m 
 
Class 
 Book 
 
 
 COPYRIGHT DEPOStfc 
 
H 
 
 LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 

 
 Col. a. s. Colyar author of the work 
 
LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 — OF — 
 
 Andrew Jackson 
 
 Soldier=Statesman= President 
 
 <B y A. S. COLYAR, 
 
 NASHVILLE, TENN. 
 
 VOLUME II. 
 
 NASHVILLE, TENN. 
 
 Press OF MARSHALL & BRUCE COMPANY, 
 1904. 
 
L133.WY Of OONSfSESS 
 Two Copies fteedved 
 
 AUG 26 1904 
 Cooyrtrht Entry 
 
 CLASS v XXo. Ma 
 
 corv b 
 
 c*-^. 
 
 COPYRIGHT 
 
 BY A. S. COLYAR 
 
 1904 
 
 

 TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 

 ■ 
 
TABLE OP CONTENTS. 
 
 VOLUME II. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 Jackson as a letter writer — Takes care of the government rather than 
 the office seeker; a lesson for members of Congress — The story of 
 illiteracy caught on the wing — Jackson for his country — Not a 
 partisan. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 Letters between President-elect Monroe and General Jackson — This 
 correspondence the result of Monroe's appreciation of Jackson's 
 supreme military genius — Jackson refuses the Department of War 
 in Monroe's cabinet — Important matters of State discussed — Jack- 
 son's fear of party antagonisms. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 Letters between Monroe and Jackson continued — Jackson warns Mon- 
 roe against party feelings and urges the appointment to Monroe's 
 cabinet of Adams, the head of the Federal party — Jackson not the 
 author of the spoils system — He removed from office only incompe- 
 tent and delinquent incumbents, thus having himself surrounded 
 chiefly by his political opponents. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 Jackson's correspondence with Monroe continued — The Seminole cam- 
 paign second in results to victory of New Orleans alone — General 
 Gaines' situation fighting the Seminole Indians — Views of Jackson 
 and of Monroe shown in letters. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 The fight against Jackson in Congress over his conduct in the Semi- 
 nole war — Mr. Clay the leader in the debate — Schurz's account of 
 Clay's speech — Poindexter's speech in defense of Jackson — Apos- 
 trophe to States — Course of Mr. Adams — Result of the debate in the 
 House of Representatives — Niles' opinion of Jackson. 
 
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 Action of Congress on the Jackson resolutions— "The Exposition"— 
 Jackson's defense — Mr. Benton on the issues between the Govern- 
 ment and General Jackson — Other evidence favorable to Jackson — 
 As to Jackson's responsibility — Calhoun's letter from Crawford — 
 Crawford's letter to Forsythe— Recapitulation of the facts in the 
 controversy. 
 
 CHAPTER XE- 
 
 Synopsis of the issue covered by "Jackson's Exposition" — Proof con- 
 cerning- Calhoun and Crawford — Benton's statement in regard to 
 the "Exposition" — The exact points involved between General 
 Jackson and Mr. Calhoun — The skeleton in Monroe's cabinet. 
 
 CHAPTER XEI. 
 
 Reception of General Jackson at Nashville on his return from the 
 Seminole war — Address of John Overton — Reply of General Jack- 
 son — Historic banquet at Nashville Inn — The toasts drunk — Spain's 
 delay in consummating treaty — Opposition in Senate to ratification 
 of treaty — Jackson's resignation of office of Major General — Jackson 
 appointed Governor of the Floridas — Journey of General and Mrs. 
 Jackson to the Floridas — Honors paid to them at Natchez and New 
 Orleans — Jackson's commission as Governor — Conditions Jackson 
 found on arrival in the Floridas — Jackson's conduct of affairs as 
 Governor — Jackson secures justice for quadroon woman — Seizure of 
 papers of Domingo Sousa, recalcitrant Spanish officer — Arrest of 
 Governor Callava. 
 
 CHAPTER XEII. 
 
 Jackson's collision with the retiring Spanish Governor — Position and 
 antecedents of Judge Fromentin — Alcalde Callava's account of his 
 arrest by order of Jackson — Report of interpreter Breckenridge — 
 Writ of habeas corpus for release of Callava issued by Judge Fro- 
 mentin — Fromentin summoned before Jackson — Jackson's report to 
 the Secretary of War — Evidence furnished by Sam R. Simpson as 
 to Jackson's conduct of New Orleans campaign. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 Jackson's resignation of office of Governor of Florida — 111 health of 
 Jackson — Jackson not ambitious for emoluments of office — Proof by 
 incidents in his career — Jackson's real character shown by Major 
 William B. Lewis — Jackson mentioned for the presidency — Put for- 
 ward as a candidate by Tennessee — Major Lewis' account of origin 
 and progress of Jackson's candidacy — Influence of ' ' King Caucus " — 
 Jackson a candidate for United States Senator against Col. John 
 Williams. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. ix 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 Jackson's candidacy for the presidency made light of in the North — 
 Jackson's polished manners shown by incidents — Fight against 
 "King Caucus" — Parton on Pennsylvania's attitude toward Jack- 
 son — Jackson presented with Washington's pistols and a medal from 
 Congress — The celebrated Colman letter — Washington's pocket tele- 
 scope presented to Jackson — Boston opinion of Jackson's assertion 
 about the Hartford Convention — Jackson's letters to Major William 
 B. Lewis and Col. George Wilson concerning the events of his can- 
 didacy for president in 1S24. 
 
 CHAPTER XEV. 
 
 The "Jacksonian Period" — Receipts and expenditures of the Federal 
 Government at this epoch — Jackson's fight against the Congres- 
 sional caucus — Statistics of the election of 1824 — Origin of the schism 
 in the Democratic (Republican) party — Salient facts in the careers 
 of Clay and Jackson — Benton's controversy with John Scott — Par- 
 ton's account of Jackson's fall, opening wound made by Dickinson 
 — Jackson revealed by his correspondence — Jackson's letter to Mr. 
 Swartwout in regard to the charge of being a "military chieftain." 
 
 CHAPTER XEVI. 
 
 Madison's and Benton's services to the history of the United States — 
 Events in the life of Benton and his connection with Jackson — Ben- 
 ton's thirty-eighth chapter: "Presidential Election of 1828 and 
 Further Errors of M. de Toqueville" — Defense of Jackson against 
 aspersions — Jackson's " mediocre talent " and "violent temper" — 
 Mr. Cobb on result of presidential election — Mr. Goodrich on meet- 
 ing of Jackson and Adams at the President's levee — Webster's 
 opinion of Jackson's demeanor. 
 
 CHAPTER XEVII. 
 
 Salient points in life of Jackson disproving the misrepresentations of 
 M. de Toqueville and other unfriendly writers — Conditions of foreign 
 relations — Benton on Jackson's capacity and diplomacy — Parton on 
 "universal suffrage" and the educated classes in politics — Benton 
 on the "enlightened classes" — Jackson's devotion to the cause of 
 the people — Death of Mrs. Jackson — Epitaph on Mrs. Jackson's 
 tomb written by General Jackson — Mrs. Elizabeth Craighead's 
 statement about the marriage of General and Mrs. Jackson. 
 
 CHAPTER XEVIII. 
 
 Jackson at Washington after his first election to the presidency — Spec- 
 ulations as to what he would do— Webster's statements before and 
 1-2 
 
x TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 after Jackson arrived — Description of Jackson's inauguration — 
 Members of the cabinet — The Mrs. Eaton (Peggy O'Neal) affair — 
 Jackson's letter to Rev. Dr. Ely on this affair. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. 
 
 Jackson a defender of wronged womanhood — The Eadies' Home Jour- 
 nal's caricature of Mrs. Eaton at dinner with General Jackson — 
 Great men in Congress at this time — Jackson's " kitchen cabinet " — 
 His first message to Congress — Hon. James D. Richardson's opinion 
 of its strength — The charge of ignorance by Parton, Sumner, 
 Schurz and Eodge — Beginning of Jackson's conflict with the Bank 
 of the United States — Parton's error — Extracts from Jackson's mes- 
 sage — Recommends amendment changing the manner of electing 
 President and Vice President. 
 
 CHAPTER E. 
 
 Dissolution of the cabinet in 1831 — Erroneous statement of the cause 
 by the Ladies' Home Journal — Not rendered necessary by the Eaton 
 scandal, but by rupture between Jackson and Calhoun — Statement 
 from "Thirty Years in the Senate," entitled " Breaking up of the 
 Cabinet and Appointing Another" — Composition of the new cabinet 
 — Resume of events causing rupture between Jackson and Calhoun — 
 Jackson's prompt action in the emergency. 
 
 CHAPTER EI. 
 
 The bank question — Jackson's paper prepared for his cabinet on the 
 removal of the deposits from the Bank of the United States — Quota- 
 tion from this paper — Charges and evidence against the bank. 
 
 CHAPTER LII. 
 
 The bank issue continued — Eminent men favorable to the bank — Jack- 
 son's supporters — The complexion of politics — Plan of the friends 
 of the bank — The bill for rechartering the bank passed and vetoed — 
 This veto the issue in the ensuing presidential election — Popular 
 evidences of discontent because of the veto presented by Benton — 
 Jackson's triumph in the election of 1832 — Conspiracy of Clay, Cal- 
 houn, Webster and others against Jackson — The Senate's refusal to 
 confirm the appointment of Van Buren — Benton's summary of the 
 election of 1832 — The Morgan-Masonic episode and its political sig- 
 nificance. 
 
 CHAPTER LIH. 
 
 Continuous assaults on Jackson by his enemies — Desperation of his 
 opponents — Clay's resolution demanding Jackson's paper on the 
 bank read to his cabinet, and Jackson's reply — Clay's speech against 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi 
 
 Jackson— Calhoun's bitter speech— Evidence as to coalition of Clay 
 and Calhoun against Jackson — Eminent friends of the bank in the 
 Senate — Clay's disappointment at results of the election. 
 
 CHAPTER LIV. 
 
 Notable facts and statistics of the election of 1832 — Composition of the 
 Senate— Jackson's veto of the "Land Bill"— Clay's resolution of 
 censure of President Jackson — Benton's fight to pass resolution ex- 
 punging the resolution of censure — Comments on Benton's speech 
 and extracts from it — Jackson's opponents reprehended and removal 
 of deposits justified. 
 
 CHAPTER EV. 
 
 Jackson's defense against the resolution of censure — Jackson asks 
 Senate to spread his statement on its minutes — Extracts from his 
 protest — His right to remove Secretary of Treasury and the deposits 
 — Defense of his personal character — Closing paragraph of Benton's 
 speech — What the " Jacksonian period" means — Misapprehensions 
 as to Jackson's career as President — Jackson's vetoes — The election 
 of 1836 a disappointment to Jackson's opponents — The expunging 
 of the resolution censuring President Jackson — Dramatic features 
 of this historic episode — Ineffective opposition and final defeat of 
 the "coalition." 
 
 CHAPTER EVI. 
 
 Benton's speech preceding the vote to expunge the Senate's resolution 
 censuring Jackson — Calhoun's speech on the same occasion — Scenes 
 in the Senate — The act of expunging — Uproarious behavior in the 
 galleries — Benton's account of this episode — Benton's characteriza- 
 tion of Jackson — Parton on Jackson's South Carolina proclamation. 
 
 CHAPTER EVII. 
 
 Jackson's views on secession — His toast, " Our Federal Union: It Must 
 Be Preserved" — His proclamation on nullification. 
 
 CHAPTER EVIII. 
 
 Jackson's first inaugural address — Benton's review of Jackson's official 
 career as President — Qualities found in Jackson's character. 
 
 CHAPTER LIX. 
 
 Jackson's diplomacy — The claim against France — Jackson's message 
 to Congress on this claim — Calhoun's speech criticizing Jackson's 
 course with reference to this claim — Benton on Jackson's foreign 
 policy — The " Oregon question." 
 
xii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER EX. 
 
 Jackson's diplomacy continued — Bibb's exposition of Jackson's conten- 
 tion with France — Webster on the French spoliation claims — Devel- 
 opments of this celebrated case — Settlement secured by Jackson. 
 
 CHAPTER EXI. 
 
 Conclusion of the question of the French spoliation claims — Action of 
 England in regard to reciprocal trade relations with her West India 
 islands — Treaty made with Russia for the first time in our history — 
 Claims against Spain for injuries to American shipping — The settle- 
 ment with Naples— The treaty with the Ottoman Empire — The treaty 
 with Morocco. 
 
 CHAPTER EXII. 
 
 Dealings of the United States with the Indians — Complications due to 
 claims of States — The statute of Georgia in regard to the Indians — 
 The case of Foreman vs. the State of Tennessee — Opinion of Chief 
 Justice Marshall — Review by Chief Justice of Tennessee, Catron — 
 Benton on the government's treatment of the Indians — Case of 
 George Tassels — Jackson's intention toward the Indians. 
 
 CHAPTER EXIII. 
 
 Jackson's intention toward the Indians, continued — Case of Worcester 
 vs. the State of Georgia — Extracts from decision in the Foreman 
 case — M. de Toqueville on the treatment of the Indians by the United 
 States — Parton on the same question — Conclusion. 
 
 CHAPTER EXIV. 
 
 Eulogies and addresses following the death of Jackson — Speeches by 
 Hon. Levi Woodbury, George Bancroft, John Van Buren, Mathew 
 Hall M'Alister, George M. Dallas, Hugh A. Garland and Gen. Ben- 
 jamin C. Howard — Andrew Jackson's will — Correspondence between 
 General Jackson and Com. J. D. Elliott. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 JACKSON AS A LETTER WRITER TAKES CARE OF THE GOV- 
 ERNMENT RATHER THAN THE OFFICE SEEKER; A LESSON 
 
 FOR MEMBERS OF CONGRESS THE STORY OF ILLITERACY 
 
 CAUGHT ON THE WING JACKSON FOR HIS COUNTRY 
 
 NOT A PARTISAN. 
 
 SHORTLY after the battle of New Orleans, General 
 Jackson dispatched Col. Arthur P. Hayne to Wash- 
 ington, the bearer of important official documents ; 
 and immediately after his return with his army, after driv- 
 ing the British into the ships, looking to what might come 
 if the British General should again attack New Orleans or 
 Mobile, he wrote Colonel Hayne at Washington a truly 
 characteristic letter. General Jackson never, like some of 
 our great generals, after a victory, rested for a day on the 
 glory achieved, but with vigilance pursued or prepared for 
 what might come. The letter referred to, dated 25th of 
 January, 181 5, is a truly Jacksonian paper in more ways 
 than one. Read it carefully: 
 
 "Headquarters, New Orleans, January 25, 181 5. 
 
 "Sir: It is my desire, when you arrive in Washington, 
 that you would impress on the mind of the Secretary of 
 War the necessity of expediting regular troops to the 
 defense of this district. General Coffee's brigade will be 
 entitled to honorable discharge on the 20th of March, Gen- 
 eral Carroll's division on the 15th of May, and General 
 Thomas' detachment from Kentucky about the same time. 
 The present regular force does not exceed 600 effectives. 
 
 "Prevented by motives of delicacy and other causes, I 
 have not made these discriminations nor urged those pre- 
 tensions which the respective merits of officers required. I 
 
426 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 must, therefore, request you to mention the names of Major 
 Peire and Captains Butler and Baker, of the Forty-fourth 
 Regiment, and of Acting Lieutenant Call, as worthy of 
 promotion. Captains Montgomery, Vail, and Allen, of the 
 Seventh Regiment, acted well during the whole campaign. 
 They are certainly good captains, and merit promotion. 
 Too much praise cannot be bestowed on Colonel Humph- 
 rey and Lieutenant Spotts, of the artillery. Humphrey 
 ought to be at the head of a regiment, and the latter of a 
 company. I cannot omit to mention the names of his assist- 
 ant, Major Davis, and my two aides, Captains Reid and 
 Butler. From the report of Major Overton, Captains 
 Woolstonecraft, Murray, and White ought to be noticed, 
 and the Major is worthy to command a regiment. The 
 brave defenders of Fort Bowyer have been too long neg- 
 lected. Their gallantry at one moment saved that section 
 of the country. 
 
 "From General Coffee's brigade I am satisfied most valu- 
 able officers might be selected. The General would be a 
 most valuable Brigadier. Colonels Dyer, Elliott, and Gib- 
 son are men of the utmost bravery. Captain Parish would 
 do honor to the head of a company in any army. Captain 
 Martin would, I have no doubt, command a company well. 
 The Government and the world are sensible of the high 
 opinion I entertain of General Carroll. General Adair is 
 certainly a valuable officer, and ought to be noticed. As a 
 Brigadier, his superior is perhaps nowhere to be found. In 
 General Coffee's brigade there are Captain Donalson, of 
 the rangers, and Captain Hutchins, of the mounted gunmen, 
 whose names I have omitted asking you to mention, 
 because they are my near connections. 
 
 "Any officers whose merit you may have noticed, and no 
 doubt there are many such, you will be good enough to do 
 justice to, and, for God's sake, entreat the Secretary of 
 War not to yield too much, in time to come, to recommen- 
 dations of members of Congress. He must be sensible to 
 the motives from which, for the most part, such recom- 
 mendations proceed, and events have too often and too 
 sadly proved how little merit they imply. 
 
 "To all matters connected with the welfare and defense 
 of this district, you will have the goodness to direct the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 427 
 
 attention of the Secretary of War, and be assured, sir, when 
 you are thus about to leave me at the close of a campaign 
 which has been so full of interest, and to the successful 
 prosecution of which your skill and courage have so much 
 contributed, I should do no less injustice to my feelings 
 than to your merits did I not return you my earnest 
 acknowledgments. Be assured, sir, wherever you go, you 
 carry with you my high sense of your services, my thanks 
 for them, and my prayers for your prosperity. 
 
 "I am your friend, Andrew Jackson, 
 
 "Major General Commanding. 
 
 "For Col. Arthur P. Hayne, 
 
 " Inspector General, Southern Division." 
 
 To show Jackson's adroitness in omitting the names of 
 men who would be valuable in his service in his reports, and 
 yet getting the proper information to the Secretary of War, 
 but more especially his vigorous protest against the appoint- 
 ment of military officers on the recommendation of mem- 
 bers of Congress, this letter will be appreciated. 
 
 It seems to me that members of Congress will be struck 
 themselves with Jackson's insight into a practice that has 
 been so hurtful to the public service. The author once 
 walked into the office of Mr. Bayard, the Secretary of State, 
 at Washington, in company with the Assistant Secretary, 
 Hon. James D. Porter, and found the Secretary of State 
 standing up with a paper in his hand. A little flushed, he 
 said : "Porter, what do you think the Kentucky gentlemen 
 have been up here to see me about?" (I had met the two 
 Kentucky Senators and the Representatives as I passed up 
 the steps.) Governor Porter said, "What?" "Well," said 
 Mr. Bayard, "they came up here to remonstrate against an 
 appointment I had made, and I pulled out this paper (the one 
 he had in his hand), and showed them that they had all 
 signed a recommendation for his appointment." 
 
 They had signed his petition pro forma, and had forgot- 
 ten it. 
 
428 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 General Jackson at that early day saw what has come to 
 be a wholly inexcusable habit of men in public places — of 
 taking care of their own popularity, and letting the Presi- 
 dent take care of the office. Then, this letter is a fine speci- 
 men of this business man's way of doing business, as well 
 as the graceful touch of remembrance to be found in all his 
 unofficial letters. 
 
 But what is more important, in confirmation of what I 
 have hereinbefore said, that the Tennessee volunteers who 
 left their homes simply because Jackson sent them word he 
 wanted them, fought the four battles at New Orleans — of 
 the 23d of December, the 28th of December, the 1st of 
 January, and the 8th of January — a series of battles, one 
 right after another, which are without a parallel in history, 
 in results, considering the number, the training, and the 
 past record on the one side, as compared with the other; 
 indeed, there is nothing like it in history. This letter shows 
 what I have said — that this crowning victory was won by 
 Tennessee soldiers; without them the nation's humiliation 
 would have been complete ; Tennessee volunteers, who loved 
 and obeyed the great General, and with him resolved to die 
 or drive back England's invaders. For the lack of guns 
 and clothing the Kentuckians in the last battle were of but 
 little service. They did not reach New Orleans until after 
 the first battles had been fought, and, as hereinbefore shown, 
 these three battles (not the 8th) won the victory. This let- 
 ter shows that Jackson only had 600 soldiers besides the 
 Tennesseans and Kentuckians. 
 
 Before entering upon General Jackson's Seminole Cam- 
 paign and his public service as Governor of Florida, making 
 a chapter that ran through his entire public life, the corre- 
 spondence between him and the President of the United 
 States, and the facts that led up to it, must be shown. No 
 life of Jackson would be complete without this correspond- 
 ence. Parton, as usual, makes this correspondence the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 429 
 
 occasion for again renewing the hundredth time the 
 reminder that Jackson was too ignorant to write letters. 
 Parton says about these letters : 
 
 "They show him in equilibrium, unbiased and prejudice 
 or passion. They show us what kind of a President he 
 would have made if it were as easy to govern as it is to 
 write pleasant sentences upon the art of governing. 
 
 "The reader has had specimens enough of General Jack- 
 son's composition to know that these letters, as they will be 
 given here, could have been written by General Jackson's 
 hand. For the information of the curious, it may be men- 
 tioned that the letters, before being dispatched, were copied 
 by the General's friend, Major William B. Lewis, of Nash- 
 ville, in whose handwriting the principal letter was sent to 
 its destination. The residence of Major Lewis, it may be 
 convenient to have the reader know, was and is on the 
 road leading from Nashville to the Hermitage, about two 
 miles from the town. For many a year the General seldom 
 passed it without stopping. Many a rough draft or docu- 
 ment and letter was there reduced to a form and style pre- 
 sentable to fastidious eyes." 
 
 But to the correspondence. A few days after General 
 Jackson's return from the Indian country, in the autumn of 
 1816, he wrote a letter to Mr. Monroe, from which I make 
 the following extracts : 
 
 "Headquarters Division of the South, 
 "Nashville, October 23, 1816. 
 
 "Dear Sir: I returned from the Nation on the 12th 
 instant, and seize the first moment from duty to write to 
 you. I have the pleasure to inform you that we have 
 obtained, by cession, from the Cherokees and Chickasaws, 
 all their claim south of Tennessee that interfered with the 
 Creek cession. 
 
 "We have experienced much difficulty with the Chicka- 
 saws, from what they call their guarantee or charter, given 
 by President Washington, in 1794, and recognized by the 
 
430 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 treaty with that nation in 1801, which not only guaranteed 
 the territory, but bound the United States to prevent intru- 
 sions within the limits defined, of every kind whatever. 
 In the treaty with the Cherokees, lately entered into at the 
 city of Washington, the greater part of the land guaran- 
 teed by the treaty of 1801 to the Chickasaws was included. 
 The fact is that both President Washington and the pres- 
 ent Secretary of War (Crawford) must have been imposed 
 on by false representations, as neither the Cherokees nor 
 the Chickasaws had any right to the territory south of the 
 Tennessee and included within the Creek cession, as the 
 testimony recorded on your journal and forwarded with 
 the treaty will show, it being within the possession of the 
 Creeks, until conquered by us in the fall of 1813. 
 
 "I feel happy that all these conflicting claims are accom- 
 modated by the late treaties, and a moderate premium, pay- 
 able in ten years ; and that extensive fertile country west of 
 the County of Madison and north of the Tennessee, which 
 at once opens a free intercourse to and defense for the 
 lower country, is acquired. 
 
 "In a political point of view its benefits are incalculable. 
 We will now have good roads kept up and supplied by the 
 industry of our own citizens, and our frontier defended by 
 a strong population. The sooner, therefore, that this coun- 
 try can be brought into the market the better. By dividing 
 this country into two districts, by a line drawn due east 
 from the mouth of the Black Warrior to the Coosa River, 
 and appointing an enterprising individual to superintend 
 the northern district as surveyor, he can have all the lands 
 north of the line ready for sale by the 1st of June next. 
 The vast capital now held for the purchase of this land, if 
 offered for sale before the holders turn it to other objects, 
 will insure the treasury an immense sum of money, and 
 give to the Government a permanent population capable of 
 defending that frontier, which ought to induce the Govern- 
 ment to prepare it for market as early as possible. 
 
 "Having learned from Gen. David Meriwether that Mr. 
 Crawford is about to retire from the Department of War, 
 I am induced, as a friend to you and the Government, to 
 bring to your notice, as a fit character to fill that office, Col. 
 William H. Drayton, late of the army of the United States. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 431 
 
 I am not personally acquainted with Col. D., but, believing 
 it of the utmost importance that the office of Secretary of 
 War should be well filled, I have for some time, through 
 every source that has presented itself, been making inquiry 
 on that subject. From information that I can rely on, the 
 result is that he is a man of nice principles of honor and 
 honesty, of military experience and pride, possessing hand- 
 some talents as a lawyer and statesman. I am told before 
 the war he was ranged with the Federalists, but the moment 
 his country was threatened he abandoned private ease and 
 a lucrative practice for the tented field. Such acts as these 
 speak louder than words. 'The tree is best known by its 
 fruits,' and such a man as this, it matters not what he is 
 called, will always act like a true American. Whether he 
 would accept the appointment, I cannot say; but if he 
 would, his talents, experience, and energy would prove 
 highly useful to his country. It is all important in peace 
 and in war, as you well know, to have this office well filled ; 
 at present, when there exists such strife in the army as 
 appears in the North, it is important to select a character of 
 such firmness and energy as cannot be swayed from strict 
 rule and justice. From every information I have received, 
 Colonel Drayton fills this character, and is better qualified 
 to execute the duties of the Department of War than any 
 other character I have knowledge of, either personally or 
 from information. 
 
 "I write you confidentially. It is said here 
 
 is spoken of to succeed Mr. Crawford. Rest assured this 
 will not do. When I say this I wish you to understand me 
 that he does not possess sufficient capacity, stability, or 
 energy, the three necessary qualifications for a war officer. 
 These hints proceed from the purest motives, that you may 
 be supported in your administration by the best talents and 
 virtue of our country ; that you may be hailed in your retire- 
 ment from the executive chair with that unanimous appro- 
 bation that has brought you to it. 
 
 "Present Mrs. Jackson and myself respectfully to your 
 lady and family, in which is included Mrs. Hay, and accept 
 for yourself my warmest wishes for your happiness. 
 
 "Hon. James Monroe, "Andrew Jackson. 
 
 "Secretary of State." 
 
432 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 On the 1 2th of November, twenty days after the letter 
 just given, General Jackson wrote to Mr. Monroe, as Presi- 
 dent, he having been inaugurated, a letter, extracts from 
 which I give as follows : 
 
 "(Private) Nashville, November 12, 1816. 
 
 "Sir: Permit me to introduce to your notice Lieutenant 
 Gadsden, who will hand you this letter, and who is also 
 bearer of the treaties lately concluded with the Creeks, 
 Chickasaws, and Cherokees. 
 
 "In my last to you, 1 took the liberty of drawing your 
 attention to the benefits that would result, both to the 
 Treasury of the United States and to the defense of the 
 Lower Mississippi and its dependencies, by bringing into 
 market those tracts of country lately acquired by the treat- 
 ies above mentioned. I am so deeply impressed with the 
 importance of this subject that I cannot forego the present 
 opportunity of again bringing it to your view. I have this 
 moment written to the Comptroller on this highly interest- 
 ing and important business. If the plan proposed is 
 adopted, the land can be brought into market within a very 
 short time, which will immediately give to that section of 
 the country a strong and permanent settlement of American 
 citizens competent to its defense. 
 
 "In every section party and party feeling should be 
 avoided. Now is the time to exterminate the monster called 
 party spirit. By selecting characters most conspicuous for 
 their probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without any 
 regard to party, you will go far to, if not entirely, eradicate 
 those feelings which, on former occasions, threw so many 
 obstacles in the way of government; and perhaps have the 
 pleasure and honor of uniting a people heretofore politically 
 divided. The chief magistrate of a great and powerful 
 nation should never indulge in party feelings. His conduct 
 should be liberal and disinterested, always bearing in mind 
 that he acts for the whole and not a part of the community. 
 By this course you will exalt the national character and 
 acquire for yourself a name imperishable as monumental 
 marble. Consult no party in your choice; pursue the die- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 433 
 
 tates of that unerring judgment which has so long and so 
 often benefited our country and rendered conspicuous our 
 rulers. These are the sentiments of a friend. They are 
 the feelings — if I know my own heart — of an undissembled 
 patriot. 
 
 "Accept assurances of my sincere friendship, and believe 
 me to be your obedient servant, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson. 
 
 "The Hon. James Monroe." 
 
 The foregoing letter, dated the 12th of November, 181 6, 
 attracted great attention in General Jackson's political 
 career, and truly this letter, with Mr. Monroe's reply to it, 
 is a deeply interesting chapter at a time when history was 
 being made. 
 
 But I have introduced it and use it specially on Mr. Par- 
 ton's charge of ignorance, and his constant assumption 
 that Jackson was not capable of writing an important paper ; 
 and in reference to the two letters here copied Mr. Parton 
 says, as hereinbefore shown: 
 
 "The reader has had specimens enough of General Jack- 
 son's composition to know that these letters, as they will be 
 given here, could not have been written by General Jack- 
 son's hand. For the information of the curious, it may be 
 mentioned that the letters, before being dispatched, were 
 'copied' by the General's friend, Major W. B. Lewis, of 
 Nashville, in whose handwriting the principal letter was 
 sent to its destination." 
 
 Here Mr. Parton assumes that the reader must know that 
 General Jackson did not write these letters, the letter of the 
 1 2th of November being the principal one. Now when Mr. 
 Parton wrote this, he had before him this positive and 
 direct evidence that Jackson did write it. 
 
 In a letter to Major Lewis, written by General Jackson, 
 which Mr. Parton copies, he (Jackson) says: 
 
434 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "City of Washington, February 22, 1824. 
 "Dear Major: . . . Mr. Crawford's friends have 
 become desperate and will do anything; their motto, 'The 
 end is worthy the means.' Their minority caucus has re- 
 coiled upon their own heads, and the unanimity of Pennsyl- 
 vania has defeated all their plans. I refer you to the news- 
 papers for the current news of the day. Wonder not if you 
 see the attempts made to make me a Federalist. The proof, 
 a letter I wrote to Mr. Monroe in 1816 or 181 7. You no 
 doubt recollect it. It was copied by you." 
 
 And Major Lewis says in a letter which Mr. Parton pub- 
 lishes : 
 
 "I know that no Federalist wrote the letter referred to. 
 The principal letter was written at my residence, in the 
 vicinity of Nashville, and was not seen by any one, with the 
 exception of the General and myself, until it was received by 
 Mr. Monroe. In fact, it was copied by me, at the General's 
 request, and sent to Mr. Monroe in my handwriting. The 
 truth is, I was so struck with the noble sentiments it 
 breathed that I took an extra copy of it to put it upon my 
 own private files, with the intention, should I outlive the 
 General, to place it in the hands of his future biographer." 
 
 One word is enough. Jackson never said in a private let- 
 ter to Major Lewis, "A letter I wrote to Mr. Monroe — you 
 no doubt recollect it. It was copied by you," and told an 
 untruth. 
 
 General Jackson was not the man to say to Major Lewis 
 in a letter, "I wrote the letter and you copied," knowing 
 that he was saying what was not true. Major Lewis' state- 
 ment is more conclusive, if possible. He says the letter was 
 written at his house, and he copied it, and then : "The truth 
 is, I was so struck with the noble sentiments it breathed that 
 I took an extra copy of it to put on my own private files, 
 with the intention, should I outlive the General, to place it; 
 in the hands of his future biographer." 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 435 
 
 Major William B. Lewis was an old-fashioned Virginia 
 gentleman, and never intended to put a letter before the 
 world as an evidence 'of General Jackson's noble "senti- 
 ments" which was his own work and not General Jackson's 
 at all. Major Lewis was not that sort of man. 
 
 And yet with all this proof, Parton says everybody must 
 know that General Jackson did not write the letter. It was 
 the letter of the 12th of November that was used by poli- 
 ticians to make General Jackson a Federalist. 
 
436 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 letters between president-elect monroe and general 
 
 jackson this correspondence the result of 
 
 monroe's appreciation of jackson's supreme mil- 
 itary GENIUS JACKSON REFUSES THE DEPARTMENT 
 
 of war in monroe's cabinet — important matters 
 
 of state discussed jackson's fear of party 
 
 antagonisms. 
 
 WHILE Mr. Monroe was Secretary of State 
 under Mr. Madison, there came to be very- 
 kindly relations, that ripened into confidence 
 and friendship (rarely found between two public men), 
 between him and General Jackson. 
 
 By way of disparaging in the public mind the effect of the 
 confidence reposed in General Jackson by the President of 
 the United States, Mr. Parton says : 
 
 "He (Jackson) well knew that from James Monroe he 
 need fear no thwarting of his plans as Commander of the 
 Southern Division, Mr. Monroe being one of those gentle- 
 men who are clay in the hands of such a man as Andrew 
 Jackson." 
 
 If the reader will turn back and read the letter of the 
 1 2th of November, published in the last chapter, and then 
 carefully read the letter of the President-elect to General 
 Jackson, dated the 14th of December, he will be prepared 
 to appreciate what I am going to say about the correspond- 
 ence. This correspondence was used in various ways to the 
 end of General Jackson's political career; indeed, it had 
 much to do in shaping the politics of the country. While 
 the Federal party was strong in men at that time, 1816, it 
 was not in the fight for President. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 437 
 
 Mr. Monroe's nomination by a congressional caucus was 
 equivalent to an election. General Jackson was a good deal 
 talked of, but in good faith and with a sincere diffidence 
 and distrust about holding civil office, which he had always 
 shown, he demanded in the most positive manner that his 
 friends should not use his name. The contest was between 
 Mr. Monroe, who had been in Madison's Cabinet for eight 
 years, and Mr. Crawford, of Georgia. What inspired Mr. 
 Monroe with such unbounded confidence in General Jackson 
 has been — was at the time — much discussed. There were 
 those who, like Parton, dismissed it by simply saying it was 
 the strong man appropriating the weak man. This had no 
 foundation. The question is not difficult of solution. 
 
 Mr. Monroe had been in Mr. Madison's Cabinet, and in 
 position to see and appreciate what Jackson did in raising 
 an army to go to Natchez, and then his courage and wis- 
 dom in disobeying the order of the President to disband 
 his army in the wilderness. Then he had watched him get 
 out of bed and raise an army and destroy the Creek Nation, 
 disobeying the orders of the Governor of the State when 
 ordered to retreat, which disobedience had wrought a revo- 
 lution and turned the darkest crisis in our history to the 
 brightest day. 
 
 Mr. Monroe was the exceptional witness to his daring 
 courage in going to Pensacola when the Government pig- 
 eon-holed his letters asking what to do; and as Secretary 
 of State he had watched every movement at New Orleans, 
 and he was prepared to say, of all living men, this is the 
 man for me to take into my confidence and consult. 
 
 Here is the letter that the President-elect of the United 
 States, Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, wrote 
 to a subordinate. A remarkable letter, but it tells its own 
 tale. The young men interested in our history should not 
 fail to read this letter, long as it is — in fact, the entire 
 correspondence in this and the next chapter : 
 
438 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "Washington, December 14, 1816. 
 
 "Dear Sir: I have, since my last to you, had the pleasure 
 of receiving two letters from you, the last of the 12th of 
 November. The advantages of the late treaties with the 
 Indians are incalculable. One of the benefits consists in 
 putting an end to all dissatisfaction on the part of Tennes- 
 see proceeding from the former treaty. This has been done 
 on very moderate terms. Another consists in enabling the 
 Government to bring to market a large body of valuable 
 land, whereby the public debt may be considerably dimin- 
 ished. A third, in extending our settlements along the 
 Mississippi towards the Mobile, whereby great strength will 
 be added to our Union in quarters where it is most wanted. 
 As soon as our population gains a decided preponderance 
 in those regions, East Florida will hardly be considered by 
 Spain as part of her dominions, and no other power would 
 accept it from her as a gift. Our attitude will daily become 
 more imposing on all the Spanish dominions, and, indeed, 
 on those of other powers in the neighboring islands. If it 
 keeps them in good order, in our relations with them, that 
 alone will be of important consequence. 
 
 "I have communicated what you suggested respecting 
 General Coffee and Lieutenant Gadsen to the President, 
 who is, I am satisfied, well disposed to promote their views. 
 It is very gratifying to me to receive your opinions on all 
 subjects, on which you will have the goodness to commu- 
 nicate them, because I have the utmost confidence in the 
 soundness of your judgment and purity of your intentions. 
 I will give you my sentiments on the interesting subject in 
 question, likewise without reserve. I agree with you de- 
 cidedly in the principle that the Chief Magistrate of the 
 country ought not to be at the head of a party, but of the 
 nation itself. I am also of opinion that the members 
 of the Federal party who left it in the late war and gallantly 
 served their country in the field, have given proofs of patri- 
 otism and attachment to free government that entitle them 
 to the highest confidence. In deciding, however, how a new 
 administration ought to be formed, admitting the result to 
 correspond with the wishes of my friends, many considera- 
 tions claim attention,, as on a proper estimate of them much 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 139 
 
 may depend in the success of that administration, and even 
 of the Republican cause. We have heretofore been divided 
 into two great parties. That some of the leaders of the 
 Federal party entertained principles unfriendly to our sys- 
 tem of government I have been thoroughly convinced; and 
 that they meant to work a change in it by taking advantage 
 of favorable circumstances I am equally satisfied. It hap- 
 pened that I was a member of Congress under the confed- 
 eration, just before the change made by the adoption of the 
 present Constitution, and afterward of the Senate, begin- 
 ning shortly after its adoption. In the former I served 
 three years, and in the latter rather a longer term. In these 
 stations I saw indications of the kind suggested. It was an 
 epoch at which the views of men were most likely to unfold 
 themselves, as, if anything favorable to a higher-toned gov- 
 ernment was to be obtained, that was the time. The move- 
 ment in France tended also, then, to test the opinions and 
 principles of men, which was discussed in a manner to 
 leave no doubt in my mind of what I have suggested. No 
 daring attempt was ever made, because there was no oppor- 
 , tunity for it. I thought that Washington was opposed to 
 their schemes, and, not being able to take him with them, 
 that they were forced to work in regard to him, under- 
 handed, using his name and standing with the nation, as 
 far as circumstances admitted, to serve their purposes. The 
 opposition, which was carried on with great firmness, 
 checked the career of this party and kept it within moderate 
 limits. Many of the circumstances upon which my opinion 
 is founded took place in debate and in society, and therefore 
 find no place in any public document. I am satisfied, how- 
 ever, that such proof exists, founded on facts and opinions 
 of distinguished individuals, which became public, to 
 justify that which I have formed. 
 
 "The contest between the parties never ceased from its 
 commencement to the present time, nor do I think it can be 
 said now to have ceased. You saw the height to which the 
 opposition was carried in the late war; the embarrassment 
 it gave to the government, the aid it gave to the enemy. 
 The victory at New Orleans, for which we owe so much 
 to you and to the gallant freemen who fought under you, 
 and the honorable peace which took place at that time, have 
 
440 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 checked the opposition, if they have not overwhelmed it. 
 I may add that the daring measure of the Hartford Con- 
 vention, which unfolded views which had been long before 
 entertained, but never so fully understood, contributes also, 
 in an eminent degree, to reduce the opposition to its present 
 state. It is under such circumstances that the election of a 
 successor to Mr. Madison has taken place, and that a new 
 administration is to commence its service. The election 
 has been made by the Republican party (supposing that it 
 has succeeded), and of a person known to be devoted to 
 that cause. How shall he act? How organize the admin- 
 istration so far as dependent on him when in that station? 
 How fill the vacancies existing at the time? 
 
 "My candid opinion is, that the dangerous purposes 
 which I have adverted to were never adopted, if they were 
 known, especially in their full extent, by any large portion 
 of the Federal party, but were confined to certain leaders, 
 and they principally to the eastward. The manly and patri- 
 otic conduct of a great proportion of that party in the other 
 States, I might perhaps say all, who had an opportunity of 
 displaying it, is a convincing proof of this fact. But still 
 Southern and Eastern Federalists have been connected 
 together heretofore, and although their conduct has been 
 different of late, especially, yet the distinction between Re- 
 publicans and Federalists, even in the Southern and Middle 
 and Western States, has not been fully done away. 
 
 "To give effect to free government, and secure it from 
 future danger, ought not its decided friends, who stood 
 firm in the day of trial, be principally relied on? Would not 
 the association of any of their opponents in the administra- 
 tion itself wound their feelings, or at least of very many of 
 them, to the injury of the Republican cause? Might it not 
 be considered by the other party as an artful compromise 
 with them, which would lessen the ignomy due to the coun- 
 cils which produced the Hartford Convention, and thereby 
 have a tendency to revive that party on its former princi- 
 ples? My impression is that the administration should rest 
 strongly on the Republican party, indulging to the other a 
 spirit of moderation, and evincing a desire to discriminate 
 between its members, and to bring the whole into the Re- 
 publican fold as quietly as possible. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 441 
 
 "Many men, very distinguished for their talents, are of 
 opinion that the existence of the Federal party is necessary 
 to keep union and order in the Republican ranks — that is, 
 that free government cannot exist without parties. This is 
 not my opinion. That the ancient republics were always 
 divided into parties ; that the English Government is main- 
 tained by an opposition to the ministry, I well know. But 
 I think that the cause of these divisions is to be found in 
 certain defects in those governments, rather than in human 
 nature, and that we have happily avoided those defects in 
 our system. The first object is to save the cause, which can 
 be done by those who are devoted to it only, and, of course, 
 by keeping them together, or, in other words, not by dis- 
 gusting them by too hasty an act of liberality to the other 
 party, thereby breaking the generous spirit of the Republi- 
 can party and keeping alive that of the Federal. The sec- 
 ond is to prevent the reorganization and revival of the 
 Federal party, which, if my hypothesis is true, that the 
 existence of party is not necessary to free governments, and 
 the other opinion which I have advanced is well founded, 
 that the great body of the Federal party are Republican, 
 will not be found impracticable. To accomplish both ob- 
 jects, and thereby exterminate all party divisions in our 
 country, and give new strength and stability to our Govern- 
 ment, is a great undertaking, not easily executed. 
 
 "I am, nevertheless, decidedly of the opinion that it may 
 be done, and should the experiment fail I shall conclude 
 that its failure was imputable more to the want of a correct 
 knowledge of all circumstances claiming attention and of 
 sound judgment in the measures adopted, than to any other 
 cause. I agree, I think, perfectly with you in the grand 
 object that moderation should be shown to the Federal 
 party, and even a generous policy be adopted towards it; 
 the only difference between us seems to be how far shall 
 that spirit be indulged in the onset, and it is to make you 
 thoroughly acquainted with my views on this highly impor- 
 tant subject that I have written to you so freely on it. Of 
 the gentleman of whom you have spoken, I think as you do, 
 of which I gave him proof when in the Department of War 
 by placing him in the board of officers for digesting and 
 reporting a system of discipline for the army, and after- 
 
442 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 wards by other tokens of confidence, and I add with pleas- 
 ure that I should be gratified, regarding- the feeling and 
 claims above stated, to find an opportunity at a proper time 
 hereafter, should the event in contemplation occur, to add 
 other proofs of my good opinion and respect for him. 
 
 "In the formation of an administration it appears to me 
 that the representative principle ought to be respected, in a 
 certain degree at least, and that the head of a department 
 (there being four) should be taken from the four great 
 sections of the Union, the East, the Middle, the South, and 
 the West. 
 
 "This principle should not always be adhered to. Great 
 emergencies and transcendent talents should always justify 
 a departure from it. But it would produce a good effect to 
 attend to it when practicable. Each part of the Union 
 would be gratified by it, and the knowledge of local details 
 and means would be thereby brought into the Cabinet would 
 be useful. I am nowise compromised in respect to any one, 
 but free to act, should I have to act, according to my own 
 judgment, in which I am thankful for the opinions of my 
 friends, and particularly for yours. 
 
 "On the subject of fortifications or works of defense of 
 the coasts and frontiers, an arrangement has lately been 
 made by the President, with which I wish you to be well 
 acquainted. You have heretofore, I presume, been apprised 
 that General Bernard, of the French corps of Engineers, 
 under the recommendation of General Lafayette, and many 
 others of great distinction in France, had offered his serv- 
 ices 1 to the United States, and that the President had been 
 authorized by a resolution of Congress to accept them, con- 
 fining his rank to the grade of the chief of our corps. This 
 resolution being communicated to General Bernard by the 
 late Secretary of War, to whom he was known, he came 
 over in compliance with the invitation which accompanied 
 it. From Mr. Gallatin he brought letters stating that he 
 was the seventh in rank in the corps, and inferior to none 
 in reputation and talents, if not the first. It required much 
 delicacy in the arrangement, to take advantage of this 
 knowledge and experience in a manner acceptable to him- 
 self, without wounding the feelings of the officers of our 
 own corps, who had rendered such useful services, and were 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 443 
 
 entitled to the confidence and protection of their country. 
 The arrangement adopted will, I think, accomplish fully 
 both objects. 
 
 •"The President has instituted a hoard of officers, to con- 
 sist of five members, two of high rank in the corps, General 
 Bernard, the engineer at each station (young Gadsen, for 
 example, at New Orleans), and the naval officer command- 
 ing there, whose dutv it is made to examine the whole coast 
 and report such works as are necessary for its defense to 
 the chief engineer, who shall report the same to the Secre- 
 tary of War, with his remarks, to be laid before the Presi- 
 dent. McRee and Totten are spoken of for the two first, 
 who, with General Bernard, will continue till the service is 
 performed; the two latter will change with the station. 
 The general commanding each division will be officially ap- 
 prised of this engagement, and that he may be present when 
 he pleases, and give such aid as he may think fit. The at- 
 tention of the board will be directed to the island frontiers 
 likewise. In this way it is thought that the feelings of no 
 one can be hurt. We shall have four of our officers in every 
 consultation against one foreigner, so that if the opinion of 
 the latter becomes of an essential use, it must be by con- 
 vincing his colleagues when they differ that he has reason 
 on his side. I have seen General Bernard, and find him a 
 modest, unassuming man, who preferred our country, in 
 the present state of France, to any in Europe, in some of 
 which he was offered employment, and in any of which he 
 may probably have found it. He understands that he is 
 never to have command of the corps, but will always rank 
 second in it. 
 
 "This letter, you will perceive, is highly confidential ; a 
 relation which I wish always to exist between us. Write 
 me, as you have done, without reserve, and the more grati- 
 fying your communications will be. 
 
 "With great respect and sincere regard, yours, 
 
 "James Monroe." 
 
 On the 6th of January, 1817, General Jackson replied to 
 this letter, as follows : 
 
444 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "Nashville, January 6, 1817. 
 
 "Dear Sir: I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt 
 of your letter of the 14th of December last, which I have 
 read with great interest and much satisfaction. 
 
 "Your idea of the importance of the newly acquired ter- 
 ritory from the Indians is certainly correct, and all the im- 
 portance you attach to it will be realized. The sooner 
 these lands are brought into the market the sooner a perma- 
 nent security will be given to what I deem the most impor- 
 tant, as well as the most vulnerable, part of the Union. 
 This country once settled, our fortifications of defense in the 
 lower country completed, all Europe will cease to look at 
 it with an eye to conquest. There is no other point, America 
 united, that combined Europe can expect to invade with 
 success. 
 
 "On the other subjects embraced by my letter, as well as 
 this, I gave you my crude ideas with the candor of a friend. 
 I am much gratified that you received them as I intended. 
 It was the purest friendship for you individually, combined 
 with the good of our country, that dictated the liberty I 
 took in writing to you. The importance of the station you 
 were about to fill to our country and yourself, the injury in 
 reputation that the Chief Magistrate might sustain from 
 the acts of a weak minister, the various interests that will 
 arise to recommend for office their favorite candidate, and, 
 from experience in the late war, the mischief that did arise 
 to our national character by wickedness or weakness, in- 
 duced me to give you my candid opinion on the importance 
 of the character that should fill this office. I had made for 
 this purpose the most extensive inquiry in my power, from 
 the most impartial sources, for the most fit character, com- 
 bining virtue, honor, and energy, with talents, and all united 
 in the individual named. 
 
 "I was fully impressed with the propriety as well as 
 with the policy you have pointed out, of taking the heads 
 of the departments from the four grand sections of the 
 United States, where each section can afford a character of 
 equal fitness; where that cannot be done, fitness and not 
 locality ought to govern; the Executive being entitled to 
 the best talents, when combined with other necessary quali- 
 fications, that the Union can afford. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 445 
 
 "I have read with much satisfaction that part of your 
 letter on the rise, progress, and policy of the Federalists. 
 It is, in my opinion, a just exposition. I am free to declare 
 that had I commanded the military department where the 
 Hartford Convention met, if it had been the last act of my 
 life. I would have punished the three principal leaders of 
 the party. I am certain an indepedent court-martial would 
 have condemned them, under the second section of the act 
 establishing rules and regulations for the government of 
 the army of the United States. This kind of men, although 
 called Federalists, are really monarchists and traitors to the 
 constituted government. But I am of the opinion that there 
 are men called Federalists that are honest, virtuous, and 
 really attached to our Government, and, although they dif- 
 fer in many respects and opinions with the Republicans, 
 still they will risk everything in its defense. It is, there- 
 fore, a favorite adage with me that the 'tree is best known 
 by its fruit.' Experience in the late war taught me to 
 know that it is not those who cry patriotism the loudest 
 who are the greatest friends to their country, or will risk 
 most in its defense. The Senate of Rome had a Sempro- 
 nius; America has hers. When, therefore, I see a charac- 
 ter with manly firmness give his opinion, but when over- 
 ruled fly to support that majority, protecting the eagles of 
 his country, meeting every privation and danger for love 
 of country and the security of its independent rights, I 
 care not by what name he is called, I believe him to be a 
 true American, worthy of the confidence of his country, and 
 of every good man. Such a character will never do an act 
 injurious to his country. Such is the character given to me 
 of Colonel Drayton. Believing in the recommendation. I 
 was, and still am, confident he is well qualified to fill the 
 office with credit to himself and benefit to his country, and 
 to aid you in the arduous station a grateful country has 
 called you to fill. 
 
