before and 
 after emancipation. This transition, too, has been greater 
 than would be that of our southern slave, as the latter is, 
 we believe, less debased in general than was the former. 
 But it must be kept in view, that in the case of the West 
 Indian slave, a strict attention to his spiritual welfare ac- 
 companied, and has followed the change of his condition. 
 Certainly we should not expect more of the colored, than 
 of the white race. A community of the latter, wholly des- 
 tiute of religious and literary instruction, would be no bet- 
 ter than a mob, and life and property would there find no 
 security. The same with the colored race. These moral 
 elements must be interwoven with those of freedom, in or- 
 der to render it a blessing, either to the one or the other. 
 
 George Washington in his inaugural speech to the Con- 
 gress in its first session, under the new Constitution, in 
 New York, said : — " In the honorable qualifications of 
 your body, I behold the surest pledges, that the founda- 
 tion of our national policy will be laid in the pure and im- 
 mutable principles of private morality, and the pre-emin- 
 ence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes 
 which can win the affections of its citizens, and command 
 the respect of the worUy And in his farewell address, he 
 called the attention of the American people to the important 
 truths, " that of all the dispositions and habits, which lead 
 to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispen- 
 sable supports ;" and that " reason and experience both for- 
 bid us to expect, that national morality can prevail to the 
 exclusion of religious principle." 
 
45 
 
 And the Congress, in their reply to his address in New 
 York, said: 
 
 " We feel with you the strongest obligation to cherish a 
 conscious responsibility for the destiny of Republican Liber- 
 ty, and to seek the only sure means of preserving and re- 
 commending the precious deposit in a system of legislation 
 founded on the principles of honest policy, and directed 
 by the spirit of diffusive patriotism." 
 
 The foregoing history of slavery in the United States, 
 shows that these pledges remain, as yet, unredeemed ; and 
 the Christian inhabitants of this land — of the Christian 
 world — have a right to expect that Congress and the States 
 will hasten to discharge those high obligations, by adopt- 
 ing such a course of legislation, as will for ever wipe off 
 from our national escutcheon the foul blots with which it 
 still remains to be disfigured and disgraced. 
 
 The "religious principle" above alluded to, constitutes 
 the ground work both of national and individual morality. 
 If permitted to have its full effect on the heart, it will ren- 
 der man, in every possible situation, the friend of man : it 
 will change the relation of master and slave from war to 
 peace, for its fruits, universally, are " peace on earth, and 
 good will to men." 
 
 Many of our fellow citizens of the slave states have experi- 
 enced its operation, so far as to treat their slaves with a 
 degree of humanity and kindness, and to abstain from fos- 
 tering the internal traffic by the breaking of family ties. 
 We rejoice at any evidence of mitigation of cruelty in the 
 treatment of the slave ,* but we should ever bear in mind 
 that the accidents or concomitants of slavery are but a part 
 of the evils involved in the system — that the vesting of 
 arbitrary power in one man over another, lies at the root 
 of the corrupt tree. Tlie question, therefore, being not one 
 
46 
 
 of treatment merely, but of principle, no compromise should 
 be made with this iniquity on the score of kind usage, 
 while man is held as the property of man. 
 
 Let the influences of this " religious principle" before 
 adverted to in its partial operations, extend and prevail 
 among our southern brethren, and all their mountains of 
 difficulty will " skip like rams, and their little hills like 
 lambs, " and the fetters of the slave will be burst asunder. 
 Their waste places will be rebuilt, their wilderness will be- 
 come Eden, their desert like the garden of the Lord. " Joy 
 and gladness will be found therein, thanksgiving and the 
 voice of melody." 
 
 
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