 "Permit me to add that names of themselves are but 
 bubbles, and sometimes used for the most wicked purposes. 
 I will name one instance : I have, once upon a time, been de- 
 nounced as a Federalist. You will smile when I name the 
 cause. When your country put up your name in opposition 
 to Mr. M., I was one of those who gave you the preference, 
 
44G LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and for reasons that, in the event of war, which was then 
 probable, you would steer the vessel of State with more 
 energy, etc. That Mr. M. was one of the best men and a 
 great civilian I always thought, but I always believed that 
 the mind of a philosopher could not dwell on blood and 
 carnage with any composure; of course, that he was not 
 well fitted for a stormy sea. I was immediately branded 
 with the ephithet Federalist, and you also. But I trust, 
 when compared with the good adage of the tree being best 
 known by its fruit, it was unjustly applied to either. 
 
 "To conclude, my dear sir, my whole letter was intended 
 to put you on your guard against American Semproniuses, 
 that you might exercise your own judgment in the choice 
 of your own ministry, by which you would glide smoothly 
 through your own administration, with honor to yourself 
 and benefit to your country. This was my motive; this is 
 the first wish of my heart, to see you, when I am in retire- 
 ment, endeavoring to nurse a broken and debilitated con- 
 stitution, administering the Government with the full ap- 
 probation of all good men, pursuing an undeviating course, 
 alone dictated by your own independent, matured judgment. 
 
 "Present Mrs. J. and myself respectfully to your lady, 
 and accept for yourself our best wishes, and believe me to 
 be your most obedient servant, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson. 
 
 "The Hon. James Monroe." 
 
 Then comes the important letter of Mr. Monroe, showing 
 that General Jackson could have been Secretary of War if 
 he would have taken it, as follows : 
 
 "Washington, March i, 1817. 
 
 "Dear Sir: I wrote you a short letter lately by General 
 Bernard, and I intended to have written you another, but 
 had not time ; indeed, so constantly have I been engaged in 
 highly important business that I have not had a moment for 
 my friends. 
 
 "In the course of last summer the President offered the 
 Department of War to Mr. Clay, who then declined it. 
 Since it was known that the suffrages of my fellow-citizens 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 447 
 
 had decided in my favor, I renewed to him the offer, which 
 he has again declined. My mind was immediately fixed on 
 you, though I doubt whether I ought to wish to draw you 
 from the army to the South, where, in case of any emer- 
 gency, no one could supply your place. At this moment our 
 friend, Mr. Campbell, called and informed me that you 
 wished me not to nominate you. In this state, I have re- 
 solved to nominate — , though it is uncer- 
 tain whether he will serve. His experience and long meri- 
 torious services give him a claim over younger men in 
 that State. 
 
 "I shall take a person for the Department of State from 
 the eastward, and Mr. Adams' claims, by long service in our 
 diplomatic concerns, appearing to entitle him to the pref- 
 erence, supported by his acknowledged abilities and integ- 
 rity, his nomination will go to the Senate. Mr. Crawford, 
 it is expected, will remain in the Treasury. After all that 
 has been said, I have thought that I should put the Adminis- 
 tration more on national grounds by taking the Secretary 
 of State from the Eastward than from this quarter, or the 
 South or West. By this arrangement there can be no 
 cause to suspect unfair combination for improper purposes. 
 Each member will stand on his own merit, and the people 
 respect us all according to our conduct. To each I will act 
 impartially, and of each expect the performance of his duty. 
 While I am here I shall make the Administration, first, for 
 the country and its cause; secondly, to give effect to the 
 government of the people, through me, for the term of my 
 appointment, not for the aggrandizement of any one. 
 
 "With great respect and sincere regards, yours, 
 
 "James Monroe." 
 
 And then General Jackson's letter of the 18th of March, 
 1817, approving the appointment of Mr. Adams as Secre- 
 tary of State : 
 
 "Nashville, March 18, 1817. 
 "Dear Sir: I had the pleasure this day of receiving your 
 letter of the 1st inst. That by General Bernard I have not 
 
448 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 received. I learn by this day's mail that he has reached 
 Knoxville, and will be on in a few days. 
 
 "My friend, Judge Campbell, was instructed and fully 
 authorized to make the communication to you that he did, 
 and, I hope, gave you fully my reasons for my determina- 
 tion and wishes on this subject. 
 
 "I have no hesitation in saying that you have made the 
 best selection to fill the Department of State that could be 
 made. Mr. Adams, in the hour of difficulty, will be an able 
 helpmate, and I am convinced his appointment will afford 
 general satisfaction. 
 
 "No person stands higher in my estimation than . 
 
 He is a well-tried patriot, and if he accepts, will, with a 
 virtuous zeal, discharge the duties of the office as far as his 
 abilities will enable him. I cannot disguise to you my opin- 
 ion on this occasion; my anxious solicitude for your public 
 and private welfare requires of me candor on all occasions, 
 and I am compelled to say to you that the acquirements of 
 this worthy man are not competent to the discharge of the 
 multiplied duties of this department. I therefore hope he 
 may not accept the appointment. I am fearful, if he does, 
 he will not add much splendor to his present well-earned 
 standing as a public character. Should he accept, rest as- 
 sured as long as I remain in the army it will afford me great 
 pleasure in obeying your orders through him, and rendering 
 his situation and duty easy and pleasant as far as circum- 
 stances will place it in my power. 
 
 "I am aware of the difficulties that surround you in the 
 selection of your cabinet. But the plan you have adopted 
 of making all considerations yield to the general weal will 
 bring you to retirement with the salutations and applause 
 of all the virtuous, wise and good ; and should you be prop- 
 erly seconded by the Congress of the United States, you will 
 be enabled to place the Union in a state of security and pros- 
 perity that cannot be shaken by the convulsions of Europe. 
 To this end you can calculate with confidence on my feeble 
 exertions, so long as my constitution may permit me to be 
 useful. I have looked forward to that happy period when, 
 under your guidance, our Government would be in the 
 'full tide of successful experiment,' when I would retire 
 from public life and endeavor to regain a much enfeebled 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 449 
 
 constitution. Should you be properly seconded in your 
 views, this period will arise as soon as the measures you 
 adopt for the defense of the frontier are carried into effect 
 by completing these fortifications that have been and may 
 be selected for its defense, by erecting foundries and armor- 
 ies and organizing and classing the militia. Then we will 
 have peace, for then we will be prepared for war. Every 
 man having a gun in his hand, all Europe combined cannot 
 hurt us. Then all the world will be anxious to be at peace 
 with us, because all will see we wish peace with all, but are 
 prepared for defense against those who may attempt to 
 infringe our national rights. 
 
 "Accept assurances of my best wishes, and believe me to 
 be, respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson. 
 
 "Hon. James Monroe, 
 
 "President of the United States." 
 
 This correspondence shows that in 1816 General Jackson 
 looked upon and feared the antagonisms of party just as 
 General Washington did. Probably General Jackson's 
 letter of the 12th of November had something to do in 
 making Mr. Adams Secretary of State. This correspond- 
 ence is used in deciding the question about "To the victor 
 belongs the spoils," when we come to it. 
 
 And it will throw light on the election of Mr. Adams in 
 1824, and the charge of bribery and corruption against 
 Mr. Clay. 
 
450 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 LETTERS BETWEEN MONROE AND JACKSON CONTINUED 
 
 JACKSON WARNS MONROE AGAINST PARTY FEELINGS 
 AND URGES THE APPOINTMENT TO MONROE'S CABINET 
 
 OF ADAMS, THE HEAD OF THE FEDERAL PARTY 
 
 JACKSON NOT THE AUTHOR OF THE SPOILS SYSTEM 
 
 HE REMOVED FROM OFFICE ONLY INCOMPETENT AND 
 DELINQUENT INCUMBENTS, THUS LEAVING HIMSELF 
 SURROUNDED CHIEFLY BY HIS POLITICAL OPPONENTS. 
 
 THE latter part of the letter of the 12th of November, 
 1816, written by General Jackson to Mr. Monroe, 
 after he was elected President, but still Secretary 
 of State under Mr. Madison, and published in a former 
 chapter, when considered in connection with Mr. Monroe's 
 reply, also published, will show a confidential relationship 
 existing between them which relieves the advice given to the 
 President-elect of seeming indelicacy in giving it. Mr. 
 Monroe had manifested his high estimate of General Jack- 
 son's worth by inviting the freest interchange of views 
 about public matters. This gives to the suggestions about 
 the Cabinet he should form, looking to party affiliations and 
 the policy of conciliation, a sanctity which they would not 
 otherwise have had. The advice to the incoming President 
 that "in every selection party and party feeling should be 
 avoided; that now is the time to exterminate the monster 
 called party spirit; that by selecting characters most con- 
 spicuous for probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without 
 any regard to party, you will go far to, if not entirely, eradi- 
 cate these feelings which on former occasions threw so many 
 obstacles in the way of government, and perhaps have the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 451 
 
 pleasure and honor of uniting a people heretofore politically 
 divided. The Chief Magistrate of a great and powerful 
 nation should never indulge in party feelings. His conduct 
 should be liberal and disinterested, always bearing in mind 
 that he acts for the whole and not a part of the community. 
 By this course you will exalt the national character and 
 acquire for yourself a name as imperishable as monumental 
 marble." 
 
 Having published extracts from this letter in a former 
 chapter, I give this part of it again for the purpose of arrest- 
 ing in a special sense the mind of the public. It will sur- 
 prise, ah. astound, all who have not, for themselves, by 
 investigation, ascertained the truth. This letter, coupled 
 with the proof, will show to the world a new Andrew Jack- 
 son — a man it has never seen and it has never known. It 
 is true the real facts are tangible and in reach, but not access- 
 ible to the masses, and it was the pleasure of his biographer 
 to becloud a great life. 'To the victor belong the spoils" 
 is what a boy would expect to find in the way of a placard 
 on the General's old white hat if he were to come across it. 
 
 It is true most intelligent men know it was not General 
 Jackson, but another, that used these words, but in the heat 
 of political strife, in the days when every coonskin and every 
 keg of hard cider was an argument, "To the victor belong 
 the spoils" was everywhere declared to be the password in 
 the Jackson camp. Mr. Parton took it up, and while he 
 was a master of the English in unfriendly criticism, he was 
 more than himself in his invectives in arraigning the man 
 whose life he was writing for the wholesale slaughter of 
 office-holders who did not support him in his election, turn- 
 ing out, as Parton says, 2,000 office-holders as fast as he 
 could lay hands on them. To such an extent, and with 
 such persistency was this charge pushed, that it has almost 
 been universally accepted as truth, as such is the attitude 
 and relation of the biographer that when he says a thing 
 
452 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 derogatory to the subject whose life he writes, it is taken in 
 the nature of a confession. 
 
 I have no doubt that ninety-nine out of every hundred of 
 my readers who saw the letter of the 12th of November to 
 Mr. Monroe, advising a non-partisan course, were more 
 than astonished and ready to exclaim : How in the world 
 could the man of "To the victor belong the spoils" in 1828 
 have written such a letter in 181 6? Was the Andrew 
 Jackson of 1828 the same Andrew Jackson of 181 6? The 
 greater will be the surprise when I say that, acting upon the 
 suggestion made by General Jackson in a general way, Mr. 
 Monroe put Mr. Adams, the very head of the Federal party, 
 in his Cabinet, giving him the first place — Secretary of 
 State — and kept him there eight years, and that General 
 Jackson wrote the President a special letter approving the 
 appointment. 
 
 With the thinking men of the country this charge of 
 Jackson's removal on the principle that "To the victor 
 belong the spoils" has done him more harm than any other, 
 possibly more than all the other charges. Millions of men 
 believe that Jackson is the founder of the spoils system, a 
 system which has grown into a great national sin, convert- 
 ing the ballot-box into a stake-holder for thousands of men 
 who are gambling for office and making the office of Presi- 
 dent a mecca, and his inaugural a day for dispensing favors 
 to the faithful. In American history it becomes a matter 
 of the deepest interest to know who is responsible for inau- 
 gurating this course now threatening the very life of the 
 nation, because practiced by both of the great parties and 
 intensely and earnestly advocated by men who boldly assume 
 and claim that they are suited for a Federal office who have 
 never shown themselves fit for anything else except as 
 leaders in ward politics. There is but one more interesting 
 question in our political life than, "Who did inaugurate this 
 system?" and that other question is, "How can we get 
 clear of it?" 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 453 
 
 Did America's greatest soldier and most fearless and 
 patriotic President inaugurate this vicious practice of paying 
 for party service with public office — a President buying his 
 popularity with something that doesn't belong to him? 
 
 No one has done more to propagate the error and mislead 
 the public mind, both in Europe and this country, than 
 M. De Toqueville. In his work, the chapter on American 
 democracy, he says : "Mr. Quincy Adams on his entry in 
 office discharged the majority of the individuals who had 
 been appointed by his predecessor, and I am not aware that 
 General Jackson allowed a single removable functionary 
 employed in the public service to retain his place beyond the 
 first year which succeeded his election." Nothing has been 
 more hurtful to our form of government in Europe, where 
 the writings of M. De Toqueville are extensively read, than 
 his utterances. 
 
 When Mr. Jefferson came into office, he made the subject 
 of removal from office a study. He found that at one time 
 the practice of a "clean sweep" in England on the change 
 of the ministry was tried, and the evil effect had taught 
 England a lesson. 
 
 Mr. Macaulay refers to this practice as follows : 
 
 "A persecution, such as had never been known before, 
 and has never been known since, raged in every public 
 department. Great numbers of humble and laborious clerks 
 were deprived of their bread, not because they had neg- 
 lected their duties, not because they had taken an active part 
 against the ministry, but merely because they had owed 
 their situations to some (whig) nobleman who was against 
 the peace. The proscription extended to tide-waiters, to 
 door-keepers. One poor man, to whom a pension had been 
 given for his gallantry in a fight with smugglers, was 
 deprived of it because he had been befriended by the (whig) 
 Duke of Grafton. An aged widow, who, on account of her 
 husband's services in the navy, had many years before been 
 
 a— 2 
 
454 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 r 
 
 made housekeeper in a public office, was dismissed from her 
 situation because she was distantly connected by marriage 
 with the (whig) Cavendish family." 
 
 Four days after Mr. Jefferson came into office he wrote 
 Mr. Monroe as follows: 
 
 ''Some removals, I know, must be made. They must be 
 as few as possible, done gradually, and bottomed on some 
 malversation, or inherent disqualification. Where we 
 should draw the line between retaining all and none is as 
 yet not settled, and will not be until we get our administra- 
 tion together; and, perhaps, even then we shall proceed at 
 atoms, balancing our measures according to the impressions 
 we perceive then to make." 
 
 Six days after he wrote to Elbridge Gerry, afterwards 
 Vice President, as follows : 
 
 "Mr. Adams' last appointment, when he was appointing 
 counsellors and aides for me, not for himself, I set aside as 
 fast as depends on me. Officers who have been guilty of 
 gross abuse of office, such as marshals packing juries, etc., 
 I shall now remove, as my predecessors ought in justice to 
 have done. The instances will be few, and governed by 
 strict rule, and not party passion. The right of opinion 
 shall suffer no invasion from me. Those who have acted 
 well have nothing to fear, however they have differed from 
 me in opinion ; those who have done ill, however, have 
 nothing to hope; nor shall I fail to do justice, lest it should 
 be ascribed to that difference of opinion." 
 
 To his Attorney General, Mr. Lincoln, he wrote as 
 follows : 
 
 "I still think our original idea as to office is best ; that is, 
 to depend for obtaining a just participation on deaths, resig- 
 nations, and delinquencies. This will least affect the tran- 
 quillity of the people, and prevent their giving in to the 
 suggestions of our enemies — that ours has been a contest 
 for office, not principle. This is rather a slow operation, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 455 
 
 but it is sure if we pursue it steadily, which, however, has 
 not been done with the undeviating resolution I could have 
 wished. To these means of obtaining a just share in the 
 transaction of the public business, shall be added one more, 
 this, to wit: Removing for electioneering activity, or open 
 and industrious opposition to the principles of the present 
 government, legislative and executive. Every officer of a 
 government may vote at elections according to his con- 
 science, but we should betray the cause committed to our 
 care were we to permit the influence of official patronage 
 to overthrow that cause. Your present situation will enable 
 you to judge of prominent offenders in your State in the 
 case of the present election. I pray you to seek them, to 
 mark them, to be quite sure of your ground, that we may 
 commit no errors or wrongs, and leave the rest to me. I 
 have been urged to remove Mr. Whittemore, Surveyor of 
 Gloucester, on the grounds of neglect of duty, and indus- 
 trious opposition, yet no facts are so distinctly charged as to 
 make the steps sure which we should take in this. Will 
 you take the trouble to satisfy yourself on the point?" 
 
 What General Jackson thought, and what he did on the 
 subject of removals when the election of a President 
 wrought a revolution in parties, was known to one man who 
 became a witness. When General Jackson was elected 
 President, he had one friend in the Senate, who had been 
 there eight years, and on whom he relied, and with whom 
 he conferred more than with any other man. It is true 
 he and Colonel Benton had, fifteen years before, a serious 
 personal difficulty, but in 1823, when they were together in 
 the Senate, they had made friends, and through the eight 
 years of Jackson's service as President, he consulted Benton 
 about every important matter, and Benton stood like a stone 
 wall between him and his assailants. Benton did not finish 
 his great American history, "Thirty Years in the Senate," 
 until many years after Jackson's death. But true to Jack- 
 son in the grave as he was in life — seeing how the dead 
 soldier was calumniated and what a hold it had taken on 
 
456 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the public mind — he put himself in the breach and became 
 more than a witness — he became the chronicler of living 
 
 facts. 
 
 With Mr. Benton the whole subject of removals was dis- 
 cussed. With Mr. Jefferson the question had been one of 
 deepest interest and finally settled by him on principle. Mr. 
 Benton conferred with him in person and makes the follow- 
 ing statement : 
 
 "With respect to General Jackson, referring to what 
 De Toqueville said, it is about equally so in the main asser- 
 tion — the assertion that he did not allow a single remov- 
 able functionary to remain in office beyond the first year 
 after his election. On the contrary, there were entire 
 classes — all those whose functions partook of the judicial — 
 which he never touched. Boards of commissioners for 
 adjudicating claims under indemnity treaties; judges of the 
 territorial courts, justices of the District of Columbia; none 
 of these were touched, either in the first or any subsequent 
 year of his administration, except a solitary judge in one 
 of the territories, and he not for political cause, but on 
 specific complaint, and after taking the written and respon- 
 sible opinion of the then Attorney General, Mr. Grundy. 
 Of the seventeen diplomatic functionaries abroad, only four 
 (three ministers and one charge des affairs) were recalled 
 in the first year of his administration. Of the near 8,000 
 deputy postmasters in the United States, precisely 491 were 
 removed in the time mentioned by Mons. De Toqueville, 
 and they for all causes, for every variety of cause. Of the 
 whole number of removable officials, amounting to many 
 thousands, the totality of removals was about 690, and they 
 for all causes. Thus the Government archives contradict 
 Mons. De Toqueville, and vindicate General Jackson's 
 Administration from the reproach cast upon it. Yet he 
 came into office under circumstances well calculated to 
 excite him to removals. In the first place, none of his 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 457 
 
 political friends, though constituting a great majority of 
 the people of the United States, had been appointed to office 
 during the preceding administration, and such an exclusion 
 could not be justified on any consideration. His election 
 was, in some degree, a revolution of parties, or rather a re- 
 establishment of parties on the old line of Federal and 
 Democratic. It was a change of administration in which 
 a change of government functionaries, to some extent, 
 became a right and duty, but still the removals actually 
 made, when political, were not merely for opinion, but for 
 conduct under these opinions, and happily, there was con- 
 duct enough in too many officials to justify their removal. 
 A large proportion of them, including all the new appoint- 
 ments, were inimical to General Jackson, and divided 
 against him on the re-establishment of the old party lines, 
 and many of them actively. Mr. Clay, holding the first 
 place in Mr. Adams' Cabinet, took the field against him, 
 traveled into different States, declaimed against him at 
 public meetings, and deprecated his election as the greatest 
 of calamities. The subordinates of the Government, to a 
 great degree, followed his example, if not in public speeches, 
 at least in public talk and newspaper articles, and it was 
 notorious that these subordinates were active in the presi- 
 dential election. It was a great error in them. It changed 
 their position. By their position all administrations were 
 the same to them. Their duties were ministerial and the 
 same under all presidents. They were non-combatants. 
 By engaging in the election they became combatants, and 
 subjected themselves to the law of victory and defeat — 
 reward and promotion in the one case, loss of place in the 
 other. General Jackson, then, on his accession to the pres- 
 idency, was in a new situation with respect to parties, 
 differing from that of any President since the time of Mr. 
 Jefferson, whom he took for his model, and whose rule he 
 followed. He made many removals, and for cause, but 
 
458 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 not so many as not to leave a majority in office against him, 
 even in the executive departments in Washington City." 
 
 Then, Mr. Benton says, General Jackson adopted the rule 
 laid down by Mr. Jefferson, and makes the following 
 statement : 
 
 "Mr. Jefferson had early and anxiously studied the ques- 
 tion of removals. He was the first President that had 
 occasion to make them, and with him the occasion was 
 urgent. His election was a complete revolution of parties, 
 and when elected he found himself to be almost the only 
 man of his party in office. The Democracy had been totally 
 excluded from Federal appointment during the administra- 
 tion of his predecessor ; almost all offices were in the hands 
 of his political foes. I recollect to have heard an officer of 
 the army say there was but one field officer in the service 
 favorable to him. This was the type of the civil service. 
 Justice to himself and his party required this state of things 
 to be altered ; required his friends to have a share propor- 
 tionate to their numbers in the distribution of office, and 
 required him to have the assistance of his friends in the 
 administration of the Government. The four years' limita- 
 tion law — the law which now vacates within the cycle of 
 every presidential term the great mass of the offices — was 
 not then in force. Resignations then, as now, were few. 
 Removables were indispensable, and the only question was 
 the principle upon which they should be made. This ques- 
 tion Mr. Jefferson studied anxiously and under all aspects 
 of principle and policy, of national and of party duty, and 
 upon consultation with his friends settled it to his and their 
 satisfaction. The fundamental principle was that each 
 party was to have a share in the ministerial offices, the con- 
 trol of each branch of the service being in the hands of the 
 Administration; the removals were only to be made for 
 cause ; and, of course, that there should be inquiry into the 
 truth of imputed delinquencies. 'Official misconduct,' 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 459 
 
 'personal misconduct,' 'negligence,' 'incapacity,' 'inherent 
 vice in the appointment,' 'partisan electioneering beyond 
 the fair exercise of the elective franchise,' and 'where the 
 heads of some branches of the service were politically 
 opposed to the Administration' — these, with Mr. Jefferson, 
 constituted the law of removals, and was so written down 
 by him immediately after his inauguration." 
 
 Now, I submit if this is not surprising in view of an 
 accepted political tradition that Jackson made a clean sweep 
 and is the author of the spoils system now cursing the 
 country. 
 
 No well informed man will dispute for one moment the 
 evidence of Colonel Benton. 
 
 General Jackson's admirers will, I am sure, gratefully 
 remember the author of the "Thirty Years in the Senate" — 
 a great book — the work of vast labor for the noble vindica- 
 tion of the great Tennessean, when his enemies pursued 
 him, and especially for the labor bestowed in giving the 
 record answer — to the slander that he was the author, or 
 practiced on the principle that "To the victor belong the 
 spoils." This libelous charge had been so extensively cir- 
 culated that nothing less than just such a certified copy of 
 the record as Mr. Benton makes would be satisfactory. 
 
 Mr. Benton and Mr. Madison are the two writers on our 
 political history who can always be relied on in any state- 
 ment of facts. The "Thirty Years in the Senate" and 
 "Elliott's Debates," which are Madison's notes, ought to 
 be condensed and in our schools. 
 
 Mr. Madison was the most voluminous writer, but Mr. 
 Benton was the most painstaking and laborious. 
 
 The conditions accentuate the facts in this record — for 
 Mr. Benton's statement is the record. The conditions are 
 that General Jackson went into office after four years of an 
 administration that had not put one of his party friends in 
 office, and after appointees had spent much time in assailing 
 him. 
 
460 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 jackson's correspondence with monroe continued — 
 the seminole campaign second in results to vic- 
 tory of new orleans alone general gaines' situa- 
 tion fighting the seminole indians views of 
 
 jackson and of monroe shown in letters. 
 
 THE Seminole Campaign, in itself, was not one of 
 General Jackson's greatest exploits, but in the fruit 
 it bore it was second only to the victory at New 
 Orleans, which was indeed a new day in American history. 
 Speaking of the fruits, as well as the noble display of man- 
 hood, I am not prepared to say that the victory over the 
 British was a more noble, exalted and far-reaching exhibi- 
 tion of greatness than was displayed in the conflict that came 
 directly out of the Seminole Campaign of 1818. 
 
 If I had the power of impressing on the coming young 
 men of this country one, and only one, single act of moral 
 heroism, as an example for them to ever keep before their 
 eyes, I think I would take Andrew Jackson standing alone 
 defending himself in the attempt by the "allied powers" to 
 destroy him before the American people for his conduct in 
 the Seminole Campaign. And if I were called upon to 
 name the greatest victory ever won by one man over allied 
 and powerful forces, in a field where truth and justice were 
 the goal, I would take Jackson as he stood up before a com- 
 bination of the President and his Cabinet, the United States 
 Senate and the House of Representatives — offered as he 
 was peace, ease, and honor, in a compromise, which he knew 
 was neither sound nor truthful, when he said: "No; I 
 make no compromise of truth ; it is not true; it is not right; 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 461 
 
 it is not best for my country." And if I were called upon 
 to name the least defensible thing ever done by a biographer, 
 I would name Parton, in making a life of more than 2,000 
 pages, loaded down with trash, but no room for Jackson's 
 immortal defense written by himself, and handed over to a 
 friend with special instructions for it to be used by his biog- 
 rapher, and which defense Parton had before him when he 
 wrote the book. 
 
 The issue made upon General Jackson in connection with 
 the Seminole War involved the question whether, as General 
 in command of the army, he disobeyed orders in taking pos- 
 session of the Spanish forts at St. Mark, Pensacola and St. 
 Augustine. 
 
 General Gaines was in command of a small force fighting 
 the Seminole Indians, who had become exceedingly trouble- 
 some in Florida, and were committing depredations with a 
 high hand in the way of murdering white people and steal- 
 ing property; they were strongly supported by such Creek 
 warriors as had fled to the swamps of Florida after Jackson 
 fought the five battles in the Creek Nation in the winter of 
 18 13-14, and they were backed up by Colonel Nichol, who 
 had organized the Creek Indians at Pensacola, with the 
 consent of the Spanish Governor, causing Jackson to make 
 the celebrated campaign to Pensacola before going to New 
 Orleans. 
 
 In his spite, after the treaty with England, he had 
 whipped around into Florida, and in Spanish territory he 
 had equipped and occupied with runaway negroes a large 
 fort, and in some way with him were Arbuthnot and Am- 
 brister. When he found Jackson was coming in, he left 
 and went back to England. This fort was on a high hill, 
 surrounded by a great swamp — it was claimed to be in 
 possession of the Indians, but negroes occupied it. It was 
 found to contain twelve pieces of cannon, mounted on ram- 
 parts; 2,500 muskets, the same number of sets of accoutre- 
 
462 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 merits, 500 carbines, 500 steel swords, and 400 pistols, and 
 a large supply of ammunition. The arms were all new and 
 of excellent quality. 
 
 General Gaines, feeling unable, as he manifestly was, to 
 contend with the forces, and realizing that the Spaniards 
 were playing a double game, reported to the President the 
 condition of things, and that there were 2,700 Indians 
 armed. The whole territory being in Major General Jack- 
 son's command, the Government, almost in a state of alarm, 
 through the Secretary of War, Mr. Calhoun, ordered 
 General Jackson to raise an army from the adjacent States 
 and take command. This order reached General Jackson 
 at the Hermitage on the nth of January, 1818. The 
 Governor of the State was absent, but Jackson, in exactly 
 twenty days, had 1,000 Tennesseans on the way to Florida. 
 On the 6th of January, five days previous to getting this 
 order, Jackson had written the President a letter, from 
 which I make the following extracts : 
 
 "Will you, however, permit me to suggest the catastrophe 
 that might arise by General Gaines' compliance with the 
 last clause of your order ? Suppose the case that the Indians 
 are beaten, they take refuge either in Pensacola or St. 
 Augustine, which open their gates to them ; to profit by this 
 victory General Gaines pursues the fugitives and has to halt 
 before the garrison until he can communicate with his Gov- 
 ernment, in the meantime the militia grows restless, and 
 he is left to defend himself by the regulars. The enemy, 
 with the aid of their Spanish friends and Woodbine's Brit- 
 ish partisans, or, if you please, with Aury's force, attacks 
 him. What may not be the result ? Defeat and massacre. 
 Permit me to remark that the arms of the United States 
 must be carried to any point within the limits of East Flor- 
 ida, where an army is permitted and protected, or disgrace 
 attends. 
 
 "The executive government has ordered, and as I con- 
 ceive very properly, Amelia Island to be taken possession of. 
 This order ought to be carried into execution at all hazards, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 463 
 
 and simultaneously the whole of East Florida seized, and 
 held as an indemnity for outrages of Spain upon the prop- 
 erty of our citizens. This done, it puts all opposition down, 
 secures our citizens a complete indemnity, and saves us from 
 a war with Great Britain, or some of the continental powers 
 combined with Spain. 
 
 "This can be done without implicating the Government. 
 Let it be signified to me through any channel (say Mr. J. 
 Rhea) that the possession of the Floridas would be desir- 
 able to the United States, and in sixty days it will be 
 accomplished. 
 
 "The order being given for the possession of Amelia 
 Island, it ought to be executed, or our enemies, internal and 
 external, will use it to the disadvantage of the Government. 
 If our troops enter the territory of Spain in pursuit of our 
 Indian enemy, all opposition that they meet with must be 
 put down, or we will be involved in clanger and disgrace. 
 
 "I have the honor, etc., Andrew Jackson. 
 
 "Hon. James Monroe, 
 
 "President of the United States." 
 
 The reader is now prepared to see the President's letter 
 to General Jackson, from which I make the following 
 extracts : 
 
 "Your letters to the department were written in haste, 
 under the pressure of fatigue and infirmity, in a spirit of 
 conscious rectitude, and, in consequence, with less attention 
 to some parts of their contents than would otherwise have 
 been bestowed on them. The passage to which I particu- 
 larly allude, from memory, for I have not the letter before 
 me, is that in which you speak of the incompetency of an 
 imaginary boundary to protect us against the enemy — the 
 ground on which you bottom all your measures. This is 
 liable to the imputation that you took the Spanish posts for 
 that reason, as a measure of expediency, and not on the 
 account of the misconduct of the Spanish officers. The 
 effect of this and such passages, besides other objections to 
 them, would be to invalidate the ground on which you stand 
 and furnish weapons to adversaries who would be glad to 
 
464 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 seize them. If you think proper to authorize the Secretary 
 or myself to correct those passages, it will be done with 
 care, though, should you have copies, as I presume you 
 have, you had better do it yourself. 
 
 "The policy of Europe respecting South America is not 
 yet settled. A congress of the allied powers is to be held 
 this year (November is spoken of) to decide that question. 
 England proposes to restore the colonies to Spain, with free 
 trade and colonial governments. Russia is less favorable, 
 as are all the others. We have a Russian document, written 
 by the order of the Emperor, as the basis of instructions to 
 his ministers at the several courts, speaking of the British 
 proposition favorably, butstating that it must be considered 
 and decided on by the allies, and the result published, to 
 produce a moral effect on the colonies, on the failure of 
 which force is spoken of. The settlement of the dispute 
 between Spain and Portugal is made a preliminary. We 
 partake in no councils whose object is not their complete 
 independence. Intimations have been given us that Spain 
 is not willing, and is even preparing for war with the United 
 States, in the hope of making it general, and uniting Europe 
 against us and her colonies, on the principle that she has no 
 hope of saving them. Her pertinaceous refusal to cede the 
 Floridas to us heretofore, though evidently her interest to 
 do it, gives some coloring to the suggestions. If we engage 
 in a war, it is of the greatest importance that our people be 
 united, and, with the view that Spain commence it; and, 
 above all, that the Government be free from the charge of 
 committing a breach of the Constitution. 
 
 "I hope that you have recovered your health. You see 
 that the state of the world is unsettled, and that any future 
 movement is likely to be directed against us. There may 
 be very important occasions for your services, which will be 
 relied on. You must have the object in view, and be pre- 
 pared to render them. I am, etc. 
 
 "James Monroe/'' 
 
 "Nashville, August 9, 1818. 
 "Sir: Your letter of the 19th of July, apprizing me of the 
 course to be pursued in relation to the Floridas, has been 
 received. In a future communication it is my intention to 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 465 
 
 submit my views of all the questions springing from the 
 subject, with the fullness and candor which the importance 
 of the topic, and the part I have acted in it, demand. At 
 present I will confine myself to the consideration of a part 
 of your letter, which has a particular bearing on myself, and 
 which seems to have originated in a misconception of the 
 import of the order under which I have commenced the 
 Seminole Campaign. In making this examination I will 
 make use of all the freedom which is courted by your letter, 
 and which I deem necessary to afford you a clear view of the 
 construction which was given to the order, and the motives 
 under which I proceeded to execute its intentions. 
 
 "It is stated in the second paragraph of your letter that 
 I transcended the limits of my order, and that I acted on 
 my own responsibility. 
 
 "To these two points I mean at present to confine myself. 
 But, before entering on a proof of their applicability to my 
 acts in Florida, allow me fairly to state that the assumption 
 of responsibility will never be shrunk from when the public 
 good can thereby be promoted. I have passed through 
 difficulties and exposures for the honor and benefit of my 
 country; and whenever still, for this purpose, it shall become 
 necessary to assume a further liability, no scruple will be 
 urged or felt. But when it shall be required of me to do so, 
 and the result be danger and injury to that country, the 
 inducement will be lost, and my consent will be wanting. 
 
 "This principle is held to be incontrovertible, that an 
 order generallv, to perform a certain service or effect a cer- 
 tain object, without any specification of the means to be 
 adopted, or limits to govern the executive officer, leaves an 
 entire discretion with the officer as to the choice and appli- 
 cation of means, but preserves the responsibility for his acts 
 on the authority from which the order emanated. Under 
 such an order, all the acts of the inferior are acts of the 
 superior; and in no way can the subordinate officer be 
 impeached for his measures, except on the score of deficiency 
 in judgment and skill. It is also a grammatical truth, that 
 the limits of such an order cannot be transcended without 
 an entire desertion of the objects it contemplated; for so 
 long as the main legitimate design is kept in view, the policy 
 of the measures adopted to accomplish it is alone to be con- 
 
466 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 sidered. If these be adopted as the proper rules of con- 
 struction, and we apply them to my order of December 26, 
 18 1 7, it will be at once seen that, both in description and 
 operative principle, they embrace that order exactly. The 
 requisitions of the order are for the commanding general 
 to assume the immediate command at Fort Scott ; to concen- 
 trate all the contiguous and disposable force of the division 
 on that quarter; to call on the executive of adjacent States 
 for an auxiliary militia force; and concludes with this com- 
 prehensive command: 'With this view you may be pre- 
 pared to concentrate your forces, and adopt the necessary 
 measures to terminate a conflict, which it has ever been the 
 desire of the President, from motives of humanity, to avoid, 
 but which is now necessary by their settled hostility. 
 
 "In no part of this document is there a reference to any 
 previous order, either to myself or another officer, with a 
 view to point to me the measures thought advisable, or the 
 limits of my power in choosing and effecting them. It 
 states that General Gaines has been ordered to Amelia Is- 
 land, and then proceeds to inform me that old subsequent 
 orders have been given to General Gaines (of which copies 
 will be furnished you), that you would be directed to take 
 the command, and directing him to reassume, should he 
 deem the public interest to require it, the command at Fort 
 Scott, until you should arrive there.' Lastly, it mentions 
 that he was instructed to penetrate the Seminole towns 
 through the Floridas, provided the strength of his com- 
 mand at Amelia would justify his engaging in offensive 
 operations. The principle determining the weight of refer- 
 ences in subsequent orders, to instructions previously given, 
 is well settled. Such references are usually made with one 
 of these two intentions — either the order is given to a sec- 
 ond officer to effect a certain purpose, which was intended 
 to be affected by another officer, and the instructions of the 
 first are referred to as the guide of the second ; or the order 
 contains and is designed for an extension of authority, and 
 only refers to anterior communications to give a full view 
 of what had been previously attempted and performed. In 
 the first case it is always necessary to connect the different 
 instructions by a specific provision, that no doubt may exist 
 as to the extent of the command ; and thus the several requi- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 467 
 
 sitions and instructions are amalgamated, and the limits of 
 the agent plainly and securely established. In the second, no 
 such provision is necessary; for an entire discretion in the 
 choice and use of means being previously vested, the refer- 
 ence, if there be any, is only descriptive of the powers antece- 
 dently given, and the results of measures attempted under 
 such special limitation. But admitting that, in my order of 
 December 26, 181 7, there is such a reference as I contem- 
 plated in the first case, allow me to examine its character and 
 amount. It is stated that orders have been given to General 
 Gaines (copies of which will be furnished you), but without 
 affirming that they are to be considered as binding on me, or 
 in any way connected with the comprehensive command 
 that I should terminate the Seminole conflict. On the con- 
 trary, so far are they from being designated as my guide 
 and limits in entering Florida, that, in stating their sub- 
 stance in the ensuing sentence, no allusion whatever is made 
 either to means or limitation. 
 
 "How, then, can it be said with propriety that I have 
 transcended the limits of my orders, or acted on my own re- 
 sponsibility ? My order was as comprehensive as it could 
 be, and contained neither the minute original instructions, 
 nor a reference to others previously given to guide and gov- 
 ern me. The fullest discretion was left with me in the se- 
 lection and application of means to effect the specified legiti- 
 mate objects of the campaign; and for the exercise of a 
 sound discretion on principles of policy am I alone respon- 
 sible. But allow me to repeat, that responsibility is not 
 feared by me, if the general good requires its assumption. 
 I never have shrunk from it, and never will ; but against its 
 imposition on me contrary to principle, and without the 
 prospect of any political result, I must contend with all the 
 feelings of a soldier and a citizen. Being advised that you 
 are at your country seat in Loudon, where I expect this will 
 reach you. I enclose a copy of the order of the 26th of De- 
 cember, 181 7, and copies of the orders of General Gaines 
 therein referred to; from a perusal of which you will per- 
 ceive that the order to me has no reference to those pro- 
 hibitory orders to General Gaines that you have referred to. 
 
 "It will afford me pleasure to aid the Government in pro- 
 curing any testimony that may be necessary to prove the 
 
468 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 hostility of the officers of Spain to the United States. I 
 had supposed that the evidence furnished had established 
 that fact — that the officers of Spain had identified them- 
 selves with our enemy, and that St. Marks and Pensacola 
 were under the complete control of the Indians, although 
 the Governor of Pensacola at least had force sufficient to 
 have controlled the Indians, had he chosen to have used it 
 in that way. For the purpose of procuring the necessary 
 evidence of the hostile acts of the Governor of Pensacola, I 
 dispatch Captain Young, topographical engineer, and as 
 soon as obtained it will be furnished you. I trust, on a 
 view of all communications (copies of which have been 
 forwarded by Captain Gadsen), you will find that they do 
 not bear the construction you have given them. They were 
 written under bad health, great fatigue, and in haste. My 
 bad health continues ; I labor under great debility. 
 
 "Accept assurances of my sincere regard and esteem; 
 and am, respectfully, your most obedient servant, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson. 
 
 "James Monroe, 
 
 "President of the United States." 
 
 The words of this letter referring to all his previous com- 
 munications to the President — when he says — "they were 
 written under bad health, great fatigue, and in haste," 
 show that he did his own writing, and this letter is truly 
 characteristic of his great ability in dealing with matters of 
 public interest. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 469 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 THE FIGHT AGAINST JACKSON IN CONGRESS OVER HIS CON- 
 DUCT IN THE SEMINOLE WAR — MR. CLAY THE LEADER IN 
 
 THE DEBATE — SCHURz'S ACCOUNT OF CLAYS SPEECH 
 
 POINDEXTERS SPEECH IN DEFENSE OF JACKSON APOS- 
 TROPHE TO STATES COURSE OF MR. ADAMS RESULT OF 
 
 THE DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 NILES' OPINION OF JACKSON. 
 
 MORE than any great man of this or any other 
 country. General Jackson's life, from infancy 
 to the grave, was one of conflicts, as well as 
 
 courage in duty. 
 
 It commenced with a boy's resistance to a British officer's 
 order to do menial service in a loathsome jail, reaching 
 death's door with the smallpox, and ended when his beloved 
 home county had become overwhelmingly Whig on the 
 bank question under the lead of Mr. Bell, and he was rap- 
 idly nearing the final wind-up. An esteemed friend, Ed- 
 win W. Hickman, went out to see him and advise with him 
 about accepting a nomination for the Legislature against 
 such odds, for the Whigs were in a great majority in the 
 county. "Yes," said the old no-compromise fighter, lying 
 on the bed from which he never got up, "Yes; if there are 
 only two Democrats in the county, let one run for the Leg- 
 islature and let the other one vote for him." 
 
 His one friend did run. and, though not elected, he got 
 a surprisingly large Democratic vote. His canvass, his bat- 
 tle cry, was the "man who had lived for his country;" but 
 when the canvass ended the great soldier was in his grave. 
 In all the great man's conflicts — on the field, in the Cabi- 
 
 1-2 
 
470 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 net, before the people, or defending himself against the as- 
 saults of aspiring politicians — nothing ever so developed 
 and signalized the spirit that was in him and so crowned 
 him with victory as his fight against the allied powers on 
 his Seminole Campaign in 1818. The allied powers — no 
 other words convey to the mind a just conception of this 
 assault ; this effort to break down the man of destiny. 
 
 The allied powers were headed by Mr. Clay in Congress 
 and by Mr. Calhoun in the Cabinet, two aspirants for the 
 Presidency, and both bent on getting in as no other man 
 had been; two civilians who, without war records, reached 
 higher in their respective parties and had a larger and more 
 earnest following in their aspirations than any former aspi- 
 rants who had not been military men. 
 
 What took place in the Cabinet remained a secret for 
 twelve years, and up to which time General Jackson and Mr. 
 Calhoun were to the world and to each other the greatest 
 of friends; but when, at the end of the twelve years, what 
 the position of the several members of the Cabinet, of Mr. 
 Monroe, had come to be known — General Jackson being 
 President and Mr. Calhoun Vice-President, and both aspi- 
 rants for the successorship — it produced a most profound 
 impression, broke up General Jackson's Cabinet, and fairly 
 shook the pillars out from under the dominant party. It 
 was a party crash, the like of which has never been known 
 before, nor has it since. 
 
 This explosion, however, is reserved for another chapter, 
 when I shall give all the facts — facts which it appears to me 
 show a more intense, desperate, and groundless effort to 
 destroy General Jackson, acknowledged by every one of 
 the allies to be a patriot, than can be found in all the history 
 of cabals in a struggle for power. 
 
 But I go back to the fight made against General Jackson 
 in Congress, and in this there was a plausibility, a prima facie 
 showing, which was swept away when the secrets of the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 471 
 
 Cabinet were brought to light. When a member of Mr. 
 Monroe's Cabinet, in the interest of truth and fairness, dis- 
 closed the long-hidden official secrets (and for which Mr. 
 Calhoun never forgave him), a new battle had to be fought 
 out; that is, what was done in the Seminole Campaign — 
 whether the Administration or the soldier in the field was 
 responsible for it — and a set of facts was then brought lo 
 light, involving flat and direct contradictions between mem- 
 bers of the Cabinet, and a shirking of responsibility from 
 threatened issues of a serious nature with both England 
 and Spain, not creditable to the administration, but with one 
 man standing out in sublime courage and saying, "I am not 
 afraid of monarchs, I have done no wrong ; I will make no 
 compromise with truth; I will tell it and prove it." 
 
 It was here that General Jackson was bigger and braver, 
 and his stand more completely Jacksonian, if possible, than 
 when he led 5,300 Tennesseans against Wellington's 12,000 
 veterans at New Orleans. 
 
 When in the right — and he always knew what the right 
 was — his conviction of a final victory was close akin to his 
 knowledge after the victory was won; and so, in the right, 
 there was no compromise with him, no matter who stood 
 before him nor what threatened. 
 
 Mr. Clay was not the author of the resolution that 
 brought on the debate in the House of Representatives. The 
 resolutions were reported by the Military Committee, but he 
 was the leader in a debate that lasted three weeks. At that 
 time the relations between Clay and Jackson were kindly, 
 but the arraignment of General Jackson was much like the 
 mastervvork of a great prosecuting attorney with his heart 
 set on convicting and consigning to prison and shame a 
 great felon. The speech of Mr. Clay was always regarded 
 as one of his greatest efforts. 
 
 Up to this time, it is well to relate, Jackson and Clay had 
 not only been on good terms, but were great friends. One 
 
472 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 had left North Carolina, and the other came from Virginia, 
 when very young; one had risen to be the great General of 
 the Southwest, the other to be the beloved great statesman ; 
 one, by a single speech, had brought on the war of 1812, 
 the other had fought it out. They both had an eye on the 
 presidency. 
 
 Mr. Schurz gives this account of the speech of Mr. Clay : 
 "He had no personal feeling against General Jackson. On 
 the contrary, he was sincerely and profoundly grateful to 
 the man who, after all the disgraceful failures of the war of 
 1812, had so brilliantly restored the lustre of the American 
 arms, and enabled him to go to England without mortifica- 
 tion. But as a friend of constitutional government, he felt 
 that he could not possibly approve of the General's lawless 
 conduct in Florida. There is no reason to attribute the 
 position he took to any but conscientious motives. But he 
 was an aspirant for the presidency, and known to be such, 
 while Jackson, too, was beginning to be whispered about as 
 a possible candidate for that honor. Would not a frank 
 expression of his views on Jackson's conduct appear like an 
 attempt to injure a dreaded rival? It dawned upon him 
 that his unnecessary flings at the Monroe Administration 
 had subjected his motives to suspicion, and thus, while at- 
 tacking, he felt himself on the defensive. He began with an 
 almost painful effort to retrieve the ground which he feared 
 he had lost in the confidence of the House and the country. 
 'In rising to address you, sir,' he said, T must be allowed to 
 say that all inferences drawn from the course which it will 
 be my painful duty to take in this discussion, of unfriendli- 
 ness either to the Chief Magistrate of the country or to the 
 illustrious military chieftain whose operations are under 
 investigation, will be wholly unfounded. Toward that dis- 
 tinguished Captain who shed so much glory on our country, 
 whose renown constitutes so great a portion of its moral 
 property, I never had, I never can have, any other feelings 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 473 
 
 than those of the most profound respect and of the utmost 
 kindness. I know the motives which have been, and will 
 again be. attributed to me in regard to the other exalted per- 
 sonage alluded to. They have been, and they will be, un- 
 founded. I have no other interest than that of seeing the 
 concerns of my country well and happily administered. 
 Rather than throw obstructions in the way of the President, 
 I would precede him and pick out those, if I could, which 
 might jostle him in his progress. I may be again reluct- 
 antlv compelled to differ from him, but I will with the 
 utmost sincerity assure the committee that I have formed 
 no resolution, come under no engagements, and that I never 
 will form any resolution, or contract any engagements, for 
 systematic opposition to his administration, or to that of 
 any other chief magistrate.' " 
 
 This might have been sufficient to disarm suspicion had 
 he not been believed to have an eye toward the presidency. 
 He arraigned General Jackson's conduct with dignity and a 
 certain degree of moderation. He emphatically acquitted 
 him of "any intention to violate the laws of his country or 
 the obligations of humanity." He declared himself far 
 from wishing to intimate that "General Jackson cherished 
 any design inimical to the liberties of the people." He be- 
 lieved the General's intentions to be pure and patriotic, but 
 he denounced the hanging of Indian chiefs without trial, 
 ''under color of retaliation," as utterly unjustifiable and dis- 
 graceful. He admitted retaliation as justifiable only when 
 "calculated to produce an effect in the war," but never on 
 the motive of mere vengeance. As to Arbuthnot and Am- 
 brister, whether they were innocent or guilty, he utterly re- 
 jected the argument by which Jackson tried to justify their 
 execution, namely, "that it is an established principle of the 
 law of nations that any individual of a nation making war 
 against the citizens of any other nation, they being at peace, 
 forfeits his allegiance and becomes an outlaw and a pirate." 
 
474 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 He maintained that "whatever may be the character of in- 
 dividuals making private war, the principle is totally erro- 
 neous when applied to such individuals associated with a 
 power, whether Indian or civilized, capable of maintaining 
 the relations of peace or war." He showed that Jackson's 
 doctrine would make every foreign subject serving in an 
 American army an outlaw and a pirate ; he might have cited 
 Lafayette and Steuben. This was the moral he drew : 
 
 "However guilty these men were, they should not have 
 been condemned or executed without the authority of law. 
 I will not dwell on the effect of these precedents in foreign 
 countries, but I shall not pass unnoticed their dangerous in- 
 fluence in our own. Bad examples are generally set in the 
 case of bad men, and often remote from the central govern- 
 ment. It was in the provinces that were laid the seeds of 
 the ambitious projects which overturned the liberties of 
 Rome." 
 
 He affirmed that Jackson, going far beyond the spirit of 
 his instructions, had not only assumed, by an unauthorized 
 construction of his own, to determine what Spain was 
 bound by treaty to do, but had "also assumed the power, 
 belonging to Congress alone, of determining what should 
 be the effect and consequence of her breach of engagement ;" 
 and then he had seized the Spanish forts and thus usurped 
 the power of making war, which the Constitution had "ex- 
 pressly and exclusively" vested in Congress, "to guard our 
 country against precisely that species of rashness which has 
 been manifested in Florida." 
 
 A glowing peroration followed, protesting against "the 
 alarming doctrine of unlimited discretion in our military 
 commanders," and pointing out how other free nations, 
 from antiquity down, had lost their liberties, and how we 
 might lose ours. "Are former services," he exclaimed, 
 "however eminent, to preclude even inquiry into recent con- 
 duct ? Is there no limit, no prudential bound, to the nation- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 475 
 
 al gratitude? I hope gentlemen will deliberately survey the 
 awful isthmus on which we stand. They may bear down 
 all opposition; they may even vote the General the public 
 thanks; they may carry him triumphantly through this 
 House. But if they do so, it will be a triumph of the prin- 
 ciple of insubordination ; a triumph of the military over the 
 civil authority; a triumph over the powers of this House; 
 a triumph over the Constitution of the land. And I pray 
 most devoutly to heaven that it may not prove, in its ulti- 
 mate effects and consequences, a triumph over the liberties 
 of the people." 
 
 The leading speech against adopting the report of the 
 committee was made by Mr. Poindexter, of Mississippi. 
 He spoke three hours, and concluded as follows : 
 
 "The gentleman's common law," he continued, "will not 
 do for the freemen of the United States; it is unique and 
 absurd. Sir, if the committee will pardon the digression, 
 this novel idea of common law reminds me of an occurrence 
 which is said to have happened in the early period of the 
 settlement of the present polite and flourishing State of 
 Kentucky. A man in personal combat deprived his antago- 
 nist of the sight of an eye by a practice familiar at that day 
 called gouging. The offender was prosecuted and indicted 
 for the outrage. He employed counsel to defend him, to 
 whom he confessed the fact. 'Well, sir,' said the lawyer, 
 'what shall I say in your defense?' 'Why, sir,' said he, 'tell 
 them it is the custom of the country!' And I presume if 
 the honorable speaker had presided on the trial he would 
 have said, 'Gentlemen of the jury, it is the common law of 
 Kentucky, and you will find a verdict for the defendant.' 
 
 "But, sir, to be serious, let me bring the case home to the 
 honorable speaker himself. Suppose a land of these barba- 
 rians, stimulated and excited by some British incendiary, 
 should at the hour of midnight, when all nature is wrapt in 
 darkness and repose, sound the infernal yell and enter the 
 
■V, 
 
 476 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 dwelling of that honorable gentleman, and in his presence 
 pierce to the heart the wife of his bosom and the beloved 
 and tender infant in her arms — objects! so dear to a hus- 
 band and father — would he calmly fold his arms and say, 
 'Well, 'tis hard, but it is the common law of the country, 
 and I must submit?' No, sir; his manly spirit would burn 
 with indignant rage and never slumber till the hand of retri- 
 butive justice had avenged his wrongs. 
 
 "Mercy to him who shows it is the rule 
 And righteous limitations of the act 
 By which heaven moves in pardoning guilty man ; 
 And he that shows none, being ripe in years 
 And conscious of the outrage he commits, 
 Shall seek it, and not find it, in his turn. 
 
 "I have no compassion for such monsters as Arbuthnot 
 and Ambrister — their own country is ashamed to complain 
 of their fate. The British Minister here has disavowed 
 their conduct and abandoned their cause; and we, sir, are 
 residuary legatees of all the grief and sorrow felt on the 
 face of the globe for these two fallen murderers and rob- 
 bers. For I call him a murderer who incites to murder. 
 
 "Mr. Chairman, I am not the eulogist of any man; I 
 shall not attempt the panegyric of General Jackson; but if 
 a grateful country might be allowed to speak of its merits, 
 Louisiana would say: 'You have defended our Capitol 
 against the veteran troops of the enemy, by whom it would 
 have been sacked and our dwellings enveloped in flames 
 over the heads of our beloved families.' 
 
 "Georgia : 'You have given peace to our defenseless fron- 
 tier, and chastised our ferocious, savage foe, and the perfi- 
 dious incendiaries and felons by whom they were excited 
 and counseled to the perpetration of their cruel deeds. You 
 have opened additional territory to our rich and growing 
 population, which they may now enjoy in peace and tran- 
 quillity.' 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 177 
 
 "Alabama and Mississippi : 'You have protected us in 
 the time of our infancy and in the moment of great national 
 peril against the inexorable Red Sticks and their allies: you 
 have compelled them to relinquish the possession of our 
 lands, and ere long we shall strengthen into full manhood 
 under the smiles of a beneficent Providence.' 
 
 "The whole Western country: 'You have preserved the 
 great emporium of our vast commerce from the grasp of a 
 powerful enemy : you have maintained for our use the free 
 navigation of the Mississippi at the hazard of your life, 
 health, and fortune.' 
 
 'The nation at large : 'You have given glory and renown 
 to the arms of your country throughout the civilized world, 
 and have taught the tyrants of the earth the salutary lesson 
 that in the defense of their soil and independence freemen 
 are invincible.' 
 
 "History will transmit these truths to generations yet 
 unborn, ami should the propositions on your table be adopt- 
 ed, we, the representatives of the people, subjoin : 'Yes, 
 most noble and valorous Captain, you have achieved all this 
 for your country; we bow down under the weight of the 
 obligation which we owe you, and as some small testimonial 
 of your claim to the confidence and consideration of your 
 fellow-citizens, we, in their name, present you the following 
 resolutions : 
 
 " 'Resolved, That you, Major General Andrew Jackson, 
 have violated the Constitution which you have sworn to 
 support, and disobeyed the orders of your superior, the 
 Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United 
 States. 
 
 " 'Resolved, That you, Major General Andrew Jackson, 
 have violated the laws of your country and the sacred prin- 
 ciples of humanity, and thereby prostrated the national 
 character in the trial and execution of Alexander Arbuth- 
 not and Robert C. Ambrister for the trifling and unimpor- 
 
478 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 tant crime of exciting the savages to murder the defense- 
 less inhabitants of the United States. 
 
 " 'Accept, we pray you, sir, of these resolves ; go down to 
 your grave in sorrow, and congratulate yourself that you 
 have not served this great republic in vain.' 
 
 "Greece had her Miltiades, Rome her Belisarius, Car- 
 thage her Hannibal, and may we, Mr. Chairman, profit by 
 the example. 
 
 "Sir. if honorable gentlemen are so extremely solicitous 
 to record their opinion of this distinguished General, let us 
 erect a tablet in the center of our Capitol Square ; let his bust 
 designate the purpose; thither let each man repair and en- 
 grave the feelings of his heart. And, sir, whatever may be 
 the opinion of others, for one I should not hesitate to say, 
 in the language of the sage of Monticello, 'Honor and grat- 
 itude to him who has filled the measure of his country's 
 
 glory !' " 
 
 The course of Mr. Adams, Secretary of State, is difficult 
 to understand. In his diary he shows that he acted with the 
 other members of the Cabinet in censuring General Jackson, 
 rather than have a divided Cabinet, but pointed out the 
 dilemma in which the Cabinet was placed. And he further 
 showed "that the mischief of the decision is : i , weakness 
 and confession of weakness ; 2, A disclaimer of power in the 
 executive is of dangerous example and of evil consequence; 
 3, There is injustice to the officer in disavowing him, when 
 in principle he is strictly justifiable." 
 
 But Mr. Adams was at his best in reply to Pizaro, the 
 Spanish Minister, who made certain demands on the Gov- 
 ernment. This reply was intended for both Spain and 
 England. 
 
 Mr. Rush, who was the American Minister to the Court 
 of St. James, reported that England was doing some loud 
 talking about the backwoods General executing Arbuthnot 
 and Ambrister. This reply commences with Colonel Nich- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 479 
 
 ols and Captain Woodbine organizing the Indians in 1814 
 at Pensacola, in concert with the Spanish Governor, to pros- 
 ecute a war under the black flag against the frontiers, mur- 
 dering women and children ; how, after the treaty of Ghent, 
 he went back from England into Florida, organized the 
 runaway negroes and led the Indians; that he assured the 
 Cherokees and Seminoles that they were entitled to the land 
 in the Jackson treaty of 181 5, and that Arbuthnot and 
 Ambrister had followed him and were his instruments in 
 stirring up the Indians ; and it says that no sooner did Ar- 
 buthnot make his appearance to carry out the plans than the 
 people on the frontiers, men, women and children, were 
 murdered, and all manner of depredation committed. 
 
 In this narrative, an official reply to the Spanish Minis- 
 ter, Mr. Adams says : 
 
 "Is this narrative of dark and complicated depravity, this 
 creeping and insidious war, both against Spain and the 
 United States, this mockery of patriotism, these political 
 philters to fugitive slaves and Indian outlaws, the perfidies 
 and treacheries of villains incapable of keeping their faith, 
 even to each other, all in the name of South American lib- 
 erty, of the rights of runaway negroes and the wrongs of 
 savage murderers — all combined and projected to plunder 
 Spain of her provinces and to spread massacre and devas- 
 tation along the borders of the United States; is all this 
 sufficient to cool the sympathies of his Catholic Majesty's 
 Government, excited by the execution of these two subjects 
 of a power in amity with the king? The Spanish Govern- 
 ment is not at this day to be informed that, cruel as war in 
 its mildest forms must be, it is, and necessarily must be, 
 doubly cruel when waged with savages; that savages make 
 no prisoners but to torture them ; that they give no quarter ; 
 that they put to death without discrimination of age or sex; 
 that these ordinary characteristics of Indian warfare have 
 been applicable in their most heart-sickening horrors to that 
 
480 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 war left us by Nichols as his legacy, reinstigated by Wood- 
 bine, Arbuthnot, and Ambrister, and stimulated by the ap- 
 probation, encouragement, and the aid of the Spanish com- 
 mandant at St. Mark's." 
 
 In view of a treaty of stipulation that Spain would control 
 the Indians in Florida, Mr. Adams went further and said : 
 "If the necessities of self-defense should again compel the 
 United States to take possession of the Spanish forts and 
 places in Florida (in the decision by the Cabinet the forts 
 taken by Jackson had been restored to Spain), it was due 
 to Spain that the United States should declare with the 
 candor and frankness that becomes us, that another uncon- 
 ditional restoration of them must not be expected ; that even 
 the President's confidence in the good faith and ultimate 
 justice of the Spanish Government will yield to the painful 
 experience of continual disappointment ; and that, after un- 
 wearied and almost unnumbered appeals to them for the 
 performance of their stipulated duties in vain, the United 
 States will be reluctantly compelled to rely for protection of 
 their borders upon themselves alone." 
 
 It is said this reply of Mr. Adams to the Spanish Min- 
 ister created a profound impression. Writers of that period 
 say it prevented war, and it is true that after it was published 
 both Spain and England quieted down. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson, from his home at Monticello, wrote Mr. 
 Adams, praising it, complimenting the Secretary of State, 
 and recommending that it be translated into the languages 
 of Europe and sent to every European court. 
 
 At the end of a three-weeks' debate in the committee of 
 the whole, the House of Representatives, by an overwhelm- 
 ing majority, sustained General Jackson in all he did. The 
 debate had aroused the country, and the people in all parts 
 of the United States had taken it up, and it can truly be said 
 that the people, speaking through the House of Representa- 
 tives, indorsed what Jackson had done. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. . 481 
 
 On invitation. General Jackson visited Philadelphia. Xew 
 York, Boston, and Baltimore, to find an outpouring of the 
 people surpassing anything that had ever been shown him 
 or any other public man. 
 
 On his return he found the Senate had taken tip the 
 question under resolutions that had been previously offered 
 and referred to a committee. Mr. Calhoun had a long con- 
 versation with the chairman of the committee, Mr. Lacock, 
 and a report strongly condemning General Jackson had been 
 reported, but upon General Jackson's statement and the evi- 
 dence he furnished, the Senate abandoned it without a vote 
 by laying it on the table, never to be taken up. 
 
 The opinion of General Jackson at this time among the 
 people, and when he was standing in manly fashion against 
 the allies, is well expressed by the venerable Mr. Xiles, in 
 Miles' Register, as follows : 
 
 "General Jackson is a more extraordinary person than 
 has ever appeared in our history. Nature has seldom 
 gifted man with a mind so powerful and comprehensive, or 
 with a body better formed for activity or capable of endur- 
 ing greater privations, fatigue, and hardships. She has 
 been equally kind to him in the quality of his heart. 
 
 "General Jackson has no ambition but for the good of 
 his country ; it occupies the whole of his views, to the exclu- 
 sion of all selfish or ignoble considerations. Cradled in the 
 War of the Revolution, nurtured amid the conflicts that 
 afterwards took place between the Cherokee Indians and the 
 Tennesseans, being always among a people who regard the 
 application of force not as the ultima ratio region, but as 
 the first resort of individuals, and who look upon courage as 
 the greatest of human attributes, his character on this 
 stormy ocean has acquired an extraordinary cast of vigor — 
 a belief that anything within the power of man to accom- 
 plish he should never despair of effecting, and a conviction 
 that courage, activity, and perseverance can overcome what, 
 
482 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 to an ordinary mind, would appear insuperable obstacles. 
 In society he is kind, frank, unaffected, and hospitable, en- 
 dowed with such natural grace and politeness, without the 
 mechanical gentility and artificial flimsy polish to be found 
 in fashionable life. 
 
 "Among the people of the West his popularity is unbound- 
 ed; old and young speak of him with rapture, and at his 
 call 50,000 of the most efficient warriors on this continent 
 would rise armed and ready for an enemy. 
 
 "Having entered the military service of his country at a 
 late period in life, General Jackson appears unaware of the 
 necessity of strict discipline and subordination; and being 
 utterly fearless of responsibility himself, and always taught 
 to believe that his personal liability would be a justification 
 of his conduct, he does not sufficiently reflect how intimately 
 the character of the country is associated with his own, now 
 he is an officer ; and that, although he may freely offer his 
 personal sacrifice, yet it places the Government in a most 
 delicate situation to accept of it." 
 
 This was a splendid compliment, but the veteran editor 
 knew but little of the General's idea of preparing an army 
 for service. No man that ever commanded an army on the 
 continent was a more rigid disciplinarian than he. He was 
 himself a great student of military tactics, and through all 
 his wars General Carroll was his reliance by hard training. 
 No army did more work than Jackson's under Carroll. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 483 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX 
 
 rr„ 
 
 action of congress on the jackson resolutions the 
 
 exposition" — jackson's defense — mr. benton on 
 the issues between the government and general 
 
 jackson other evidence favorable to jackson 
 
 as to jackson's responsibility — calhoun's letter 
 
 from crawford crawford's letter to forsythe 
 
 recapitulation of the facts in the controversy. 
 
 THE Seminole Campaign conflict was not ended, as 
 shown when the three weeks' debate in the House 
 closed and the vote was taken on the resolutions 
 and Jackson fully sustained, nor when the Senate abandoned 
 the further consideration of the resolutions. On the con- 
 trary, the future had in store a political upheaval whose 
 ramifications embrace the disclosure of a Cabinet secret 
 involving issues of a highly sensational nature, not to say 
 startling contradictions among Cabinet officers, and inexpli- 
 cable conduct on the part of Mr. Calhoun towards General 
 Jackson. It was the touching of a match to a Cabinet 
 secret that had slept for twelve years that brought on the 
 witness stand in 1831 the members of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet 
 as to the secret of 181 8, involving contradictions which it 
 is impossible to explain or reconcile, and a final separation, 
 a breach never to be healed, between the then President and 
 Vice-President, whose public relations and private inter- 
 course had been marked by all the signs of mutual esteem 
 and warm-hearted friendship; one being all that time 
 cognizant of the combustible material that rested so inoffen- 
 sively in the repose and quiet of Cabinet secrets, while the 
 other was placid but warm-hearted in his ignorance. 
 
484 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 When the explosion came the discrepancies in the recollec- 
 tions of the Cabinet startled the country and set old friends 
 to glaring at each other. General Jackson being President 
 and Mr. Calhoun Vice-President, Jackson's Cabinet were 
 more or less involved in the abrupt disturbance of the rela- 
 tions between the two high officials, and to such an extent 
 that Jackson — wise as he was, and knowing that a Presi- 
 dent's Cabinet was a family, on the harmony and good 
 feeling of which the success of his administration depended 
 — did perhaps what no other man would have done, but 
 what was truly Jacksonian. He called up two members of 
 his Cabinet who were devoted friends, and without cere- 
 mony, said : "Gentlemen, I want you to resign." Without 
 delay they sent in their resignations. Thereupon the other 
 members of the Cabinet asked General Jackson what he 
 wanted them to do. He said, "I want you to resign." So 
 the letters were all sent in and Jackson wrote each one of 
 them a reply, giving them his assurance of respect and con- 
 fidence and good wishes, and the President was without 
 advisers. 
 
 This much of the history is given here to make intelligible 
 the question now being discussed. With more detail the 
 breaking up of the Cabinet and the appointment of a new 
 one will be shown when we reach that historic period, only 
 here remarking that the social relations of the families of 
 his Cabinet officers had nothing to do with it ; and that Mrs. 
 Eaton had anything to do with it is the merest fiction, and 
 to say further that in the appointment of the new Cabinet 
 Jackson showed that he was not after clerks for a Cabinet. 
 His new Cabinet was made up of the biggest men in the 
 country. 
 
 But to return to the matter under consideration. The 
 action of Congress on the resolutions — one House voting 
 them down and the other House abandoning them — was 
 manifestly satisfactory to the country. The press was out- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 485 
 
 spoken, and perhaps at no time in his life was Jackson more 
 popular with the people. Wherever he went he found a 
 grateful country doing him honor, and the attack was 
 a complete breakdown. 
 
 This was most gratifying, for nothing in all his public 
 career had cut so deep as this assault, pushed as it was to 
 the bitter end by certain great leaders. 
 
 To understand this feeling on his part and to appreciate 
 the eruption to come, the reader should turn back and read 
 the correspondence between President Monroe and General 
 Jackson, in which the President made the General the prop- 
 osition to take back the report of the campaign which he 
 had already made and modify it — in effect proposing to 
 General Jackson to, himself, assume the responsibility of the 
 campaign, and that in this he should have the backing of the 
 Government, clearly indicating that the Government could 
 protect him and would thereby keep out of trouble with 
 Spain, but which proposition General Jackson declined, 
 giving his reasons. General Jackson, in part, made reply, 
 explaining his position, but much more fully in a paper 
 hereafter shown, to wit: 'The Exposition." 
 
 General Jackson's defense was based on two grounds: 
 
 i. That he was sent to Florida with full authority and 
 discretion, and his orders were to end the war as speedily as 
 possible. This being so, he was the agent of the Govern- 
 ment, and without limitations, and therefore in the absence 
 of his superior he could do whatever the superior — the 
 Government — might do to bring the war to a close, being 
 only responsible for an abuse of the discretion ; and that, 
 therefore, the Government was bound by what he did. 
 That he was right in this, every well informed lawyer 
 knows, and indeed Mr. Monroe made no reply to it. 
 
 The eruption which this produced was widespread, lead- 
 ing up to consequences which were lasting, and, all in all, 
 not creditable to President Monroe nor to his Cabinet. 
 
 5—2 
 
486 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Ungracious as is the task, it is due to the truth of history, 
 and especially to the memory and character of General 
 Jackson, that there shall now be, even at this late day, a 
 succinct and corrected statement of all the facts relative to 
 the action of the Cabinet on the proceeding instituted by Mr. 
 Calhoun. While General Jackson was not arrested, and no 
 steps were taken to punish him, it resulted in resolutions of 
 censure for his conduct in the Seminole Campaign, and to 
 a lasting rupture with Calhoun, and the formation of an 
 alliance as strange as it was powerful — strange, because at 
 the head and in the lead were Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun and 
 Mr. Webster, with all the force they could command, and 
 which united force was propelled by a union of leaders 
 more or less hostile to each other in everything except in 
 the combination against Jackson. These otherwise inhar- 
 monious elements drew strength and developed into a 
 compact political power in the great national bank issue 
 intended to put Jackson where he would cease to be trouble- 
 some. This powerful combination practically remained 
 solid through the three great struggles of the politicians 
 against General Jackson — the Seminole War charges, the 
 great bank issue, and Mr. Benton's expunging resolutions. 
 
 Mr. Benton says: 
 
 "Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Webster were now all 
 united against General Jackson, with all their friends and 
 the Bank of the United States. The two former had their 
 private griefs; Mr. Clay in the result of the election, and 
 Mr. Calhoun in the quarrel growing out of the discovery of 
 his conduct in Mr. Monroe's Cabinet; and it would have 
 been difficult so to have conducted their opposition and 
 attack as to have avoided the imputation of a personal 
 motive. But they so conducted it as to authorize and sug- 
 gest that imputation. Their movements all took a personal 
 and vindictive, instead of a legislative and remedial, nature." 
 
 There can be no just appreciation of the issues between 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 487 
 
 the Government and General Jackson, ending in the conse- 
 quences herein shown, except upon a clear understanding 
 of the import and meaning of the three letters published in 
 Chapter XXXVIII — that is, General Jackson's letter of 
 the 6th of January, 1818, Mr. Monroe's letter of the 19th 
 of July, 1818, and General Jackson's reply of the 9th of 
 August, 1 81 8. 
 
 These letters, written in 1818, came up for consideration 
 in 1830, and were found to be speaking witnesses in a series 
 of conflicts which were intended to break down and put out 
 of the way of smaller men the immortal hero of New 
 Orleans, but in which he nobly triumphed, leaving the com- 
 bination against him in frightful dilapidation with a great 
 big account of cross-firing to settle among themselves. 
 
 The letter of General Jackson of the 6th of January was 
 notable and impressive on three points : First, that the 
 order which had been given to General Gaines to stop the 
 pursuit of the Indians when they took shelter in the Spanish 
 forts and confer with the Government, would bring disaster, 
 and he said: 
 
 "Suppose the case that the Indians are beaten; they take 
 refuge either in Pensacola or St. Augustine, which open 
 their gates to them ; to profit by his victory, General Gaines 
 pursues the fugitives, and has to halt before the garrison 
 until he can communicate with his Government. In the 
 meantime the militia grow restless, and he is left to defend 
 himself by the regulars. The enemy, with the aid of their 
 Spanish friends and Woodbine's British partisans, or, if you 
 please, with Aury's force, attacks him. What may not be 
 the result? Defeat and massacre! Permit me to remark 
 that the arms of the United States must be carried to any 
 point within the limits of East Florida where an enemy is 
 permitted and protected, or disgrace attends." 
 
 The other two points are embraced in the following : 
 
 "The executive government has ordered, and as I con- 
 
488 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 ceive very properly, Amelia Island to be taken possession of. 
 This order ought to be carried into execution at all hazards, 
 and simultaneously the whole of East Florida seized, and 
 held as an indemnity for the outrages of Spain upon the 
 property of our citizens. This done, it puts all opposition 
 down, secures our citizens a complete indemnity, and saves 
 us from a war with Spain. This can be done without impli- 
 cating the Government. Let it be signified to me through 
 any channel (say J. Rhea) that the possession of the Floridas 
 would be desirable to the United States, and in sixty days it 
 will be accomplished. The order being given for possession 
 of Amelia Island, it ought to be executed, or our enemies, 
 internal and external, will use it to the disadvantage of the 
 Government. If our troops enter the territory of Spain in 
 pursuit of our Indian enemy, all opposition that they meet 
 with must be put down or we will be involved in danger and 
 disgrace." 
 
 Shortly after the letter of the 6th of January, General 
 Jackson received his orders from the President, commanding 
 him to take command in Florida, and in his letter of the 9th 
 of August, 1818, heretofore published, Jackson quotes the 
 order issued to him, and on which he acted, as follows : 
 
 "The requisitions of the order are for the Commanding 
 General to assume the immediate command of Fort Scott, 
 to concentrate all the contiguous and disposable force of the 
 division on that quarter, to call on the executive of adjacent 
 States for an auxiliary militia force; and concludes with 
 this comprehensive command : 'With this view you may be 
 prepared to concentrate your forces, and adopt the necessary 
 measures to terminate a conflict which it has ever been the 
 desire of the President, from motives of humanity, to avoid, 
 but which is now necessary by their settled hostility.' : 
 
 It was after the campaign was ended and General Jackson 
 had returned home, and both the English and Spanish Gov- 
 ernments were raising questions, that the Government pro- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 489 
 
 posed to put the responsibility of the Seminole Campaign 
 on the General in command, and be able to show those 
 Governments that the Cabinet had unanimously and with 
 the approval of the President, condemned the General in 
 command. The letter of Mr. Monroe is a direct proposition 
 to General Jackson to amend his report so as to let the 
 Government out. 
 
 General Jackson refused to be a party to the proposition, 
 although the Government would protect him in what he did. 
 He defended himself and his Government, and upon the 
 ground which Mr. Adams, as Secretary of State, afterwards 
 did in his reply to the Spanish Minister — that what had 
 been done was lawful and necessary in self-defense. "But 
 then," he said, "if the Government wants to deal with me 
 for an indiscretion, all right; I will meet that. But, in the 
 first place, the order given was for the General to take com- 
 mand of the army and put an end to the war as speedily as 
 possible; therefore, my acts were the acts of the Govern- 
 ment, and if the Government can protect me in what I did, 
 it can defend my acts as its agent. 
 
 "But," said he, "before I moved an army into Florida, 
 knowing what this war was — a war of the Indians, with 
 British emissaries leading them, and the Spaniards giving 
 them protection in their forts — I wrote the President on 
 the 6th of January that, when the Indians took shelter in 
 the Spanish forts, they must be pursued into the forts and 
 the country taken possession of, and I told him in that letter 
 that if he did not want to make an order on me to advance 
 and take possession, to suggest to John Rhea, a member of 
 Congress, and let him write me." 
 
 Now, the President did say to Mr. Rhea to write and say 
 he approved the plan suggested. Mr. Rhea did write, and 
 after it was all over Jackson got word from the President 
 to tear up that letter. He did it, and made the entry oppo- 
 site the letter of the 6th of January on his letter book. Then 
 
490 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 he brought Mr. Rhea and proved that he wrote the letter, 
 and also proved by Judge Overton that he saw it. After 
 the war was over and Jackson's course was made the sub- 
 ject of threatening criticism by both Spain and England, 
 something was said about the letters of the 6th of January 
 in the Cabinet, when Mr. Monroe said he had no recollection 
 of getting such a letter. But Mr. Monroe said that if he 
 had such a letter he could find it, and brought it out. 
 
 The position of the Cabinet was that this letter had not 
 been answered. Could anything be more incompatible with 
 official duty in that highest of all trusts committed to the 
 President and his Cabinet of dealing with so delicate a 
 matter in war ? Is it possible that such a letter was pigeon- 
 holed without further notice? A letter from a General 
 ordered into Spanish territory, giving his views and reasons 
 as to the mode of conducting the war against hostile Indians 
 where a question would probably arise as to the Spaniards 
 and foreign emissaries, supposed to be parties to the cruelties 
 of the Indians! 
 
 The letter pigeon-holed, and Jackson showing that he 
 pursued the policy indicated in the letter, and made report 
 of every step taken and as taken, and no order to halt — 
 not a word of condemnation until the war is over, the army 
 back home, and Spain comes with her grievance for taking 
 the forts, and the Government cowardly says, "We have 
 condemned our General who was in command !" 
 
 Jackson needed no witnesses when he showed the letter of 
 the 6th of January, pointing out what he had done, and then 
 said he got the letter from the man agreed on to write it, 
 and acted upon it. He did not need witnesses, nor need he 
 have hunted up the book to show the entry about destroying 
 it. There was not a man in the United States that would 
 not have believed Jackson without proof. 
 
 In a former chapter, I showed where General Jackson, in 
 July, 1814, wrote to Mr. Monroe, Secretary of War under 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 491 
 
 Mr. Madison, asking what he should do about going to Pen- 
 sacola to drive out the British and capture the Spanish Gov- 
 ernor, who was aiding the British in organizing the Indians ; 
 but getting no reply he took the responsibility after waiting 
 three months, and cleaned up Pensacola; and that, after it 
 was all over, and after Jackson had whipped the British at 
 New Orleans, an answer came approving of his suggestion ; 
 and that this answer came six months, wanting one day, 
 after the letter was written. 
 
 I showed that Mr. Eaton, in writing the life of Jackson, 
 had boldly said the answer was held up that the Government 
 might answer right or wrong, depending on Jackson's suc- 
 cess. I then said, plausible as this was, I could not make 
 such a decision against the Government. But I now think 
 Mr. Eaton was right. 
 
 I now call attention to the fact that in 1830 — twelve 
 years after the action of the Cabinet censuring General 
 Jackson and restoring the forts taken to the Spaniards — 
 the President and Mr. Calhoun both say the letter was 
 pigeon-holed, not answered. Stranger still, Mr. Calhoun 
 says that, after the action of the Cabinet, this letter being 
 mentioned, he asked the President if the letter was before 
 the Cabinet when it acted on the Jackson resolution, and 
 the President said it was not. 
 
 In the pamphlet Mr. Calhoun wrote, he publishes a letter 
 to General Jackson, 27th of May, 1830, from Mr. Crawford, 
 as follows : 
 
 "The questions involved were numerous and important. 
 Whether you had transcended your orders; if so, what 
 course ought to be adopted ; what was the conduct of Spain 
 and her officers in Florida ; what was the state of our rela- 
 tions with Spain, and, through her, with the other European 
 powers — a question, at that time, of uncommon complica- 
 tion and difficulty. These questions had all to be carefully 
 examined and weighed, both separately and in connection, 
 
492 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 before a final opinion could be wisely formed; and never 
 did I see a deliberation in which every point was more care- 
 fully examined or a greater solicitude displayed to arrive at 
 a correct decision. I was the junior member of the Cabinet, 
 and had been but a few months in the administration. As 
 Secretary of War, I was more immediately connected with 
 the questions whether you had transcended your orders, and, 
 if so, what course ought to be pursued. I was of the im- 
 pression that you had exceeded your orders, and had acted 
 on your own responsibility, but I neither questioned your 
 patriotism nor your motives. Believing that where orders 
 were transcended, investigation, as a matter of course, ought 
 to follow as due in justice to the Government and the officer, 
 unless there be strong reasons to the contrary, I came to the 
 meeting under the impression that the usual course ought to 
 be pursued in this case, which I supported by presenting 
 fully and freely all the arguments that occurred to me." 
 
 But it was Mr. Calhoun who proposed the arrest. 
 
 But Mr. Crawford, who had been Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury under Mr. Monroe, in a letter to Mr. Forsythe, dated 
 30th of April, 1830, says: 
 
 "My own views on the subject had undergone a material 
 change after the Cabinet had been convened. Mr. Calhoun 
 made some allusion to a 'letter the General had written to the 
 President, who had forgotten that he had received such a 
 letter, but said that if he had received such an one he could 
 find it, and went directly to his cabinet and brought the letter 
 out. In it General Jackson approved of the determination 
 of the Government to break up Amelia Island and Galvez- 
 town, and gave it also as his opinion that the Floridas ought 
 to be taken by the United States. He added, it might be a 
 delicate matter for the executive to decide, but if the Presi- 
 dent approved of it, he had only to give a hint to some confi- 
 dential member of Congress, say Johnny Rhea, and he 
 would do it and take the responsibility of it on himself. I 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 493 
 
 asked the President if the letter had been answered. He 
 replied no, for that he had no recollection of having received 
 it. I then said that I had no doubt that General Jackson, in 
 taking Pensacola, believed that he was doing what the exec- 
 utive wished. After that letter was produced, unanswered, 
 I should have opposed the infliction of punishment upon 
 the General, who had considered the silence of the President 
 as a tacit consent ; yet it was after this letter was produced 
 and read that Mr. Calhoun made his proposition to the 
 Cabinet for punishing the General." 
 
 The action of the Cabinet was not intended as relief or 
 punishment, but simply as a pronouncement, so far as Gen- 
 eral Jackson was concerned, and therefore was offensive. 
 It was the Government shrinking from a responsibility and 
 implicating a brave and courageous General who had kept 
 within the limits of the law, and besides a general authority 
 amply sufficient, and in addition a special authority given 
 on his own suggestion in a letter pointing out, by his fore- 
 sight, what would occur, the answer to which was, and on 
 which the Cabinet rested its action, that the letter had not 
 been answered, which was true, but the special authority 
 given through Mr. Rhea was not denied and could not be. 
 A few months after this letter was received — say six 
 months — the Cabinet hold a meeting and condemn the 
 General, and admit that when they acted on condemning 
 resolutions this letter was not in evidence — not considered. 
 Unless there is some relief that I cannot see, this is a chapter 
 in our history which every true American would be pleased 
 to obliterate. It was like Jackson to stand acquitted and in 
 the right, no matter who assails. 
 
 A recapitulation of the facts may help the student of 
 history, to whom they are new, to realize their importance, 
 and such recapitulation is more than justified, because they 
 are the open door to what is known as the Jacksonian period. 
 They are the foundation of the lifetime bitterness between 
 
494 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Clay and Jackson, breaking up a friendship as sincere r.s 
 common ties and a union of efforts in the war of 1812 could 
 make it. They severed the relations between Mr. Calhoun 
 and General Jackson, at the time when one was President 
 and the other Vice-President, which had been more than 
 friendly. They shook Washington social life as never 
 before. They dissolved the President's Cabinet. They 
 made a Jackson party and a Calhoun party. They arrayed 
 the forces for the great fights on the United States Bank 
 and on the expunging resolutions. They divided the then 
 controlling and powerful Republican party into a Jackson 
 Republican party and a National Republican party, with 
 Jackson and Clay the respective great leaders; and they 
 finally led to the organization of the Whig party, that twice 
 elected a President. 
 
 The facts which I have here given that cannot be disputed, 
 are: 
 
 1. That General Jackson, as a Major General in the 
 United States Army, was sent at the head of an army into a 
 Spanish territory to do what was necessary to fight the 
 Seminole Indians and end the war as speedily as possible. 
 
 2. That in addition to this general authority Jackson had, 
 before he went, outlined the policy which should be pursued 
 in Spanish territory, and the Government agreed to his 
 theory of carrying on the war, and had Jackson notified that 
 his plan was approved. 
 
 3. Then Jackson did what had been agreed on and in the 
 way agreed on. 
 
 4. Then the Cabinet unanimously censured Jackson with- 
 out considering the evidence on which he acted, and this was 
 done after Jackson refused to agree to a suggestion to 
 change the facts by amending his report so as to satisfy 
 Spain. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 495 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 SYNOPSIS OF THE ISSUE COVERED BY "JACKSON^ EXPOSI- 
 tion" proof concerning calhoun and crawford 
 
 benton's statement in regard to the "exposition" 
 the exact points involved between general jack- 
 son and mr. calhoun the skeleton in monroe's 
 
 CABINET. 
 
 THERE are certain reasons why the paper called 
 "Jackson's Exposition" should go into this book — 
 referred to in a former chapter — and when that 
 chapter was closed it was intended to publish the entire 
 paper; but I am now revising the whole work and cutting 
 it down, and, upon reflection, have decided to make a liberal 
 synopsis of the paper. This conclusion is reached because 
 the original paper in its entirety can be read by critics, and 
 those who are anxious to know what the details are, by 
 turning to Mr. Benton's "Thirty Years in the Senate;" 
 therefore I shall give as brief a synopsis as the character of 
 the work will allow. 
 
 This paper was commenced by General Jackson before 
 his second election, and was intended to give the exact facts 
 in reference to the very unpleasant and very remarkable 
 conflict between him and Mr. Calhoun. After the election, 
 and when he finished the paper, he declined to give it to the 
 public, giving his reasons, but made the request about its 
 going into his biography if one should be written. 
 
 Briefly, this paper, of more than 10,000 words, is a col- 
 lection of facts, much of it in correspondence, with a view 
 of settling a question which must have given General Jack- 
 son and Mr. Calhoun both great concern at the time. The 
 
496 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 point which General Jackson undertakes to establish in this 
 paper is, that after the House of Representatives and the 
 Senate had relieved him from charges made by his enemies 
 of pursuing the Seminole Indians into the Spanish forts, it 
 cropped out (percolated) that while these proceedings were 
 going on in the Senate and in the House, there had been a 
 movement in the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe — of course secret 
 — to have him arrested for violating orders of the President 
 in entering the forts. This percolating process went on for 
 some years, and, from newspaper reports and other things 
 said, General Jackson came to believe that this movement 
 had been made in the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe; instigated 
 or set on foot by William H. Crawford who was, as well as 
 Mr. Calhoun, a member of Monroe's Cabinet, and this 
 belief came to be so well fixed in General Jackson's mind 
 that he declined to speak to Mr. Crawford for many years. 
 During this time insinuations had been made to him that it 
 was not Crawford, but Mr. Calhoun who had made the 
 suggestion. This General Jackson persistently refused to 
 believe, giving as a reason the long and close friendship 
 between him and Mr. Calhoun. 
 
 Nearly twelve years after the supposed attempt in the 
 Cabinet to have him arrested, as General Jackson shows, a 
 Mr. Hamilton, son of the statesman, told William B. Lewis 
 that General Jackson was mistaken in supposing that it was 
 Crawford who made the move in the Cabinet, and that he 
 had seen a letter from Mr. Crawford to that effect, and that 
 the letter was in New York. Thereupon, General Jackson 
 sent William B. Lewis to New York to look up the letter, 
 and found it, but could not get it, but an offer was made by 
 the gentleman who possessed it to come to Washington and 
 bring it. This General Jackson did not regard as the most 
 direct means of getting at the facts, nor did he think it was 
 exactly the thing to do so far as Mr. Crawford was con- 
 cerned, and suggested to a friend to write to Mr. Crawford 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 497 
 
 on the subject. The letter was written, and Mr. Crawford's 
 reply received, saying that the motion in the Cabinet to have 
 General Jackson arrested was made by Mr. Calhoun and 
 not by him. 
 
 General Jackson thereupon sent the letter, or a copy of it, 
 to Mr. Calhoun, and said to him in substance that unless 
 this was denied their friendship would end. 
 
 In this paper, the "Exposition," General Jackson sets 
 forth the important facts that when he thus became pos- 
 sessed of the proof that Mr. Calhoun had made the motion 
 to have him arrested, and had made a speech urging it, im- 
 pressed with the fact that this had been a skeleton in the 
 Cabinet for about twelve years, during all which time he 
 had regarded Mr. Calhoun as one of his closest friends, and 
 then goes at length into the proof that in following the 
 Indians into the Spanish forts he had acted under instruc- 
 tions from the President, and sets out minutely these de- 
 tails: That in 1818, when the war with the Seminole In- 
 dians was giving the Government considerable trouble, Gen- 
 eral Gaines, being in charge of our forces, the President 
 wrote him (Jackson) as Major General in the United 
 States Army — Jackson being at that time at the Hermit- 
 age — to raise an army from adjacent States, and proceed 
 at once to Florida and take command of the army — at the 
 same time sending him instructions which had been fur- 
 nished General Gaines, and in which Gaines had been di- 
 rected if the Indians took shelter in the Spanish forts, that 
 he must stop and confer with the Government at Wash- 
 ington before entering the forts. 
 
 General Jackson shows that in reply to the letter of the 
 President, he took ground that the instructions to General 
 Gaines could not with safety be carried out; that if the 
 Indians took shelter, he should be allowed to follow them ; 
 and that his army would be put in great hazard to remain 
 until a messenger could be sent to Washington and return. 
 
498 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 He then shows that this letter reached the President, and 
 at the time Mr. Calhoun was in the room with the Presi- 
 dent, and that the letter was turned over by the President to, 
 and read by Mr. Calhoun, and handed back to the President. 
 He shows that he said in that letter to the President, if he 
 did not wish to make any order in advance about what 
 should be done in such a contingency, he might indicate to 
 his friend, John Rhea, who was in Congress at the time, 
 whether he approved the suggestion that he (Jackson) 
 made. 
 
 He then shows that he raised an army, and before he 
 reached Florida he got a letter from Mr. Rhea saying that 
 the President approved his suggestions, and that he had 
 much correspondence with the President and Mr. Calhoun 
 afterwards, and Mr. Calhoun as Secretary of War while 
 he was conducting the campaign, and that that correspond- 
 ence was on the line of an acquiescence in his suggestions. 
 
 This is a brief synopsis of the issue, but in the "Exposi- 
 tion" it is supported by the necessary proof, and especially 
 by what Mr. Calhoun had said at the time to Mr. Bibb, of 
 Georgia, to the effect that General Jackson had full author- 
 ity to conduct the war as he thought proper. He called to 
 his aid Mr. Rhea and Judge Overton as to the letter he had 
 received before he got to Florida, and says that the Presi- 
 dent afterwards sent word to him to destroy that letter, 
 which he did, making a memorandum on his letter-book 
 that it had been destroyed, and that Judge Overton knew all 
 the facts. 
 
 This lengthy paper, known as the "Exposition," was 
 shown to Mr. Calhoun, but no reply was made at the time, 
 and, after most diligent inquiry from leading men in the 
 South, and from a granddaughter of Mr. Calhoun who has 
 taken great interest in his reputation, I have been unable to 
 find where Mr. Calhoun made any explanation about it. It 
 is true that Mr. Calhoun did write a pamphlet in reference 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 499 
 
 to his conflict and separation from General Jackson, but 
 this I have been unable to find, holding up this part of this 
 very unpleasant and disagreeable part of American history 
 for nearly a year. I have made every effort to find what 
 defense Mr. Calhoun made — publishing the facts in brief 
 in the Atlanta Constitution and other papers, in the hope 
 that some friend of Mr. Calhoun would furnish whatever 
 explanation he had made — if any.^ 
 
 It is manifest that when this trouble came into the Cabi- 
 net, Spain was in a bad humor with the United States, and 
 the President was in some trouble, and at the time made a 
 proposition to General Jackson, in a letter, that he assume 
 the responsibility of going into the forts, intimating to 
 General Jackson that the Government could defend him for 
 going in and avoid the serious conflict with Spain. This 
 General Jackson refused, saying that what he did, he did 
 under orders, and that the Government could undoubtedly 
 defend itself, and what he did was what he had a right to 
 do in command of an army pursuing an enemy that had 
 found shelter in the forts of a nation we were at peace with. 
 
 Gentlemen who are curious to know all the facts and see 
 all the evidence — including the entire correspondence — will 
 find the paper in Mr. Benton's "Thirty Years in the Senate," 
 i st Vol., p. 169. 
 
 In reference to this paper, Mr. Benton says : 
 
 "Such is the paper which General Jackson left behind 
 him for publication, and which is so essential to the under- 
 standing of the events of the time. From the rupture be- 
 tween General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun (beginning to 
 open in 1830 and breaking out in 1831) date calamitous 
 events to this country, upon which history cannot shut her 
 eyes, and which would be a barren relation without the 
 revelation of their cause. Justice to Mr. Monroe (who 
 seemed to hesitate in the Cabinet about the proposition to 
 censure or punish General Jackson) requires it to be dis- 
 
500 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 tinctly brought out that he had either never read, or had 
 entirely forgotten General Jackson's confidential letter, to be 
 answered through the venerable Representative from Ten- 
 nessee (John Rhea), and the production of which in the 
 Cabinet had such a decided influence on Mr. Calhoun's 
 proposition — and against it. This is well told in the letter 
 of Mr. Crawford to Mr. Forsyth, is enforced in the 'Exposi- 
 tion' and referred to in the correspondence, but deserves to 
 be reproduced in Mr. Crawford's own words. He says : 
 
 " 'Indeed, my own views on the subject had undergone a 
 material change after the Cabinet had been convened. Mr. 
 Calhoun made some allusion to a letter the General had 
 written to the President, who had forgotten that he had re- 
 ceived such a letter, but said if he had received such an one, 
 he could find it; and went directly to his cabinet and 
 brought the letter out. In it General Jackson approved of 
 the determination of the Government to break up Amelia 
 Island and Galveston; and gave it also as his opinion that 
 the Floridas should be taken by the United States. He 
 added it might be a delicate matter for the Executive to 
 decide; but if the President approved of it, he had only to 
 give a hint to some confidential member of Congress, say 
 Johnny Ray (Rhea) and he would do it, and take the re- 
 sponsibility of it on himself. I asked the President if the 
 letter had been answered. He replied, 'No;' for that he 
 had no recollection of having received it. I then said that I 
 had no doubt that General Jackson, in taking Pensacola, 
 believed he was doing what the Executive wished. After 
 that letter was produced unanswered, I should have op- 
 posed the infliction of punishment upon the General, who 
 had considered the silence of the President as tacit consent. 
 Yet it was after this letter was produced and read that Mr. 
 Calhoun made his proposition to the Cabinet for punishing 
 the General. You may show this letter to Mr. Calhoun, if 
 you please.' 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 501 
 
 "It was shown to him by General Jackson, as shown in the 
 'correspondence,' and in the 'Exposition ;' and is only repro- 
 duced here for the sake of doing justice to Mr. Monroe." 
 
 Nothing short of an imperious necessity for space pre- 
 vents my publishing this remarkable document, the "Expo- 
 sition," in full; but having made what I hope will be re- 
 garded as an intelligent synopsis of the paper, I cannot too 
 earnestly urge political critics and historians to turn to Mr. 
 Benton's work and read the whole paper. It was General 
 Jackson's earnest request that the paper should be put into 
 his biography. There is no evidence that he ever made any 
 other request as to what should go into the book. Mr. 
 Parton had the paper when he wrote his biography, and the 
 book shows that he was making no effort to keep it in pre- 
 scribed limits, yet he did not publish this paper. But more 
 than this, it is General Jackson's carefully prepared ver- 
 sion of an intensely interesting historic period, in which he 
 was the central figure, involving scenes which will have 
 their pros and cons as long as big men and great deeds in 
 high places are talked and written about. 
 
 This subject, which would take up many pages of the 
 book, may not be interesting to paragraph readers, but with 
 students of history, not one, perhaps, knowing the condi- 
 tions, will commence the paper without finishing it, and 
 having called attention to it, careful readers will turn to 
 Mr. Benton's book and read it. The interest in it at once 
 becomes absorbing when it is seen that a skeleton is found 
 in Mr. Monroe's Cabinet and uncovered, causing a sensa- 
 tion that the discovery of hidden crime produces, though it 
 had been concealed for twelve years under the sacred obli- 
 gations resting on Cabinet officers to tell no tales. The dis- 
 covery of this skeleton aroused passions, alienated friends, 
 called up witnesses, brought collisions in high places, dissi- 
 pated suspicions and substituted convictions, which must 
 stand or fall by the paper given to the public. Under all 
 
502 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 circumstances, it is not surprising that General Jackson 
 desired his convictions, with the evidence, to go into his- 
 tory and be read. 
 
 The publication of this paper leaves every reader to judge 
 for himself on the merits of a controversy involving the 
 conduct, character, and official life of men who had reached 
 the highest places in the Government, and who had, with 
 their respective followers, the warmest places in their hearts. 
 The split between General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun, with 
 the consequences, is, no doubt, more widely known and has 
 been the cause of more reckless criticism than any collision 
 between public men in the history of the country. This 
 sketch is more willingly given a place in this work because, 
 after the "Exposition" was written, its contents were made 
 known to Mr. Calhoun that he might, if he desired, make 
 a reply, which he declined to do. 
 
 The exact points involved between General Jackson and 
 Mr. Calhoun were three ; as follows : 
 
 i. Did Mr. Calhoun, when a member of Mr. Monroe's 
 Cabinet in 1818, propose the arrest and punishment of 
 General Jackson for disobedience of orders in the Seminole 
 campaign ? 
 
 2. Did he, while it was a Cabinet secret, purposely mis- 
 lead General Jackson as to the facts, claiming to have been 
 Jackson's friend in the matter ? 
 
 3. Did he know, was he cognizant, of the orders which 
 had been given to General Jackson by the President when 
 the campaign commenced? 
 
 Did General Jackson establish the facts suggested by 
 these questions? If he did, then it puts a new phase on 
 Mr. Calhoun's character. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun's high reputation as a man of honor, and 
 General Jackson's array of facts will undoubtedly excite in 
 the mind of every careful reader the intensest interest, and 
 he will probably turn back and reread. It is not my busi- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 503 
 
 ness to solve the problem or attempt to do so ; it is my busi- 
 ness to get the exact facts before the public. But the solu- 
 tion is certainly aided by some established facts and about 
 which there can be no misunderstanding. 
 
 These facts are — that General Jackson did write the let- 
 ter, the confidential letter pointing out what course should be 
 pursued in occupying the country and under what circum- 
 stances the Spanish forts might be taken. Suggesting to 
 the President a means of notifying him through Mr. Rhea, 
 a member of Congress, Mr. Rhea did notify General Jack- 
 son, by letter, that the President had instructed him — Rhea 
 — to notify Jackson that he approved his (Jackson's) pol- 
 icy. The President and Mr. Calhoun, his Secretary of 
 War, both admit they got his letter, and produced it, but 
 say it was not answered. There was no pretense that Gen- 
 eral Jackson had gone beyond the suggestions of the letter 
 which he (the President) approved and had Rhea write 
 Jackson. But in less than one year General Jackson was 
 charged in the Cabinet with disobedience of orders and cen- 
 sured. The proposition of Mr. Calhoun to have him arrested 
 however, failed. 
 
 When the secret Cabinet skeleton was discovered, the 
 Cabinet movement to have Jackson arrested was put upon 
 the ground that no answer at all of any kind had been made 
 to Jackson's confidential letter and that it had been forgot- 
 ten. 
 
 It is difficult to believe the Cabinet paid no attention to 
 this letter, suggesting a policy and asking information as to 
 the course to be pursued while carrying on a war against the 
 Indians in a Spanish territory. It is incredible. But Rhea 
 who wrote the reply at the instance of the President, was 
 still living, and he and Judge Overton and Jackson all bear 
 testimony to the fact, the letter being destroyed at the re- 
 quest of the President. 
 
504 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 This skeleton in the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe, originating 
 in the proposition of Mr. Calhoun to have General Jackson 
 arrested, at the same time, and seemingly a part of the 
 whole, of the resolutions in the House and Senate censuring 
 him for his conduct in the Seminole War, though the House 
 and Senate resolutions signally failed, and the Cabinet pro- 
 ceedings were, for twelve years, partially covered up and hid 
 away in the secrecy of Cabinet proceedings, was the incep- 
 tion of a political and party revolution, disturbing personal 
 relations and causing breeches in lifetime friendships which 
 can scarcely be taken at a single glance. Simultaneously 
 with the step in the Cabinet was the Seminole condemning 
 resolution introduced in the House, on which Mr. Clay 
 made one of the greatest speeches of his life. Up to this 
 time he and Jackson had been warm friends, the tie being 
 that one brought on the war of 1812 and the other fought 
 it to a finish. But the conditions, as Jackson saw them, 
 doing in the Seminole Campaign just what he had been 
 ordered to do, and then put on trial before the American 
 people for disobedience of orders, stirred up one emotion 
 of his sensitive nature — his honor as a soldier — as never 
 before, and when Mr. Clay made the speech, with Jackson 
 it was a breach never to be healed in life. 
 
 Twelve years after, when the skeleton was uncovered, the 
 separation with Mr. Calhoun was prompt, never to be 
 healed, and greatly aggravated by the deception which he 
 claimed had been practiced on him. 
 
 For twelve years Jackson had been alienated from Craw- 
 ford, believing he was the author of the Cabinet proceed- 
 ings, and for which he gladly apologized when he came to 
 know the facts. After Jackson's triumph in this matter, 
 Mr. Calhoun ceased to act with the Democratic party and 
 claimed to be only interested in taking care of South Caro- 
 lina. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 505 
 
 It led to the breaking up of the Cabinet, Mr. Calhoun re- 
 signed as Vice-President and took a seat in the Senate. In 
 the great Bank question and in the expunging resolutions 
 Calhoun united with Webster and Clay in the fight against 
 Jackson, and out of it all came the division that brought into 
 existence the Whig party. 
 
506 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 RECEPTION OF GENERAL JACKSON AT NASHVILLE ON HIS 
 
 RETURN FROM THE SEMINOLE WAR ADDRESS OF JOHN 
 
 OVERTON REPLY OF GENERAL JACKSON HISTORIC BAN- 
 QUET AT NASHVILLE INN THE TOASTS DRUNK SPAIN'S 
 
 DELAY IN CONSUMMATING TREATY OPPOSITION IN SEN- 
 ATE TO RATIFICATION OF TREATY JACKSON'S RESIGNA- 
 TION OF OFFICE OF MAJOR GENERAL JACKSON APPOINT- 
 ED GOVERNOR OF THE FLORIDAS JOURNEY OF GENERAL 
 
 AND MRS. JACKSON TO THE FLORIDAS HONORS PAID TO 
 
 THEM AT NATCHEZ AND NEW ORLEANS JACKSON'S 
 
 COMMISSION AS GOVERNOR CONDITIONS JACKSON 
 
 FOUND ON ARRIVAL IN THE FLORIDAS JACKSON'S CON- 
 DUCT OF AFFAIRS AS GOVERNOR JACKSON SECURES JUS- 
 TICE FOR QUADROON WOMAN SEIZURE OF PAPERS OF 
 
 DOMINGO SOUSA, RECALCITRANT SPANISH OFFICER 
 
 ARREST OF GOVERNOR CALLAVA. 
 
 1 
 
 THE pursuit of the skeleton in the Cabinet has car- 
 ried me twelve years ahead of my story — from 
 1818 to 1830. But this is because the attack in 
 181 8 about the Seminole Campaign in the House and by a 
 committee of the Senate and the discovery of the skeleton 
 in 1830 is a continuous story. After the House so over- 
 whelmingly voted down the resolutions of censure and the 
 Lacock Senate Committee abandoned the prosecution, Gen- 
 eral Jackson returned to Tennessee, reaching home in April, 
 1 81 9. In one respect General Jackson's life was much like 
 the life of the great Roman general, except that Csesar's 
 life was a life of conquest, bringing with him the wealth 
 oT his conquered provinces, while Jackson again and again 
 returned bringing back only the honors of victory over his 
 country's enemies — or victories for himself over the strife 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 507 
 
 and jealousy of combined foes. The Nashville Whig of the 
 7th of April, 1 819, gives the following account of his re- 
 turn to Nashville : 
 
 "At 11 o'clock a.m., of the 6th of April, a large assem- 
 blage of gentlemen met the General several miles from town, 
 and escorted him into the public square, where he was met 
 by the committee, and the following address was read in a 
 very feeling and impressive manner by the Hon. John Over- 
 ton : 
 
 " 'Major General Jackson : In behalf of the citizens of 
 Nashville, and its vicinity, we once more welcome your re- 
 turn to your friends, your family, and your home. Uni- 
 formly successful in the field — always victorious over the 
 enemies of our country — it was not to be expected that you 
 would wholly escape the censure of the envious and mali- 
 cious. 
 
 " 'Charges were exhibited against you, and by the repre- 
 sentatives of the people they were repelled. Their decision 
 is approved by the voice of the nation. To those who know 
 you well, who perhaps know you best, who had the oppor- 
 tunity of witnessing your conduct — the means of appreci- 
 ating your motives — to your neighbors and acquaintances, 
 your military career has been as satisfactory as it has been 
 brilliant ; the battles you have fought, the victories you have 
 won, have procured for our country the most lasting bene- 
 fit, and for yourself a name imperishable. 
 
 " 'Your winter's march through the swamps of Florida 
 to the ramparts of Barrancas originated in necessity, and 
 resulted in the happiest consequences. Your enemies may 
 calumniate ; demagogues may rail ; some two or three Sena- 
 tors may impute 'mercenary views.' unsupported by evi- 
 dence, but by us, by your country, by posterity, such insinu- 
 ations are and will be deemed as ridiculous as they are un- 
 founded. Your fame, your health, and your happiness arc 
 dear to those who address you ; may you long live to enjoy 
 them.' " 
 
508 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 To which General Jackson made the following reply: 
 " 'I tender to you, sir, the gentlemen associated with 
 you, and the citizens of Nashville and its vicinity, in whose 
 behalf I have been addressed, my most sincere and grateful 
 acknowledgments for the favorable sentiments expressed 
 toward me, and the very kindly and friendly welcome which 
 you have given me upon my return among you. This 
 additional testimony of regard and friendship from my 
 fellow-citizens has afforded me the most heartfelt gratifica- 
 tion, and has made a deep and lasting impression on my 
 mind. 
 
 " 'Conscious of having, in every situation in which I 
 have had the honor to act, honestly and zealously exerted 
 my best faculties to support the rights and protect and ad- 
 vance the interests of my country, to have at any time re- 
 ceived such an impression of approbation from the citizens 
 of my State — those best acquainted with me — many of 
 whom have seen me in the most trying events of my life, 
 and have participated with me in all the fatigues, privations, 
 and perils of war — would have afforded me high gratifica- 
 tion. How much increased, then, must be the pleasure and 
 gratification which I derive from this manifestation of your 
 favorable opinion, at a moment when my reputation has 
 been assailed in every manner in which the most vindictive 
 feelings could suggest; when an investigation has been in- 
 stituted, not only into my public acts, but my private charac- 
 ter. And, without an opportunity afforded me of being 
 heard in my defense, have I been, by a committee of the 
 Senate, at the close of the session, accused of conduct the 
 most disgraceful, and pronounced guilty of having wished 
 to involve my country in a war from personal, mercenary 
 views, and this accusation unsupported by the least shadow 
 of testimony. 
 
 'Here, sir, for the present, will I let this unpleasant 
 subject rest, my conduct having been approved by the Presi- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 509 
 
 dent, to whom alone I am responsible. I have no fear but 
 my country will do me justice, and that the Senate, at their 
 next session, will correct the many untruths contained in 
 the vindictive report made by three of its members.' 
 
 "The emotion of the General in delivering his reply was 
 so visible as to communicate its sympathetic effects to all 
 around. It was received with cheers and acclamations 
 from every quarter, and amid the shouts of the people he 
 was conducted to the Nashville Inn, where a splendid din- 
 ner was prepared. Among the invited guests present were 
 the Hons. John Haywood and Thomas Emmerson, Judges 
 of the Supreme Court. Ephraim H. Foster, Esq., acted as 
 President, and John Somerville, Esq., as Vice-President. 
 The following toasts were drunk : 
 
 "i. United America: a star which but lately rose in the 
 West; its splendor already gives light to the benighted 
 nations of the East. Three cheers. 
 
 "2. James Monroe, President of the United States: his 
 administration has demonstrated that a Chief Magistrate, 
 guided by practical wisdom, can silence the tumult of party 
 spirit. Nine cheers. 
 
 "3. The 4th of July, 1776: for the support of the 'decla- 
 ration' made on that day, we mutually pledge to each 
 other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.' Six 
 cheers. 
 
 "4. The memory of the immortal Washington. 'Let 
 expressive silence muse his praise.' 
 
 "5. The Constitution of the United States; every experi- 
 ment tends to prove the solid materials of which it is com- 
 posed. Three cheers. 
 
 "6. The heads of departments. 
 
 "7. Tennessee and her sister States: their interest the 
 same, they will act in concert in peace and war. Three 
 cheers. 
 
 "8. The Governor of Tennessee. 
 
510 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "g. Major General Andrew Jackson: he fought for his 
 country only; the arrows of detraction fall harmless at his 
 feet. Nine cheers. 
 
 "10. The Seminole War: forced upon us by aggression; 
 justified by necessity; by its vigorous prosecution we have 
 acquired a strong barrier against the inroads of savages 
 and foreign incendiaries. Nine cheers. 
 
 "n. Arbuthnot and Ambrister: they were not without 
 their friends; may all men of similar views meet a similar 
 fate. Silence. 
 
 "12. The late treaty with Spain: that which long pro- 
 tracted negotiation could not effect, was quickly accom- 
 plished by decision in the Cabinet and energy in the field. 
 Six cheers. 
 
 "13. John Quincy Adams: the distinguished statesman, 
 the firm patriot, the able negotiator, the eloquent supporter 
 of his country's rights. Six cheers. 
 
 "14. DeWitt Clinton: the promoter of his country's best 
 interests. Three cheers. 
 
 "15. The citizens of New York, Philadelphia, and Balti- 
 more: Tennessee will remember with gratitude their hospi- 
 tality to our distinguished guest. Nine cheers. 
 
 "16. Col. Richard M. Johnson: the true representative 
 of his gallant constituents ; in war a sword for the enemies 
 of his country, in peace a shield for private virtue. Three 
 cheers. 
 
 "17. The 8th of January, 181 5 : the American bosom will 
 forever throb with emotion and exultation when the deeds 
 of that day shall be recounted. Nine cheers. 
 
 "18. The navy of the United States: pre-eminent in 
 brilliant achievements. Six cheers. 
 
 "22. The patriots of South America: palsied be the arm 
 that would wrest from them the standard of liberty for 
 which they have so nobly struggled. Six cheers." 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 511 
 
 The manner in which General Jackson closed up the 
 Seminole Campaign and his refusal to modify his report of 
 the campaign, as urged by President Monroe, relieving the 
 Government from the embarrassment with Spain, and his 
 firm stand that his course was not only justified by the con- 
 ditions, but that what he did was with the approbation, and 
 in fact by the orders of the President, with the ringing de- 
 fense of his course by the Secretary of State, Mr. Adams in 
 his correspondence with the Minister of Spain, enabled Mr. 
 Monroe to make the purchase of Florida, which treaty was 
 signed on the 22d of February, 1819. The Spanish Govern- 
 ment, however, for two years refused to ratify the treaty, 
 taking offense at the great sympathy then being shown by 
 our public men and people generally for the revolted South 
 American provinces. The Spanish Government gave out 
 that it would send a special envoy to the United States to 
 talk the matter of the treaty all over and with certain com- 
 plaints to be considered. Mr. Monroe's patience was ex- 
 hausted. 
 
 General Jackson, on the 28th of December, 1819, wrote 
 to Mr. Eaton on the subject of Spanish treachery, and 
 said : 
 
 "I deprecate the idea of waiting longer for an explana- 
 tion from unfaithful Spain. Can we receive a minister 
 from that power under present circumstances without com- 
 promising in some degree our national character? Under 
 the bad faith of Spain, as I believe, the only good explana- 
 tion that can be given is from the mouth of American 
 cannon." 
 
 The ratification of this treaty found opposition in the 
 Senate. Mr. Clay opposed it because in the treaty, besides 
 paying five millions for Florida, we gave up to Spain our 
 claim, which, however, was in dispute, to Texas. General 
 Jackson put his outside influence to the ratification and it 
 was ratified. 
 
512 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 General Jackson had long before this notified the Presi- 
 dent of his purpose to resign the office of Major General as 
 soon as the trouble with Spain was settled. He regarded 
 the bad faith of that Government toward us deserving of a 
 good, sound thrashing, and that its insolence would prob- 
 ably lead to a conflict, and if it came, he intended to be in 
 it. But as soon as the treaty was ratified he resigned. 
 His address to the army is dated the 21st of July, 1821. 
 
 Congress promptly passed an act for the reception and 
 provisional government of Florida. By this act it was or- 
 dained that "until the end of the first session of the next 
 Congress, unless provision for the temporary government 
 of Florida be sooner made by Congress, all the military, 
 civil, and judiciary powers exercised by the officers of the 
 existing government of the same, shall be vested in such 
 person or persons, and shall be exercised in such manner 
 as the President of the United States shall direct, for the 
 maintenance of the inhabitants in the free enjoyment of 
 their property, liberty, and religion." 
 
 Immediately on the ratification of the treaty and the 
 passage of the law conferring the power on the President, 
 Mr. Monroe appointed General Jackson Governor of the 
 Floridas. This office was not sought by him; in fact, he 
 was quite reluctant to accept it. All his correspondence — 
 everything he said and did — showed that he earnestly and 
 hopefully looked to the pleasure of the Hermitage and rest 
 as soon as the Spanish troubles were ended, having resigned 
 the office of Major General. 
 
 Mrs. Jackson's letters, some of which I have already pub- 
 lished as well as his own, show with what reluctance they 
 gave up the contemplated change from public service to 
 the felicities of a reunion ; for there had been eight years of 
 practical separation of husband and wife, a temporary sus- 
 pension of ties as strong and sweet as ever existed between 
 man and woman. Nothing but a loyal obedience to his 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 513 
 
 country's demands, which was the controlling incentive of 
 his life, caused him to abandon the pleasures which he had 
 resigned the office of Major General in the United States 
 army to enjoy, and take upon himself the labor and vexa- 
 tion of governing a mongrel people, as were the inhabitants 
 of Florida at that time. Taking Mrs. Jackson with him, he 
 left on the 18th of April, 1821, for Florida, by the way of 
 New Orleans. At all points on the river, and especially at 
 New Orleans, honors without stint were showered on him. 
 The truth is, there is nothing in ancient or modern history, 
 in the way of manifesting love and devotion to a great 
 leader, comparable to the repeated exhibitions at Nashville 
 and at New Orleans on the several occasions of General 
 Jackson's visits. When he returned to Nashville from a 
 campaign or from his arduous duties in civil life, the whole 
 people went out to meet and escort him into the city, and 
 when he visited New Orleans vast multitudes gathered to 
 attest their appreciation of the man who had saved their 
 city and people as well as the country from the deepest hu- 
 miliation. 
 
 Mrs. Jackson wrote to her friend, Mrs. Kingsley, from 
 New Orleans, an extract from which letter here will enable 
 the reader to see the plain, Christian woman, whose sweet, 
 gentle words and exemplary life could soften the nature 
 and point the way of the man whose destiny was victory, 
 and who knew no power but his country and its laws. In 
 the midst of unparalleled pageantry she wrote: 
 
 "We were met at the Natchez and conducted to this place. 
 The house and furniture are so splendid I can't pretend a 
 description. The attention and honors paid to the General 
 far excel a recital of my pen. They conducted him to the 
 Grand Theater; his box was decorated with elegant hang- 
 ings. At his appearance the theater rang with loud accla- 
 mations, 'Vive Jackson.' Songs of praise were sung by the 
 ladies, and in the midst they crowned him with a crown of 
 
514 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 laurel. The Lord has promised his humble followers a 
 crown that fadeth not away; the present one is already 
 withered, the leaves are falling off. St. Paul says, 'All 
 things shall work together for good to them who are in 
 Christ Jesus.' I know I was never so tried before, tempted, 
 proved in all things. I know that my Redeemer liveth, and 
 that I am his by covenant promise. 
 
 "I want you to read the one hundred and thirty-seventh 
 Psalm. There is not a day or night that I do not repeat it. 
 Oh, for Zion, I wept when I saw this idolatry. Think not, 
 my dear friend, that I am the least unfaithful. It has a 
 contrary effect. 
 
 "I have written you this through the greatest bustle and 
 confusion. The nobility have assembled to escort the Gen- 
 eral with a full band of martial music to review the troops. 
 Remember me to your clear husband, Mrs. Foster, Mrs. 
 McLemore, Mrs. Martin, and all my Christian friends. Say 
 to my father in the gospel — Parson Blackburn — I shall al- 
 ways love him as such. Often I have blessed the Lord that 
 I was permitted to be called under his ministry. Oh, fare- 
 well! Pray for your sister in a heathen land, far from 
 my people and church. Present me to all friends. I can 
 scarcely hear for confusion. Yours with affection, 
 
 "Rachel Jackson." 
 
 The commission to General Jackson was: 
 "Know ye, that, reposing special trust and confidence in 
 the integrity, patriotism, and abilities of Major General 
 Andrew Jackson, I do appoint him to exercise all the pow- 
 ers and authority heretofore exercised by the Governor and 
 Captain General and Intendant of Cuba, and by the Govern- 
 ors of East and West Florida ; provided, however, that the 
 said Andrew Jackson, or any person acting under him, or 
 in the said territories, shall have no power or authority to 
 lay or collect any new or additional taxes, or to grant or 
 confirm to any person or persons, whomsoever, any title or 
 claims to land within the same." 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 515 
 
 General Jackson, as in everything else, when the surren- 
 der was made by the Spanish Governor of Florida, was 
 ready to commence business. On the day after the exchange 
 of flags he appointed mayors and aldermen for the cities 
 and empowered them to levy taxes for the support of the 
 cities. 
 
 The mayor and aldermen of St. Augustine laid a tax of 
 twenty-five cents on every one hundred dollars worth of 
 real estate, a tax of one dollar a year on each slave, two 
 dollars a year on each dog, twenty-four dollars a year on 
 each dram shop, fifty dollars a year on billiard tables, ten 
 dollars on riding carriages, seven and one-half per cent, on 
 gross auction sales. 
 
 The politicians made the charge, in the many fights they 
 made on him. that this was beyond his authority as pre- 
 scribed in the commission, but Jackson beat them by showing 
 that such power had been exercised by the Spanish city 
 authorities, and that in the organization he was empowered 
 with all the authority the Spaniards had exercised. 
 
 The main fight made on him by the politicians, in refer- 
 ence to the ordinance made, was for the violation of his 
 commission in that the commission and the act of Congress 
 required that he should protect the people of Florida in the 
 "free enjoyment of their religion." 
 
 The regulation issued by him was : 
 
 "As the Christian Sabbath is observed throughout the 
 civilized world, it is ordained that in order to remove any 
 doubt which might be entertained with respect to the pow- 
 ers of the Mayor and Council on the subject, the said Mayor 
 and Council be authorized to make any regulations on the 
 observance thereof which they may deem proper." 
 
 The politicians in the hunt for something that would 
 reach the public mind and effectually check the onward 
 march of the man who, though a rough backwoodsman, had 
 been made a Major General in the United States army, and 
 
516 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 then elevated to the great office of President, made the 
 point that under this ordinance the Catholic churches might 
 be closed up on Sunday, and that it was in its scope, trans- 
 cending the powers given in the commission. 
 
 The reply to this was that the Mayor and Council had 
 attempted no such thing, and that the ordinance was friendly 
 and not hostile to religion, and that the spirit and founda- 
 tion of the order were that Mrs. Jackson desired and the 
 Governor ordered, in the interest of religion, that gambling 
 houses, whisky shops, and theaters should not be run on 
 Sunday, and there was no proof that these were parts of 
 the Catholic faith or practice. 
 
 After the exchange of flags and the American flag was 
 hung out on the Governor's house — and as it was done — 
 there stood ready a vendor of religious tracts who, like the 
 newsboy when he gets his papers, breaks away to his cus- 
 tomers, watching the flag and seeing it float from the staff, 
 broke away selling his Protestant tracts. Of this the priests 
 complained, but Mrs. Jackson was there, and the General 
 decided that an inhibition on the sale of the religious tracts 
 was not the denial of a religious right. 
 
 General Jackson's enemies raised other questions on him 
 in reference to his conduct of affairs in Florida, which were 
 greatly pressed in all his presidential contests. These ques- 
 tions cover twenty-eight pages of Mr. Parton's book. The 
 whole story, as Parton puts it, is a farce, and General Jack' 
 son an upstart, holding a big office, who was trying to prove 
 to the world that he was a big man by the exercise of un- 
 warranted authority. 
 
 The story, simply told, without a stage and footlights, is 
 this: 
 
 On his way to Florida General Jackson met up with an 
 accomplished young man named Henry M. Breckenridge, 
 who was out taking in the sights, was a French scholar and 
 also spoke the Spanish language fluently. It did not take 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 517 
 
 General Jackson long to see that such a young man as he 
 could be made useful as a clerk and interpreter. 
 
 On reaching Pensacola, Jackson having satisfied himself 
 that the young man was capable and reliable, he appointed 
 him Alcalde at Pensacola. This young man had scarcely 
 warmed his seat as Alcalde (Alcada) when an excited quad- 
 roon woman entered his office and pleaded for assistance in 
 getting her rights. She said that she was one of the heirs 
 of Nicholas Maria Vielal, who died many years before, and 
 that the late Spanish Governor, Colonel Callava, who was 
 preparing to sail for Spain, was in possession of the ances- 
 tor's papers, covering large bodies of land which belonged 
 to the heirs, and that he was about to take them with him 
 to Spain, and that the papers had been removed from the 
 late Governor's office, and that they were in the hands of one 
 of his subordinates named Domingo Sousa. The woman 
 had certain papers which strongly confirmed her statement. 
 
 These facts were reported to General Jackson, who or- 
 dered that proper papers be prepared and presented to him 
 as Governor, and while this was being done, he looked into 
 it and found that by the treaty all title papers belonging to 
 persons not leaving for Spain should be and remain in the 
 hands of the incoming United States authorities. 
 
 Thereupon, the papers being prepared, the Governor 
 issued the following paper addressed to Alcalde Brecken- 
 ridge, George Walton, Secretary of West Florida, and John 
 Miller, Clerk of the County Court : 
 
 "Gentlemen, having been officially informed that there are 
 a number of papers or documents in the possession of an 
 individual by the name of Domingo Sousa, of a public 
 nature, and which belong to the office of the Alcalde of this 
 town, .although not delivered with the other documents re- 
 lating to private property, you are hereby authorized and in- 
 structed to proceed to the dwelling of the said Domingo 
 Sousa, and to make a demand of all such papers or docu- 
 
 7—2 
 
518 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 ments as may be in his possession. In case the said Sousa 
 should refuse to exhibit and deliver the same, you will im- 
 mediately report the fact to me in writing." 
 
 On demand Domingo Sousa refused to give up the pa- 
 pers, saying he had no private papers; that what papers 
 he had belonged to the office of the retiring Alcalde and 
 were revenue papers. But when the boxes were opened, it 
 was found that the identical papers demanded were there. 
 
 When this was reported to General Jackson, he was 
 Andrew Jackson in the worst form. If there was any one 
 thing in the world that he was most successful in talking 
 about than all others, it was the treachery and lying capacity 
 of the Spaniards. And so when this report was made, 
 showing that in the trunk of the Alcalde were the private 
 land papers of private citizens to be taken with him to Spain, 
 and among these the title papers of a poor, helpless woman 
 whose evidence of her rights was being fraudulently taken 
 out of the country by a retiring Governor, Jackson was not 
 in much condition to' appreciate the defense made by his 
 friends for the late Governor, so he called up a squad of sol- 
 diers and ordered them to bring his ex-Excellency into his 
 presence. The squad of soldiers proceeded with the prompt- 
 ness incident to the execution of all of Jackson's orders, and 
 found the Honorable ex-Alcalde or Governor taking a din- 
 ner with friends who were doing him honor. They prompt- 
 ly executed the order, but permitted him to go to his room 
 and make ready to meet the Governor. Not appearing 
 promptly, the arresting party was sent after him, and found 
 him in bed, claiming that he was too sick to appear before 
 His Excellency. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 519 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 jackson's collision with retiring Spanish governor — 
 
 position and antecedents of judge fromentin 
 
 alcalde callava's account of his arrest by order 
 
 of jackson report of interpreter breckenridge 
 
 writ of habeas corpus for release of callava 
 
 issued by judge fromentin fromentin summoned 
 
 before jackson jackson's report to the secre- 
 tary of war evidence furnished by sam r. simpson 
 
 as to jackson's conduct of new Orleans campaign. 
 
 NOTHING in General Jackson's life has been more 
 distorted than his collision with the retiring Span- 
 ish Governor of Florida. That the politicians, in 
 the bitterness of party politics, would enlarge on the impris- 
 onment of the recent Alcalde was to be expected, but Mr. 
 Parton gave large space to it, made up mainly of extrava- 
 gant reports of Spaniards who were remaining in the coun- 
 try and who wrote books about the monstrosities of "Don 
 Andrew Jackson." Parton took these terrible Spanish sto- 
 ries and incorporated them into his book in the form of a 
 stage scene, the effect of which is to make General Jackson 
 a sort of mock hero administering his office in a sort of 
 backwoods fisticuff fashion, sending Spanish Alcaldes and 
 United States Judges to jail in the exuberance of his ven- 
 geance without regard to facts or law. Whether the stage 
 performance was intended as fiction or fact is difficult to 
 see. 
 
 The entire scene, as Parton has put it, coupled with the 
 traditions that come down from hot-headed politicians 
 about Jackson, as a wild man when Governor of Florida, 
 going about seeking whom he might devour, requires that 
 
520 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the real facts shall be given. It is true the scene with the 
 Spanish Alcalde (the Governor who had been displaced by 
 the sale of Florida and the treaty with Spain) as well as the 
 collision with the United States Judge Fromentin, sent 
 down by Mr. Monroe, was neither a love-feast nor a parting 
 blessing. But the part the new Governor took in it was 
 truly Jacksonian and illustrated his character — his real 
 character — in both head and heart. It comported, however, 
 with Mr. Parton's uniform treatment of his most loving 
 traits of character to stigmatize this whole affair as a great 
 to do about nothing — a stage performance without a plot. 
 If there was a weakness in the make-up of the hero of New 
 Orleans it was evidenced by a breakdown when in the dis- 
 charge of duty he found deep affliction or great oppression. 
 
 One touching instance heretofore noticed was in taking 
 the child from the breast of the Indian mother who had 
 been killed in the battle of the Ten Islands; hiring a nurse 
 to keep it for a year until his campaign was over, and then 
 sending a great distance for it ; taking it to his house, adopt- 
 ing and raising it till it was seventeen years old, and then, 
 when President, weeping over its death as if it had been a 
 child of his own blood. 
 
 Another instance, but in another direction, was what 
 Parton calls a raging passion about nothing, when at the 
 instance of a helpless woman asking assistance of him, the 
 new Governor aided her to get certain title papers, which he 
 found, on examination, to be packed up in the trunk of the 
 retiring Governor, Spanish Alcalde, to take to Spain. It 
 must always be considered that on this occasion Jackson 
 was not very polite to the outgoing Spanish Governor, nor 
 was he excessive in his politeness to the Judge, Elijias Fro- 
 mentin, whom President Monroe had appointed Judge of 
 the Court. 
 
 As some palliation for General Jackson's treatment of 
 President Monroe's Fromentin, it will not be out of place 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 521 
 
 to give a short sketch of the man that was put on Mr. Mon- 
 roe as a suitable man for a Florida Judge. He was a French 
 priest, and when the French revolution closed the churches 
 he came to America, and without making known his profes- 
 sion, married into a widely-respected Maryland family, then 
 removed to New Orleans and commenced practicing law. 
 Through the influence of his wife's family, he was elected 
 to the United States Senate; not being re-elected, he de- 
 serted his wife, went back to France, and was restored to 
 his priestly office. But when the American marriage was 
 made known he was deposed, returned to America, and 
 finally persuaded his wife to live with him, and her family 
 then got Mr. Monroe to make him a judge. Mr. Monroe 
 was ignorant of his history, but General Jackson knew it, 
 and it is at least possible that the knowledge of this record 
 got the better of Jackson in his dealing with him. 
 
 The preceding chapter left the ex-Alcalde in bed, too sick 
 to make his appearance before the new Governor. The ac- 
 count of his arrest at the banquet is best told by himself: 
 
 "An occurrence so strange and abusive in the presence 
 of those who surrounded me at the table, a great part of 
 whom were there as a greater compliment to me, and others, 
 my subordinates, could not but raise a blush in my face, and 
 disorder my stomach in the very act of eating, and in the 
 convalescent state I was; and I felt myself attacked by a 
 deadly pain (which I almost habitually suffered, and which 
 had frequently attacked me on the preceding days) ; not- 
 withstanding, I concealed the circumstances so as to render 
 it impossible to be discovered; that upon quitting the table 
 I might go to reflect, for it was not known upon what such 
 answers or occurrences rested." 
 
 The Spanish reports of what took place when the Alcalde 
 was finally brought before Governor Jackson, which seem 
 to have been adopted by Mr. Parton, are so truly character- 
 istic of the Spaniard, that it is unnecessary to give just what 
 
522 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 did take place, and which is truthfully told by the interpre- 
 ter, Jackson's private secretary, who had been appointed 
 Alcalde of Pensacola, Mr. Breckenridge. 
 
 Ex-Alcalde's retinue, who had composed his staff but 
 could not realize that after the treaty he was only a private, 
 made a journey to Washington to report what awful things 
 "Don Andrew Jackson" was doing down in the old Span- 
 ish Province. But the interpreter, Breckenridge, made a 
 full report of just what did take place when the ex- Alcalde 
 was brought before the Governor. Here is the way it was : 
 
 "On entering the Governor's office, Colonel Callava was 
 invited to take a seat, which he did at the table fronting the 
 Governor, while I was seated at one end of it in the capacity 
 of interpreter. The Governor then requested me to say to 
 Colonel Callava that he was brought before him to answer 
 interrogatories touching certain papers which had been de- 
 livered at his house by Domingo Sousa in boxes, according 
 to the confession of Sousa, and a list of papers was read. 
 This was fully and faithfully interpreted to him in the pres- 
 ence of Mr. Rutledge and Mr. Cruzat, the Secretary of 
 Colonel Callava, both of whom understood the Spanish 
 and English languages well. 
 
 "Colonel Callava, on this, rose and, looking at his watch, 
 said that it was then ten o'clock, that at that hour he had 
 been violently taken from his house; that he protested 
 against the proceeding; that he was commissioner of Spain, 
 and was not answerable as a private individual. 
 
 "When this was interpreted the Governor declared that 
 he would bear no protest against his authority while sitting 
 in his judicial capacity; that he could not know him as Com- 
 missioner, and then ordered me to propound the question 
 (whether he had the papers) which he had just written. 
 
 "Colonel Callava repeated in substance what he had said 
 before, but with more prolixity and warmth. After some 
 time had passed in this way, he said he would yield to com- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 523 
 
 pulsion, but would answer only in his own language and 
 in his own way. When this was granted he began to write, 
 and after writing a few lines complained that his eyes were 
 weak, and requested that his Secretary might write, which 
 was granted. He then dictated to Mr. Cruzat something in 
 the shape of a protest, as a preliminary, as I understood, 
 to his answering the question. After writing five or six 
 lines it was observed by H. Bigelow, Esq., who had hap- 
 pened to be standing near the Governor, that he was dictat- 
 ing a protest. The Governor, on this, with considerable 
 warmth, striking on the table and addressing himself to me, 
 said : 'Why do you not tell him, sir, that I will not permit 
 him to protest?' 
 
 "Which was intended for a reprimand to me for suffer- 
 ing Colonel Callava to proceed in this way, when he was 
 repeatedly told that such a course would not be allowed. 
 Colonel Callava then stopped, and his secretary left off writ- 
 ing in the middle of a word. The examination was contin- 
 ued at great length, but finally in the course of the remarks, 
 the Governor reminded Colonel Callava of his having prom- 
 ised to deliver the papers if found in the boxes. Here Col- 
 onel Callava exclaimed, 'It is false!' meaning that he had 
 never made such a promise, but which was mistaken by the 
 bystanders. 1 stated that Colonel Callava denied the prom- 
 ise, and that it was possible that I might have misunder- 
 stood him, which drew from the Governor an expression of 
 displeasure. In a strong tone of voice he asked, 'Why, then, 
 sir, were you not more cautious?' words which proceeded 
 only from the irritation of the moment, while he was almost 
 sinking with fatigue. It was then midnight, and he had 
 been sitting, with scarcely any interval, from ten or eleven 
 o'clock in the forenoon. After the lapse of two hours, the 
 Governor rose from his seat and called upon me distinctly 
 to state that Colonel Callava must deliver the papers, or 
 abide by the consequences. He, at the same time called 
 
524 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 upon the friends of Colonel Callava, who understood Eng- 
 lish, to explain to him his situation. It was fully explained 
 to him. This was several times repeated, and at length a 
 blank commitment, which had been prepared in case of ne- 
 cessity, was signed, and Colonel Callava committed to 
 prison, along with Sousa and Fullarat." 
 
 By this time Jackson, failing to get the papers by judicial 
 proceedings — for in the appointment he had been clothed 
 with judicial power — and doing nothing more than to get a 
 Spaniard in the calaboose, where he honestly believed the 
 whole race ought to be, he now ordered a squad of soldiers 
 to seize the papers, which was promptly done, and he was 
 about making an order to release the ex-Alcalde when a 
 writ of habeas corpus was brought to him for the release of 
 the prisoner, signed by President Monroe's French priest, 
 acting as judge, and issued on the verbal application of a 
 lot of Spaniards who had poured their complaints in on 
 him about the monstrous Don Sir Andrew Jackson. There- 
 upon Don Andrew Jackson immediately issued the follow- 
 ing order : 
 
 "Elijias Fromentin, Esq., will forthwith be and appear 
 before me to show cause why he has attempted to interfere 
 with my authority as Governor of the Floridas, exercising 
 the powers of the Captain General and Intendant of the 
 Island of Cuba over the said Provinces, and of the Govern- 
 ors of said provinces, respectively in my judicial capacity 
 as Supreme Judge over the same, and as Chancellor thereof, 
 having committed certain individuals, charged with a com- 
 bination to secrete, and of having attempted to secrete, and 
 carry out of the territories ceded to the United States, the 
 evidence of individual right to property within the said ter- 
 ritories, which has been secured to each individual under 
 the second article of the first treaty with Spain, and in open 
 contempt of the orders and decrees made by me. And that 
 the said Elijias Fromentin, Esq., be and appear before me, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 525 
 
 at my office, at 5 o'clock p.m., in Pensacola, to make known 
 the above cause, and to abide by and perform such order 
 and decree as the undersigned may of right deem proper to 
 make of and concerning the same." 
 
 The Judge did not appear promptly, but sent word to the 
 Governor that he was sick of rheumatism and could not 
 walk. The next day, being furnished free transportation, 
 he appeared before the Governor and was discharged with 
 only a lecture and reprimand. But Governor Jackson in 
 his report to the Secretary of War denounced the Presi- 
 dent's priest- judge with a good deal of severity, and made 
 the following rather stirring statement from a subordinate 
 to a superior : 
 
 "For poor Sousa and Fullarat Judge Fromentin seems to 
 have no bowels of compassion. They might have perished 
 and rotted in prison before he would have stepped forward, 
 with the sanction of his authority, for their deliverance. 
 The fact was that they had no wealth or influence, and the 
 Judge was consequently clothed with the power to issue a 
 habeas corpus for their relief. Agreeably to his principles, 
 the laws of the United States are only made for the pun- 
 ishment of the humble and penniless ; but whenever opposed 
 to wealth and power they must either remain inoperative, 
 or, if enforced, it must be done with great delicacy and re- 
 spect. This course of proceeding may very well comport 
 with the current and inquisitorial system of former Spanish 
 tribunals, but they are clearly and palpably unjust, and 
 merit the unqualified reprobation of every honest and intel- 
 ligent American. I can assure you that, so far as I have 
 been able to collect an expression of public sentiment rela- 
 tive to the conduct of Judge Fromentin, it has evidently ren- 
 dered him so odious and contemptible that his name is only 
 mentioned in genteel circles to be depreciated and despised. 
 It is considered so flagrant and flagitatious a departure from 
 justice and propriety as seriously to impair his standing. 
 
526 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and rather to produce disaffection than inspire respect and 
 confidence in the American authorities in Florida. . . . 
 Elevated as he was, I hoped that I should meet with a manly 
 feeling and lofty integrity corresponding with his honor- 
 able station., but I sincerely regret to say that he displayed 
 a want of honesty and candor only becoming an apostle- 
 priest, and which is enough to diffuse the cheek of deprav- 
 ity itself with a blush. I may, perhaps, express my indig- 
 nation upon this subject with too much freedom. If the 
 language is harsh, I am willing to acknowledge that it does 
 not altogether become me, but I am not convinced that it is 
 not merited in its application." 
 
 Before leaving General Jackson's military and semi-mili- 
 tary life as Governor of Florida, and that I may preserve it, 
 I wish to submit the following interesting item : 
 
 My friend, Sam R. Simpson, of Gallatin, Tennessee, an 
 old-fashioned Irish gentleman, has just furnished me with 
 an item of information which I want the public to share 
 with me. All who have kept up with my Jackson's letters 
 in The American know what use I have made of "the Sub- 
 altern." The ''Subaltern" was a young man of means and 
 family that gave him position, and was the recognized army 
 correspondent with the British army in the war of 1812, and 
 was with the army in its victorious campaign at Bladens- 
 burg, and was at the burning of Washington City, and made 
 full reports of the successes in the Northern campaigns. 
 His reports, more than anything else, gave the London 
 Times and English press generally the excuse for berat- 
 ing the Americans as a nation of cowards, bullies in bring- 
 ing on a war, but cowards when it came to fighting, and 
 indeed the uniform victories in the North were what Mr. 
 Madison and Mr. Jefferson had both feared — new levies 
 of raw troops fighting trained soldiers. 
 
 The "Subaltern" accompanied the army when, in 18 14, it 
 was ordered to the Southern coast, and in Negril Bay, at the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 527 
 
 west end of Jamaica, united with the fleet from England, all 
 to be under General Packenham. It was he who wrote the 
 celebrated sketch of the fleet as it sailed out of Negril Bay 
 for New Orleans, carrying on board the Tonant — the great 
 ship captured by Nelson from the French in the Battle of 
 the Nile — and other great ships, England's victorious 
 army, soldiers who had fought under Wellington in Spain 
 and in the south of France, as well as naval officers who 
 had served under Nelson. 
 
 The "Subaltern's" articles on the New Orleans campaign 
 are full and so strikingly true that I have made extensive use 
 of them in my chapters. I have done this because his 
 reports were in accord with the facts and because Lord Wel- 
 lington pronounced him the most reliable reporter the 
 English army ever had. This man, the "Subaltern," who 
 gave to England the only truthful account of the war of 
 1 812 she got, did not die until 1888, when he was ninety-one 
 years old. In 1885 he wrote the following letter to his 
 friend, James Grant Wilson, of New York, which Mr. 
 Simpson has recently found and sends me. This letter is : 
 
 "When I look back upon the means which General Jack- 
 son adopted to cover New Orleans, and remember the mate- 
 rial of which his army was composed, I cannot but regard 
 his management of that campaign as one of the most mas- 
 terly facts of which history makes mention. His night 
 attack on our advance guard was as bold a stroke as was 
 ever struck; it really paralyzed all our further operations, 
 for, though unsuccessful, it taught us to hold our enemy in 
 respect, and in all our future movements to act with an 
 excess of caution. The use also which he made of the river 
 was admirable; indeed, I am inclined to think that the 
 generals who came after him were indebted for the percep- 
 tion of the great advantage to which the command of rivers 
 may be turned. And do not let us forget that he had little 
 else to oppose to Wellington's veterans, fresh from their 
 
528 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 triumphs in Spain and the south of France, except raw 
 levies. Altogether, I think of Jackson as the greatest 
 general America has produced." 
 
 This letter is confirmatory of what I have so often said 
 in these chapters — that General Jackson had the British 
 whipped before the battle of the 8th of January was fought. 
 
 This seems to be a revelation to all who have not looked 
 carefully into the facts. It was the bold, daring dash — 
 the night battle of the 23d of December — that demoralized 
 the British army, and with the victories of the 28th of 
 December, 181 4, and the 1st of January, 181 5, that made 
 the victory of the 8th so complete. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 529 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 jackson's resignation of office of governor of Flor- 
 ida ILL HEALTH OF JACKSON JACKSON NOT AMBI- 
 TIOUS FOR EMOLUMENTS OF OFFICE PROOF BY INCI- 
 DENTS IN HIS CAREER JACKSON'S REAL CHARACTER 
 
 SHOWN BY MAJOR WILLIAM B. LEWIS JACKSON MEN- 
 TIONED FOR THE PRESIDENCY PUT FORWARD AS A CAN- 
 DIDATE BY TENNESSEE MAJOR LEWIS* ACCOUNT OF 
 
 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF JACKSON'S CANDIDACY INFLU- 
 ENCE OF "KING CAUCUS" JACKSON A CANDIDATE FOR 
 
 UNITED STATES SENATOR AGAINST COL. JOHN WILLIAMS. 
 
 TO General Jackson there was but one thing in the 
 governorship of Florida that was pleasing to him, 
 and that was getting out of it, and he resigned. He 
 begged Mr. Monroe not to appoint him to the office; Mrs. 
 Jackson remonstrated against the appointment; but Mr. 
 Monroe would hear to nothing else, and knowing what 
 General Jackson's weak point was, or rather what would 
 touch him, Mr. Monroe induced him to accept the place by 
 pressing the argument of duty. The Spaniards were still 
 there in large numbers, the possession of the country had 
 not been formally delivered over; the Indians were still 
 there; the population was a mongrel one, and the United 
 States needed a strong man to deal with the conditions, get 
 the Spaniards out of the country, and inaugurate a territo- 
 rial government. As in everything else in life, it was dutv. 
 The commission issued to General Jackson was to "exer- 
 cise all the power and authority heretofore exercised by the 
 Governor and Captain and Intendent of Cuba and by the 
 Governor of East and West Florida." This was construed 
 by the Secretary of State, Mr. Adams, under Mr. Monroe. 
 
530 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 to make him, for the time, the government of the newly 
 acquired territory. Mr. Adams notified the judge sent 
 down to Florida by Mr. Monroe — Fromentin — that his 
 power only extended, under the Act of Congress, to "the 
 revenue, its collection, and the slave trade." All the other 
 powers devolved on General Jackson, but this was by inter- 
 national law rather than by the Act of Congress. And in 
 this construction the Government sustained General Jackson 
 in his conflict with the notorious Judge Fromentin, who 
 undertook to annul, by writ of habeas corpus, the act of 
 Jackson in putting Callava in jail, when he refused to deliver 
 up the private papers which he was taking with him back to 
 Spain. 
 
 Jackson was, as is shown, under his appointment, onerated 
 with judicial, executive and military authority. The Gov- 
 ernment had only two officers in the territory — Jackson 
 and Fromentin. The latter's duties were prescribed, and 
 all other powers exercised by the retiring authorities, by 
 operation of international law, devolved upon such officers 
 as the Government had. This was the result of a long and 
 tedious investigation by the President and then by Congress, 
 when the President, under a resolution, transmitted all the 
 papers to Congress. 
 
 Jackson, after a few months, resigned the office and went 
 home, and one reason given was that he did not want to 
 exercise the power which had been put on him. The whole 
 charge of imperialism made at the time by Jackson's enemies 
 more than fell to the ground, because he shrank away from 
 the exercise of power which devolved on him by the terms 
 of the treaty — the purchase. 
 
 General Jackson, with Mrs. Jackson, reached home in 
 October, 1821, after resigning the office, and as he and Mrs. 
 Jackson both hoped and believed, for a long Hermitage rest. 
 From January, 181 3, until October, 1821, eight years and 
 nine months, General Jackson had been a stranger at his 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 531 
 
 beloved home and a slave to his country — a slave with 
 great and increasing honors, but still a slave. The end of 
 every campaign found him prostrated. At the end of the 
 Creek campaign he was wasted away until his soldiers felt 
 the greatest anxiety about him. Starved as he was through 
 it. his life-long complaint, diarrhoea, was wearing him down. 
 At New Orleans, when he received the news on the 23d 
 of December, 181 4, that the British had landed at the head 
 of Lake Borgne, he was prostrate in bed. It was 2 o'clock 
 in the evening, but that night he led his army into the 
 terrible "Night Battle." All his officers bore evidence that 
 for three or four davs before the final battle, he did not 
 sleep, and was constantly on his horse. And when he 
 returned from the Seminole War, his own evidence was, 
 that one foot was in the grave and the other on the brink of 
 it. And during his vexatious term as Governor in Florida, 
 he was a great sufferer and an invalid. 
 
 Whoever studies General Jackson will come to the con- 
 clusion that of all our public men who reached the presidency 
 finally, he was the least ambitious in the sense of wanting 
 office for its emoluments, and I am sure that when he 
 resigned the office of Governor of Florida and came home, 
 he came to enjoy the sweets of the home he loved, and that 
 without ambition or desire for office. Indeed, his health 
 was exceedingly precarious. It was only a few days after 
 he reached home until he and Mrs. Jackson walked out into 
 the garden and selected the spot where their mortal bodies 
 are now passing under the decree of "dust to dust and ashes 
 to ashes." The great man's letters and his conversation 
 with his friends all indicate a sincere pleasure in a quiet rest, 
 until the end came, about which he was always a great 
 philosopher. 
 
 This view is not in accord with the public estimate, but it 
 is strengthened by his whole life. With him civil office 
 never had enticements. He consented to serve in 1796, in 
 
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534 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 prompt to execute; vigilant and of untiring industry, and, 
 in addition to all these high and noble qualities, he was 
 endowed with a sound judgment and discriminating mind. 
 In fact, he had all the requisites of a great military com- 
 mander, and, with the same theater to act upon, he would 
 not, in my opinion, have been inferior to any of the great 
 military leaders of either ancient or modern times. This 
 you may consider extravagant ; but, I assure you, I do firm- 
 ly and conscientiously believe that, by nature, he was not, as 
 a military man, inferior to either Alexander, Julius Caesar 
 or Napoleon Bonaparte, and had he occupied the place of 
 either, under like circumstances, would not have been less 
 successful or distinguished. 
 
 "With these feelings and views, thirsting for military 
 fame, and ambitious of being distinguished as a great com- 
 mander, is it unreasonable to suppose that civil honors were 
 but little coveted or cared for by him ? No, my friend, he 
 did not even dream of the high civic destiny that awaited 
 him, and which was to be the crowning glory of his life and 
 character. The first suggestion of that sort came from 
 Kentucky, and was made in the summer of 1815, by an 
 officer who was under his command and assisted in the 
 defense of New Orleans. (Mr. Edward Livingston, too, 
 about this time suggested the same thing.) The letter of 
 this officer was addressed to a third person, a mutual friend, 
 who enclosed it to General Jackson, as was undoubtedly 
 expected by the writer. In this letter it was proposed that 
 he should be forthwith brought out as a candidate ; but the 
 General laughed at the idea, and, returning the letter to his 
 friend, begged that nothing further might be either said or 
 done in relation to the matter. The proposition was too 
 absurd, he said, to be entertained for a moment. In fact, 
 nothing further was thought or said, as I believe, upon the 
 subject of his being a candidate until about the close of Mr. 
 Monroe's first term. Thus began and thus ended the first 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 535 
 
 movement in favor of bringing out General Jackson for the 
 presidency. Colonel Bnrr, I am well aware, had no agency 
 in this, for it occurred some three months before the date of 
 his letter to Governor Alston; nor was it put in motion 
 by any combination of militant Federalists and anti- 
 Jeffersonians. 
 
 "As long as General Jackson remained in the military 
 service of his country little was said about bringing him out 
 for the presidency. Having been appointed Governor of 
 Florida by the President of the United States, he resigned 
 his commission in the army about the ist of June, 1821, and 
 repaired forthwith to Pensacola to receive the territory from 
 the Spanish authorities. After organizing a territorial 
 government and putting it in operation he withdrew from 
 all public employment and returned to Tennessee, where he 
 expected to spend the rest of his life as a private citizen. 
 Nor, indeed, was it believed by his friends that they would 
 be blessed with his society very long, as his health was at 
 that time, and had been for six or seven years previous, very 
 feeble, and his constitution apparently exhausted and broken 
 down. No sooner, however, had he become a private citizen 
 and had set himself down once more upon his own beautiful 
 estate, the Hermitage, than the eyes of his fellow citizens 
 were turned toward him as having eminently entitled him- 
 self, by his brilliant and patriotic services, to the highest 
 honors within the gift of a free and enlightened people." 
 
 There have been many and varied stories as to how Gen- 
 eral Jackson came to be a candidate for President. A story 
 was published, and it went the rounds, with variations, that 
 an obscure man in a Pennsylvania convention got up and 
 with a flourish nominated Andrew Jackson for President of 
 the United States, and that it went to the country like a new 
 discovery. This was in 1823. Then it was widely circu- 
 lated by the giving of a dinner to General Jackson by Mr. 
 Adams, who was at the time Secretary of State. He became 
 
536 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 prominent as a candidate, and it was this dinner that brought 
 him out. Then it was pressed on the public by the politi- 
 cians that the celebrated letters written by Mr. Monroe, as 
 to the manner of filling offices, removing office-holders and 
 making appointments, so in conflict with the spoils system, 
 "To the victor belong the spoils," attributed to General 
 Jackson, but uttered by Mr. Marcy and very much regretted 
 by him when he came to revise the manuscript, and the 
 doctrine of which letters Mr. Benton shows General Jackson 
 carried out when he came to be President, had such an effect 
 on the Federalists that they came forward and brought 
 Jackson out as a candidate. 
 
 These stories were all fictions of the politicians. Jackson 
 was brought out, or rather put forward, by Tennessee. In 
 the winter of 1821-22 and the spring of 1822, after General 
 Jackson had resigned the office of Major General in the 
 United States Army, and after he came home from Florida, 
 the people began to talk about him for President, and there 
 was well nigh a universal sentiment that on the meeting of 
 the Legislature he should be formally nominated by that 
 body, and it was done. General Jackson was not a party 
 to this move. This whole story is well and interestingly 
 told by Maj. William B. Lewis, along with other incidental 
 matters of history, as follows, which I am sure will be like 
 fresh news to the present generation : 
 
 "In Tennessee, and particularly at Nashville, his friends 
 began to speak of him as a candidate, and in good earnest to 
 take the necessary steps to place his name prominently before 
 the country. It is true that some four or five candidates 
 were already on the field, but so confident were they of 
 General Jackson's strength and popularity with the people, 
 on account of his great public services, that they had no fears 
 for the result. They not only, therefore, began to speak 
 out upon the subject, but to make their wishes and intentions 
 known through the public journals. The first demonstra- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 537 
 
 tion of this latter method of supporting him was made in 
 January, 1822, in one of the Nashville papers. Soon after- 
 wards the editor of the Nashville Gazette, Colonel Wilson, 
 took the fieid openly and boldly for the General as his candi- 
 date for the presidency. The proposition was cordially 
 responded to by the people of Tennessee, and was also well 
 received in other States, particularly so in the then Demo- 
 cratic and patriotic State of Pennsylvania. The inquiry 
 now was. In what way shall his name be presented to the 
 nation ? The most imposing manner of bringing him for- 
 ward and presenting him to the other States of the Union, 
 it was finally agreed, would be by the Legislature of his own 
 State. This would not only give weight to the nomination, 
 it was believed, but would show to the whole country that 
 we were in earnest. It was determined, therefore, that the 
 necessary steps should be taken to bring him forward at the 
 next session of the Legislature." 
 
 Here Mr. Lewis gives an account of a trip to North 
 Carolina, and says: 
 
 "I returned to Nashville about the first of June and found 
 the friends of the General in high spirits and sanguine of 
 success. Indeed, this feeling was not confined to Nashville; 
 it pervaded the whole State. Under this state of things the 
 Legislature met, and in a few days thereafter, the 20th of 
 July, 1822, adopted a preamble and resolution which placed 
 the General before the country as a legitimate candidate for 
 the presidency. 
 
 "Being now formally nominated, his friends in every 
 section of the Union entered into the contest with increased 
 vigor and energy. But few of the Federalists, however, 
 took any part in it until after the publication in May, 1824, 
 of the General's celebrated letters to Mr. Monroe. Indeed, 
 but few of them, if any, knew of their existence until then, 
 though they, it has been alleged, had won their hearts as 
 early as 1815. I should, however, except Gen. William 
 
538 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Polk, to whom I showed the letter of the 12th of November, 
 1816, in the autumn of 1823, as before stated; and perhaps 
 John Quincy Adams also, to whom Mr. Monroe, I have no 
 doubt, showed both letters, which accounts to my mind at 
 least, for his having sustained the General in his Seminole 
 Campaign with so much ability and zeal, in his despatch to 
 our Minister at Madrid. 
 
 "The General being now fairly out as a candidate, it was 
 considered indispensable, in order to make his success the 
 more certain, that the congressional caucus should be broken 
 down. This was an engine of great political power, and 
 had been used by the politicians of the country for twenty- 
 years in manufacturing Presidents, and unless it could be 
 destroyed it would be difficult to overcome its influence upon 
 those who had so long looked upon its nominees as the only 
 true and legitimate party candidates. With a view to 
 accomplish this object, Judges Overton and Haywood, both 
 able and distinguished lawyers, opened a heavy and effective 
 fire upon it in a series of well written numbers, which were 
 published in the Nashville papers. These, with the attacks 
 made upon it in other quarters, added to General Jackson's 
 great personal popularity, doubtless contributed greatly to 
 the overthrow of that renowned personage, 'King Caucus,' 
 as it was then derisively called. It is true he mounted his 
 throne in the winter of 1823-24 and nominated as Mr. 
 Monroe's successor William H. Crawford, but his majesty 
 had become powerless, and his nominee for the first time 
 was badly beaten. This was the last time he ascended his 
 throne, having died soon after of the wounds he received in 
 the campaign of 1824, and has never been heard of since. 
 Not even his ghost made its appearance in the presidential 
 contest of 1828. It strikes me that you will be equally at a 
 loss to perceive in all this any agency of either Colonel Burr, 
 his militant Federalists, or anti-Jeffersonians. 
 
 "As Tennessee was almost unanimous in favor of General 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 539 
 
 Jackson, it might have been supposed that his friends would 
 have little or no trouble in that State after his nomination. 
 Such, however, was not the fact. Col. John Williams had 
 been a Senator from our State in Congress for eight years, 
 and as his term of service expired on the 3d of March, 1823, 
 the Legislature which met in October of that year had to 
 elect a new Senator. Colonel Williams was a candidate 
 for re-election ; but being a personal and political enemy of 
 General Jackson, it was determined, if possible, to defeat 
 him, unless he would pledge himself to the support of the 
 General for the presidency. This he refused to do, having 
 already engaged to support Mr. Crawford. The General's 
 friends had no alternative left them but to beat him, and this 
 was no easy task. East Tennessee claimed the Senator, and 
 the Colonel was a great favorite with the people of that end 
 of the State. Besides, with the view of strengthening him- 
 self in other sections, soon after the elections in August 
 were over, he mounted his horse and rode through the whole 
 State, calling on the members-elect of the Legislature and 
 obtaining promises from most of them to vote for him. 
 They should not have thus committed themselves ; but 
 having done so, the greater part of them were disposed to 
 redeem their pledges, though admitting they had done 
 wrong. The most devoted and zealous of the General's 
 friends were determined, however, to leave no stone unturned 
 to defeat Williams' election. Several persons were spoken 
 of as opposing candidates, but none of them could obtain, 
 as was ascertained, the requisite number of votes. The 
 General's old friend, Johnny Rhea, could come nearest, but 
 he lacked three votes. This was a very unpleasant state of 
 things. To elect a bitter, personal enemy of General 
 Jackson, and one who was known to be in favor of Mr. 
 Crawford for the presidency, would have a most injurious 
 effect, it was believed, upon his prospects. Notwithstand- 
 ing he had been nominated by the Legislature some fifteen 
 
540 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 months before, it was apprehended that if any enemy of his 
 should be sent to the Senate it would be difficult to make 
 the other States believe that Tennessee was in earnest in her 
 support of him. It would certainly have the appearance of 
 great inconsistency, and well calculated to nullify the effect 
 of his nomination. 
 
 "This could not be permitted, and it was resolved at all 
 hazards to defeat the election of Colonel Williams. It 
 became necessary now to play a bold and decisive game. 
 As nobody else could be found to beat the Colonel, it was 
 proposed to beat him with the General himself. This hav- 
 ing been made known, produced great uneasiness and alarm 
 among the more timid members from an apprehension that 
 even he could not be elected; but Mr. Eaton and myself, 
 who were on the ground, took upon ourselves the responsi- 
 bility of the step, and insisted on his being nominated to 
 the Legislature as a candidate for the Senate. We came 
 to the conclusion that if the General must be politically 
 sacrificed, it mattered little in what way it was done — 
 whether by being defeated himself in the election of a 
 United States Senator, or by the election of his bitter 
 enemy. But I had no fear of his being defeated. I did not 
 believe it possible that a majority of the members would be 
 willing to take upon themselves the responsibility of voting 
 against him. He was accordingly nominated to the Legis- 
 lature by Major Maney, a highly respectable member from 
 Williamson County, and he was elected as I anticipated by 
 quite a large majority. Had he been beaten it might pos- 
 sibly have destroyed, or at least impaired his prospects for 
 the presidency; but his defeat it was believed would not be 
 more blasting in its effect than the election of Colonel Wil- 
 liams under all the circumstances of the case. 
 
 "These are the reasons which induced the friends of Gen- 
 eral Jackson to send him to the United States Senate in the 
 winter of 1823-24, which was thought by many of his 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 541 
 
 friends at the time to be rash and impolitic. The General 
 himself was far from desiring it; but there was no help for 
 it, and he submitted with a good grace. He was a soldier 
 and knew how to obey as well as to command. It is proper, 
 however, to state that the members of the Legislature who 
 were in favor of electing Colonel Williams declared them- 
 selves to be decidedly the friends of General Jackson ; but 
 they maintained that to support the latter did not make it 
 necessary to sacrifice the former. The active and most 
 decided of the General's friends, however, differed with 
 them in opinion. They had no doubt that to sustain 
 Colonel Williams under such circumstances would be injur- 
 ious to the prospects of the General for the presidency." 
 
 When a member of the Legislature wrote General 
 Jackson to know if he would allow his name to be used as a 
 candidate for the Senate against Colonel Williams, Jackson 
 replied : 
 
 "I have earnestly to request my friends and beg of you 
 not to press me to an acceptance of the appointment. If 
 appointed, I could not decline, and yet, in accepting it I 
 should do great violence to my wishes and to my feelings. 
 The length of time I have passed in public service author- 
 izes me to make this request, which with my friends I trust 
 will be considered reasonable and proper." 
 
542 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 jackson's candidacy for the presidency made light of 
 in north — jackson's polished manners shown by 
 
 incidents fight against "king caucus" parton 
 
 on Pennsylvania's attitude toward jackson — 
 jackson presented with washington's pistols and 
 
 a medal from congress the celebrated colman 
 
 letter — Washington's pocket telescope presented 
 
 to jackson boston opinion of jackson's assertion 
 
 about the hartford convention jackson's let- 
 ters to major william b. lewis and col. george wil- 
 son concerning the events of his candidacy for 
 president in 1 824. 
 
 I HAVE already shown that General Jackson had not 
 only done nothing - to have himself brought out as a 
 candidate for President, but he had done what he could 
 to prevent it. As far back as 1816, one year after he 
 fought the battle of New Orleans, some one mentioned his 
 name as a candidate for President, and it was mentioned to 
 him by close friends. He at once met it and told them 
 that he must not be talked about as a candidate for Presi- 
 dent ; he was not suited for a civil office, and he was not fit 
 to be a President. He was so positive and pronounced 
 that his friends ceased all discussion of the question. This 
 illustrates one of the peculiarities of General Jackson — he 
 really had no fondness for civil life, and believed from his 
 boyhood he was a military man by nature. There perhaps 
 has never been a great man in the United States who, if he 
 had been in General Jackson's position, and had won the 
 great victory over the British at New Orleans which he did, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 543 
 
 after the British army had subjugated the North and won a 
 victory in every battle they had fought, who would not have 
 been a candidate for President. 
 
 All who have kept up with my previous chapters know 
 that no victory in this country, and perhaps, no victory in 
 any country, unless it was Wellington's victory over Napo- 
 leon, created such a sensation and developed such a feeling of 
 gratitude as General Jackson's victory at New Orleans ; and 
 yet he never seemed to be lifted up, he never seemed to 
 think he had done anything extraordinary. And after put- 
 ting aside the talk in 1816 in the positive manner he did, 
 there was no further talk about his being President until the 
 winter of 1822-23. In the fall of 1822, one of the Nash- 
 ville papers put his name up as a candidate for the presi- 
 dency. The preceding chapter shows that he was, by the 
 Tennessee Legislature, brought out as a candidate, and, 
 under peculiar circumstances, while a candidate for Presi- 
 dent, was elected to the United States Senate. 
 
 When Tennessee put him forward and he was recognized 
 as a candidate, the North actually made fun of him ; 
 scarcely any one in the North seriously considered him as 
 a candidate. This grew out of two facts. One of these 
 was that there were already several candidates out — Mr. 
 Clay, Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Crawford and Mr. Webster 
 were much talked of. The other fact was that up to this 
 time the North had no conception of Jackson's real char- 
 acter; he was there regarded as an ugly, strong oak out in 
 the swamp. There was no change in the public sentiment 
 about General Jackson until the winter of 1822-23, when he 
 was in the Senate, and getting into the Senate he made an 
 impression on the country in a short time, and was soon 
 recognized by many people in the North as a dignified Sena- 
 tor. In fact, they had simply known of him as a back- 
 woodsman, and believed he was entirelv without education. 
 
544 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and hence, to them, it was most ridiculous to talk about him 
 as President. 
 
 At Washington he developed the character of a born 
 gentleman, to the surprise of many — an accomplished man 
 — not accomplished in a literary sense, but accomplished in 
 the sense of having learned more from observation than 
 perhaps any man of his time. To be a gentleman in social 
 life had come to him as natural as it comes to a young bird 
 to fly, or a fish to swim. He did not have to learn social 
 life. There could be many instances cited showing that 
 while the North was looking upon him as a backwoodsman, 
 conceding that he was a General, a man of great will power, 
 force of character, but claiming that he was an ignorant 
 man, yet in the community where he lived he was regarded 
 as a most accomplished man. He knew what to do, he 
 knew how to talk, what to say, and was in the parlor a most 
 graceful man — in fact, he was a surprise to everybody in 
 social life in Washington. 
 
 The incidents that I have already published of the French 
 lady seeing him at Washington, and of his visit to Mrs. 
 Livingston at New Orleans show — if there was nothing else 
 to show — how ladies in high life regarded him ; and yet, with 
 all this, up to the time he was elected to the Senate and had 
 reached Washington, the North seems never to have found 
 out that he was anything but a backwoodsman. Shortly 
 after he reached Washington Mr. Adams, the then Secre- 
 tary of State, gave him a dinner, and his deportment, 
 manner of meeting people, the ease and fluency with which 
 he conversed surprised many and set the people to talking. 
 He had not been in the Senate long, where the public men 
 could see him, when he began to be talked about over the 
 country as a candidate. 
 
 Mr. Benton was doing all he could at the time for Mr. 
 Clay, his wife being a niece of Mr. Clay, and Mr. Van 
 Buren was doing all he could for Crawford in New York, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 545 
 
 but Tennessee having put Jackson forward as a candidate 
 for President, and Jackson seeing that he was in for it, went 
 at it as he did everything else. It was a fight from the 
 start, and he opened his battle against "King Caucus." 
 
 Up to 1824 candidates for President had been brought 
 out by a caucus composed entirely of members of Congress, 
 and at the lime Jackson was brought out by Tennessee noth- 
 ing had been thought of a Congressional caucus, but Jack- 
 son believed in the people and hated any system that got 
 away from them; so he gave the sign, and his friends 
 through the press opened fire on "King Caucus." Craw- 
 ford was the favorite with the members of Congress and 
 warmly advocated the old system, but the other candidates 
 soon fell in with Jackson. Nevertheless the caucus was 
 held and Crawford was nominated, the other candidates 
 keeping their friends out. The meager attendance ren- 
 dered the nomination ineffective; indeed, it weakened the 
 chances of Mr. Crawford. The count was Crawford 64, 
 Adams 2, Macon 1, Jackson 1. Albert Gallatin was nomi- 
 nated for Vice President. William H. Crawford and Albert 
 Gallatin were declared the candidates of the caucus; Mr. 
 Gallatin was afterwards, because of not being a native-born 
 citizen of the United States, withdrawn. 
 
 In the Senate Jackson's dignity and courtly bearing so 
 surprised the Senators that they commenced writing about 
 him. Mr. Webster wrote to his brother Ezekiel : "The 
 caucus has hurt nobody but its friends as far as I can now 
 judge. Mr. Adams' chance seems to increase, and he and 
 General Jackson are likely to be the real competitors at last. 
 General Jackson's manners are more presidential than those 
 of any of the candidates. He is grave, mild, and reserved. 
 My wife is for him decidedly." Again Webster wrote: 
 "As to President, Jackson seems to be making headway, yet, 
 Arbuthnot and Ambrister notwithstanding. The truth is. 
 he is the people's candidate in the South and West." 
 
546 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Mr. Parton, speaking of Pennsylvania, says : "The gen- 
 eral pooh-pooh with which the announcement of Jackson's 
 nomination by Tennessee had been received in the East and 
 the North was very soon changed into apprehension, which 
 fast became consternation, for lo! the great State of Penn- 
 sylvania began to show the most unequivocal preference for 
 the 'military chieftain' — Pennsylvania, upon which the 
 friends of Mr. Calhoun had surely relied. An ominous 
 scene had occurred in Carlisle, several weeks before the 
 meeting of Mr. Crawford's caucus, which presaged coming 
 events. A large meeting, summoned by the friends of Mr. 
 Calhoun, assembled in that town, and a series of resolu- 
 tions was read recommending Mr. Calhoun as Pennsylva- 
 nia's candidate. The vote of the meeting was about to be 
 taken when a gentleman rose and quietly moved that the 
 resolutions be amended by striking out the name of John 
 C. Calhoun and inserting in its place that of Andrew Jack- 
 son. The assembly rose en masse and carried the amend- 
 ment by acclamation. 
 
 "Philadelphia took up the magical name. At a meeting 
 called in Philadelphia to select delegates to a State nomi- 
 nating convention, George M. Dallas, who had been up to 
 this time the advocate of Mr. Calhoun, proposed the name 
 of Jackson, saying that they did so only in deference to the 
 known wishes of the people. The convention met at Har- 
 risburg on the 4th of March, 1824, and made short work 
 of the business before them. A spectator of the proceed- 
 ings briefly writes : 'J onatnan Roberts moved that the con- 
 vention approve the nomination agreed upon at the caucus 
 at Washington City. This motion was negatived ; ayes, 2 ; 
 nays, 123. He then moved that the electors be appointed 
 without instructions to vote for any particular candidates 
 as President and Vice President. This motion was also lost 
 — ayes, 33 ; nays, 92. Andrew Jackson was then nominated 
 as a candidate for President, Jonathan Roberts being the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 547 
 
 only member of the convention who voted against him. 
 John C. Calhoun was afterward nominated as a candidate 
 for Vice President.' " 
 
 Immediately after this Mr. Calhoun withdrew from the 
 race, leaving Crawford and Jackson, Adams and Clay in 
 the field. 
 
 During this session of Congress the pistols of General 
 Washington, given to him by Lafayette, and which had be- 
 come the property of William Robinson, one of General 
 Washington's legatees, through a Congressional delegation 
 were presented to General Jackson. 
 
 At this session also another event of note occurred. Gen- 
 eral Jackson in a letter to his nephew, Andrew Jackson 
 Donelson, refers to it as follows : 
 
 ;< Yesterday, the 16th of March, being my birthday, and 
 having entered upon my 58th year, I had a few friends to 
 dine with me, and the evening was spent agreeably. Thus 
 I have entered my 58th year. How I may end it is for 
 Providence to decide. Today, at 11 o'clock a.m., I was 
 notified by the President to attend him that he might pre- 
 sent me with the medal voted by Congress on the 27th of 
 February, 181 5. Accordingly, attended by Major Eaton, 
 General Cobb, and Mr. E. Livingston I waited upon him, 
 when, in the presence of the heads of departments, the 
 ladies of the executive head, in due form and pomp it was 
 presented. Of all things I hate to speak of myself, and 
 these parades and pomp are most disagreeable to me. You 
 will see it in print, and to that I refer you." 
 
 It was during this session that he wrote the celebrated 
 Colman letter, in which he said : "This tariff — I mean a 
 judicious one — possesses more fanciful than real dangers. 
 I will ask what is the real situation of the agriculturists? 
 Where has the American farmer a market for his surplus 
 products? Except for cotton, he has neither a foreign nor 
 a home market. Does not this clearly prove, when there is 
 

 548 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 no market either at home or abroad, that there is too much 
 labor employed in agriculture, and that the channels of 
 labor should be multiplied? Common sense points out at 
 once the remedy. Draw from agriculture the superabund- 
 ant labor, employ it in mechanism and manufactures, 
 thereby creating a home market for your breadstuffs and 
 distributing labor to a most profitable account, and benefits 
 to the country will result. Take from agriculture in the 
 United States 600,000 men, women, and children and you 
 at once give a home market for more breadstuffs than all 
 Europe now furnishes us. In short, sir, we have been too 
 long subject to the policy of the British merchants. It is 
 time we should become a little more Americanized, and 
 instead of feeding the paupers and laborers of Europe feed 
 our own, or else in a short time, by continuing our present 
 policy, we shall be paupers ourselves." 
 
 On New Year's Day, 1824, the Intelligencer says: "Mr. 
 Custis, of Arlington, in the presence of a numerous com- 
 pany, presented him with the pocket telescope carried by 
 General Washington during the Revolutionary War. 
 General Jackson received the relic, says the reporter, 'in a 
 manner peculiarly impressive, which showed that, however 
 time and hard service may have impaired a frame no longer 
 young, the heart was still entire and alive to the heroic and 
 generous feelings of the soldier, the patriot, and the friend." 
 About this time the celebrated Monroe's letters, hereto- 
 fore published in this series of letters, became known ; they 
 both helped and hurt Jackson. In one of them he said: 
 "If he had been in command of the eastern division of the 
 army when the Hartford Convention met he would have 
 brought its members to court martial." And the Boston 
 Gazette retorted: "If this Hotspur of the South had been 
 commander of the military department where the Hartford 
 Convention sat, it would have been the last act of his life 
 to have interfered with that body ; all the forces the General 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 549 
 
 Government ever provided for the seacoast defense in New 
 England could not for a moment have contended with the 
 trained hands of the smallest district. Had he attempted 
 to push the doorkeeper of the Hartford Convention he 
 would, like Haitian, have found himself elevated on the gal- 
 lows he had erected for others ; for among these quiet spirits 
 deliberating for the public good were men whose pluck was 
 not inferior to his own, and who, if they were less fierce, 
 were not less firm." 
 
 The following letters were written while he was in the 
 Senate, and I give them because letters by a candidate to 
 special friends and not intended for publication come nearer 
 showing posterity the man, who he was and what were his 
 aims, than anything else: 
 
 "City of Washington, February 9, 1824. 
 
 "Dear Sir: The Presidential question begins to agitate the 
 minds of the people much. The attempt of a small minority 
 of the members of Congress to get up a caucus and force 
 public opinion to take up a particular candidate will still 
 agitate it more, and I trust will eventuate in prostrating the 
 caucus system altogether. Should the people suffer them- 
 selves to be dictated to by designing demagogues who carry 
 on everything by intrigue and management, they cannot 
 expect to see their present happy government perpetuated. 
 It must sink under the scenes of corruption that will be 
 practiced under such a system; and, in time, open bribery 
 may. and I have no doubt will, be resorted to to obtain a 
 seat in the presidential chair, if the people do not assume 
 their rights of choosing a President for themselves. 
 
 "In this contest I take no part. I have long since pre- 
 pared my heart to say with heartfelt submission. 'May the 
 Lord's will be done.' If it is intended by Providence that I 
 should fill the presidential chair, I will submit to it with all 
 humility, and endeavor to labor four years with an eye 
 single to the public good, imploring the guidance of Provi- 
 dence in all things. But be assured it will be an event that 
 I never wished nor expected. My only ambition was to 
 9-2 
 
550 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 spend the remainder of my days in domestic retirement 
 with my little family. It has turned out otherwise to my 
 great annoyance. Still I submit with proper resignation. 
 I thank you for your kind attention to Mrs. J. Be good 
 enough to continue your attentions to her. Present me 
 respectfully to your good lady, Emily, and little family, 
 and believe me your friend, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson. 
 "To Major William B. Lewis" 
 
 "City of Washington, February 22, 1824. 
 
 "Dear Major: Mr. Crawford's friends have become des- 
 perate, and will do anything — their motto, the end is wor- 
 thy of the means. Their minority caucus has recoiled upon 
 the : r own heads, and the unanimity of Pennsylvania has 
 defeated all their plans. I refer you to the newspapers for 
 the current news of the day. Wonder not if you see the 
 attempts made to make me a Federalist. The proof — a let- 
 ter I wrote to Mr. Monroe in 18 16 or 181 7. You no doubt 
 recollect it. It was copied by you ; wrote to bring into the 
 War Department Colonel Drayton, who served throughout 
 the late war. By some means Mr. Monroe's letter in an- 
 swer to mine has got into their hands. Mr. Monroe says 
 by stealth, and I have no doubt but that all my private let- 
 ters are also in their hands. But one thing I know, that the 
 opinions expressed are the true republican course; let men 
 call them what you will, who risk life, health, and their all 
 in defense of their country, are its real support and are en- 
 titled to share the offices of the Government. Colonel Dray- 
 ton was said to be a Federalist before the war. I can truly 
 say of such that we are all Federalists, we are all Republi- 
 cans ; and I would to God we had less professions and more 
 acts of real patriotism. 
 
 "I am truly crowded with various business. I beg you to 
 tender me affectionately to your sister, your daughter, and 
 kiss the babes for me. 
 
 "I had not influence to obtain the mission to Mexico for 
 our friend. General Stokes. As soon as I found we could 
 not succeed with General Crabb, I threw my weight in the 
 General's scale. I am disgusted with the manner and 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 551 
 
 means all things are carried on here. When I was told 
 that General Stokes could not be appointed because he dis- 
 sipated sometimes at a card table. 1 then tried Mr. Baldwin, 
 with as little effect as any other. 
 
 "Governor Edmonds, of Illinois, is before the Senate. 
 I write in haste and for your own eye. 
 
 "Your friend, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson. 
 
 "To Major William B. Lewis." 
 
 "Washington, March 31. 1824. 
 
 "Dear Major: On the subject of Mr. Calhoun, I have no 
 doubt myself but his friends acted agreeable to his under- 
 standing and instructions, and that he is sincere in his 
 wishes. Some have doubted this, but I have not ; and I can 
 give you, when we meet, reasons that will convince you 
 that I cannot be mistaken. As far as his friends to the 
 South have acted, it is conformable to this, and I have no 
 doubt but both the Carolinas will unite in my support. 
 You have seen the result of Pennsylvania. New York is 
 coming out, and, it is said, some of the New England States. 
 A few weeks will give us the result of the movement of 
 New York. If Crawford is not supported in that State, I 
 have but little doubt but he will be dropped, and, from what 
 you will see in the National Intelligencer of this morning, 
 Mr. Clay taken up. I have no doubt if I was to travel to 
 Boston, where I have been invited, that it would insure my 
 election. But this I cannot do. I would feel degraded the 
 balance of my life. If I ever fill that office it must be the 
 free choice of the people. I can then say that I am President 
 of the nation, and my acts shall comport with that charac- 
 ter. 
 
 "I am so constantly engaged with visitors that I have 
 but little time to write, except in the night. You must, 
 therefore, pardon this hasty scrawl. 
 
 "Present me to the young ladies, and accept my best 
 wishes for your health and happiness, and believe me your 
 friend, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson. 
 
 "To Col. George Wilson." 
 
552 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "Washington,, April 17, 1824. 
 
 "Dear Sir: Yours of the 2d instant received. The vote 
 in the House of Representatives was yesterday taken, after 
 ten weeks' debate, on the tariff, and passed, 107 ayes and 
 102 noes. What may be its fate in the Senate I cannot say. 
 
 "It is well known that I am in favor of the general prin- 
 ciple of the bill — that I am in favor of encouraging by a fair 
 competition the manufactory of the national means of de- 
 fense with ourselves, and not to depend in time of war to 
 procure those means from the precarious source of com- 
 merce, which must always be interrupted by war, and, as 
 in the last war, could not be obtained, and when obtained 
 it was at a war price, to the great injury of the Treasury. 
 I am for a plan that will insure our national defense and 
 national independence, encourage our agricultural portion 
 of the community, and with its manufactures and commerce 
 as the handmaids of agriculture, and look to the tariff — ■ 
 after these objects are obtained — with an eye to revenue, to 
 meet and extinguish our national debt. This is my course; 
 my conscience tells me it is right, and I will pursue it. 
 
 "It is strange to me to hear men who once agreed that a 
 national debt was a national curse, now advocate the policy 
 of meeting it by loans, rather than levy an impost to pay it. 
 I individually have always thought this an improper course 
 to pursue with my private debts ; and, as nations are a com- 
 position of individuals, I cannot believe, when applied to 
 them, it is a wholesome rule. I am therefore opposed to 
 prolong the payment of our national debt, and thereby 
 raise up in our country a moneyed aristocracy dangerous 
 to our liberty. 
 
 "How long the tariff bill may be before the Senate I 
 cannot say ; so soon as it is disposed of, and some other bills, 
 I intend leaving here. 
 
 "The papers will have given you the news of the late 
 policy of the State of New York. The feelings of the peo- 
 ple are aroused and cannot be allayed until their vengeance 
 reaches those representatives who, they believe, will follow 
 Pennsylvania. Virginia has taken a stand against the 
 caucus, and her State elections are canvassed on that 
 ground. In London a Mr. Osborne has been elected by a 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 553 
 
 large majority on this avowed principle. It is even now 
 doubtful whether Mr. Crawford will get Virginia. I write 
 in haste and for your own eye. Accept a tender of my 
 good wishes, and believe me your friend, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson. 
 "To Col. George Wilson." 
 
 "Hermitage, August 13, 1824. 
 "Dear Colonel: I received last evening by mail the en- 
 closed letter. I send it for your perusal. I have not seen 
 the paper of Richie, of the 20th ultimo, alluded to; cannot 
 therefore judge of the necessity or propriety of giving any 
 notice to this publication. Was I to notice the false insinu- 
 ations and falsehoods of Richie and such unprincipled edi- 
 tors, I should have time for nothing else. Should you, 
 upon reference to the piece alluded to, think it deserves any 
 notice, such a one as the following might be proper : That 
 General Jackson's course requires neither falsehood nor in- 
 trigue to support it. He has been brought before the nation 
 by the people, without his knowledge, wishes, or consent. 
 His support is the people. And so long as they choose to 
 support him, as to himself he will not interfere. He will 
 neither resign his pretensions, intrigue, nor combine with 
 any man or set of men, nor has he ever so combined or 
 intrigued. Mr. Richie may therefore be calm. The Gen- 
 eral nor his friends will never adopt the course of intrigue, 
 combination, and corruption pursued by Mr. Richie and his 
 political friends, for any purpose whatever. Their cause 
 requires neither falsehood nor corruption to support it. It 
 is the people's cause. They have brought A. J. before the 
 nation. 1 am very respectfully your friend, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson." 
 
554 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 THE " JACKSON IAN PERIOD" RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES 
 
 of the federal government at the beginning of 
 this epoch — jackson's fight against the congres- 
 sional CAUCUS STATISTICS OF THE ELECTION OF 1 824 
 
 ORIGIN OF SCHISM IN THE DEMOCRATIC (REPUBLICAN) 
 
 PARTY SALIENT FACTS IN CAREERS OF CLAY AND JACK- 
 SON RESULTS OF THE ELECTION BENTON'S ADVOCACY 
 
 OF JACKSON BENTON'S CONTROVERSY WITH JOHN 
 
 SCOTT PARTON'S ACCOUNT OF JACKSON'S FALL OPEN- 
 ING WOUND MADE BY DICKINSON JACKSON REVEALED 
 
 BY HIS CORRESPONDENCE JACKSON'S LETTER TO MR. 
 
 SWARTWOUT IN REGARD TO THE CHARGE OF BEING A 
 ^MILITARY CHIEFTAIN." 
 
 IN APPROACHING the "Jacksonian period"— Jack- 
 son alone of all our public men stamped on the history 
 of his country an epoch singularly his own — the most 
 striking feature is the fear that the country would find in 
 the renowned military chieftain a civil chieftain, still with 
 his sword in his hand. And while some, through his entire 
 career, seem never to have been undeceived, I trust I shall 
 be able to show by conclusive proof that of all our Presidents 
 not one was a more intelligent and faithful expounder of 
 the doctrine that civil authority is superior to the military, 
 and certainly no public man has so fully committed himself 
 against a large standing army. At the very outset in his 
 inaugural, usually devoted to generalities which may be 
 shifted as the wind turns the arrow from point to point, 
 General Jackson announced that, "considering standing 
 armies as dangerous to free government in times of peace, 
 I shall not seek to enlarge our present establishment, nor 
 disregard the salutary lesson of political experience, which 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 555 
 
 teaches that the military should be held subordinate to the 
 civil power." 
 
 It will be interesting, in these times of a billion dollar 
 Congress, to know, what Congress was doing in the way of 
 economy at the time General Jackson entered upon a career, 
 now known as the "J ac ^ soman epoch." Going back a few 
 years, the beginning of Mr. Monroe's second term, thirty- 
 three years after the Government was formed, the receipts 
 of the Treasury in that year were $21,000,000 to pay inter- 
 est and other fixed incidental expenses. Reduction of ex- 
 penses seemed a necessity. The army was reduced from 
 10,000 men to 6,000 at a time when General Jackson was 
 the confidential adviser of the President. The annual in- 
 crease of $1,000,000 for the navy was reduced to half a 
 million. Large reductions were made on the annual appro- 
 priations, such was the tendency to economy. As an illus- 
 tration, the Attorney General had a clerk at $800 which 
 was reduced. But still a loan of $5,000,000 was ordered. 
 Of $21,000,000 to be raised, more than half of it was ap- 
 plied to fixed charges, showing the expense of the adminis- 
 tration was only $10,000,000. On the opening of Con- 
 gress, 1820-21, the evidence of financial distress came from 
 nearly all the new States in the shape of memorials praying 
 relief — lands had been bought at $2.00 per acre from the 
 Government, but the people were wholly unable to pay. 
 The President took up the subject in his message. Mr. 
 Crawford was Secretary of the Treasury, and he recom- 
 mended a system which was adopted. Besides recommend- 
 ing indulgence, the principle of relief was to change all 
 sales of land from the credit to the cash system and to re- 
 duce the minimum price of the land from two dollars to one 
 dollar and a quarter, and to give all present debtors the 
 benefit of that system by allowing them to consolidate pay- 
 ments already made on different tracts to any particular 
 one, relinquishing the rest and allowing a discount for 
 
556 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 ready pay on all that had been entered equal to the differ- 
 ence between the former and the present minimum price. 
 
 This released the purchaser from debt and the Govern- 
 ment from the relation of creditor to its own citizens. A 
 debt of $23,000,000 was got rid of, and the purchasers were 
 enabled to save lands at the reduced price, to the amount 
 of their payments already made, whereby many distressed 
 people were enabled to save their homes, and as much more 
 as they were able to pay for at the reduced price. I have 
 introduced this to show a happy instance of the combined 
 wisdom and mercy of the Government towards the citizen 
 when public offices were filled with men from whom we 
 might take lessons. 
 
 After General Jackson was elected to the Senate, being 
 already put forward as a candidate for President by the 
 Tennessee Legislature, having had nothing to do, so far as I 
 can see, with having himself brought out, he at once ac- 
 cepted the suggestion of the Tennessee Legislature, and 
 went at it as he went at everything else in life. The first 
 thing he did was to attack what he regarded as a vicious 
 practice of bringing out candidates for President. For 
 thirty-six years, from the formation of the Government 
 down to 1820, candidates for President had uniformly been 
 nominated by a Congressional caucus. General Jackson 
 was so much a believer in the voice of the people, and so 
 fully committed against any delegation of the powers of the 
 people, except as provided in the Constitution, that he at 
 once conceived the idea of breaking down the caucus system, 
 and in a short time he not only had the leading newspapers 
 of the country, but he had the candidates for President, ex- 
 cept Mr. Crawford, in sympathy with his movement. 
 
 The members of Congress seemed unwilling to give up 
 the caucus system, and they got enough of the Democratic 
 members to sign a call to bring about a convention, but all 
 the candidates, except Mr. Crawford, opposed the caucus. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 557 
 
 The result was that Mr. Crawford was almost unanimously 
 nominated by the caucus, but it was composed of a percep- 
 tibly small number of members, and the nomination mani- 
 festly did Mr. Crawford more harm than good. Mr. Cal- 
 houn, Mr. Clay, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Crawford were all 
 candidates. Jackson's plan was to get before the people, 
 and it became manifest directly that he was what Mr. Web- 
 ster said he was, "the candidate of the people." Mr. Cal- 
 houn directly withdrew from the race, and practically it 
 came to be a contest between Jackson, Adams, Clay, and 
 Crawford. It would not profit the reader for me to go 
 into the details of this contest. When the election came, it 
 was found that nobody was elected. Jackson led in both the 
 popular and electoral vote, Adams next, Crawford next, 
 Clay fourth, and the election went to the House between the 
 three highest. Perhaps nothing in the history of America 
 in the way of a political contest has attracted more atten- 
 tion than did the result of the election by which Mr. Adams 
 defeated General Jackson. 
 
 When the election came up in the house Mr. Calhoun, 
 for Vice President, was elected by an overwhelming major- 
 ity. His triumph was regarded as giving him a great 
 chance for the Presidency of the next succeeding term. 
 
 As between the candidates for President, Mr. Clay had 
 received the entire vote of three States — Kentucky, Mis- 
 souri, and Ohio — making thirty-seven votes. Mr. Adams 
 received the entire vote of New England, and New York 
 gave him twenty-six out of fifty-six, so he got Maine 9; 
 New Hampshire, 8; Vermont, 7; Massachusetts, 15; Con- 
 necticut, 8 ; Rhode Island, 4 ; New York, 26 ; Delaware, 1 ; 
 Maryland, 3; Louisiana, 2; Illinois, 1. Total, 84. 
 
 Jackson got New York, 21 ; New Jersey, 8; Pennsylvania, 
 23; Maryland, 7; North Carolina, 11 ; Tennessee, 11 ; Lou- 
 isiana, 3; Mississippi, 3; Alabama, 5; Indiana, 5; Illinois, 
 2. Total, 99. So that neither had a majority. 
 
558 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 The population of the United States in 1820 was 9,500,- 
 000. The population of the three States which gave a ma- 
 jority for Mr. Clay was 1,212,337. The population of the 
 three States which preferred Mr. Crawford was 1,497,029. 
 The population of the seven States which gave a majority 
 for Mr. Adams was 3,032,766. The population of the 
 eleven States which voted for Jackson was 3,757,756. 
 Thus the election was thrown into the House, and the 
 exciting contest came which turned upon the vote of 
 Mr. Clay. 
 
 No reader of American history desires a recapitulation or 
 a review of the crimination and the recrimination which 
 took place when Mr. Clay gave his vote for Mr. Adams, 
 and elected him over Jackson. Fairness and what is due to 
 history compel me to say that the charge against Mr. Clay 
 of bribery and corruption was entirely unfounded. The 
 proof is absolutely conclusive that Mr. Clay had made up 
 his mind long before the result of the election that, under 
 no circumstances, would he vote for General Jackson, be- 
 lieving, or claiming that it was dangerous to elect a man 
 President of the United States who was a distinguished 
 military chieftain, believing, as he said, that a military man 
 would never fully appreciate the theory of our Government, 
 that the civil power was above the military. General 
 Jackson did not hesitate to openly declare against Mr. 
 Clay, and charge that he had been bribed, putting it mainly 
 on the ground that Mr. Clay was a Western man, and that 
 so far as the vote which had been taken showed anything, 
 it showed that the people were for him (Jackson), he hav- 
 ing received largely more electoral votes, as well as more 
 popular votes and the votes of more States than any other 
 candidate. This charge General Jackson continued to make 
 as long as he was in public life, and perhaps never confessed 
 himself convinced that he was mistaken. 
 
 The result of the election was a source of great bitterness 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 5") 9 
 
 and had much to do in splitting the Democratic party, and 
 dividing it into a Jackson party and a Clay party. 
 
 I shall use the occasion of this final vote in the House of 
 Representatives as one of the means of getting to the public 
 what I believe was the inward make-up — the real character 
 of General Jackson. Mr. Clay and General Jackson, at the 
 time Mr. Adams was elected by the House of Representa- 
 tives over Jackson, were unquestionably the two Americans 
 who had inscribed their names on the country's history and 
 in the hearts of the people as no other two men had. In 
 their early manhood, without money and without friends, 
 thev had left their homes and associations of youth, when 
 social life was the inviting charm of young manhood, to 
 seek homes in the wilds of the Southwest, in which they not 
 only wrote their names, but they made immortal the very 
 name of the Southwest. Mr. Roosevelt, in his touches, 
 "The Winning of the West," has given an outline of what 
 truthful history will signalize as the trials and successes of 
 American manhood. 
 
 Mr. Clay, in very youthful manhood, was appointed 
 Senator from Kentucky as early as 1806, served one term, 
 and was again appointed to fill a second vacancy in the 
 Senate in 1809; served one term, was elected to the Legis- 
 lature of his adopted State, was promptly made Speaker of 
 the House, served one term, was elected to Congress in 
 181 1 ; was promptly and almost unanimously made Speaker, 
 and was fourteen years Speaker of the House; then made 
 Secretary of State by Mr. Adams on his victory over Jack- 
 son in the House. 
 
 General Jackson had even a more limited education than 
 Mr. Clay; they are today the great historic champions of the 
 condemned idea that a man can serve his country and write 
 his own fame where it will stay like the stars, high above the 
 "halls" and the blackboards of New York universities, even 
 if his education has been neglected. 
 
560 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Jackson, when he came to Tennessee, was twenty-one 
 years old; he was promptly made United States Attorney. 
 He commenced his career by attacking a gang of bullies in 
 Sumner County and showing them that the law had some 
 ways of its own, and that bullies were like other people in 
 the hands of the law. In general practice he was at the 
 head of the Nashville bar, having as many cases as all the 
 other lawyers combined in seven years after he came. He 
 was, eight years after he came to the territory, the most in- 
 telligent and laborious member of a convention making a 
 constitution, and himself christening what, under his great 
 genius, became the Volunteer State. He gave the new 
 State the name of "Tennessee," afterwards dubbed the 
 "Volunteer State." 
 
 On the adjournment of the convention he was promptly 
 sent to Congress, a solitary representative, to secure the pass- 
 age of a bill to pay the soldiers who, as volunteers, had served 
 under Sevier in defending the frontiers. This accomplished, 
 he resigned and came home. He was then elected Judge of 
 the Supreme Court, served six years, never wrote an opin- 
 ion, resigned, leaving on record only one notable day's 
 work: A felon who cut off his child's ears refused to be 
 arrested; Jackson got off the bench, arrested him and led 
 him into court, tried him and branded him, all in one day. 
 He then turned merchant, made a fortune, and acquired a 
 credit which enabled him to borrow for friends a large 
 amount of money in Philadelphia when the bankers could 
 not do it. He never sought civil office. The proof is over- 
 whelming, as will be shown, that he not only did not seek 
 the presidency, but repelled all overtures until the voice of 
 the people demanded it. He believed from boyhood that 
 he possessed military genius. 
 
 Coming back to Jackson's earlier history : Up to the time 
 he entered the Senate, in 1823, he had served a term in the 
 Senate as well as in the House, when a young man, but had 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 561 
 
 resigned, as usual; so up to 1813 he had not impressed 
 political managers — they could no more understand him 
 than they could the ways of a lunatic; in fact, they 
 thought a man crazy who did not want offices and threw 
 them away as fast as they came to him. and it seems that 
 Schurz and Lodge can't understand him even now. But 
 they have an excuse; with them, his misspelled words con- 
 demn a life of rarest deeds. 
 
 The event under consideration, the final break, the bad 
 blood, the acrimonious charges, the great success of the 
 one, more than filling the measure of his ambition, and the 
 ambition of the other, the lifetime ambition, always in sight 
 but never reached, give to the scene in 1824, to the true 
 American, a tinge of sorrow. One of them bv a sinoie 
 speech in Congress brought on the war of 181 2, under a 
 sense of deepest humiliation at the insults his beloved coun- 
 try was bearing at the hands of old England — in her insult- 
 ing demands for a new trial on the surrender of Lord Corn- 
 wallis. The other closed out the war in the most needed 
 and grandest victory of modern times over a great army 
 which, with savage barbarity, had driven the raw militia 
 of the North into the woods and murdered private citizens. 
 One of them had brought on the war; the other fought it 
 to a finish. One of them, at Ghent, was as true as steel in 
 rejecting the demands of the British ministers, until Jack- 
 son, in the Creek war, taught them a lesson. Mr. Clay, 
 with great mortification, signed the treaty, because the 
 denial of the right of search on the high seas was not in the 
 treaty. But Jackson put it there in language in more endur- 
 ing form than if it had been written in the treaty. 
 
 This election signalizes coming events. It made enemies; 
 it made new friends; indirectly it secured for General Jack- 
 son the support of Mr. Benton, without whose heroic service 
 in the Senate, in the subsequent conflicts of the "Jacksonian 
 period," no one can now see how he could have been victo- 
 
562 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 rious in the attacks made by the combined forces of Clay 
 and Calhoun. Mr. Benton supported Clay, but when he 
 failed to get into the House, Benton turned to Crawford, 
 but soon finding him wholly incompetent for the office from 
 his great paralytic affliction, which his friends had tried to 
 conceal, he turned to Jackson. To some extent, by being 
 with Jackson in the Senate in 1823, the old feud between 
 them had been healed, while there, and on the same com- 
 mittee, they had met and transacted business, and reached 
 speaking terms as if the Tennessee battle royal had never 
 been fought. Mr. Benton was a true man — true to his 
 country, true to the service he was rendering, and especially 
 true to the great West, then a minor, and he its guardian. 
 When Mr. Clay, his kinsman and political idol, dropped out, 
 and Crawford was hopelessly disqualified, knowing Jackson 
 so well, he at once turned to him. He was opposed, as he 
 believed the great West was, to Mr. Adams. He repre- 
 sented the State of Missouri in the Senate, and John Scott 
 (a single member) represented Missouri in the House, and 
 of course, under the Constitution, cast the vote of the State. 
 The following correspondence shows the stuff of which 
 Benton was made : 
 
 "Washington City, February 5, 1825. 
 "Hon. T. H. Benton: 
 
 "Dear Sir — Notwithstanding the conversation we had 
 on Thursday evening and on Friday, from which you might 
 justly conclude that I would not vote for Mr. Adams, I am 
 now inclined to think differently, and unless some other 
 change in my mind takes place, I shall vote for him ; I take 
 the earliest opportunity to apprise you of this fact, that you 
 may not commit yourself with friends on the subject. 
 
 "John Scott." 
 
 "Senate Chamber, February 8, 1825. 
 "Sir: I received on the morning of the 6th instant, your 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 563 
 
 note of the 5th, in which you make known to me your inten- 
 tion to give the vote of Missouri to Mr. Adams. 
 
 "Sinister rumors, and some misgivings of my own, had 
 been preparing my mind for an extraordinary development ; 
 but it was not until I had three times talked with you, face 
 to face, that I could believe in the reality of an intention so 
 inconsistent with your previous conversations, so repugnant 
 to your printed pledges, so amazing to your constituents, 
 so fatal to yourself. 
 
 "The vote which you intend thus to give is not your own ; 
 it belongs to the people of the State of Missouri. They are 
 against Mr. Adams. I, in their name, do solemnly protest 
 against your intention, and deny your moral power thus to 
 bestow your vote. 
 
 "You have been pleased to make a reference, in one of 
 your conversations, to my personal wishes in this election. 
 I now reiterate that I disdain and repel the appeal ; and 
 again remit you to the exalted tribunal of honor and duty. 
 
 "For nine years we have been closely connected in our 
 political course; at length, the connection is dissolved, and 
 dissolved under circumstances which denounce our ever- 
 lasting separation. 
 
 "For some expressions which you felt as unkind, in our 
 conversation on Sunday, I ask your pardon and oblivion. 
 I have a right to give you my opinion on a point of public 
 duty, but none to inflict a wound on your feelings, and, in 
 this unexpected breaking of many ties, there is enough of 
 unavoidable pain, without the gratuitous infliction of unkind 
 words. 
 
 "Tomorrow is the day for your self-immolation. If you 
 have an enemy, he may go and feed his eyes upon the scene; 
 your former friend will share the afflicting spectacle. 
 
 "With sincere wishes for your personal welfare, I remain, 
 etc., 
 
 "Thomas H. Benton." 
 
 How true and valuable to General Jackson Mr. Benton 
 was, from that time on, in the election of 1828, of 1832, and 
 when the combined forces, big men and little men came at 
 him with heavy guns and light artillery, through life and 
 
564 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 after death, one can only know by reading the history of the 
 times. 
 
 The following strange incident in the life of this physic- 
 ally strange man is reported by Mr. Parton as occurring 
 while this exciting election was going on : 
 
 "It was during this exciting season that General Jackson 
 was painfully reminded of that terrible day when Charles 
 Dickinson fell before his unrelenting aim, twenty years 
 before. He was closeted late one night with a member of 
 Congress, in deep converse upon the coming event. The 
 member's object, it is said (I know not with what truth), 
 was to induce General Jackson to unite his political fortunes 
 with those of Mr. Clay, adopting Mr. Clay as his premier 
 and successor. Long he pleaded (it is said) with the old 
 man, and pleaded in vain. At 12 o'clock he took leave. 
 The hall lamp of the hotel having been extinguished, the 
 General went stumbling upstairs to his apartment in the 
 dark. Upon reaching the top, he supposed that he had yet 
 to ascend one stair, and made an awkward step forward, 
 and nearly fell. The viscera which had been displaced by 
 Dickinson's ball and had falsely healed, were again severed 
 from the breastbone, and the internal wound thus reopened. 
 The General staggered to his room, and lay for more than 
 a week quite disabled. He had several attacks of bleeding 
 at the lungs, and remained subject to such attacks during 
 the rest of his life. Many times he was brought by them 
 to the verge of the grave, and the affliction was probably 
 aggravated by his mode of treating it. When threatened 
 with an attack, he would lay bare his arm, bandage it, taking 
 his penknife from his pocket, call his servant to hold the 
 bowl, and bleed himself freely. Often, indeed, during his 
 presidency, he performed this operation in the night without 
 assistance." 
 
 In preparing this work, I have studied to get at the man, 
 Jackson — what he was, what his head was, what his heart 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 565 
 
 was ; and I have been more benefited by an examination of 
 his letters, public and private, than from all other sources. 
 
 I do not believe any man can make himself familiar with 
 General Jackson's correspondence — and he was a most 
 voluminous letter-writer — without realizing that the 
 "Andrew Jackson" that we find in some of his biographies 
 was a wholly different man from the great American. 
 Taking this view, I have been free, and shall, perhaps, be 
 more so, in introducing his letters written to friends and 
 officials, and I now give a letter from General Jackson, writ- 
 ten at the time, or about the time, of the presidential election 
 by the House of Representatives, to Mr. Swartwout. 
 
 Old men will remember how extensively this letter figured 
 when General Jackson was before the public, but believing 
 Jackson never wrote a lie in his life — never put an untruth 
 on paper — I present this letter as the highest evidence of his 
 character, as well as his feelings, and how entirely different 
 he was from all other public men — standing aloof until 
 the public demanded his services : 
 
 "Washington City, February 22, 1825. 
 "My Dear Sir: Yesterday I received your communication 
 adverting to the reasons and defense presented by Mr. Clay 
 to Judge Francis Brooke why duty and reflection imposed 
 upon him the necessity of standing in opposition to me, 
 because of my being, as he styles me, a 'military chieftain.' 
 I had seen the letter before, and when it first appeared, I 
 did entertain the opinion that some notice of it might per- 
 haps be necessary, for the reason that the expression seemed 
 to convey with it the appearance of personality more than 
 anything else; and could the opinion be at all entertained 
 that it would meet the object, which was doubtless intended, 
 to prejudice me in the estimation of my countrymen, I 
 might yet consider some notice of it necessary. Such belief, 
 however, I cannot entertain without insulting the generous 
 testimonial with which I have been honored bv ninety-nine 
 electors of the people. 
 
 10—2 
 
566 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "I am well aware that this term, 'military chieftain,' has, 
 for some time past, been a cant phrase with Mr. Clay and 
 certain of his friends, but the vote with which I have been 
 honored by the people is enough to satisfy me that the 
 prejudice, which was thereby sought to be produced, has 
 availed but little. This is sufficient for me. I entertain a 
 deep and heartfelt gratitude to my country for the confi- 
 dence which she has manifested toward me, leaving to 
 prejudiced minds whatever they can make of the epithet, 
 'military chieftain.' 
 
 "It is for ingenuity greater than mine to conceive what 
 idea was intended to be conveyed by the term. It is very 
 true that, early in life, even in the days of my boyhood, I 
 contributed my mite to shake off the yoke of tyranny, and to 
 build up the fabric of free government. And when lately 
 our country was involved in war, bearing then the commis- 
 sion of major general of militia forces in Tennessee, I made 
 an appeal to the patriotic citizens of the West, when they 
 went with me into the field to support her eagles. If this 
 constitutes me a 'military chieftain,' I am one. Aided by 
 the patriotism of the Western people, and an indulgent 
 Providence, it was my good fortune to protect our frontier 
 border from savages, and successfully to defend an impor- 
 tant and vulnerable point of our Union. Our lives were 
 risked, privations endured, and sacrifices made — and, if 
 Mr. Clay pleases, martial law declared — not with any view 
 of personal aggrandizement, but for the preservation of all 
 and everything that was dear and valuable — the honor, the 
 safety and glory of our country. Does this constitute the 
 character of a 'military chieftain' ? And are all our brave 
 men in war, who go forth to defend their rights, and the 
 rights of the country, to be termed 'military chieftains' and 
 denounced therefor? If so, the tendency of such a doc- 
 trine may be to arrest the ardor of useful and brave men in 
 future time of need and peril. With me, it will make no 
 difference; for my country at war, I would assist, aid, and 
 defend her, let the consequences to myself be what they 
 might. 
 
 "I have, as you very well know, been charged by some of 
 the designing politicians of this country with taking bold 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 567 
 
 and high-handed measures ; but as they were not designed 
 for any benefit to myself, I should not, under similar cir- 
 cumstances, refrain from a course equally bold. That man 
 who, in times of danger and difficulty, shall halt at any 
 course necessary to retain the rights, privileges and inde- 
 pendence of his country, is unsuited to authority. And if 
 these opinions and sentiments shall entitle me to the name 
 and character of a 'military chieftain,' I am content to be so 
 considered; satisfied, too, that Mr. Clay, if he pleases, shall 
 give that as a reason to the citizens of the West, why, in 
 his opinion, I merited neither his own nor their confidence. 
 
 "Mr. Clay has never yet risked himself for his country. 
 He has never sacrificed his repose, nor made an effort to 
 repel an invading foe. Of course, 'his conscience' assured 
 him it was altogether wrong in any other man to lead his 
 countrymen to battle and victory. He who fights, and 
 fights successfully, must, according to his standard, be held 
 up as a 'military chieftain.' 
 
 "Even Washington, could he again appear among us, 
 might be so considered, because he dared to be a virtuous 
 and successful soldier, a correct man, and an honest states- 
 man. It is only when overtaken by disaster and defeat 
 that any man is to be considered a safe politician and a 
 correct statesman. 
 
 "Defeat might, to be sure, have brought with it one ben- 
 efit. It might have enabled me to escape the notice and 
 animadversions of Mr. Clay; but considering that, by an 
 opposite result, my country has been somewhat benefited, I 
 rather prefer it, even with the opprobrium and censure 
 which he seems disposed to extend toward me. To him, 
 thank God, I am in nowise responsible. There is a purer 
 tribunal to which I would in preference refer myself — to 
 the judgment of an enlightened, patriotic and uncorrupted 
 people. To that tribunal I would rather appeal, whence is 
 derived whatever of reputation either he or I may possess. 
 By a reference there, it will be ascertained that I did not 
 solicit the office of President ; it was the frank and flattering 
 call of the freemen of this country, not mine, which placed 
 my name before the nation. When they failed in their 
 colleges to make a choice, no one beheld me seeking, through 
 
568 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 art or management, to entice any Representative in Con- 
 gress from a conscientious responsibility to his own, or the 
 wishes of his constituents. No midnight taper burnt by 
 me; no secret conclaves were held; nor cabals entered into 
 to persuade any one to a violation of pledges given or of 
 instructions received. By me no plans were concerted to 
 impair the pure principles of our republican institutions, nor 
 to prostrate that fundamental maxim, which maintains the 
 supremacy of the people's will. On the contrary, having 
 never in any manner, either before the people or Congress, 
 interfered in the slightest degree with the question, my con- 
 science stands void of offense, and will go quietly with me, 
 regardless of the insinuations of those who, through man- 
 agement, may seek an influence not sanctioned by integrity 
 and merit. 
 
 "Demagogues, I am persuaded, have done more injury to 
 the cause of freedom and the rights of man than ever did a 
 'military chieftain,' and in our country, at least in times of 
 peace, should be much more feared. I have seen something 
 of this in my march through life ; and have seen some men, 
 too, making the boldest professions, who were more influ- 
 enced by selfish views and considerations than ever they 
 were by workings of an honest conscience. 
 
 "I became a soldier for the good of my country. Diffi- 
 culties met me at every step, but I thank God it was my good 
 fortune to surmount them. The war over, and peace 
 restored, I retired to my farm to private life, where, but for 
 the call I received to the Senate of the Union, I should have 
 contentedly remained. I have never sought office or power, 
 nor have I ever been willing to hold any post longer than I 
 could be useful to my country, not myself; and I trust I 
 never shall. If these things make me one, I am a 'military 
 chieftain.' 
 
 "I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson/' 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 569 
 
 CHAPTER XLVI. 
 
 madison's and benton's services to the history of the 
 
 united states events in the life of benton and 
 
 his connection with jackson bentons thirty- 
 EIGHTH chapter: "presidential election of 1828, 
 
 and further errors of m. de toqueville" defense 
 
 of jackson against aspersions jackson's "medi- 
 ocre talent" and "violent temper" mr. cobb on 
 
 result of presidential election mr. goodrich on 
 
 meeting of jackson and adams at the president's 
 levee — Webster's opinion of jackson's demeanor. 
 
 1AHE COUNTRY will never cease to owe a debt of 
 gratitude to Mr. Benton, not only for his truthful 
 history of the Jacksonian epoch, but for his great 
 historical work. 
 
 Mr. Bancroft pays Mr. Madison a compliment in saying 
 that but for him "there would have been no authentic his- 
 tory of the formation period in our Government." The 
 Madison papers, Elliott's and Gilpin's debates, are all the 
 product of his unexampled industry and faithful work in 
 the Colonial Congress, in the convention that framed the 
 Constitution, in the Virginia Convention ratifying the 
 Constitution, and then in the Federal Congress using a 
 shorthand of his own through the day and writing up his 
 day's work at night. So it was with Mr. Benton; in the 
 Senate from 1820 to 1850, and all the time a man of un- 
 ceasing work, laborious, intelligent work, he has given to 
 his country a history of that eventful period, and more es- 
 pecially of the "Jacksonian period," in which he took an 
 interest as no other man did, and with means of doing jus- 
 tice to it that no other man had. 
 
570 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 General Jackson, when a boy in South Carolina, had been 
 given some attention as an orphan boy by Colonel Benton's 
 mother. When Colonel Benton came to Tennessee he 
 found General Jackson on the bench. That Benton came 
 from North Carolina and that he (Jackson) had been shown 
 a kindness by his mother, was enough to attract the atten- 
 tion of the then rising and best known citizen of the new 
 Southwest. 
 
 Colonel Benton read law in Williamson County — part of 
 the time in the country and part of the time at Franklin. 
 The earliest record of his appearance at the bar, so far as 
 I can learn, was at Columbia, in Maury County. Some 
 years ago Mr. Fleming, of Columbia, wrote a paper on the 
 early life of Mr. Benton, giving an account of his reading 
 law in the country and of his appearance at the bar in 1808, 
 where the eniry on record was: "Thomas H. Benton was 
 this day fined $1 for swearing in open court." 
 
 When the war of 1812 came, as detailed in a former 
 chapter, Colonel Benton, believing in the military genius of 
 Jackson, was active and influential in having him put at the 
 head of a command, and was a colonel under him; then 
 went to Washington and made terms with the Government 
 for Jackson's disobedience of the orders of the Secretary of 
 War at Natchez. Then came the collision, the terrible, 
 bloody fight between Jackson and the Bentons, Tom and 
 Jesse. Three days after the fight Colonel Benton, at 
 Franklin, wrote and published in a Franklin paper his ac- 
 count of the fight, giving just such an exposition as a hot- 
 headed young man would, writing before his blood cooled. 
 In after life Colonel Benton took a rational view of it. 
 Soon after this Benton went to Missouri and settled in St. 
 Louis, and in 1823 he and General Jackson met in the 
 United States Senate. Then kindly relations were restored. 
 Colonel Benton, on reflection, was satisfied that Jackson 
 had treated his brother, Jesse Benton, kindly in the duel 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 571 
 
 with Carroll, and had made all reasonable efforts to avoid 
 the collision on the square in Nashville. To know General 
 Jackson, the transition from the soldier to the statesman 
 must be seen to be appreciated. 
 
 If possible, Jackson was greater in civil life than in his 
 military career, and in writing his life much greater care, 
 owing to the malignity of some and the ignorance of others, 
 must be taken in delineating his character than is required 
 in giving his soldier career. Hence, 1 shall in the future 
 part of this work make free use of Colonel Benton's evi- 
 dence. I shall do this because Mr. Benton, like Mr. Madi- 
 son, wrote for posterity, his highest ambition being "the 
 truth of history," and because no man had the same oppor- 
 tunity to know and no man was more capable. 
 
 I here give entire Mr. Benton's thirty-eighth chapter in 
 his great work on the election of General Jackson in 1828. 
 Besides containing much that is interesting, it is a merited 
 rebuke of one of General Jackson's unfriendly critics, who 
 wrote more than he knew. The heading is : 
 
 "Presidential Election of 1828, and Further Errors of 
 M. De Toqueville. 
 
 "General Jackson and Mr. Adams were the candidates; 
 with the latter, Mr. Clay (his Secretary of State), so inti- 
 mately associated in the public mind, on account of the cir- 
 cumstances of the previous Presidential election in the 
 House of Representatives, that their names and interests 
 were inseparable during the canvass. General Jackson was 
 elected, having received 178 electoral votes to eighty-three 
 received by Mr. Adams. Mr. Richard Rush, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, was the Vice Presidential candidate on the ticket of 
 Mr. Adams, and received an equal vote with that gentle- 
 man. Mr. Calhoun was the Vice Presidential candidate on 
 the ticket with General Jackson, and received a slightly less 
 vote — the deficiency being in Georgia, where the friends of 
 Mr. Crawford still resented his believed connection with 
 
572 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the 'A. B. plot.' In the previous election he had been neu- 
 tral between General Jackson and Mr. Adams ; but was now 
 decided on the part of the General, and received the same 
 vote everywhere except in Georgia. In this election there 
 was a circumstance to be known and remembered. Mr. 
 Adams and Mr. Rush were both from the non-slaveholding 
 States; General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun from the slave- 
 holding States, and both slave owners themselves — and both 
 received a large vote (seventy-three each) in the free States 
 — and of which at least forty were indispensable to their 
 election. There was no jealousy or hostile or aggressive 
 spirit in the North against the South. 
 
 "The election of General Jackson was a triumph of demo- 
 cratic principle and an assertion of the people's right to 
 govern themselves. That principle had been violated in the 
 Presidential election in the House of Representatives in 
 the session of t 824-25, and the sanction or rebuke of that 
 violation was a leading question in the whole canvass. It 
 was also a triumph over the high protective policy, and the 
 Federal internal improvement policy, and the latitudinous 
 construction of the Constitution; and of the Democracy 
 over the Federalists, then called National Republicans ; and 
 was the re-establishment of parties on principle, according 
 to the landmarks of the early ages of the Government. For 
 although Mr. Adams had received confidence and office 
 from Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, and had classed with 
 the Democratic party during the fusion of parties in the 
 'era of good feeling,' yet he had previously been Federal; 
 and in the re-establishment of old party lines, which began 
 to take place after the election of Mr. Adams in the House 
 of Representatives, his affinities and policy became those of 
 his former party, and as a party, with many individual ex- 
 ceptions, they became his supporters and his strength. 
 General Jackson, on the contrary, had always been Demo- 
 cratic, so classing when he was a Senator in Congress under 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 573 
 
 the administration of the first Mr. Adams, and when party 
 lines were most straightly drawn and upon principle, and 
 as such now receiving the support of men and States which 
 took their political position at that time and had maintained 
 it ever since — Mr. Macon and Mr. Randolph, for example, 
 and the States of Virginia and Pennsylvania. And here 
 it becomes my duty to notice an error, or a congeries of 
 errors of M. De Toqueville in relation to the causes of 
 General Jackson's election, and which he finds exclusively 
 in the glare of a military fame resulting from a very 'ordi- 
 nary achievement only to be remembered where battles are 
 rare.' It says : 
 
 " 'General Jackson, whom the Americans have twice 
 elected to the head of their Government, is a man of violent 
 temper and mediocre talents. Not one circumstance in the 
 whole course of his career ever proved that he is qualified 
 to govern a free people; and, indeed, the majority of the 
 enlightened classes of the Union has always been opposed 
 to him. But he was raised to the Presidency, and has been 
 maintained in that lofty station solely by the recollection of 
 a victory which he gained twenty years ago under the walls 
 of New Orleans — a victory which, however, was a very or- 
 dinary achievement, and which could only be remembered 
 in a country where battles are rare.' (Chapter 17.) 
 
 "(This may pass for American history in Europe and 
 in a foreign language, and even finds abettors here to make 
 it American history in the United States, with a preface 
 and notes to enforce and commend it ; but America will 
 find historians of her own to do justice to the national and 
 to individual character. In the meantime I have some 
 knowledge of General Jackson and the American people, 
 and the two Presidential elections with which they honored 
 the General, and will oppose it — that is, my answer to the 
 flippant and shallow statements of Mons. de Toqueville.) 
 
 " 'A man of violent temper.' (I ought to know some- 
 
574 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 thing about that — contemporaries will understand the allu- 
 sion — and I can say that General Jackson had a good tem- 
 per, kind and hospitable to everybody, and a feeling of pro- 
 tection in it for the whole human race, and especially the 
 weaker and humbler part of it. He had few quarrels on 
 his own account, and probably the very ones on which 
 Mons. de Toqueville had heard were accidental, against his 
 will and for the succor of friends.) 
 
 " 'Mediocre talent and no capacity to govern a free peo- 
 ple.' In the first place free people are not governed by any 
 man, but by laws. But to understand the phrase, as per- 
 haps intended, that he had no capacity for civil administra- 
 tion, let the conditions of the country at the respective 
 periods when he took up and when he laid down the ad- 
 ministration answer. He found the country in domestic 
 distress — pecuniary distress — and the national and State 
 Legislatures invoked by leading politicians to relieve it by 
 empirical remedies — tariffs, to relieve one part of the com- 
 munity by taxing the other; internal improvement, to dis- 
 tribute public money; a national bank, to cure the paper 
 money evils of which it was the author ; the public lands ; 
 the pillage of broken bank paper; depreciated currency and 
 ruined exchanges; a million and a half of 'unavailable 
 funds' in the Treasury; a large public debt; the public 
 money the prey of banks; no gold in the country — only 
 $20,000,000 in silver, and that in banks which refused, when 
 they pleased, to pay it down in redemption of their own 
 notes, or even to render back to depositors. Stay laws, 
 stop laws, replevin laws, baseless paper, the resource in 
 half the State to save the debtor from his creditor, and 
 national bankrupt laws from Congress, and local insolvent 
 laws in the States, the demand of every session; Indian 
 tribes occupying a half or a quarter of the area of Southern 
 States, and unsettled questions of wrong and insult with 
 half the powers of Europe. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 575 
 
 "Such was the state of the country when General Jackson 
 became President. What was it when he left the Presi- 
 dency? Protective tariffs and Federal internal improve- 
 ment discarded ; the national bank left to expire upon its 
 own limitation ; the public lands redeemed from the pillage 
 of broken bank paper ; no more 'unavailable funds ;' an 
 abundant gold and silver currency ; the public debt paid off ; 
 the Treasury made independent of banks ; the Indian tribes 
 removed from the States; indemnities obtained from all 
 foreign powers for all past aggressions, and no new ones 
 committed ; several treaties obtained from great powers that 
 never would treat with us before; peace, friendship, and 
 commerce with all the world, and the measures established 
 which, after one great conflict with the expiring Bank of 
 the United States and all her affiliated banks in 1837, put 
 an end to bank dominion in the United States, and all its 
 train of contractions and expansions, panic and suspension, 
 distress and empirical relief. This is the answer which the 
 respective periods of the beginning and the ending of Gen- 
 eral Jackson's administration gives to the flippant 'imputa- 
 tion of no capacity for civil government. I pass on to the 
 next. 
 
 " 'The majority of the enlightened classes always op- 
 posed him.' A majority of those classes which Mons. de 
 Toqueville would chiefly see in the cities, and along the 
 highways — bankers, brokers, jobbers, contractors, poli- 
 ticians, and speculators — were certainly against him ; but 
 the mass of the intelligence of the country was with him 
 and sustained him in retrieving the country from the de- 
 plorable condition in which the enlightened classes had 
 sunk it, and in advancing it to that state of felicity at home 
 and respect abroad, which has made it the envy and admi- 
 ration of the civilized world and the absorbent of populations 
 of Europe. I pass on. 
 
 " 'Raised to the Presidency and maintained there solely 
 
576 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 by the recollection of the victory at New Orleans.' Here 
 recollection and military glare reverse the action of their 
 ever-previous attributes and become stronger, instead of 
 weaker, upon the lapse of time. The victory at New Or- 
 leans was gained in the first week of the year 1815, and did 
 not bear this Presidential fruit until fourteen and eighteen 
 years afterward, and until three previous good seasons had 
 passed without production. There was a Presidential elec- 
 tion in 1816, when the victory was fresh and the country 
 ringing, and imaginations dazzled with it, but it did not 
 make Jackson President or even bring him forward as a 
 candidate. The same four years afterwards, at the election 
 of 1820, not even a candidate then. Four years still later, 
 at the election of 1824, he became a candidate and was not 
 elected, receiving but 99 electoral votes out of 261. In the 
 year 1828 he was elected, receiving 178 out of 261 votes, 
 and in 1832 he was a second time elected, receiving 219 out 
 of 238 votes. Surely there must have been something be- 
 sides an old military recollection to make these two elec- 
 tions so different from the former, and there was! That 
 something else was principle, and the same that I have 
 stated in the beginning of this chapter as entering into the 
 canvass of 1828 and ruling its issue. I pass on to the last 
 disparagement. 
 
 " 'A victory which was a very ordinary achievement and 
 only to be remembered where battles were rare.' Such was 
 not the battle of New Orleans. It was no ordinary achieve- 
 ment. It was a victory of 4,600 citizens, just called from 
 their homes without knowledge of scientific war, under a 
 leader as little schooled as themselves in that particular, 
 without other advantages than a slight field work (a ditch 
 and a bank of earth) hastily thrown up — over double their 
 number of British veterans, survivors of the wars of the 
 French revolution, victors in the Peninsula and at Toulouse, 
 under trained Generals of the Wellington school, and with 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 577 
 
 a disparity of loss never before witnessed. On one side 
 700 killed (including the first, second, and third generals), 
 1,400 wounded, 500 taken prisoners. On the other six 
 privates killed and seven wounded, and the total repulse of 
 an invading army which instantly fled to its 'wooden walls' 
 and never again placed a hostile foot on American soil. 
 Such an achievement is not ordinary, much less 'very or- 
 dinary.' 
 
 "Does Mons. de Toqueville judge the importance of vic- 
 tories by the numbers engaged and the quantity of blood 
 shed, or by their consequences? If the former, the cannon- 
 ade on the heights cf Valmy (which was not a battle, nor 
 even a combat, but a distant cannon firing in which few 
 were hurt) must seem to him a very insignificant affair. 
 Yet it did what the marvelous victories of Champaubert, 
 Montmirail, Chateau-Thierry, Vauchamps, and Monter- 
 eau could not do — turned back the invader and saved the 
 soil of France from the iron hoof of the conqueror's horse, 
 and was commemorated twelve years afterwards by the 
 great emperor in a ducal title bestowed upon one of its gen- 
 erals. The victory at New Orleans did what the cannonade 
 at Valmy did — drove back the invader, and also what it did 
 not do — destroyed the one-fourth part of his force. And, 
 therefore, it is not to be disparaged, and will not be, by any 
 one who judges victories by their consequences instead of 
 by the numbers engaged. And so the victory of New Or- 
 leans will remain in history as one of the great achievements 
 of the world in spite of the low opinion which the writer on 
 American democracy entertains of it. But Mons. de 
 Toqueville's disparagement of General Jackson and his 
 achievement does not stop at him and his victory. It goes 
 beyond both and reaches the American people, their repub- 
 lican institutions and the elective franchise. It represents 
 the people as incapable of self-government — as led off by a 
 little military glare to elect a man twice President who had 
 
578 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 not one qualification for the place, who was violent and 
 mediocre, and whom the enlightened classes opposed; all 
 most unjustly said, but still_ to pass for American history 
 in Europe and with some Americans at home. 
 
 "Regard for Mons. de Toqueville is the cause of this cor- 
 rection of his errors ; it is a piece of respect which I do not 
 extend to the riffraff of European writers who come here 
 to pick up the gossip of the highways, to sell it in Europe 
 for American history, and to requite with defamation the 
 hospitality of our houses. He is not of that class; he is 
 above it; he is evidently not intentionally unjust. But he 
 is the victim of the company which he kept while among 
 us, and his book must pay the penalty of the impositions 
 practiced upon him. The character of our country and the 
 cause of republican government require his errors to be cor- 
 rected, and, unhappily, I shall have further occasion to per- 
 form that duty." 
 
 After reading the article from Mr. Benton, I am sure 
 every reader of this book will realize what was stated in 
 the outset — that the country will never cease to owe a debt 
 of gratitude to Mr. Benton, not only for his truthful his- 
 tory of the "Jacksonian epoch," but for his great historical 
 work, and I am sure that every reader will go further and 
 the more appreciate this book from this long extract from 
 Mr. Benton's work, in which he so nobly and manfully de- 
 fends his country and its great soldier from the attack made 
 by Mons. de Toqueville, the cause of which may possibly be, 
 as Mr. Benton states, "being misled by the company he 
 kept," but it is our place to say that Mons. de Toqueville 
 has a very large support, even among American writers, in 
 the attempt to belittle General Jackson and his great service. 
 
 There are certain things in Mr. Benton's defense of Gen- 
 eral Jackson that I cannot pass without special notice. In 
 the work, so far, I have repeatedly referred to the total mis- 
 apprehension of General Jackson's character. This Mr. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 579 
 
 Benton refers to by quoting what Mons. de Toqueville says, 
 that "General Jackson, whom Americans have twice elected 
 to the head of their Government, is a man of violent temper 
 and mediocre talent. No one circumstance in the whole 
 course of his career ever proved that he was qualified to 
 govern a free people, and, indeed, the majority of the en- 
 lightened classes of the Union have always been opposed 
 to him." 
 
 To that part of this unfriendly imputation Mr. Benton 
 replies : " 'A man of violent temper.' I ought to know 
 something of that" — and here Mr. Benton gives the reasons 
 why he ought to know something about it : "I can say that 
 General Jackson had a good temper, kind and hospitable to 
 everybody, and a feeling of protection in it for the whole 
 human race, and especially the weaker and humbler part of 
 it." I want especially to note this truthful statement made 
 by Mr. Benton and say that of all of General Jackson's 
 contemporaries Mr. Benton knew more of him, knew him 
 better, and was more capable of giving the facts and more 
 deeply interested in telling the truth than any man of his 
 time, because he was writing history, and fully appreciated 
 that he was writing for coming generations. 
 
 This piece of information from Mr. Benton as to what 
 the real character of General Jackson was, is worth more 
 than all the flippant sayings of Parton and Sumner, and all 
 the balance of that tribe who have written books for two 
 purposes — first, to sell ; and second, to becloud the name of 
 General Jackson. None of the whole crowd ever saw Gen- 
 eral Jackson, except Parton, and he saw him only to take 
 part in the bitter and malignant fight against him 0:1 the 
 bank question when Jackson was President; while Mr. 
 Benton saw him on the bench, practiced law before him, 
 was with him in the army, saw him tried when placed in a 
 situation in which to do his duty was to risk all as an officer 
 in the army. Then, Mr. Benton knew well the circumstan- 
 
580 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 ces, not only of the personal difficulty that he had with him, 
 but all the facts relative to the other personal difficulties; 
 and then he watched, with the keenest eye, his wonderful 
 campaign in the Creek war, his daring courage at Pensa- 
 cola, and his victory at New Orleans over the British army. 
 Then he saw him retire to his home at the Hermitage and 
 become a quiet, unobtrusive citizen, setting up no claim to 
 office or promotion for any service he had rendered, for- 
 bidding his friends to use his name as a candidate for high 
 office, living for several years in intercourse with men who 
 were his neighbors. 
 
 Then he saw him in the United States Senate and served 
 with him. Then he saw him elevated to the Presidency, 
 and was, of all men, the closest observer of his public life 
 in that office, and especially in the conflicts in which that 
 high station involved him — conflicts with men who at the 
 time had more power and capacity for putting public men 
 on trial than any other men in the United States — no less 
 men than Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster, and Mr. Calhoun com- 
 bined to put down the great soldier. 
 
 Mr. Benton was a participant in this struggle, sat in the 
 Senate and was an observer of everything that took place, 
 and then was on such terms with the President as to con- 
 stantly confer with him; knew his motives, plans, spirit, 
 ambition, and patriotism as perhaps no other man did, and 
 hence I say he was much better prepared to speak as to the 
 true character of General Jackson than the men who have 
 so flippantly written about him. I use this piece of evidence 
 coming from Colonel Benton in chapters I have already 
 written, and after the study of the life of General Jackson 
 for many years I have reached the same conclusion — that 
 General Jackson was not a man of bad temper; he was a 
 man of kind heart, and above everything believed that in 
 public life the poor and the helpless were especially to be 
 looked after, that the rich are powerful and are abundantly 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 581 
 
 able to take care of themselves, and especially in legislating 
 and influencing public men. 
 
 The after chapters of this work will demonstrate, I trust, 
 how clearly Mons. de Toqueville was mistaken, and General 
 Jackson right, when I show in detail what the condition of 
 the country was, or rather what the condition of the Gov- 
 ernment was when General Jackson became President, and 
 what its condition was when he retired from office at the 
 end of eight years. 
 
 In reply to what Mons. de Toqueville says, "that the ma- 
 jority of the American classes always were opposed to him," 
 Mr. Benton most truthfully says : "The majority of all those 
 classes which Mons. de Toqueville would chiefly see in the 
 cities and along the highways — bankers, brokers, jobbers, 
 politicians, and speculators — were certainly against him, 
 and he was certainly against them ; but the most of the intel- 
 ligence of the country was with him, and sustained him in 
 retrieving the country from the deplorable condition in 
 which the enlightened classes had brought it, and advancing 
 it to that state of felicity at home and respect abroad which 
 has made it the envy and admiration of the civilized world 
 and the absorbent of populations of Europe." 
 
 This paragraph of Mr. Benton's should be studied by 
 every American citizen. If there is one feature in General 
 Jackson's public life more strikingly illustrative of his pub- 
 lic character and power than all others, it is embodied in 
 this sentiment. It embraces thoughts, reflections, enough 
 for a lifetime. 
 
 I am writing this chapter on the day of a Presidential elec- 
 tion, when there is in the minds of millions of people a 
 deep sense, even a conviction, of what General Jackson re- 
 garded as a calamity, and what he risked all to check — the 
 power of money in controlling the ballot box. It may pos- 
 sibly be without good reason, but it is certainly creating in 
 
 the minds of these millions a fear and a dread that the line 
 11-2 
 
5S2 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 has been drawn, which General Jackson undertook to break 
 down, and that they have reached the point where corpora- 
 tions combining with each other are, to a great extent, con- 
 trolling our elections, and whatever may be the result of 
 to-day, it will long remain in the minds of the people that 
 the country was put in great peril by the issue raised by 
 General Jackson, which is so graphically and truthfully de- 
 scribed by Mr. Benton. 
 
 It will be remembered that, under the Constitution, when 
 the election reaches the House of Representatives, each 
 State casts one vote — the members vote as a body. Mr. 
 Adams received the vote of thirteen States, which was a 
 majority. Maryland and Illinois each had given popular 
 majorities for Jackson, and voted for Adams. Ken- 
 tucky, Ohio, and Missouri each had given popular majori- 
 ties for Clay, and voted for Adams. Crawford received the 
 vote of four States — Delaware. North Carolina, Georgia, 
 and Virginia. General Jackson, for whom eleven States 
 had given an electoral majority, received the vote of but 
 seven States. The result was a surprise to many people. 
 About this election Mr. Cobb, a day or two afterward, wrote 
 as follows : 
 
 "The Presidential election is over, and you will have 
 heard the result; the clouds were black and portentous of 
 storms of no ordinary character ; they broke in one hurried 
 burst and straightway dispelled; everything here is silent; 
 the victors have no cause to rejoice; there was not a single 
 window lighted on the occasion; three negroes shouted for 
 Mr. Adams, but were not joined, even by the cringing 
 populace of this place; he, disappointed, submitted in sullen 
 silence. The friends of Jackson grumbled at first like the 
 rumbling of distant thunder, but the old man himself sub- 
 mitted without a change of countenance. Air. Crawford's 
 friends changed in their looks; they commanded universal 
 respect. Adams has caused it to be announced that they 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 583 
 
 shall have no cause to be dissatisfied. Two days ago the 
 Treasury Department was tendered to Crawford and re- 
 fused. On the same day General Jackson paid him a friend- 
 ly and civil visit, but nothing passed but an interchange of 
 civilities. Crawford returned home, and we must do the 
 best we can for him ; should he and our friends wish that 
 he should again go into the Senate, the hour shall be ap- 
 pointed for him. I am sick and tired of everything here, 
 and wish for nothing so much as private life: my ambition 
 is dead." 
 
 The night after the election the President gave a levee, 
 the facts of which are interesting in one or two particulars. 
 Mr. Goodrich, in his ''Recollections of the Times," makes 
 an interesting summary of what took place at the ball, and 
 especially is the reference to the meeting — that meeting, 
 that night, between Mr. Adams and General Jackson — in- 
 teresting. Mr. Goodrich says : 
 
 "I shall pass over the other individuals present, only not- 
 ing an instance which respects the two present in the as- 
 sembly who, most of all others, engrossed in the thoughts 
 of the visitors — Mr. Adams, the elect: General Jackson, the 
 defeated. It chanced in the course of the evening that these 
 two persons passing in the throng approached each other 
 from opposite directions, yet without knowing it. Suddenly 
 they were almost together. The persons around, seeing 
 what was about to happen, by a sort of instinct stepped 
 aside and left them face to face. Mr. Adams was by him- 
 self. General Jackson had a large, handsome lady on his 
 arm. They looked at each other for a moment, and then 
 General Jackson leaned forward, and. reaching out his long 
 arm. said : 'How do you do. Mr. Adams : I give yon my 
 left hand, as the right, as you see. is devoted to the fair: I 
 hope you are well, sir:' All this was gallantly and heartily 
 said, and. advancing, Mr. Adams took General Jack- 
 
584 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 hand and said, with chilling coldness : 'Very well, sir ; I hope 
 General Jackson is well.' 
 
 "It was curious to see the Western planter, the Indian 
 fighter, the stern soldier who had written his country's glory 
 in the blood shed at New Orleans, genial and gracious in 
 the midst of a court, while the old courtier and diplomat 
 was stiff, rigid, cold, and staid. It was all the more re- 
 markable from the fact that four years before the former 
 had been defeated, and the latter was a victor in the strug- 
 gle for one of the highest objects of human ambition. The 
 personal character of these two individuals was, in fact, 
 well expressed in that chance meeting, the gallantry, the 
 frankness and the heartiness of the one, which captivated 
 all; the coldness, the distance, the selfish concentration of 
 the other, which repelled all." 
 
 When Mr. Webster said, speaking of General Jackson as 
 he saw him in the Senate, as a candidate for President, 
 competing with Mr. Clay, Mr. Adams, Mr. Crawford, and 
 Mr. Calhoun, "in his manners he is more presidential than 
 any of his competitors; he is quiet and dignified — my wife 
 is decidedly for him," it was no doubt a revelation to his 
 brother to whom he was writing. 
 
 It was not until the people of the North saw the Senator, 
 the graceful, quiet, dignified Senator, the great soldier in a 
 new role, the backwoods general in the Senate, more dig- 
 nified and graceful than the most distinguished statesman of 
 the times, buttonholing nobody, asking nobody's support, 
 standing on his merit as a candidate for President, that 
 their prejudice abated, and as a new planet electrifies all 
 astronomers, every eye was turned upon the man who knew 
 as well how to dignify the Senate as he knew how to whip 
 a British army; and, Pennsylvania leading the way, he at 
 once became the people's candidate for President, as Mr. 
 Webster declared he was. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 585 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 SALIENT POINTS IN LIFE OF JACKSON DISPROVING THE MIS- 
 REPRESENTATIONS OF M. DE TOQUEVILLE AND OTHER 
 UNFRIENDLY WRITERS CONDITIONS OF FOREIGN RELA- 
 TIONS BENTON ON JACKSON'S CAPACITY AND DIPLO- 
 MACY — PARTON ON "UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE" AND THE 
 EDUCATED CLASSES IN POLITICS BENTON ON THE "EN- 
 LIGHTENED classes" — jackson's devotion to the 
 
 CAUSE OF THE PEOPLE DEATH OF MRS. JACKSON — EPI- 
 TAPH on mrs. jackson's tomb written by general 
 
 JACKSON MRS. ELIZABETH CRAIGHEAD^ STATEMENT 
 
 ABOUT THE MARRIAGE OF GENERAL AND MRS. JACKSON. 
 
 THE ELECTION of General Jackson in 1828 was 
 an event calculated to inspire confidence in the wis- 
 dom, virtue, and gratitude of the plain people. If 
 a man was ever elected to office without intrigue with lead- 
 ers, and with a single-hearted reliance on the plain people, 
 it was General Jackson in this election. After the exhibition 
 of his popularity in the election of 1824, the eyes of aspi- 
 rants for the presidency were fixed on him. 
 
 The deep gratitude of the people, as it was seen in the 
 election of 1828, ought not to be set down as sufficient evi- 
 dence of qualification for office, but it is an evidence of some 
 exceptional virtue which may or may not indicate fitness. 
 In the case of General Jackson the gratitude came from a 
 conviction of manly courage, nobly displayed at the time 
 and under circumstances of great need. 
 
 It was the feeling that the man who loved his country had 
 run up the American flag where it would stay and be re- 
 spected in all lands, at least until sacrilegious hands at home 
 became despoilers, and it brought to him a sense of relief 
 
586 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and an assurance that a citizen soldiery was ample for its 
 protection and the country's defense. With the defenseless 
 there was a feeling of love and veneration that drew men, 
 women, and children to him, and with the politicians there 
 was an inclination to get in the wagon and ride, but with 
 the great big men, who might not survive if a great meteoric 
 stone came crashing through the timber, Jackson was an 
 enigma that needed watching. 
 
 The aspirants for the presidency made common cause and 
 summoned to their rescue the cohorts of patriotic service — 
 all ready to fight for an office. 
 
 In the long extract from Benton's "Thirty Years in the 
 Senate," there are certain facts given that deserve to be 
 emphasized. They are on the points in General Jackson's 
 life that have been so flippantly and ignorantly misrepre- 
 sented (as M. de Toqueville did) by unfriendly critics gen- 
 erally. The ignorance of M. de Toqueville about the Presi- 
 dent of a republic ruling a people is passed over. Mr. Ben- 
 ton barely notices it. But what M. de Toqueville meant, no 
 doubt, was that General Jackson did not have a single quali- 
 fication for civil office. This error, with the misapprehen- 
 sion of General Jackson's warm and lovable nature — fixed 
 in the mind by unfriendly writers — is of all others what 
 mostly stands in need of correction, and that the truth may 
 be seen in these respects is one object of this book. In para- 
 graphs Mr. Benton disposes of these errors — himself know- 
 ing from all phases of private, social, army, and civil life 
 how unfounded the charges were, but he did not fully real- 
 ize how important were the statements of his contradictions 
 from personal knowledge. 
 
 All of Mr. Benton's paragraph statements might, with 
 profit, be elaborated, one feature especially — the condition 
 of our Government in its relations with other nations. I 
 refer to this especially to arrest attention on a point of deep- 
 est interest — to wit, business sense in politics. Without 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 587 
 
 business sense — tact in business matters, coupled with 
 painstaking in the councils of the nation — with the reasons 
 applying to the State executives, the whole fabric will be a 
 shackling old house, finally going to decay, becoming spoils 
 for the despoilers. In this regard General Jackson was the 
 best President we ever had, and about this I want to be 
 explicit. His prompt, careful, and painstaking methods as 
 a lawyer after he came to Nashville, in an incredibly short 
 time, gave him the entire collecting business of the business 
 men of the city. 
 
 In seven years after he came to Nashville, as shown in a 
 former chapter, he had more cases on the docket than all 
 the other lawyers combined. This was principally collec- 
 tions, business he attended to with such promptness — at the 
 time performing the duties of United States Attorney — 
 that, as a collector, he attracted attention all over the coun- 
 try. By judicious investment in real estate, and at the 
 same time conducting a most successful mercantile house, 
 he soon came to be one of the largest land owners in the 
 country west of the mountains — and out of which he made 
 quite a large fortune. As a merchant, buying his goods 
 in person in Philadelphia, he established such a credit, as 
 heretofore shown, that when the richest men in the city 
 were refused credit, in Philadelphia, for a large amount of 
 money which they wanted to borrow, they were told if they 
 would get the name of Andrew Jackson on their paper they 
 could get the money. They got the name and got the 
 money. 
 
 When he quit merchandizing he. sold out to his partner, 
 John Coffee, afterwards his great cavalry officer in the 
 Creek war, his dashing leader at Pensacola in capturing the 
 Spanish forts and driving the British fleets out of the bay, 
 and for eight days with his men sleeping on brush piles in 
 the swamp at New Orleans to prevent a flank movement. 
 
 Selling out his interest in the store to Coffee for a large 
 
588 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 amount, he took notes. These notes — the night Coffee was 
 married to his wife's niece, like the warm-hearted, generous 
 man he was — he immediately after the ceremony delivered 
 as a bridal present to the bride. 
 
 When the Government, for his disobedience of orders at 
 Natchez, refused him supplies and transportation for his 
 army back to Nashville, he had the credit to raise the money 
 to do it, and then demanded his rights, which the Govern- 
 ment, at the end of the year, conceded. 
 
 When he died, besides his charming estate in Tennessee, 
 he owned several plantations in the South with 150 slaves. 
 This is he who Parton says was not a business man. 
 
 In the army, besides knowing better than any other 
 general of his time what to do with the enemy on the field, 
 he was a model in all his business relations with the Govern- 
 ment, which, of course, were complicated and extensive. 
 In person he overlooked the business of his Quartermaster, 
 promptly revised all accounts with the State or the Govern- 
 ment, and never had a trouble in a single settlement. 
 
 No conflict or engagement was ever so hot or so perilous 
 as to prevent him from reporting immediately to the Secre- 
 tary of War. And on file in the War Office at Washington 
 may be seen the fullest and most complete account of his 
 military service to be found in the records of war in this 
 country, or perhaps any other country. His reports are 
 models in simplicity — facts condensed — with no personal 
 claim for anything done; indeed, meager as to himself, but 
 all praise for his "brave soldiers." 
 
 This is the man and this is the record — of business in 
 private life and in war. The men who have undertaken to 
 write the infirmities of Jackson, while admitting his military 
 genius, seem not to know that a big man can be big enough 
 for both war and peace, and the whole thought was — and 
 Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun pushed it for all they could make 
 out of it — that a great soldier, and because he was a great 
 
JOHN COFFEE. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 589 
 
 soldier, should never be allowed to enter civil office — that 
 he would go there wearing his sword and epaulets. 
 
 The answer to Mons. De Toqueville is Jackson's record 
 made as President. 
 
 Mr. Benton, with a vividness and a perspicuity, in a few 
 paragraphs, has made memorable the truth of history, 
 showing the Thomases where they can put their ringer 
 down. If when the book is opened and the deeds as 
 recorded shown, they persist, they are not Thomases, but 
 they belong to another class not to be mentioned in a book. 
 
 The business habits which General Jackson made so 
 prominent a feature in his private life and in the army he 
 carried with him into the executive office. 
 
 Mr. Benton shows the condition of our foreign relations 
 and our domestic affairs when General Jackson went into 
 office, and what it was when he left, and which, as stated, 
 if applied to a great banking house, would have made most 
 famous the head. The details of this feature of his charac- 
 ter will mark almost every page yet to come of this book. 
 
 Unquestionably the Government, at the time when Gen- 
 eral Jackson went into office, stood more in need of diplo- 
 macy and business combined than at any other time in our 
 history. 
 
 Besides local troubles, enumerated by Mr. Benton in 
 alarming profusion, he says : "We had unsettled questions 
 of wrong and insult with half the powers of Europe," and 
 among conditions enumerated when he went out of office, he 
 says : 
 
 "The public debt was paid off, the treasury made inde- 
 pendent of banks, the Indian tribes removed from the States, 
 indemnities obtained from all foreign powers for all past 
 aggressions and no new ones committed." 
 
 In addition to what Mr. Benton says in reply to M. De 
 Toqueville about the educated people being against Jackson, 
 Mr. Parton meets the case well. He says : 
 
590 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "The most real issue in the presidential contest of 1828 
 was one which was not stated at the time, nor generally per- 
 ceived. The question was whether 'universal suffrage,' so 
 called, was to have any practical effect in the United States. 
 Down to this period in the history of the republic, the edu- 
 cated few had kept themselves uppermost. Cabinets, Con- 
 gresses, Legislatures, Governors, Mayors, had usually been 
 chosen from the same class of society as that from which 
 governing men of Europe are chosen. Public life was 
 supposed to require an apprenticeship, as much as any pri- 
 vate profession. In short, the ruling class in the United 
 States, as in all other countries, was chiefly composed of 
 men who had graduated at colleges and had passed the 
 greater part of their lives on carpets. 
 
 "The educated class were not equal to the duty assigned 
 them — that of instructing and guiding their less fortunate 
 countrymen. They were not equal to it, and they are not 
 now. Jefferson accepted his share of this great trust, and 
 worthily strove to perform his share of this great duty. 
 His life is but a catalogue of benefactions to the people. 
 But among American citizens of his social eminence, how 
 many were there with understandings enough to compre- 
 hend, with magnanimity enough to live up to the height of 
 the great sentiment which breathed all the life into this 
 republic that it has ever possessed? How have this class 
 hugged their gentilities, genealogies, conservatisms, and all 
 the other antiquated and effeminating nonsense of which 
 Europe itself is beginning to be ashamed, and is preparing 
 to toss off as a tawdry and ragged old cloak! 
 
 "The truly helpful men and women of this republic have 
 oftenest sprung from the cabin and learned to read by the 
 light of pineknots, and worked their way up to their rightful 
 places as leaders of the people by the strength of their own 
 arm, brain, and resolution. 
 
 "The scepter was about to be wrested from the hands of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 591 
 
 those who had not shown themselves worthy to hold it. 
 When they felt it going, however, they made a vigorous 
 clutch, and lost it only after a desperate struggle. In these 
 Jacksonian contests, therefore, we find nearly all the talent, 
 nearly all the learning, nearly all the ancient wealth, nearly 
 all the business activity, nearly all the book-nourished intel- 
 ligence, nearly all the silver-forked civilization of the coun- 
 try, united in opposition to General Jackson, who repre- 
 sented the country's untutored instincts." 
 
 I turn for a moment to the words of these two authors, 
 Mr. Parton and Mr. Benton. They indicate and emphasize 
 a period in the history of our country — not only a period 
 but a change in our ideas of public life, that lasted from 
 1828 to a comparatively recent period. These two authors 
 meant to convey the idea that up to 1828 it had been a sort 
 of common law that the highly educated classes were the 
 country. 
 
 From the date of that election, and the manner in which 
 the masses of the people, as contradistinguished from the 
 exclusive, educated classes — the people, the plain people — 
 were the ruling factors in this country. That there is now 
 a growing belief among the plain people that the educated 
 men and rich classes will probably resume the power they 
 had exercised before 1828, a whole chapter might be 
 written. 
 
 To carefully read, as I have done, the life of General 
 Jackson, gathered from all sources — public acts and private 
 life — one can come to no other conclusion than that a cer- 
 tain class well described by Mr. Benton in the paragraph 
 quoted, feared, dreaded and hated Andrew Jackson, and, 
 perhaps, no man ever lived, occupying high official station, 
 that had more bitter enemies than he. His stern, positive, 
 relentless purpose to do his duty in public life and let conse- 
 quences take care of themselves, necessarily antagonized 
 a very large class who sought without obtaining his favor. 
 
592 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Public men, and especially biographers who have only 
 carelessly examined his life and character, have kept before 
 the public the prejudices that were engendered by his faith- 
 ful and unflinching discharge of public duty. With his 
 convictions as to what public life is, and how entirely he 
 must separate himself from public interests, necessarily put 
 it beyond his power to accommodate and please people who 
 sought the benefits of his favor. These things, together 
 with the fact that the President of the United States made 
 him Major General in the United States Army, without a 
 qualification deemed necessary by military gentlemen — 
 that is, a printed sheepskin — at the time created very great 
 feeling against him, and high officers of the army became 
 embittered, and they have never yielded the point, and thus 
 have never forgiven the President for taking up a man who 
 had not been trained in a military school and put him at the 
 head of the army, and certainly they never forgave Jackson. 
 The main feature of General Jackson's life, and the one 
 that will go with his name as long as men read books, is that 
 he believed and acted upon it, "that official life meant service 
 for the benefit of the masses who were without influence 
 among and with those who held power." 
 
 When the news reached Nashville that General Jackson 
 had been elected, Major Lewis says: "It created no great 
 sensation at the Hermitage, so certain beforehand were the 
 inmates of the returns in accordance with their desires." 
 Mrs. Jackson quietly said, "Well, for Mr. Jackson's sake I 
 am glad ; for my own part, I never wished it." 
 
 His neighbors who were in the habit of having a banquet, 
 or other demonstration upon any great event with which 
 General Jackson was connected or on his return from one 
 of his campaigns, of course, upon getting the news that the 
 General had been elected President of the United States, 
 prepared for a banquet. This news came on December 17, 
 and that very day Mrs. Jackson was stricken down and died 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 593 
 
 in a few days. The report of this death is truly affecting 
 as told by the old servant, who was the only one in the house 
 when she was stricken. General Jackson was out in the 
 field looking after his farming interests. Mrs. Jackson 
 went down into the kitchen to look to the preparation for 
 dinner. On returning to her room, accompanied by the old 
 servant, Hannah, she uttered a shriek, and placing her hand 
 upon her heart, sank into a chair, struggling for breath, 
 and fell forward into Hannah's arms. The servant ran to 
 the farm, and General Jackson was soon by her side. Mrs. 
 A. J. Donelson came in from her house. The house was 
 soon filled with people. Her immediate death seemed 
 almost certain. The banquet to be given the General was 
 to be on the 23d. He sat by her side, scarcely leaving the 
 room, until she seemed to recover on the 22d. She was at 
 that time somewhat relieved, and insisted that the General 
 should go off and go to bed. He reluctantly complied with 
 her request. He had been out but a few minutes until she 
 fell out of her chair forward on the old servant's shoulder 
 and died soon afterwards. It was long before General 
 Jackson would believe she was dead. He looked into her 
 face as if still expecting to see signs of returning life. Her 
 hands and feet became cold, and they were preparing to lay 
 the body on the table. The General did not give up his 
 hopes for her recovery, and said : "Spread several blankets 
 on the table so that if she does come to she will not lie 
 so hard on the table." He sat all night long in the room 
 by her side with his face in his hands. Major Lewis, who 
 had been sent for, arrived just before daylight, and found 
 him there nearly speechless and inconsolable. He sat in the 
 room all the next day the very picture of despair. 
 
 The news reached Nashville early on the morning of the 
 23d, and, of course, there was an entire abandonment of the 
 banquet. Every vehicle in Nashville was employed, and 
 
594 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the grounds about the Hermitage were covered with people. 
 There were long notices of her death in the Nashville 
 papers. One of the papers had this notice : 
 
 "Her pure and gentle heart, in which a selfish, guileful 
 or malicious thought never found entrance, was the throne 
 of benevolence, and under its noble influence her faculties 
 and time were constantly devoted to the exercise of hospi- 
 tality, and to acts of kindness. To feed the hungry, to 
 clothe the naked, to supply the indigent, to raise the humble, 
 to notice the friendless and to comfort the unfortunate, 
 were her favorite occupations; nor could the kindness of 
 her soul be repressed by distress or prosperity; but like 
 those fountains which, rising in deep and secluded valleys, 
 flow on in the frost of winter and through summer's heat, 
 it retained a uniform and refreshing current. Thus she 
 lived, and when death approached her patience and resigna- 
 tion were equal to her goodness, not an impatient gesture, 
 not a vexatious look, not a fretful accent escaped her; but 
 her last breath was charged with an expression of tender- 
 ness for the man whom she had loved more than her life, 
 and honored next to her God." 
 
 Mrs. Jackson was buried in the garden at the Hermitage, 
 and on her tomb are these lines prepared by General Jack- 
 son himself: 
 
 "Here lie the remains of Mrs. Rachel Jackson, wife of 
 President Jackson, who died the 226. of December, 1828, 
 aged 61. Her face was fair, her person pleasing, her temper 
 amiable, her heart kind; she delighted in relieving the 
 wants of her fellow-creatures and cultivated that divine 
 pleasure by the most liberal and unpretending methods; 
 to the poor she was a benefactor, to the wretched a com- 
 forter, to the prosperous an ornament ; her piety went hand 
 in hand with her benevolence, and she thanked her Creator 
 for being permitted to do good. A being so gentle and so 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 595 
 
 virtuous, slander might wound but could not dishonor. 
 Even death, when he tore her from the arms of her hus- 
 band, could but transport her to the bosom of her God." 
 
 The death of Mrs. Jackson created a profound impression 
 at Nashville. As stated, the very day the news readied 
 Nashville of the election of her distinguished husband, she 
 was stricken down, and died a few days afterwards. Late 
 in the evening, while preparations for the banquet were in 
 progress, the news came into the city of Mrs. Jackson's 
 affliction. The two items of news reached the city within 
 a few hours of the same time — one, that General Jackson 
 was elected President; the other, that Mrs. Jackson was 
 probably dying. Mrs. Jackson did not recover her speech 
 until the 22d, and died very shortly afterwards, General 
 Jackson remaining at her side until the last. 
 
 In the canvass that had just closed — one of the bitterest 
 ever known — Mrs. Jackson's name had been freely used. 
 All the facts in reference to the marriage that had taken 
 place forty years before were brought out, such was the 
 character of the party assault in 1827. Pamphlets were 
 prepared, in which the facts about the marriage were given 
 by Judge McNairy, Judge Overton, Mrs. Craighead and 
 others. It may be of interest to some of our readers to see 
 some of these letters. We give Mrs. Craighead's : 
 
 "Mr. Craighead and myself came to this country about 
 forty-two years ago, and Mrs. Donelson, the mother of 
 Mrs. Jackson, and family, came and settled at the Clover 
 Bottom in Davidson County, Tennessee, the same year. 
 With the family of Mrs. Donelson I was well and intimately 
 acquainted — indeed, my family had a knowledge of the 
 Donelson connexion for about seventy years. The whole 
 family were respectable, and I lived in habits of intimacy 
 with Mrs. Donelson during her life, and with Mrs. Jackson 
 nearly forty years. The character of Mrs. Donelson, the 
 mother of Mrs. Jackson, was without blemish, and her 
 
596 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 standing in society was inferior to that of no lady in the 
 country. She respected religion while she lived, and died 
 in the hope of a happy hereafter. 
 
 "Mrs. Jackson, then Mrs. Robards, was brought to this 
 country from Kentucky by one of her brothers a few years 
 after the family had settled themselves here, in consequence, 
 as I understood, of the cruel treatment of her husband, who 
 was said to be a man of jealous disposition and vicious 
 habits. This was manifested by the suspicions he enter- 
 tained of the improper conduct of his wife. At the time 
 she lived with him, at the house of his mother in Kentucky, 
 an attorney of the name of Short, also boarded with the old 
 lady. With regard to the unhappy difference which took 
 place between Robards and his wife, it was believed that it 
 arose from the circumstance of Short's living in the same 
 family with Mrs. Robards and showing her perhaps a little 
 more than ordinary politeness. James Brown, my brother, 
 who is now at Paris in France, came to this country shortly 
 after Mrs. Robards arrived from Kentucky, and, speaking 
 of her, deeply regretted her misfortunes. He said that he 
 believed her to be a chaste and virtuous woman, and gave 
 as a reason for thinking so, that he was intimate with Mr. 
 Short, and had conversed with him particularly in respect 
 to Mrs. Robards — that he assured him in the strongest and 
 most solemn terms that Mrs. Robards was a worthy, virtu- 
 ous woman, and that the suspicions of her husband were 
 entirely unfounded, cruel and ungenerous. 
 
 "Mrs. Robards, after having been driven from her 
 mother-in-law's by the cruel treatment of her husband, 
 Captain Robards, lived with her mother, Mrs. Donelson, 
 several years, and conducted herself with the greatest pro- 
 priety, entirely withdrawing herself from all places of 
 public amusement, such as balls, parties, etc. About two 
 years after his wife left Kentucky Robards came to this 
 country for the purpose of being reconciled to her. He 
 made every acknowledgment, and appeared to be quite pen- 
 itent for his past conduct, stating, as I understood at the 
 time, that he did not blame his wife for leaving him and 
 coming to live with her mother. Shortly after his arrival, 
 by the interference of friends and acquaintances, she agreed 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 597 
 
 to live with him on condition that he would settle himself 
 in her mother's neighborhood, to which he gave his consent 
 and actually purchased a tract of land. After they became 
 reconciled. Mrs. Donelson for the first time took into her 
 house as boarders several young gentlemen, there being 
 then few if any regular boarding houses or taverns, among 
 whom were Judge Overton and General Jackson. Having 
 agreed to live together, Robards went hack to Kentucky for 
 the purpose of moving his property to this country. Upon 
 his return, having found General Jackson in the family, his 
 jealousies appeared to revive. This was more particularly 
 manifested towards General Jackson in consequence, I sup- 
 pose, of his gay, sprightly disposition and courteous man- 
 ners. From my acquaintance with Mrs. Jackson I have no 
 hesitation in stating it as my firm belief that his suspicions 
 were entirely groundless. No lady ever conducted herself 
 in a more becoming manner during the whole of that period. 
 I have lived in a few miles of Mrs. Jackson ever since that 
 time (with the exception of about two years), and have 
 been intimate with her, and can say that no lady maintains 
 a better character or is more exemplary in her deportment 
 or more beloved by her friends and neighbors. 
 
 "Elizabeth Craighead." 
 
 U-8 
 
598 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIII. 
 
 jackson at washington after his first election to 
 
 the presidency speculations as to what he 
 
 would do — Webster's statements before and after 
 jackson came description of jackson's inaugura- 
 tion members of the cabinet the mrs. eaton 
 
 ( peggy o'neal) affair jackson's letter to rev. dr. 
 
 ely on this affair. 
 
 GRIEF-STRICKEN and rapidly aging, General 
 Jackson, as quick as possible after the death of his 
 wife, prepared for his long journey to Washington. 
 I firmly believe that General Jackson deeply and keenly felt 
 that in the death of his wife he had lost infinitely more than 
 he had gained by the presidency. The devotion of this 
 grand man to his wife, with an ever-increasing affection, 
 the warm-hearted recollections of her through the balance 
 of his life, ever wearing her picture about him, and often 
 discovered sitting in silence with it before him, with marked 
 signs of deep emotion, show as truly the loving nature of 
 the man as his great deeds show his mental force. 
 
 The three Tennessee Presidents — Andrew Jackson, 
 James K. Polk, and Andrew Johnson — each had a treasure 
 in his wife. A charming book could be written on the 
 adaptation of these three women to the stations they filled — 
 not so much the exalted stations by being the wives of emi- 
 nent men and their adaptation to high life, as the fitness and 
 qualification for being the wives of men carrying great bur- 
 dens, needing a stay and a support. 
 
 Besides Mrs. Andrew Jackson Donelson, who was to 
 preside at the White House, and her accomplished daughter, 
 General Jackson had with him on the trip to Washington 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 599 
 
 Andrew J. Donelson, who was to be his private secretary, 
 Major William B. Lewis and Mr. Henry Lee. The artist 
 Earl joined the President about the time of the inaugura- 
 tion and remained at the White House during his entire 
 term. 
 
 Great crowds met the newly elected President in every 
 city and at every hotel where he stopped. Mr. Webster 
 wrote home just before the General arrived : 
 
 "General Jackson will be here about the 15th of February. 
 Nobody knows what he will do when he comes. Many 
 letters are sent to him; he answers none of them. His 
 friends here pretend to be very knowing, but be assured not 
 one of them has any confidential communication from him. 
 Great efforts are making to put him up to a general sweep 
 as to all offices, springing from great doubt whether he is 
 disposed to do it." 
 
 After General Jackson came Mr. Webster wrote: 
 "Of course the city is full of speculation and speculators. 
 'A great multitude.' too many to be fed without a miracle, 
 are already in the city, hungry for office. Especially I learn 
 that the typographical corps is assembled in great force. 
 From New Hampshire our friend Hill; from Boston, Mr. 
 Greene; from Connecticut, Mr. Norton; from New York, 
 Mr. Noah; from Kentucky, Mr. Kendall; and from every- 
 where else, somebody else. So many friends ready to 
 advise, and whose advice is so disinterested, make somewhat 
 of a numerous council about the President-elect; and, if 
 report be true, it is a council which only 'makes that darker 
 which was dark before.' For these reasons, or these with 
 others, nothing is yet settled about the new Cabinet. I 
 suppose Mr. Van Buren will be Secretary of State; but 
 beyond that I do not think anything is yet determined." 
 As late as the 2d of March Mr. Webster wrote home : 
 "Nobody at Washington knows whether many or any 
 changes will be made in the subordinate offices of the Gov- 
 
600 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 ernment. General Jackson will make some removals, but I 
 think not a great many immediately, but we shall soon see." 
 
 A sprightly newspaper writer of the times gives the fol- 
 lowing graphic description of the inauguration : 
 
 "No one who was at Washington at the time of General 
 Jackson's inauguration is likely to forget that period to the 
 day of his death. To us, who had witnessed the quiet and 
 orderly period of the Adams administration, it seemed as if 
 half the nation had rushed at once into the Capitol. It was 
 like the inundation of the northern barbarians into Rome, 
 save that the tumultuous tide came in from a different 
 point of the compass. The West and the South seem to 
 have precipitated themselves upon the North and over- 
 whelmed it. On that memorable occasion you might tell a 
 'Jackson man' almost as far as you could see him. Their 
 every emotion seemed to cry out 'victory.' Strange faces 
 filled every public place, and every face seemed to bear 
 defiance on its brow. It appeared to me that every Jackson 
 editor in the country was on the spot. They swarmed, 
 especially in the lobbies of the House, an expectant host, a 
 sort of Praetorian band, which, having borne in upon their 
 shields their idolized leader, claimed the reward of the hard- 
 fought contest. His quarters were assailed, surrounded, 
 hemmed in, so that it was an achievement to get into his 
 presence. On the morning of the inauguration the vicinity 
 of the Capitol was like a great agitated sea; every avenue 
 to the fateful spot was blocked up with people, insomuch 
 that the legitimate procession which accompanied the 
 President-elect could scarce make its way to the eastern 
 portico, where tile ceremony was to be performed. To 
 repress the crowd a ship's cable was stretched across about 
 two-thirds of the way up the long flight of steps, by which 
 the Capitol is approached on that side, but it seemed at times 
 as if it even would scarce prove sufficient to restrain the eager- 
 ness of the multitude, every man of whom seemed bent on 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 601 
 
 the glory of shaking the President's hand. Never can I 
 forget the spectacle which presented itself on every side, nor 
 the electrifying moment when the eager, expectant eyes of 
 that vast and motley crowd caught sight of the tall and 
 imposing form of their adored leader as he came forth 
 between the columns of the portico, the color of the whole 
 mass changed, as if by miracle; all hats were off at once, 
 and the dark tint which usually pervades a mixed map of 
 men was turned, as if by a magic wand, into the bright hue 
 of ten thousand upturned and exultant faces, radiant with 
 sudden joy. The peal of shouting that rose rent the air 
 and seemed to shake the very ground. But when the Chief 
 Justice took his place and commenced the brief ceremony 
 of administering the oath of office it quickly sank into com- 
 parative silence; and as the new President proceeded to 
 read his inaugural address, the stillness gradually increased, 
 but all efforts to hear him beyond a brief space immediately 
 around, were utterly vain." 
 
 Mr. Webster again wrote home: 
 
 "I never saw such a crowd here before. Persons have 
 come five hundred miles to see General Jackson, and they 
 really think the country has been rescued from danger." 
 
 The oath of office was administered by the venerable 
 Chief Justice Marshall, to whom the duty had belonged for 
 about thirty years. The Senate, according to custom, hav- 
 ing been convened in extra session for the occasion, the 
 Cabinet appointments were immediately sent in and con- 
 firmed. They were : Martin Van Buren, of New York, 
 Secretary of State (James A. Hamilton, of New York, son 
 of the late General Hamilton, being charged with the duties 
 of the office until Mr. Van Buren could enter upon them) ; 
 Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the 
 Treasury; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, Secretary of War; 
 John Branch, of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; 
 John M. Berrien, of Georgia, Attorney General; William T. 
 
602 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Barry, of Kentucky, Postmaster General. Of those who 
 constituted the late Cabinet under Mr. Adams, only one of 
 them, John McClean, the Postmaster General, classed polit- 
 ically with General Jackson, and a vacancy having oc- 
 curred on the bench of the Supreme Court by the death of 
 Justice Trimble, of Kentucky, Mr. McClean was appointed 
 to fill it ; and a further vacancy occurring soon after by the 
 death of Justice Bushrod Washington, a nephew of General 
 Washington, Henry Baldwin, of Pennsylvania, was ap- 
 pointed in his place. 
 
 When it was known that Mr. Eaton was a member of the 
 Cabinet — for no one knew what General Jackson was going 
 to do until it was done — it created a ripple that grew into a 
 sensation, and finally (as scandal-mongers seemed deter- 
 mined to have it) broke up General Jackson's Cabinet. The 
 Mrs. Eaton affair would not get into this book if it were not 
 that the truth of history demands, late as it is — seventy-one 
 years — that this unfounded but widely believed calumny 
 should be corrected. 
 
 The facts, when understood, show that the Mrs. Eaton 
 affair had nothing to do with the dissolution of the Cabinet. 
 General Jackson's enemies have always said, and said it 
 until even at this day it is generally believed, that Gen- 
 eral Jackson demanded that the wives of his other Cabinet 
 officers should recognize Mrs. Eaton in social life as they 
 did each other. The breaking up of General Jackson's 
 Cabinet is one of the most notable and interesting chapters 
 in the official life of public men, and the entire facts in 
 detail will be given. For the present I simply say that the 
 Mrs. Eaton affair had nothing in the world to do with it. 
 But to get at the truth and entirely dissipate the calumny 
 which involved both Mrs. Eaton and the administration of 
 General Jackson, the whole facts about her and General 
 Jackson's defense of her, and then the true facts about the 
 dissolution, should be given. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 603 
 
 The facts about Mrs. Eaton are approximately these : She 
 was the daughter, a beautiful woman, of one William 
 O'Neal, who kept a tavern in Washington where public men, 
 and especially members of Congress, boarded. She married 
 a man named Timberlake, who became a purser in the navy, 
 and committed suicide on one of his voyages in the Medi- 
 terranean. In 1818. when Mr. Eaton was first elected to 
 the Senate, he went to board at the O'Neal tavern, where 
 Timberlake and his wife were living. General Jackson had, 
 when he was a Major General in the United States Army, 
 on his visits to Washington, boarded there, and, in 1823, 
 when he was elected to the Senate, Mr. Eaton being still 
 there, and being his intimate and dear friend, he went to 
 the O'Neal tavern to board. His long acquaintance with 
 the family in the relation of a boarder brought about just 
 what frequently comes between such a man as Jackson and 
 people who are not socially on equal terms, as the world 
 understands it ; so that when he became President he often, 
 for rest and recreation, visited the family, and indeed they 
 were pretty much the only family he did visit. 
 
 In 1824 and 1825, when Mrs. Jackson was there with 
 him, she became much attached to Mrs. O'Neal and Peggy, 
 as she was called. In 1827, Mrs. Timberlake being now a 
 widow with two children, Mr. Eaton asked General Jack- 
 son's advice about marrying Mrs. Timberlake, at the same 
 time telling him that there had been talk about Mrs. Tim- 
 berlake, but assured him it was without truth. General 
 Jackson had confidence in Mr. Eaton as a man of high 
 character in every respect. He himself was a high Mason; 
 Mr. Eaton was a Mason ; the old man O'Neal was a Mason, 
 and Mr. Timberlake was a Mason, so that General Jackson 
 at once made up his mind that it was without foundation, 
 and said to Mr. Eaton if he loved the woman to marry her, 
 and that the marriage would disprove the calumny. So a 
 few weeks before the President was inaugurated they were 
 
604 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 married. General Jackson never lacked for enemies, and 
 when Eaton was made a member of the Cabinet — in fact, 
 when it was believed he would be in the Cabinet — the sen- 
 sation took a new start. 
 
 A. M. Campbell, pastor of the church where the Geneial 
 and Mrs. Jackson had worshipped, thought he was scandal- 
 ized and prevailed on a brother preacher of Philadelphia 
 named Ely to write the General on the subject. Among 
 other things, this preacher said in the letter, dated the 18th 
 of March : "For your own sake, for your dead wife's sake, 
 for the sake of your administration, for the credit of the 
 Government and the country, you should not countenance 
 a woman like this." 
 
 General Jackson's reply to this letter was Jacksonian on 
 a large scale. It is in part as follows: 
 
 > 
 
 "Washington, March 23, 1829. 
 "To Rev. Dr. Ely. 
 
 "Dear Sir: Your confidential letter of the 18th inst. has 
 been received in the same spirit of kindness and friendship 
 with which it was written. 
 
 "I must here be permitted to remark that I sincerely re- 
 gret you did not personally name this subject to me before 
 you left Washington, as I could in that event have appraised 
 you of the great exertions made by Mr. Clay and his parti- 
 sans, here and elsewhere, to destroy the character of Mrs. 
 Eaton by the foulest and basest means, so that a deep and 
 lasting wrong might be inflicted on her husband. I could 
 have given you information that would at least have put 
 you on your guard with respect to anonymous letters con- 
 taining slanderous insinuations against female character. 
 If such evidence as this is to be received, I ask where is the 
 guarantee for female character, however moral, however 
 virtuous ? 
 
 "To show you how much you have been imposed upon 
 and how much Mrs. Eaton has been slandered, I am war- 
 ranted in the positive contradiction of the very first charge 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 605 
 
 made against her — 'that she was in ill-fame before Mr. 
 Eaton ever saw her' — from the united testimony of Hon. 
 John Rhea. Dr. Hogg, and others who boarded with Mr. 
 O'Neal long before Mr. Eaton was a member of Congress. 
 If you feel at liberty to give the names of those secret tra- 
 ducers of female reputation, I entertain no doubt but they 
 will be exposed and consigned to public odium, which 
 should ever be the lot of those whose morbid appetite de- 
 lights in defamation and slander. 
 
 "As to the information of Mr. . of Baltimore, 
 
 I will barely remark that he may be a respectable man, but 
 surely you will agree with me that a charge so malignant in 
 its character, unless accompanied with indubitable evidence 
 of the criminality of the act, should not have been made, 
 and shows him at once to be destitute of those just, manly, 
 and charitable feelings which should be characteristic of 
 every good and virtuous man. In contradiction of Mr. 
 
 's information to you I have many letters from 
 
 Baltimore, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and other States, congratu- 
 lating me and the nation on the selection of Mr. Eaton as 
 one of my Cabinet. Besides these, many members of Con- 
 gress, and among them the leading members of the New 
 York delegation, expressed personally their high gratifica- 
 tion at his appointment. You were assuredly justified in 
 stating to my friends that I have no information, nor ever 
 had, on which any reliance ought to be placed of any in- 
 famous conduct of Mrs. Eaton. 
 
 "One observation on the bank conversation. The place 
 where the remark was made is sufficient evidence to my 
 mind that it emanated from Clay or his satellites, with a 
 view of completing what he had here begun. I am fully 
 warranted with charging Mr. Clay with circulating these 
 slanderous reports from information derived from a very 
 intelligent lady who met Mr. Clay and his wife on her way 
 to this city. This lady says Mr. and Mrs. Clay spoke in 
 the strongest and most unmeasured terms of Mrs. Eaton. 
 She inquired of them to know upon what grounds these 
 charges rested. 'Rumor, mere rumor." was the answer. 
 So far from this attempt to injure Mrs. Eaton on the part 
 of those personages having the effect intended, the lady, as 
 
606 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 soon as she arrived, sought to become acquainted with her 
 and Mr. Eaton. Now, my dear sir, justice to female char- 
 acter, justice to me, and justice to Mr. Eaton, require that 
 these secret agents in propagating slander should be made 
 known to Mr. Eaton, that he may be able to defend the 
 character of his wife against such vile and unprincipled at- 
 tacks. Would you, my worthy friend, desire me to add the 
 weight and influence of my name, whatever it may be, to 
 assist in crushing Mrs. Eaton, who, I do believe, and have 
 a right to believe, is a much injured woman, and more vir- 
 tuous than some of her enemies? 
 
 "It is due to me to be made acquainted with the names 
 of those bank directors who have dared to throw an impu- 
 tation on the memory of my departed wife. Men who can 
 be base enough to speak thus of the dead are not too good 
 secretly to slander the living; and they deserve and no 
 doubt will receive the scorn of all good men. Mr. Eaton 
 has been known to me for twenty years. His character 
 heretofore for honesty and morality has been unblemished, 
 and am I now for the first time to change my opinion of 
 him because of the slanders of this city? We know here 
 that none are spared. Even Mrs. Madison was assailed by 
 
 these fiends in human shape. Mrs. Commodore 
 
 has also been singled out as a victim to be sacrificed on the 
 altar of defamation because she left this city and traveled 
 
 precisely in the way agreed on by Commodore , 
 
 but did not promulgate to the gossips here. I speak ad- 
 visedly in relation to this matter, for I have seen a letter 
 
 from Commodore giving an expose of the whole 
 
 transaction, justifying his wife's conduct and vindicating 
 her innocence. He expresses a determination, when he re- 
 turns to this country, to investigate the affair and punish 
 the defamers of his wife's character; and I sincerely hope 
 he may live to do it, for I am disgusted even to loathing at 
 the licentious and depraved state of society. It needs puri- 
 fying. 
 
 "You are badly advised, my dear sir, when informed 
 'that Mrs. Jackson, while in Washington, did not fear to 
 put the seal of reprobation on such a character as Mrs. 
 Eaton.' Mrs. Jackson, to the last moment of her life, be- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 607 
 
 lieved Mrs. Eaton to be an innocent and much injured 
 woman, so far as relates to the tales about her and Mrs. 
 Eaton, and none other ever reached her or me. As Mrs. 
 J. has been introduced into this affair, and as she loved 
 truth while living, and she and myself have taken the 
 (illegible) Psalm for our guide, to which I refer you, I 
 will give you a concise history of the information which 
 I and Mrs. Jackson possessed upon this subject. First, 
 let me remark that Mr. O'Neal is a Mason, Mr. Tim- 
 berlake was a Mason, and Mr. Eaton is a Mason; therefore 
 every person who is acquainted with the obligations of 
 Masons must know that Mr. Eaton, as a Mason, could not 
 have criminal intercourse with another Mason's wife with- 
 out being one of the most abandoned of men. The high 
 standing of Mr. Eaton as a man of moral worth and high 
 standing gives the lie direct, in my estimation, to such a 
 charge, and ought to do it, unless the facts of this alleged 
 guilt shall be clearly and unequivocally established, when, 
 should that be the case, he ought and would be spurned with 
 indignation." 
 
 The great length of this letter forbids its entire publi- 
 cation, but certainly it is a probing of some preachers and 
 others whom General Jackson believed to be guilty of def- 
 amation that had originality as the commencement of a 
 new administration. 
 
608 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. 
 
 jackson a defender of wronged womanhood the 
 
 ladies' home journal's caricature of mrs. eaton 
 
 at dinner with general jackson great men in 
 
 congress at this time jackson's "kitchen cabi- 
 net" his first message to congress hon. james 
 
 d. Richardson's opinion of its strength — the 
 charge of ignorance by parton, sumner, schurz 
 
 and lodge beginning of jackson's conflict with 
 
 the bank of the united states parton's error 
 
 extracts from jackson's message recommends 
 
 amendment changing manner of electing presi- 
 dent and vice president. 
 
 THERE can be but one conclusion as to the impelling 
 motive with General Jackson in this Mrs. Eaton 
 affair. Whether the President of the United States 
 acted wisely in assuming the innocence of Mrs. Eaton and 
 in voluntarily taking upon himself her defense is a question 
 that men might differ about. But as to a question of right- 
 ing a wrong, defending the innocent, or promptly dealing 
 with the guilty, he had a sense of duty that no other public 
 man in this country has had. This exceptional trait in his 
 character is shown in several preceding chapters ; notably in 
 righting the wrong of a poor, helpless woman when he was 
 Governor of Florida. 
 
 If a woman was wronged, especially in her character, was 
 his manhood engaged, and in her defense he was a whole 
 fire department himself, whether the bell rang or it didn't. 
 But Mr. Eaton was his closest friend, and was a member of 
 his Cabinet. 
 
 A Philadelphia preacher, inspired by a Washington 
 
ANDREW JACKSOX. 60S 
 
 preacher, became the woman's accuser and made two spe- 
 cific charges. These General Jackson took up and went to 
 the bottom of them as he did everything in life. He corre- 
 sponded with dozens of men. He sent a man to New York 
 to investigate one of the charges. He confronted the two 
 preachers in a personal, face-to-face meeting. This epi- 
 sode and all that was said so completely vindicated the 
 woman that he immediately wrote down the entire conver- 
 sation to be preserved, as it has been. 
 
 General Jackson knew how to attack character destroyers, 
 but he had a nice sense of social duty, and if he had made a 
 demand on the members of his Cabinet as to whom their 
 families should visit, he would not have been Andrew Jack- 
 son, but a poor weakling who had by accident reached a 
 high station. This story that General Jackson, while Presi- 
 dent, made a demand in the early part of his administration 
 on his Cabinet officers to the effect that their families must 
 associate with Mrs. Eaton had a wide circulation, and even 
 writers to the present day deal with this item of his admin- 
 istration as a scandal which they delight to put before the 
 public. It is true there was some foundation for this re- 
 port, and when this started there was no stopping it. 
 
 R. N. Johnson, of Kentucky, did say to Mr. Ingham, 
 one of the members of his Cabinet, that he was authorized 
 to say that he knew unless something was done to bring 
 about social intercourse between the families of himself — 
 that is, Mr. Ingham, Mr. Branch, and Mr. Berrien — with 
 the Eaton family, that they, as members of the Cabinet, 
 would be removed. This created great feeling, and Mr. In- 
 gham wrote a spirited article, but to whom does not appear. 
 
 The next day Colonel Johnson, after seeing General 
 Jackson, qualified the statement by asking him to correct it. 
 
 On the question which General Jackson had up, Mr. Par- 
 ton himself says : 
 
 "General Jackson succeeded in showing that the charges 
 
610 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 against Mrs. Eaton were not supported by the testimony, 
 and to the careful reader of the whole facts this is un- 
 doubtedly true, notwithstanding all that has been said about 
 
 it." 
 
 The Ladies' Home Journal of December, 1900, has a car- 
 ricature of Mrs. Eaton at dinner with General Jackson, and 
 some ladies with their faces all turned away from Mrs. 
 Eaton. 
 
 This latest perversion of the facts makes Mrs. Eaton the 
 cause of the dissolution of the Cabinet. In the next chapter 
 will be found all the facts about the dissolution of the 
 Cabinet. 
 
 Mr. Calhoun was Vice President. General Jackson's 
 Cabinet was: Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren, of 
 New York; Secretary of the Treasury, David H. Ingham, 
 of Pennsylvania; Secretary of War, John H. Eaton, of 
 Tennessee; Secretary of the Navy, John Branch, of North 
 Carolina; Attorney General, John L. Berrien, of Georgia; 
 Postmaster General, William T. Berry, of Kentucky. 
 
 At this period there were perhaps more big men in Con- 
 gress than at any period in the history of our country. 
 Among the men that were then greatly distinguished, or 
 came to be afterwards, in the Senate, were Levi Wood- 
 bury, of New Hampshire; Horatio Seymour, of Vermont; 
 Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey; John M. Clayton, 
 of Delaware; John Tyler, of Virginia; Robert T. Hayne, 
 of South Carolina; John M. Troupe and John M. Forsyth, 
 of Georgia; Henry Clay, of Kentucky; Felix Grundy and 
 Hugh L. White, of Tennessee; Edward Livingston, of 
 Louisiana; William R. King, of Alabama; and Thomas H. 
 Benton, of Missouri. 
 
 While this showing makes an exceptional lot of big men 
 in the Senate, it could not be said that the Cabinet was 
 really a strong one. There were two strong men in it, men 
 of great intellect, who made their mark on the country. 
 
ANDREW JACKSOX. Gil 
 
 One was Mr. Van Buren, of New York, and the other was 
 Mr. Berrien, of Georgia. A word about the several mem- 
 bers of the Cabinet may not be out of place. Mr. Ingham, 
 holding the second place in the Cabinet, that of Secretary 
 of the Treasury, belonged to a Pennsylvania Quaker fam- 
 ily, an industrious, thriving people, but at no time and no 
 place in his life did he distinguish himself as a great man. 
 Mr. Eaton was a North Carolinian by birth ; came to Ten- 
 nessee with his mother and sisters at an early day, settled at 
 Franklin, studied law, and soon distinguished himself as a 
 lawyer. He was a scholarly man with rare gifts as a public 
 speaker, a man of fine habits and quite popular, as shown 
 by his election to the United States Senate when he was a 
 young man. John Branch was a man of education, highly 
 respected, talented, of fine presence and high social position. 
 He had been Governor of his State and in the United States 
 Senate. 
 
 It would not do in writing the life of Jackson to leave out 
 what the old men of his country, and especially the active 
 politicians, remember as General Jackson's "Kitchen Cabi- 
 net." This was an epithet and used as a stigma by Jack- 
 son's enemies, and grew out of the fact that his enemies at 
 an early day assumed, just as Mr. Parton does in his life of 
 Jackson, that there were always about him a few men who 
 could control him. General Jackson's enemies, by way of 
 derision, always said that his "Kitchen Cabinet," and not 
 his constitutional advisers, controlled him, and it was some- 
 times intimated that he had selected men that were not 
 strong, intending that they should be only clerks and not 
 advisers. This is far from being true. All his Cabinet 
 were highly respected, and most of them had held important 
 positions, either as Governors or Senators; but this charge 
 was so completely refuted by the appointment of his second 
 Cabinet, after the dissolution of his first, that the charge 
 was perhaps never renewed. 
 
612 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Perhaps in the next chapter it will be my duty to give the 
 reorganization of his Cabinet, when it will appear that his 
 entire Cabinet upon the reorganization was made up of the 
 strongest men to be had, perhaps the very best known men 
 and men of highest character. 
 
 The epithet of "Kitchen Cabinet" grew out of the fact 
 that four men who were specially attached to General Jack- 
 son, not members of his Cabinet, were looked upon by him 
 and held as friends that he could rely upon under all cir- 
 cumstances, and certainly they were closest to him. They 
 were William B. Lewis, Isaac Hill, Amos Kendal, and 
 Duff Greene. 
 
 General Jackson's first message to the Congress is a re- 
 markable paper, and it is not surprising that men who had 
 looked upon him as their dangerous rival in public life, read- 
 ing that paper, together with his other messages, and hav- 
 ing cultivated the idea and educated each other in the belief 
 that General Jackson was an uneducated man, it is not sur- 
 prising that these men, Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Web- 
 ster, and others, in their opposition to General Jackson, and 
 devising means and ways to defeat him, should say and, 
 perhaps, believe that an uneducated backwoodsman could 
 not write such papers as his messages were. And hence, 
 without proof, and except that he was not a man of great 
 learning and, indeed, of limited education, and that he had 
 about him two such men as Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Living- 
 ston, it is not surprising that they should assume that one 
 of these men wrote his State papers. If General Jackson 
 gets credit for the State papers to which his name is signed, 
 just as all other Presidents have done, then all idea of Gen- 
 eral Jackson being an ignorant man must fall to the ground. 
 
 Mr. Richardson, who has compiled all the Presidents' 
 papers, and is most thoroughly capable of weighing them, 
 estimating and comparing them with other State papers, 
 pronounces President Jackson's as the ablest of all the State 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 613 
 
 papers of our Presidents. These messages, to some extent, 
 I shall analyze one by one, giving President Jackson credit, 
 just as all other Presidents have had, of writing his own 
 State papers. 
 
 With a view of making up my mind as to the charge of 
 ignorance by Parton, Sumner, Schurz, and Lodge, as well 
 as others, I have carefully read every important paper that 
 can be found, known to be Jackson's own production. I 
 think there is a key that will unlock, solve the question raised 
 by the gentlemen referred to. For instance, I have read 
 more than ioo of his private letters, and which I have in his 
 own handwriting, written to public men, written on public 
 matters, on questions of government in all its departments, 
 as well as letters to friends, women, and children, and all 
 classes of people, for he was the most voluminous letter 
 writer of all our public men. Then there are two papers 
 written by him which I shall give special attention to when 
 I reach them ; they are known to have been written by him, 
 and which, when examined, will be sufficient in the estima- 
 tion of any fair man to satisfy him that if he wrote these 
 papers, then he was capable of writing his State papers. 
 
 In taking up the administration of President Jackson, the 
 first thing in order would be what Mr. Parton calls "the 
 terror among office holders," the contemplated sweeping 
 removal of public officers. This would require here special 
 notice, if it were not for a former chapter perhaps out of 
 order. The whole question was discussed in connection with 
 Mr. Benton's criticism of what Mons. de Toqueville said 
 about Jackson's removals. Here I shall notice it no further 
 than to say that the facts there given by Mr. Benton, after 
 a thorough examination of them, show conclusively that 
 Mr. Parton was in a great measure responsible for the igno- 
 rance and injustice clone President Jackson upon the ques- 
 tion of removals. Nothing that will appear in this book 
 will strike the average reader with more surprise than the 
 
 13- 2 
 
614 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 careful and painstaking statement of Mr. Benton who, after 
 the charge had been made so flippantly and so freely, went 
 over the books and, in what he wrote, did not speak in gen- 
 eral terms, but gave the facts as to the removals, and as to 
 the number left in subordinate places. 
 
 Mr. Parton has devoted between twenty and thirty pages 
 to the commencement of General Jackson's administration. 
 He has published a great number of letters and conversa- 
 tions that have little or nothing in the world to do with 
 the life and character of General Jackson. For instance, 
 he publishes what he calls a politician's story, or statement, 
 saying at the outset that no matter for his name, just call 
 him X. Clark. That is a story which, if it had either 
 humor or romance in it, might be used in an evening paper 
 as town gossip, but has no business in the life of General 
 Jackson. It fills up and occupies just twenty-eight pages of 
 the third volume of Parton's "Life of Jackson." and it is 
 nothing but the ups and downs and vicissitudes of a young 
 fellow wanting an office at Washington. 
 
 Approaching the administration of General Jackson, I 
 shall carry out my first intention — that is, rather than take 
 his messages and public documents separately, I shall take 
 the question in which his administration was involved, and 
 treat it as a subject. 
 
 I have already shown the character of the men in the 
 United States Senate, and shall now take up the questions 
 in which General Jackson's administration was never a 
 cipher, for he was not a man to be indifferent to or about 
 any great question involving the interests of his country, 
 especially while he was in office. 
 
 The overpowering question of General Jackson's admin- 
 istration was the bank, and I do not think Mr. Parton or 
 any other unfriendly critic has done him a greater wrong 
 than Parton did in assuming that his position upon the 
 bank question was the result of a conflict between public 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 615 
 
 men as to who should be President of one of the branch 
 banks. 
 
 Jeremiah Mason had been by the bank put at the head of 
 the branch bank in New Hampshire. Certain politicians 
 undertook to have him removed, and it reached the point 
 where there was much excitement about it. The president 
 of the bank went to New Hampshire and made an exami- 
 nation and became satisfied that the charges were not suf- 
 ficient to remove him, and just here the conflict commenced 
 between the Government and the United States Bank. The 
 Secretary of the Treasury, being inclined to hold that be- 
 cause the United States was a stockholder and put part of 
 the directors in the bank, that at least the Government 
 should have a voice or be heard upon the question of re- 
 moving or retaining the head officer of one of the branch 
 banks. This Mr. Biddle. the President of the Bank, de- 
 clined to concede, and Mr. Parton says that this conflict 
 about removing that president of a bank determined Gen- 
 eral Jackson's course in reference to the bank, and makes 
 this remarkable statement: 
 
 "I believe myself warranted in the positive assertion 
 that this correspondence relating to the removal of Jere- 
 miah Mason was the direct and real cause of the destruc- 
 tion of the bank. If the bank had been complacent enough 
 to remove a faithful servant, General Jackson, I am sure, 
 would never have opposed the rechartering of the bank." 
 
 Now, a more reckless and extravagant charge than this 
 was perhaps never made against any man in so high a posi- 
 tion as General Jackson was at that time. There is nothing 
 in General Jackson's life from start to finish that indicates 
 any such an impulse in reference to great questions involv- 
 ing State affairs. On the contrary, every incident in his 
 life shows that of all the men we have had in high position.-, 
 he was the most careful and painstaking. In all his public 
 life and private transactions with men he never came to a 
 
616 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 conclusion, involving large interests, without a thorough 
 examination. With him a public office was in fact a public 
 trust and the duties performed with an eye to the public 
 
 good. 
 
 This statement on the part of Mr. Parton is gratuitous, 
 is nothing but his opinion, and in weighing the opinion it is 
 well to look back and remember that when this bank ques- 
 tion was up at Washington, Mr. Parton was there, and was 
 a partisan in the conflict and was active on the side of the 
 bank against General Jackson, and hence his opinion on this 
 question is to be considered in the light of a man who had 
 entertained and still cherished much feeling at the time it 
 
 came up. 
 
 If ever a man had honest convictions on a question of 
 public interest, General Jackson had on this bank question, 
 and it would not do to pass over his connection with the 
 United States Bank without a thorough and exhaustive 
 examination of the motives and the reasons for his action. 
 
 The first message of General Jackson to the Congress of 
 the United States is a paper much read, weighed, and con- 
 sidered at the time it was made, and all public men have 
 more or less gone back to it and weighed his reasons for 
 the course he took. 
 
 I shall here give a few extracts from this remarkable 
 document that will show in a general way what questions 
 were uppermost in General Jackson's mind at the time he 
 became President, including the paragraph in reference to 
 the United States Bank ; then I shall take up the question of 
 his connection with it and examine it. 
 
 "I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to 
 bring to your attention the propriety of amending that part 
 of our Constitution which relates to the election of Presi- 
 dent and Vice President. Our system of government was, 
 by its framers, deemed an experiment, and they, therefore, 
 consistently provided a mode of remedying its defects. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 617 
 
 "To the people belongs the right of electing their chief 
 magistrate. It was never designed that their choice should, 
 in any case, be defeated, either by the intervention of elec- 
 toral colleges or by the agency confided, under certain con- 
 tingencies, to the House of Representatives. Experience 
 proves that, in proportion as agents to execute the will of 
 the people are multiplied, there is danger of their wishes 
 being frustrated. Some may be unfaithful; all are liable to 
 err. So far, therefore, as the people can, with convenience 
 speak, it is safer for them to express their own will. 
 
 "In this, as in all other matters of public concern, policy 
 requires that as few impediments as possible should exist to 
 the free operation of the public will. Let us then, endeavor 
 to amend our system, as that the office of chief magistrate 
 may not be conferred upon any citizen, but in pursuance of 
 a fair expression of the will of the majority. 
 
 "I would therefore recommend such an amendment of the 
 Constitution as may remove all intermediate agency in the 
 election of President and Vice President. The mode may 
 be so regulated as to preserve to each State its present rela- 
 tive weight in the election, and a failure in the first attempt 
 may be provided for by confining the second to a choice be- 
 tween the two highest candidates. In connection with such 
 an amendment it would seem advisable to limit the service 
 of the chief magistrate to a single term of either four or 
 six years. If, however, it should not be adopted, it is wor- 
 thy of consideration whether a provision disqualifying for 
 office the Representatives in Congress on whom such an 
 election may have devolved, would not be proper." 
 
 Here it seems that when President Jackson's official eye 
 first fell on the Constitution, he discovered what has been 
 generally regarded as an unfortunate limitation on the 
 power of correcting errors when discovered; for indeed the 
 mode pointed out in the Constitution of amending it is a 
 political and legislative puzzle, the secret of which 
 
618 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 was not discovered after Jackson's time until when war 
 touched the public mind with coercion and made slaves 
 citizens. 
 
 "While members of Congress can be constitutionally ap- 
 pointed to offices of trust and profit, it will be the practice, 
 even under the most conscientious adherence to duty, to se- 
 lect them for such stations as they are believed to be better 
 qualified to fill than other citizens, but the purity of our 
 government would doubtless be promoted by their exclusion 
 from all appointments in the gift of the President in whose 
 election they may have been officially concerned. The na- 
 ture of the judicial office, and the necessity of securing in 
 the Cabinet and in diplomatic stations of the highest rank, 
 the best talents and political experience, should, perhaps, 
 except these from the exclusion. 
 
 "With respect to the navy, it may be proper to remind 
 you that whatever may be the proposed object of its estab- 
 lishment, or whatever may be the prospect of temporary 
 advantages resulting therefrom, it is demonstrated by the 
 experience of all nations who have ventured far into naval 
 policy that such prospect is ultimately delusive, and that a 
 navy has ever in practice been known as an instrument of 
 power, a source of expense, and an occasion of collision 
 and wars with other nations than as an instrument of de- 
 fense, of economy, or of protection to commerce. 
 
 "In time of peace we have need of no more ships of war 
 than are requisite to the protection of our commerce. Those 
 not wanted for this object must lay in the harbors where, 
 without proper covering, they rapidly decay, and, even 
 under the best precautions for their preservation, must soon 
 become useless. Such is already the case with many of our 
 finest vessels, which, though unfinished, will now require 
 immense sums of money to be restored to the condition in 
 which they were when committed to their proper element. 
 On this subject there can be but little doubt that our best 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 619 
 
 policy would be to discontinue the building of ships of the 
 first and second class, and look rather to the possession of 
 ample materials prepared for the emergencies of war, than 
 to number of vessels which we can float in a season of 
 peace, as the index of our naval power. 
 
 "The charter of the Bank of the United States expires in 
 1836, and its stockholders will most probably apply for a 
 renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the evils re- 
 sulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such im- 
 portant principles, and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel 
 that I cannot, in justice to the parties interested, too soon 
 present it to the deliberate consideration of the Legislature 
 and the people. Both the constitutionality and the expedi- 
 ency of the law creating this bank are well questioned by a 
 large portion of our fellow-citizens, and it must be admitted 
 by all that it has failed in the great end of establishing a 
 uniform and sound currency. 
 
 "The balance in the Treasury on the first of Janu- 
 ary, 1829, was five millions, nine hundred and seventy-two 
 thousand, four hundred and thirty-five dollars and eighty- 
 one cents. The receipts of the current year are estimated 
 at twenty-four millions, six hundred and two thousand, 
 two hundred and thirty dollars, and the expenditures for 
 the same time at twenty-six millions, one hundred and sixty- 
 four thousand, five hundred and ninety-five dollars, leaving 
 a balance in the Treasury, on the first of January next, of 
 four millions, four hundred and ten thousand, and seventy 
 dollars and eighty-one cents." 
 
620 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER L. 
 
 DISSOLUTION OF THE CABINET IN 1 83 1 ERRONEOUS STATE- 
 MENT OF THE CAUSE BY THE LADIES* HOME JOURNAL 
 
 NOT RENDERED NECESSARY BY THE EATON SCANDAL, BUT 
 BY RUPTURE BETWEEN JACKSON AND CALHOUN STATE- 
 MENT FROM "'THIRTY YEARS IN THE SENATE/'' ENTITLED 
 ^BREAKING UP OF THE CABINET AND APPOINTMENT OF 
 
 ANOTHER^ COMPOSITION OF THE NEW CABINET 
 
 RESUME OF EVENTS CAUSING RUPTURE BETWEEN JACK- 
 SON AND CALHOUN JACKSON^ PROMPT ACTIONS IN THE 
 
 EMERGENCY. 
 
 AS IT IS my purpose to discuss the issues of General 
 Jackson's administration rather than consecutively 
 trace its history, it seems in order now to take up 
 the dissolution of his Cabinet in 1831, especially in view of 
 the fact that the last two chapters were, in part, devoted to 
 the world-wide tradition that Mrs. Eaton brought about the 
 dissolution. Perhaps no event in the history of woman's 
 ways in great national councils — and they have been fre- 
 quent in all ages of the world — was ever so perverted, so 
 entirely distorted into groundless defamation as was the 
 Mrs. Eaton episode connected with General Jackson's ad- 
 ministration. And certainly no fabrication ever got a wider 
 circulation, with more staying qualities, than this malicious 
 libel — malicious, because, evidently, the succession to the 
 Presidency to take place at an election the next year added 
 much to the pleasure and opportunity of scandal mongers 
 in defaming people in high places. 
 
 Groundless as were the reports sent out from Washing- 
 ton, they have grown and spread until year by year maga- 
 zine writers hunt up the reports published by the anti-Jack- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 621 
 
 son papers at that time, and. for the edification of readers 
 who like a scandal, no matter how ancient or how it origi- 
 nated, Ihey give it a new send-off. While I write, on the 
 first day of December, 1900, the Ladies' Home Journal lies 
 before me with the following statement as history : 
 
 "Things came to such a pass that the President threat- 
 ened to dissolve the Cabinet unless his wishes regarding the 
 respect due to Mrs. Eaton were complied with on the part 
 of the contumacious, to at least the extent of leaving formal 
 cards at her house. If they did not yield, the husbands of 
 three of them were informed that they would be invited to 
 leave the Cabinet. They sent word to him that he had no 
 right to exert official power to regulate social intercourse, 
 that Mrs. Eaton had never been received by society, and 
 that it ill became him to force her upon it. The executive 
 wrath rose high. Samuel D. Ingham, the Secretary of the 
 Treasury; John M. Berrien, Attorney General, and John 
 Branch, who was Secretary of the Navy, all three of whom 
 were friends of Calhoun, were accused of conspiracy to 
 drive Eaton out of office and insult his wife. 
 
 "Within a little more than a year afterward, or in the 
 summer of 1831, the country was startled to learn that prac- 
 tically the whole Cabinet had been reconstructed. At the 
 same time the public began to hear inklings of the row over 
 "Peggy" Eaton, which hitherto had been little known out- 
 side of Washington. What Jackson called the 'four and 
 insidious slanders' were taken up by the opposition press 
 as the reasons — for there were others in his enmity to Cal- 
 houn — why Eaton had at last been constrained to resign 
 for the sake of harmony, and why Van Buren went out at 
 the same time voluntarily to become Minister to England, 
 and thus to enable the anti-Eaton trio to be disposed of 
 without any apparent discrimination. At no other period 
 since, in the history of this country, has an entire Presiden- 
 tial Cabinet suffered such a break over a woman. But Jack- 
 
622 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 son was virtually conquered by the 'petticoat opposition,' 
 for, while he by no means abandoned the Eatons, he found 
 it wise to send the husband to Florida as Governor and 
 afterward to Spain as minister. The courtly widower, 
 whose studied deference and kindness to Mrs. Eaton won 
 the old warrior's heart completely, was the chief gainer in 
 the memorable 'court war,' for every subsequent political 
 movement of the administration was so directed as to clear 
 the way for Martin Van Buren to the Vice Presidency, al- 
 though it was curious that when he succeeded to the White 
 House, he sat up there a code of etiquette such as even 
 fashionable damsels thought equaled that of an old-time 
 German principality. 
 
 "The beautiful 'Bellona,' as Teggy' Eaton was called, 
 survived the great rebellion of the women against Jackson 
 for more than forty years. It was the only time 'Old 
 Hickory' was ever completely vanquished, and yet the 
 stout-hearted old soldier would have been her chivalric 
 companion if she had been the homeliest dame in Wash- 
 ington." 
 
 This in its substance is an exaggerated perversion of the 
 scandal from the worst form of gossip found in the scandal 
 monger papers of the anti-Jackson class. 
 
 The newspaper articles that seem to have made this 
 scandal a perpetuity were all published after the dissolu- 
 tion, and with malice carried the dissolution back to the 
 Johnson-Ingham affair fifteen months before the dissolu- 
 tion, but which had nothing to do with it. This great 
 national scandal originated at a time when a contest was on 
 for President between Jackson on one side, with Calhoun, 
 Clay, and Webster on the other, and when their friends 
 were wrought up to the highest pitch. Indeed, for malig- 
 nity and defamation of character, nothing has been seen like 
 it in this country. 
 
 The scandal did not take on a political aspect until after 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 623 
 
 the dissolution of the Cabinet, and after the open rupture 
 between General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun, growing out of 
 the attempt by Mr. Calhoun to have Jackson arrested, 
 which had taken place twelve years before in Monroe's 
 Cabinet, and when Jackson and Calhoun (one President 
 and the other Vice President) were both candidates for 
 President. Then it was that Mr. Ingham, who had become 
 an embittered partisan, made public the Johnson episode. 
 While this episode was promptly explained at the time, 
 and had nothing in the world to do with the dissolution, 
 its publication shortly after the dissolution was sufficient 
 for a boiling hot anti-Jackson press to take it up in con- 
 nection with the dissolution of the Cabinet; and after this 
 publication by Mr. Ingham, when the political canvass was 
 raging, every newspaper in the country was filled with ar- 
 ticles in reference to the split between Jackson and Cal- 
 houn and the cause of it. The history of this shows that 
 nearly 200 newspapers were defending Jackson in this con- 
 test, and a less number on the other side were assailing him 
 and ignorantly and wickedly bringing into the canvass the 
 Johnson episode, which had long previously taken place. 
 
 The reader will not be surprised at the pains and labor 
 bestowed upon this question when he remembers that to- 
 day, seventy years after this notable affair took place, the 
 press of the country, and especially magazines, are deal- 
 ing with it as they gather it from the anti-Jackson press, be- 
 cause that side contains the scandal, and it is this they 
 seem to think their readers like. 
 
 Probably the man who wrote the article for the Ladies' 
 Home Journal believed he was giving to the readers of that 
 magazine true history in stating, as the article quoted 
 shows, that the dissolution of the Cabinet was brought 
 about by the Mrs. Eaton affair. And probably the pub- 
 lishers of that excellent and widely read magazine believed 
 they were doing no injustice, no wrong to the dead, when 
 
624 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 they so profusely and extensively illustrated the article 
 with the supposed dinner episode at the White House, with 
 General Jackson and Mrs. Eaton at the table, and with other 
 ladies, wives of Cabinet officers, half-way coerced to be 
 present, but turning their heads away from Mrs. Eaton, 
 Such a publication, such a picture in a great magazine at 
 this day, is an injustice to the administration of General 
 Jackson, and especially to the man who was then President 
 and who, through his whole life, had as high a sense of 
 propriety and life's obligations as any man that ever lived 
 on this continent. The author of that article, like the 
 authors of hundreds of similar articles, by a little examina- 
 tion in reliable historical works, could have ascertained just 
 what the facts were about the dissolution. 
 
 In all the wide range of unfriendly criticism, even un- 
 truthful, that goes into the press, it is always a pleasure to 
 the seeker after truth to turn to works — historic works — 
 that can be relied on. In the preparation of this work I 
 have frequently turned with pleasure to Mr. Benton's great 
 work, and never for one moment, from a careful study of 
 the capability and motive of Mr. Benton in writing the 
 book, have I doubted that his object was to tell the truth 
 about everything he touched, not for the time, not for party, 
 not even for the generation in which he wrote, but for pos- 
 terity through all coming time. And such is the character 
 of his work growing in the public mind year by year that 
 all who search for truth in the coming years will turn to it. 
 Mr. Benton was in Congress during the entire term of Gen- 
 eral Jackson's eight years. He was, of all men in the 
 Senate, the most critical and careful observer of what was 
 transpiring. He was the intimate and close friend of Gen- 
 eral Jackson, and kept his relations such with the opposing 
 parties and with their friends, that he got at the truth as 
 perhaps no other man, certainly no other writer did, and 
 seeing, when preparing this great work, that great injustice 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 625 
 
 was being done, he took pains to give exact facts about the 
 dissolution. 
 
 In this work I have already published a full synopsis of 
 what is known as General Jackson's exposition of the rup- 
 ture between him and Mr. Calhoun, and which Mr. Calhoun 
 had an opportunity to contradict, but declined to do it. 
 This publication and attending circumstances leave not a 
 solitary doubt that this rupture between Mr. Calhoun and 
 General Jackson led directly to the dissolution of the Cab- 
 inet, and, indeed, was the sole cause of the dissolution. The 
 Mrs. Eaton affair had nothing in the world to do with it. 
 To put this question entirely at rest and give to those who 
 desire to know the truth about this very unpleasant his- 
 torical affair, I give here the entire chapter, not long, but 
 containing every single fact connected with the dissolution 
 of the Cabinet. See "Thirty Years in the Senate" : 
 
 "Breaking Up of the Cabinet and Appointment of 
 
 Another. 
 
 "The publication of Mr. Calhoun's pamphlet was quickly 
 followed by an event which seemed to be its natural conse- 
 quence — that of a breaking up and reconstructing the 
 President's Cabinet. Several of its members classed as the 
 political friends of Mr. Calhoun, and could hardly expect 
 to remain as ministers to General Jackson while adhering to 
 that gentleman. The Secretary of State, Mr. Van Buren, 
 was in the category of future presidential aspirants, and, in 
 that character, obnoxious to Mr. Calhoun, and became the 
 cause of attacks upon the President. He determined to 
 resign, and that determination carried with it the voluntary 
 or obligatory resignation of all the others, each one of whom 
 published his reasons for his act. Mr. Eaton, Secretary of 
 War, placed his upon the ground of original disinclination 
 to take the place, and a design to quit it the first suitable 
 moment, which he believed had now arrived. Mr. Ingham, 
 
626 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury ; Mr. Branch, of the Navy, and 
 Mr. Berrien, Attorney General, placed theirs upon the 
 ground of compliance with the President's wishes. Of the 
 three latter, the two first classed as the friends of Mr. Cal- 
 houn; the Attorney General, on this occasion, was consid- 
 ered as favoring him, but not of his political party. The 
 unpleasant business was courteously conducted, transacted 
 in writing as well as personal conversations, and all in terms 
 of the utmost decorum. Far from an attempt to find an 
 excuse for his conduct in the imputed misconduct of the 
 retiring Secretaries, the President gave them letters of 
 respect, in which he bore testimony to their acceptable 
 deportment while associated with him, and placed the 
 required resignations exclusively on the ground of a deter- 
 mination to reorganize his Cabinet. And, in fact, that 
 determination became unavoidable after the appearance of 
 Mr. Calhoun's pamphlet. After that Mr. Van Buren could 
 not remain, as being viewed under the aspect of 'Mordecai, 
 the Tew, sitting at the King's gate.' Mr. Eaton, as his 
 supporter, found a reason to do what he wished in follow- 
 ing his example. The supporters of Mr. Calhoun, however 
 unexceptional their conduct had been, and might be, could 
 neither expect not desire to remain among the President's 
 confidential advisers after the broad rupture with that gen- 
 tleman. Mr. Barry, Postmaster General, and the first of 
 that office who had been called to the Cabinet councils, and 
 classing as friendly to Mr. Van Buren, did not resign, but 
 soon had his place vacated by the appointment of Minister 
 to Spain. Mr. Van Buren's resignation was soon followed 
 by appointment of Minister to London, and Mr. Eaton was 
 made Governor of Florida, and, on the early death of Mr. 
 Barry, became his successor at Madrid. 
 
 "The new Cabinet was composed of Edward Livingston, 
 of Louisiana, Secretary of State; Louis McLane, of Dela- 
 ware (recalled from the London mission for that purpose), 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 627 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury; Lewis Cass, of Ohio, Secretary 
 of War; Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, Secretary 
 of the Navy; Amos Kendall, of Kentucky, Postmaster 
 General ; Roger Brooke Taney, of Maryland, Attorney 
 General. This change in the Cabinet made a great figure 
 in the party politics of the day, and filled all the opposition 
 newspapers, and had many sinister reasons assigned for it, 
 all to the prejudice of General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren, 
 to which neither of them replied, though having the easy 
 means of vindication in their hands — the former in the 
 then prepared 'Exposition,' which was then first given to 
 the public; the latter in the testimony of General Jackson, 
 also first published in his 'Thirty Years' View' and in the 
 history of the real cause of the breach between General 
 Jackson and Mr. Calhoun, which the 'Exposition' contains. 
 Mr. Crawford was also sought to be injured in the pub- 
 lished 'correspondence.' chiefly as the alleged divulger, and 
 for a wicked purpose, of the proceedings in Mr. Monroe's 
 Cabinet in relation to the proposed military court on General 
 Jackson. Mr. Calhoun arraigned him as the divulger of 
 that Cabinet secret, to the faithful keeping of which, as well 
 as of all the Cabinet proceedings, every member of that 
 council is most strictly enjoined. Mr. Crawford's answer 
 to this arraignment was brief and pointed. He denied the 
 divulgation, affirmed that the disclosure had been made 
 immediately after the Cabinet consultation in a letter sent 
 to Nashville, Tennessee, and published in a paper of that 
 city, in which the facts were reversed, Mr. Cawford being 
 made the mover of the court inquiry proposition and Air. 
 Calhoun the defender of the General ; and he expressed his 
 belief that Mr. Calhoun procured that letter to be written 
 and published for the purpose of exciting General Jackson 
 against him, which belief the 'Exposition' seems to confirm, 
 and declaring that he only spoke of the Cabinet proposition 
 
628 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 after the publication of that letter and for the purpose of 
 contradicting it, and telling the fact that Mr. Calhoun made 
 the proposition for the court, and that Mr. Adams and him- 
 self resisted and defeated it. His words were : 'My apology 
 for having disclosed what passed in a Cabinet meeting, is 
 this: In the summer after that meeting, an extract of a 
 letter from Washington was published in a Nashville paper, 
 in which it was stated that I had proposed to arrest General 
 Jackson, but that he was triumphantly defended by Mr. 
 Calhoun and by Mr. Adams. This letter I have always 
 believed was written by Mr. Calhoun, or by his direction. 
 It had the desired effect. General Jackson became ex- 
 tremely inimical to me and friendly to Mr. Calhoun. In 
 stating the arguments of Mr. Adams to induce Mr. Monroe 
 to support General Jackson's conduct throughout, adverting 
 to Mr. Monroe's apparent admission that if a young officer 
 had acted so, he might be safely punished, Mr. Adams said 
 that if General Jackson has acted so, that if he had been a 
 subaltern officer, shooting was too good for him. This, 
 however, was said with a view of driving Mr. Monroe to 
 an unlimited support of what General Jackson had done, 
 and not with an unfriendly view to the General. Mr. Cal- 
 houn's proposition in the Cabinet was that General Jackson 
 should be punished in some form, I am not positive which. 
 As Mr. Calhoun did not propose to arrest General Jackson, 
 I feel confident that I could not have made use of that word 
 in my relation to you of the circumstances which transpired 
 in the Cabinet. 
 
 "This was in the letter to Mr. Forsyth, of April 30, 1830, 
 and which was shown to General Jackson, and by him com- 
 municated to Mr. Calhoun, and which was the second thing 
 that brought him to suspect Mr. Calhoun, having repulsed 
 all previous intimations of his hostility to the General, or 
 been quieted by Mr. Calhoun's answers. The Nashville 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 629 
 
 letter is strongly presented in the 'Exposition' as having 
 come from Mr. Calhoun, as believed by Mr. Crawford. 
 
 "Upon the publication of the 'correspondence,' the 
 Telegraph, formerly the Jackson organ, changed its course, 
 as has been revealed to Mr. Duncanson, came out for Mr. 
 Calhoun, and against General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren, 
 followed by all the affiliated presses which awaited its lead. 
 The Globe took the stand for which it was established and 
 became the faithful, fearless, incorruptible and powerful 
 supporter of General Jackson and his administration in the 
 long, vehement and eventful contests in which he became 
 engaged." 
 
 The dissolution of the Cabinet came of a sudden and 
 aggravated rupture between the President of the United 
 States and the Vice President, who had been long, close and 
 warm personal friends, a personal friendship which origi- 
 nated in a matter, as heretofore shown, of some consequence 
 to General Jackson. This rupture came when Crawford 
 unlocked the door on the skeleton in Monroe's Cabinet, all 
 fully explained in this and other previous chapters. This 
 long-kept secret was exposed, and General Jackson came 
 into the full consciousness of it by the letter to Mr. Craw- 
 ford. This letter he doubled up and sent to Mr. Calhoun, 
 and, of course, this ended the friendship ; there could mani- 
 festly be no pleasant relations between the two afterwards. 
 At the time of this violent rupture between the President 
 and Vice President, Mr. Calhoun was an avowed candidate 
 for the succession, and General Jackson had given his 
 friends permission to use his name for a second term. 
 Before this rupture came. Mr. Calhoun had anticipated it, 
 and when he went home from the session in 1831 he had 
 prepared a pamphlet of sixty pages, in which he had 
 reviewed all that tended to disruption between him and 
 General Jackson except one thing — the skeleton in the 
 
630 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Monroe Cabinet. This pamphlet was put in circulation, 
 was much discussed in the press, Calhoun's friends ap- 
 plauded it and Jackson's friends censured it. Every paper 
 in the South took Jackson's side, except one or two papers 
 in South Carolina, and probably Jackson had a majority in 
 the North. 
 
 Jackson at once saw that this condition of things could 
 not remain. The contest between Mr. Calhoun and him- 
 self was evidently to be personal and bitter. Three mem- 
 bers of his Cabinet were for Calhoun and against him. 
 There was, at that time, in the minds of public men, and in 
 anticipation, much important work to be done by the 
 Administration and by Congress; and while the conflict 
 was a bitter one, there was evident with Jackson a higher 
 consideration, that one grand idea — "that my country is 
 above me and above everything else" — and hence an inhar- 
 monious official family at such a crisis would accomplish 
 nothing for the good of the country, and would probably 
 be ruinous to the important legislation which Jackson had 
 pointed out in his first message, and especially to the settle- 
 ment of long outstanding claims with other governments, 
 which he had made up his mind to settle as the first great 
 work of his presidential term. 
 
 Jackson was always great, but especially in an emergency. 
 When the time came to decide between two horns of a 
 dilemma, he was never a man to wait long, but made up his 
 mind as if by intuition, and all of his life's history shows no 
 mistake made in these emergencies, though they came thick 
 and fast. He rarely consulted anybody in such an emer- 
 gency as this, and the probability is that not a human being 
 in the world knew what he was going to do, and so far as 
 there is any evidence the first time he opened his mouth 
 about it was to call up the two friends he had in the Cabinet 
 (for he had only two known friends), Mr. Van Buren and 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 631 
 
 Mr. Eaton. Messrs. Ingham, Berrien and Branch were 
 openly for Mr. Calhoun. So when his two friends came he 
 said to them : "Gentlemen, I want you to resign out of my 
 Cabinet." And the same day they sent in their resignations. 
 The other three — Mr. Ingham, Mr. Berrien and Mr. 
 Branch, then came to the President, as he knew they would, 
 and said to him : "Mr. President, what do you want us to 
 do?" And he said politely: "I want you to resign." And 
 this was all there was about the dissolution, and there was 
 nothing connected with it, except the discovery of a skeleton 
 in Monroe's Cabinet, which had been hidden away for 
 twelve years, and during which Mr. Calhoun had professed 
 the greatest friendship and admiration for General Jackson. 
 In addition to the rupture with Calhoun, General Jackson 
 was much grieved that for twelve years he had done Craw- 
 ford a great injustice by supposing that he had been the 
 mover of whatever did take place in the Cabinet, for he had 
 long known there was something, but he never knew what. 
 
 Now, whoever reads the synopsis of the "Exposition," 
 heretofore published in this book, giving a full account 
 of what Jackson regarded as Calhoun's treachery to him, 
 will at once see that Jackson would not consent to keep in 
 his Cabinet, a part of his official family, the warm, political, 
 personal friends of Mr. Calhoun. The feeling between 
 him and Mr. Calhoun threatened, in the future political 
 hostility, a virulence hardly ever seen in a political contest. 
 
 Now, in the face of these facts, for any historian, biogra- 
 pher or public writer, to say that Mrs. Eaton broke up the 
 Cabinet evidences one of two things — actual malice in the 
 writer or gross negligence in seeking the facts. The Mrs. 
 Eaton affair had taken place fifteen months before the disso- 
 lution, and the correspondence between General Jackson 
 and the members of his Cabinet about the dissolution will 
 satisfy any reader there was nothing but the conflict with 
 
632 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Mr. Calhoun that had anything to do with the dissolution. 
 There was a showing of kindly relations and the highest 
 respect for each other in the letters of the Cabinet members 
 and in General Jackson's replies. 
 
 It is nothing short of a crime for people making history 
 to assume that Mrs. Eaton broke up the Cabinet, or that she 
 had anything to do with it. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 633 
 
 CHAPTER LI. 
 
 THE BAXK QUESTION JACKSONS PAPER PREPARED FOR HIS 
 
 CABINET ON THE REMOVAL OF THE DEPOSITS FROM THE 
 
 BANK OF THE UNITED STATES QUOTATION FROM THIS 
 
 PAPER CHARGES AND EVIDENCE AGAINST THE BANK. 
 
 A 
 
 S HERETOFORE intimated, General Jackson's 
 career as President of the United States will be 
 more readily seen and best understood by taking 
 up the questions he had to deal with rather than a con- 
 nected narrative of events. 
 
 Perhaps no event in American history has been more 
 discussed, and no one question has had a wider sweep in 
 its influence upon the country and in politics than what is 
 known as the bank question. With readers who want to 
 know the real character, the make-up of the man, General 
 Jackson's connection with the bank question may be studied 
 with profit. There is nothing in his whole life, not even 
 his daring desperation at New Orleans, fighting one of 
 England's greatest armies with a few backwoodsmen, more 
 courageous than his treatment of the United States Bank 
 question. In his very first message he brought it forward, 
 when the bank had about six years to run. The manner in 
 which he brought it up so conservatively, indeed, merely a 
 suggestion, then his renewal of it in his several annual mes- 
 sages, all show, instead of the bank question being an acci- 
 dent with him, as some of the biographers have supposed, 
 it was emphatically his question, and a question which he 
 had greatly at heart. There is no incident in American 
 history that exceeds, in prudence and courage, his conduct 
 
634 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and final overthrow of the United States Bank. It divided 
 public men, formed new parties and brought to the front 
 the talent of the country as well as exhaustive arguments. 
 
 Whether General Jackson saw into the future and had 
 his mind fixed on what was to come by the concentrated 
 power of money may be problematical, but one thing is cer- 
 tain — that in the great question of capital and labor, the 
 rich and the poor, the centralizing of money influence, judg- 
 ing from what took place, he did see more clearly the issue 
 than others have done since. No one, no Senator, no 
 President, no other American citizen, has ever presented 
 more clearly and powerfully the argument against the con- 
 centration of money, and the combinations of those who 
 control money, than did General Jackson in his celebrated 
 papers — his annual messages, his veto message, and espe- 
 cially in the private paper which he prepared to read to his 
 Cabinet in view of the step he was going to take in removing 
 the deposits. The manner in which I shall present this 
 bank question, historically, and as evidence in the character 
 of the great man, will seem to many people to be prolix, but 
 the people of this country now are reaching a high degree 
 of intelligence, and there is a spirit of research, seeking for 
 truth in historical matters, and in weighing men of the past, 
 that will be neither prolix nor uninteresting in the facts. 
 
 There are special reasons why I now give the paper which 
 General Jackson prepared for his Cabinet on the subject of 
 removing the deposits so much space. General Jackson 
 certainly wrote this paper himself, which, together with 
 two or three other papers that he did write, as well as pri- 
 vate letters now in my possession, prove that, either by 
 prejudice or ignorance, many of the writers since 1859, 
 when Parton wrote his book, have entirely misrepresented 
 General Jackson upon the question of mental endowment 
 and culture. I shall use these papers that are known to be 
 his own work as a key to show that his great state papers 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 635 
 
 were written by himself. Perhaps the misrepresentation by 
 writers of General Jackson's mental endowments has done 
 his reputation more harm than any, or all, of the perverted 
 statements as to his life in other respects. There are so 
 many people who yet believe that General Jackson was an 
 ignorant man that I deem it necessary to introduce proof, 
 irrefutable circumstantial evidence, to show that he was a 
 man, not only of great mental power, but with a mind 
 trained to think and write upon all subjects, as but few men 
 in this country have been. 
 
 This paper is a very long one, carefully prepared by him 
 in his room, certainly not written by any member of his 
 Cabinet. It was his private paper to read to his Cabinet 
 and to show them why he removed the deposits. This 
 paper, while it has been on file at Washington since it was 
 written, was never published after the debate on it in the 
 Senate until Mr. Richardson published it in his "Messages 
 and Papers of the Presidents," and it has scarcely been read 
 at all by the public. He commences the paper by saying : 
 
 "The President having carefully and anxiously consid- 
 ered all the facts and arguments which have been submitted 
 to him relative to a removal of the public deposits from the 
 Bank of the United States, he deems it his duty to commu- 
 nicate to his Cabinet the final conclusions of his own mind 
 and the reasons on which they are founded, in order to put 
 them in durable form and to prevent misconceptions. 
 
 "The President's convictions of the dangerous tendencies 
 of the Bank of the United States, since signally illustrated 
 by its own acts, were so overpowering when he entered on 
 the duties of Chief Magistrate that he felt it his duty, not- 
 withstanding the objection of the friends by whom he was 
 surrounded, to avail himself of the first occasion to call the 
 attention of Congress and the people to the question of its 
 recharter. The opinions expressed in his annual message 
 of December, 1829, were reiterated in those of December, 
 1830 and 183 1, and in that of 1830 he threw out for con- 
 
636 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 sideration some suggestions in relation to a substitute. At 
 the session of 1831-32 an act was passed by a majority of 
 both Houses of Congress rechartering the present bank, 
 upon which the President felt it to be his duty to put his 
 constitutional veto. In his message returning that act he 
 repeated and enlarged upon the principles and views briefly 
 asserted in his annual message, declaring the bank to be, in 
 his opinion, both inexpedient and unconstitutional, and 
 announcing to his countrymen his firm determination never 
 to sanction by his approval the continuance of that insti- 
 tution or the establishment of any other upon similar 
 principles. 
 
 "There are strong reasons for believing that the motive 
 of the bank in asking for a recharter at this session of Con- 
 gress was to make it a leading question in the election of 
 a President of the United States the ensuing November, 
 and all steps deemed necessary were taken to procure from 
 the people a reversal of the President's decision. 
 
 "Although the charter was approaching its termination 
 and the bank was aware that it was the intention of the 
 Government to use the public deposit, as fast as it 
 accrued, in the payment of the public debt, yet it did extend 
 its loans from January, 1831, to May, 1832, from 
 $42,402,304.24 to $70,428,070.72, being an increase of 
 $28,025,766.48 in sixteen months. It is confidently 
 believed that the leading object of this immense extension 
 of its loans was to put as large a portion of the people as 
 possible under its power and influence, and it has been dis- 
 closed that some of the largest sums were granted on very 
 unusual terms to the conductors of the public press. In 
 some of these cases the motive was made manifest by the 
 nominal or insufficient security taken for the loans, by the 
 large amounts discounted, by the extraordinary time 
 allowed for payment, and especially by the subsequent con- 
 duct of those receiving the accommodations. 
 
 "Having taken these preliminary steps to obtain control 
 over public opinion, the bank came into Congress and asked 
 a new charter. The object avowed by many of the advo- 
 cates of the bank was to put the President to the test that 
 the country might know his final determination relative to 
 the bank prior to the ensuing election. Many documents 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 637 
 
 and articles were printed and circulated at the expense of 
 the bank to bring the people to a favorable decision upon 
 its pretensions. Those whom the bank appears to have 
 made its debtors for the special occasion were warned of the 
 ruin which awaited them should the President be sustained, 
 and attempts were made to alarm the whole people by 
 painting the depression in the price of property and produce 
 and the general loss, inconvenience and distress which it 
 was represented would immediately follow the re-election 
 of the President in opposition to the bank. 
 
 "Can it now be said that the question of a recharter of 
 the bank was not decided at the election which ensued? 
 Had the veto been equivocal, or had it not covered the 
 whole ground; if it had merely taken exceptions to the 
 details of the bill or to the time of its passage; if it had not 
 met the whole ground of constitutionality and expediency, 
 then there might have been some plausibility for the allega- 
 tion that the question was not decided by the people. It 
 was to compel the President to take his stand that the 
 question was brought forward at that particular time. He 
 met the challenge, willingly took the position into which 
 his adversaries sought to force him, and frankly declared 
 his unalterable opposition to the bank as being both uncon- 
 stitutional and inexpedient. On that ground the case was 
 argued to the people, and now that the people have sus- 
 tained the President, notwithstanding the array of influence 
 and power which was brought to bear upon him. it is too 
 late, he confidently thinks, to say that the question has not 
 been decided. Whatever may be the opinions of others, 
 the President considers his re-election as a decision of the 
 people against the bank. In the concluding paragraph of 
 this veto message, he said : 
 
 " 'I have done my duty to my country. If sustained by 
 my fellow citizens. I shall be grateful and happy; if not. I 
 shall find in the motives which impel me ample grounds for 
 contentment and peace.' 
 
 "He was sustained by a just people, and he desires to 
 evince his gratitude by carrying into effect their decision so 
 far as it depends on him. * * * 
 
 "It was asserted by the Secretary of the Treasury, with- 
 out contradiction, as early as 1817, that he had power 'to 
 
638 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 control the proceedings of the Bank of the United States at 
 any moment by changing the deposits to the State banks,' 
 should it pursue an illiberal course toward those institu- 
 tions; that 'the Secretary of the Treasury will always be 
 disposed to support the credit of the State banks, and will 
 invariably direct transfers from the deposits of the public 
 money in aid of their legitimate exertions to maintain their 
 credit' ; and he asserted a right to employ the State banks 
 when the Bank of the United States should refuse to receive 
 on deposit the notes of such State banks as the public inter- 
 est required should be received in payment of the public 
 dues. In several instances he did transfer the public depos- 
 its to State banks in the immediate vicinity of branches, for 
 reasons connected only with the safety of those banks, the 
 public convenience and the interests of the treasury. 
 
 "If it was lawful for Mr. Crawford, the Secretary of the 
 Treasury at that time, to act on these principles, it will be 
 difficult to discover any sound reason against the application 
 of similar principles in still stronger cases. And it is a 
 matter of surprise that a power which in the infancy of the 
 bank was freely asserted as one of the ordinary and familiar 
 duties of the Secretary of the Treasury should now be 
 gravely questioned, and attempts made to excite and alarm 
 the public mind as if some new and unheard of power was 
 about to be usurped by the executive branch of the Gov- 
 ernment. * * * 
 
 "But in the conduct of the bank may be found other 
 reasons very imperative in their character, and which 
 require prompt action. Developments have been made 
 from time to time of its faithlessness as a public agent, its 
 misapplication of public funds, its interference in elections, 
 its efforts by the machinery of committees to deprive the 
 Government directors of a full knowledge of its concerns, 
 and, above all, its flagrant misconduct as recently and unex- 
 pectedly disclosed in placing all the funds of the bank, 
 including the money of the Government, at the disposition 
 of the president of the bank as means of operating upon 
 public opinion and procuring a new charter, without requir- 
 ing him to render a voucher for their disbursement. A 
 brief recapitulation of the facts which justify these charges, 
 and which have come to the knowledge of the public and 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 639 
 
 the President, will, he thinks, remove every reasonable 
 doubt as to the course which it is now the duty of the 
 President to pursue. 
 
 "We have seen that in sixteen months, ending in May, 
 1832, the bank had extended its loans more than $28,000,- 
 000. It was in May, 1832, the bank had extended its loans 
 more than $28,000,000, although it knew that the Govern- 
 ment intended to appropriate most of its large deposit dur- 
 ing that year in payment of the public debt. It was in May, 
 1832, that its loans had arrived at its maximum, and in the 
 preceding March so sensible was the bank that it would not 
 be able to pay over the public deposit when it would be 
 required by the Government that it commenced a secret 
 negotiation, without the approbation or knowledge of the 
 Government, with the agents for about $2,700,000 of the 
 3 per cent stocks held in Holland, with a view of inducing 
 them not to come forward for payment for one or more 
 years after notice should be given by the Treasury Depart- 
 ment. This arrangement would have enabled the bank to 
 keep and use during that time the public money set apart for 
 the payment of these stocks. 
 
 "After this negotiation had commenced the Secretary of 
 the Treasury informed the bank that it was his intention to 
 pay off one-half of the 3 per cents on the 1st of the succeed- 
 ing July, which amounted to about $6,500,000. The presi- 
 dent of the bank, although the committee of investigation 
 was then looking into its affairs at Philadelphia, came 
 immediately to Washington, and upon representing the 
 bank was desirous of accommodating the importing mer- 
 chants at New York (which it failed to do) and undertak- 
 ing to pay the interest itself, procured the consent of the 
 Secretary, after consultation with the President, to post- 
 pone the payment until the succeeding 1st of October. 
 
 "Conscious that at the end of that quarter the bank would 
 not be able to pay over the deposits, and that further indul- 
 gence was not to be expected of the Government, an agent 
 was dispatched to England secretly to negotiate with the 
 holders of the public debt in Europe and induce them, by 
 the offer of an equal or higher interest than that paid by the 
 Government, to hold back their claims for one year, during 
 which the bank expected thus to retain the use of $5,000,000 
 
640 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 of the public money, which the Government should set apart 
 for the payment of that debt. The agent made an arrange- 
 ment on terms, in part, which were in direct violation of the 
 charter of the bank, and when some incidents connected 
 with this secret negotiation accidentally came to the knowl- 
 edge of the public and the Government, then, and not 
 before, so much of it as was palpably in violation of the 
 charter was disavowed. A modification of the rest was 
 attempted with a view of getting the certificates without 
 payment of the money, and thus absolving the Government 
 from its liability to the holders. In this scheme the bank 
 was partially successful, but to this day the certificates of a 
 portion of these stocks have not been paid and the bank 
 retains the use of the money. 
 
 "This effort to thwart the Government in the payment 
 of the public money to be used for their private interests, 
 palliated by pretenses notoriously unfounded and insincere, 
 would have justified the instant withdrawal of the public 
 deposits. The negotiation itself rendered doubtful the 
 ability of the bank to meet the demands of the Treasury, 
 and the misrepresentations by which it was attempted to be 
 justified proved that no reliance could be placed upon its 
 allegations. 
 
 "When the Government directors made an effort to bring 
 back the business of the bank to the board, in obedience to 
 the charter and the existing regulations, the board not only 
 overruled their attempt, but altered the rule so as to make 
 it conform to the practice, in direct violation of one of the 
 most important provisions of the charter which gave them 
 existence. It has long been known that the president of 
 the bank, by his single will, originates and executes many 
 of the most important measures connected with the man- 
 agement and credit of the bank, and that the committee, as 
 well as the board of directors, are left in entire ignorance 
 of many acts done and correspondence carried on in their 
 names and apparently under their authority. The fact has 
 been recently disclosed that an unlimited discretion has been 
 and is now vested in the president of the bank to expend its 
 fund in payment for preparing and circulating articles and 
 purchasing pamphlets and newspapers, calculated by their 
 contents to operate on elections and secure a renewal of its 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. G41 
 
 charter. It appears from the official report of the public 
 directors that on the 30th of November, 1830, the president 
 submitted to the board an article published in the American 
 Quarterly Review, containing favorable notices of the bank, 
 and suggested the expediency of giving it a wider circula- 
 tion at the expense of the bank, whereupon the board passed 
 the following resolutions, viz. : 
 
 " 'Rcsok-cd, That the president be authorized to take such 
 measures in regard to the circulation of the contents of the 
 said article, either in whole or in part, as he may deem most 
 for the interest of the bank.' 
 
 "By an entry in the minutes of the bank, dated March 11, 
 1 83 1, it appears that the president had not only caused a 
 large edition of that article to be issued, but had also, before 
 the resolution of the 30th of November was adopted, pro- 
 cured to be printed and widely circulated numerous copies 
 of the reports of General Smith and Mr. McDuffie in favor 
 of the bank; and on that day he suggested the expediency 
 of extending his power to the printing of other articles 
 which might subserve the purposes of the institution, where- 
 upon the following resolution was adopted, viz. : 
 
 " 'Resolved, That the president is hereby authorized to 
 cause to be prepared and circulated such documents and 
 papers as may communicate to the people information in 
 regard to the nature and operations of the bank.' 
 
 "The expenditures purporting to have been made under 
 authority of these resolutions during the years 1831 and 
 1832 were about $80,000. For a portion of these expendi- 
 tures vouchers were rendered, from which it appears thai 
 they were incurred in the purchase of some hundred thou- 
 sand copies of newspapers, reports and speeches made in 
 Congress, reviews of the veto message and reviews of 
 speeches against the bank, etc. For another large portion 
 no vouchers whatever were rendered, but the various sums 
 were paid on orders of the president of the bank, making 
 
 reference to the resolution of the nth of March, 1831. 
 
 * # # 
 
 "Some of the items for which accounts have been ren- 
 dered show the construction which has been given to the 
 resolutions and the way in which the power it confers has 
 been exerted. The money has not been expended merely 
 
642 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 in the publication and distribution of speeches, reports of 
 committees, or articles written for the purpose of showing 
 the constitutionality or usefulness of the bank, but publica- 
 tions have been prepared and extensively circulated con- 
 taining the grossest invectives against the officers of the 
 Government, and the money which belongs to the stock- 
 holders and to the public has been freely applied in efforts 
 to degrade in public estimation those who were supposed to 
 be instrumental in resisting the wishes of this grasping and 
 dangerous institution. As the president of the bank has 
 not been required to settle his accounts, no one but himself 
 knows how much more than the sum already mentioned 
 may have been squandered, and for which a credit may 
 hereafter be claimed in his account under this most extra- 
 ordinary resolution. * * * 
 
 "Should the bank, for the mere purpose of producing 
 distress, press its debtors more heavily than some of them 
 can bear, the consequences will recoil upon itself, and in the 
 attempts to embarrass the country it will only bring loss 
 and ruin upon the holders of its own stock. But if the 
 President believed the bank possessed all the power which 
 has been attributed to it, his determination would only be 
 rendered the more inflexible. If, indeed, this corporation 
 now holds in its hands the happiness and prosperity of the 
 American people, it is high time to take the alarm. If the 
 despotism be already upon us, and only safety is in the 
 mercy of the despot, recent developments in relation to his 
 designs and the means he employs show how necessary it 
 is to shake it off. The struggle can never come with less 
 distress to the people or under more favorable auspices than 
 at the present moment. * * * 
 
 "Viewing it as a question of transcendent importance, 
 both in the principles and the consequences it involves, the 
 President could not, in justice to the responsibility which 
 he owes to the country, refrain from pressing upon the 
 Secretary of the Treasury his view of the consideration 
 which impelled to immediate action. Upon him has been 
 devolved by the Constitution and the suffrages of the 
 American people the duty of superintending the operation 
 of the executive department of the Government, and seeing 
 that the laws are faithfully executed. In the performance 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 643 
 
 of this high trust it is his undoubted right to express to 
 those whom the laws and his own choice have made his 
 associates in the administration of the Government his 
 opinion of their duties under circumstances as they arise. 
 It is this right which he now exercises. Far be it from 
 him to expect or require that any member of the Cabinet 
 should at his request, order or dictation, do any act which 
 he believes unlawful or in his conscience condemns. From 
 them and from his fellow citizens in general he desires only 
 that aid and support which their reason approves and their 
 conscience sanctions. 
 
 "In the remarks which he has made on this all-important 
 question he trusts the Secretary of the Treasury will see 
 only the frank and respectful declarations of the opinions 
 which the President has formed on a measure of great 
 national interest deeply affecting the character and useful- 
 ness of his Administration, and not a spirit of dictation, 
 which the President would be as careful to avoid as ready 
 to resist. Happy will he be if the facts now disclosed pro- 
 duce uniformity of opinion and unity of action among the 
 members of the Administration. 
 
 'The President again repeats that he begs his Cabinet to 
 consider the proposed measure as his own, in the support 
 of which he shall require no one of them to make a sacrifice 
 of opinion or principle. Its responsibility has been assumed 
 after the most mature deliberation and reflection as neces- 
 sary to preserve the morals of the people, the freedom of 
 the press, and the purity of the elective franchise, without 
 which all will unite in saying that the blood and treasure 
 expended by our forefathers in the establishment of our 
 happy system of government will have been in vain and 
 fruitless. Under these convictions he feels that a measure 
 so important to the American people cannot be commenced 
 too soon, and he therefore names the first day of October 
 next as a period proper for the change of the deposits, or 
 sooner, provided the necessary arrangements with the State 
 banks can be made. 
 
 "Andrew Jackson." 
 
644 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER LII. 
 
 the bank issue continued eminent men favorable 
 
 to the bank jackson's supporters the complex- 
 ion of politics plan of the friends of the bank 
 
 the bill for rechartering the bank passed and 
 vetoed this veto the issue in the ensuing presi- 
 dential election popular evidences of discon- 
 tent because of the veto presented by benton 
 
 jackson's triumph in the election of 1832 — con- 
 spiracy OF CLAY, CALHOUN, WEBSTER, AND OTHERS 
 
 AGAINST JACKSON THE SENATE^ REFUSAL TO CONFIRM 
 
 APPOINTMENT OF VAN BUREN BENTON'S SUMMARY 
 
 OF ELECTION OF 1 832 THE MORGAN-MASONIC EPISODE 
 
 AND ITS POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE. 
 
 IT WILL be remembered that the questions growing 
 out of the bank issue ran through a large part of both 
 of General Jackson's presidential terms. If there was 
 anything about General Jackson that stood out bolder than 
 all others, it was his courage and fairness in meeting issues. 
 Each one of his four messages in the first term gave to the 
 public a clear indication of his purpose to meet the issue 
 when it came. He intended to let the country know that 
 recharter of the bank would never be approved by him. 
 This issue was accepted by the leaders, who were taking 
 sides with the bank, and they embraced Mr. Calhoun, Mr. 
 Clay, Mr. Webster, and with them the following Senators: 
 Bibb, of Kentucky; Chambers, of Maryland; Clayton, of 
 Delaware; Ewing, of Ohio; Frelinghuysen, of New 
 Jersey; Watkins Leigh, of Virginia; Mangum, of North 
 Carolina; Preston, of South Carolina; Southard, of New 
 Jersey; Tyler, of Virginia. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 645 
 
 In the House, the strong men against Jackson on this 
 question were Bell, of Tennessee; Archer, of Virginia; 
 Choate, of Massachusetts; Filmore, of New York; Letcher, 
 of Kentucky; Hardin, of Kentucky; McDuffie, of South 
 Carolina; Peyton, of Tennessee; Wise, of Virginia. All 
 these in the Senate and House took part in the great debate 
 on the bank question. 
 
 While Jackson had strong supporters, his dependence 
 mainly was on Mr. Benton, in the Senate; but more than 
 all else his dependence was founded on the conviction that 
 he was in the right. This war on the bank commenced 
 with Jackson's political career, and lasted through both 
 terms. Never was there in the history of the world an issue 
 made up with more deliberation than this, and never did a 
 greater body of men make up an issue than the men who 
 prepared it, with a view, perhaps, of overthrowing General 
 Jackson. At no time in the history of this country have 
 there been stronger men in the Senate and in the House 
 than at that time. 
 
 There was practically but one party. The Federal party 
 had died with Mr. Adams' term. They were just then 
 beginning to call General Jackson a Democrat. The 
 Democrats, up to this time, and afterwards, were called 
 Republicans. General Jackson, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Clay, and 
 all the strong men in Congress were known as belonging to 
 the Republican party, and when this issue was made up it was 
 an issue between the two leaders of the same party, General 
 Jackson and Mr. Clay having been identified as leaders in 
 the same party. Mr. Calhoun, it is true, had abandoned 
 the race for President, and had given notice that he would 
 no longer act with either of the parties, but he was going to 
 take care of South Carolina. 
 
 The very first message of General Jackson had, in mild 
 form, indicated his views upon the bank question. That 
 was in 1829. It was not then supposed that he was going 
 
 15-2 
 
646 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 to become hostile to the bank to the extent of withholding 
 his signature to a charter, but his second, third and fourth 
 messages of the first term, particularly the second message, 
 strongly indicated his unbelief in the expediency and consti- 
 tutionality of the bank, so that the officers of the bank and 
 its various branches in different States commenced prepar- 
 ing for the great issue that must finally come. It was not 
 believed that any influence could be brought on General 
 Jackson that would cause him to change his views. 
 
 While General Jackson was the boldest and bravest of all 
 the Americans of his or any other time, in making his issues, 
 yet there were bold, brave men on the other side — men of 
 great power, great ability — and they were backed by the 
 influence and power of the United States Bank, which was 
 at that time a financial monarch. The plan they advised 
 was most extraordinary; it was that they would recharter 
 the bank, although it had then four years to run. This plan 
 was adopted by Mr. Clay and his friends, with a view of 
 making it an issue in the presidential election just ahead. 
 Mr. Clay and his friends had control of both Houses by 
 very considerable majorities, and they deliberately rechar- 
 tered the bank ; of course, to take effect at the expiration of 
 the existing bank. 
 
 General Jackson accepted the issue and vetoed the bill, 
 knowing that he was to be elected or defeated for a second 
 term on this question. The great battle, which was then 
 under headway, was renewed with systematic desperation, 
 and no such contest has ever been waged in the forum of 
 politics in this country as that was, until the election. It 
 was desperation, indeed, on the part of General Jackson's 
 enemies, and it was systematic desperation. 
 
 Immediately on the veto of the bank bill the calamity cry 
 was taken up, and it fairly shook the country from one end 
 to the other. Nothing else was thought of in Congress, 
 and it must be admitted that the opposition to Jackson had 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 647 
 
 the advantage in both Houses in intellectual power and in 
 influence, though Jackson had Mr. Benton, who was not 
 inferior to Mr. Clay or Mr. Webster, or any other man in 
 the Senate. He was really the only overtowering intellect 
 he had in either House. But Jackson was relying upon the 
 facts set forth in his annual message and in his veto mes- 
 sage, which was substantially the argument presented in 
 the paper he read to his Cabinet in 1833 on the removal of 
 the deposits. His annual message and his veto message 
 had been widely read, and he had the utmost confidence 
 that, in the minds of the people, his arguments and his 
 views would never be overthrown by argument. So he 
 accepted this issue, undismayed, and said: "All right; I 
 don't want this office unless the people approve my course 
 on this bank question." The evidences of discontent and 
 dissatisfaction would have disheartened any other man, and 
 perhaps Jackson, himself, was the only man who felt abso- 
 lutely sure that he would triumph before the people over 
 the influence and power of both Houses of Congress and 
 the bank. 
 
 The appalling evidences of discontent on account of the 
 veto is, in a limited sense, presented by Mr. Benton as 
 follows : 
 
 "Under this caption a general register commenced in all 
 the newspapers opposed to the election of General Jackson 
 (and they were a great majority of the whole number pub- 
 lished), immediately after the delivery of the veto message, 
 and were continued down to the day of the election, all 
 tending to show the disastrous consequences upon the busi- 
 ness of the country, and upon his own popularity, resulting 
 from that act. To judge from these items, it would seem 
 that the property of the country was nearly destroyed, and 
 the General's popularity entirely; and that both were to 
 remain in that state until the hank was rechartered. Their 
 charter was to show the decline which had taken place in 
 
648 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the price of labor, produce and property ; the stoppage and 
 suspension of buildings, improvements and useful enter- 
 prises ; the renunciation of the President by his old friends ; 
 the scarcity of money and the high rate of interest, and the 
 consequent pervading distress of the whole community. 
 These lugubrious memorandums of calamities produced by 
 the conduct of one man were duly collected from the papers 
 in which they were chronicled and registered in Niles' 
 Register for the information of posterity ; and a few items 
 now selected from the general registration will show to 
 what extent this business of distressing the country (taking 
 the facts to be true), or of alarming it (taking them to be 
 false), was carried by the great moneyed corporation, 
 which, according to its own showing, had power to destroy 
 all local banks, and consequently to injure the whole busi- 
 ness of the community. The following are a few of these 
 items, a small number of each class, by way of showing the 
 character of the whole : 
 
 " 'On the day of the receipt of the President's bank veto 
 in New York, 437 shares of United States Bank stock were 
 sold at a decline of 4 per centum from the rates of the pre- 
 ceding day. We learn from Cincinnati that, within two 
 days after the veto reached that city, building bricks fell 
 from $5 to $3 per thousand. A general consternation is 
 represented to have pervaded the city. An intelligent friend 
 of General Jackson, at Cincinnati, states as the opinion of 
 the best informed men there, that the veto has caused a 
 depression of real estate of the city of from 25 to 33 1-3 
 per cent.' 
 
 " 'A thousand people assembled at Richmond, Kentucky, 
 to protest against the veto.' 
 
 " 'The veto reached a meeting of citizens, in Mason 
 County, Kentucky, which assembled to hear the speeches of 
 the opposing candidates for the Legislature, on which two 
 of the administration candidates immediately withdrew 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. C49 
 
 themselves from the contest, declaring that they could sup- 
 port the administration no longer.' 
 
 " 'Lexington, Ky., July 25. — A call, signed by fifty citi- 
 zens of great respectability, formerly supporters of General 
 Jackson, announced their renunciation of him, and invited 
 all others, in the like situation with themselves, to assemble 
 in public meeting and declare their sentiments. A large 
 and very respectable meeting ensued.' 
 
 " 'Louisville, Ky., July 18. — Forty citizens, ex-friends of 
 General Jackson, called a meeting to express their senti- 
 ments on the veto, declaring that they could no longer sup- 
 port him. In consequence, one of the largest meetings ever 
 held in Louisville was convened and condemned the veto, 
 the anti-tariff and anti-internal improvement policy of Gen- 
 eral Jackson, and accused him of a breach of promise, in 
 becoming a second time a candidate for the presidency.' 
 
 " 'At Pittsburg seventy former friends of General Jack- 
 son called a meeting of those who had renounced him, 
 which was numerously and respectably attended, the veto 
 condemned, and the bank applauded as necessary to the 
 prosperity of the country.' 
 
 " 'Irish Meeting in Philadelphia. — A call, signed by 
 above 2,000 naturalized Irishmen, seceding from General 
 Jackson, invited their fellow-countrymen to meet and 
 choose between the tyrant and this bank, and gave rise 
 to a numerous assemblage in Independence Square, at 
 which strong resolutions were adopted, renouncing Jack- 
 son and his measures, opposing his re-election, and sustain- 
 ing the bank.' 
 
 " 'The New Orleans Emporium mentions, among other 
 deleterious effects of the bank veto at that place, that one 
 of the State banks had already commenced discounting four 
 months' paper at 8 per centum.' 
 
 " 'Cincinnati farmers look here : We are credibly in- 
 formed that several merchants in this city, in making con- 
 
6 50 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 tracts for their winter supplies of pork, are offering to con- 
 tract to pay $2.50 per hundred if Clay is elected, and $1.50 
 if Jackson is elected. Such is the effect of the veto. This 
 is something that people can understand.' 
 
 " 'Baltimore. — A great many merchants are thrown out 
 of employment by the stoppage of building. The prospect 
 ahead is that we shall have a very distressing winter. 
 There will be a swift reduction of prices to the laboring 
 classes. Many who subsisted upon labor will lack regular 
 employment, and will have to depend upon chance or char- 
 ity; and many will go supperless to bed who deserve to be 
 
 filled' 
 
 " 'Cincinnati. — Facts are stubborn things. It is a fact 
 that last year before this time $300,000 had been advanced 
 by citizens of this place to farmers for pork, and now, not 
 one dollar. So much for the veto.' 
 
 " 'Brownsville, Pa. — We understand that a large manu- 
 facturer has discharged all his hands, and others have given 
 notice to do so. We understand that not a single steamboat 
 will be built this season at Wheeling, Pittsburg, or Louis- 
 ville.' 
 
 " 'Niks' Register Editorial. — No King of England has 
 declared a practical use of the word, 'veto,' for about two 
 hundred years or more; and it has become obsolete in the 
 United Kingdom of Great Britain; and Louis Philippe 
 would hardly retain his crown three days were he to veto 
 a deliberate act of the two French Chambers, though sup- 
 ported by an army of 100,000 men.' 
 
 "All this distress and alarm, real and fictitious, was ac- 
 cording to the programme which prescribed it, and easily 
 done by the bank and its branches in the States; its con- 
 nection with money dealers and brokers; its power over 
 debtors, and its power over the thousand local banks, which 
 it could destroy by an .exertion of its strength, or raise up 
 by an extension of its favor. It was a wicked and infa- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 051 
 
 mous attempt on the part of the great money corporation to 
 govern the election by operating on the business and the 
 fears of the people — destroying some and alarming 
 others." 
 
 With the election of 1832, General Jackson's history, so 
 far as the conflict with his enemies was concerned, was 
 over. Take it all in all. his triumph in that election was as 
 great as his campaign of 1814-15. and it is probable, with 
 the victory over his enemies, that the election of 1832 will 
 outlive his great victory over the British. 
 
 It. I suppose, will ever be charged that Mr. Clay, Mr. 
 Webster, Mr. Calhoun, and other big men of that time who 
 undertook to overthrow General Jackson, were guilty of a 
 conspiracy in one sense of that hideous term. Surely such 
 men as they would not have entered into a conspiracy to do 
 an unlawful thing, but it is an illustration without a parallel 
 of great men combining to accomplish an end in politics that 
 had all the elements of a wicked purpose, not to say con- 
 spiracy. 
 
 The assault made by them on Mr. Van Buren, and the 
 charges they brought without a particle of proof, and their 
 contesting his nomination, when General Jackson sent him 
 to London as minister, is a piece of our history which is not 
 pleasant to read. 
 
 Readers of the present day may not appreciate what I 
 am now about to tell, but the time will come when facts, 
 freed from prejudice, are looked into, which will mark Mr. 
 Van Buren as one of the purest and noblest men that we 
 have had in public life. The real charge against Mr. Van 
 Buren was that he had influence over General Jackson, and. 
 with the fictitious charges hatched up. they put him on trial 
 in the Senate, and had the Senate to vote against the con- 
 firmation of his appointment to London. He came home, 
 and at that time one great man in the Senate looked the 
 three great leaders against Jackson in the face and said to 
 
652 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 them : "You have pulled down a minister to a foreign coun- 
 try, but you have made a President of the United States," 
 which turned out to be true. 
 
 The bank contest was literally ended by the election in 
 1832. It had been a fight from start to finish, from the day 
 General Jackson entered upon his first term against the 
 most powerful and influential moneyed institution this 
 country has ever had. It had been a fight by a large por- 
 tion of the members and politicians generally. Many of 
 Jackson's friends, even in Tennessee, deserted him in this 
 fight. The coolness and calmness with which he conducted 
 this contest, and the deliberation with which he said, "If I 
 am beaten on this question, that is all right ; I will find sol- 
 ace in a satisfied conscience ; and if I am elected, I shall find 
 satisfaction in the approval of the people of my course." 
 This contest involved, up to the time of the election, the 
 supremacy of Jackson on the one side, or Clay, Calhoun, 
 and Webster on the other. They were all looking out for 
 the presidency. As heretofore shown, the issue was made 
 on the bank. Jackson's enemies had absolute confidence in 
 the power of the bank to defeat him, and especially when 
 they had both the House and the Senate against them, with 
 a view of making the election. They had rechartered the 
 bank so as to force Jackson to veto it, that the issue might 
 be squarely met, and that the country would see that if 
 Jackson was elected, there would be no United States Bank ; 
 but if they succeeded in electing Mr. Clay, that the bank 
 would be rechartered, and have Mr. Clay's approval. 
 
 No issue was ever more fairly made up. Jackson, in his 
 last message before the election, put himself squarely 
 against the bank, and gave notice to the American people 
 that if he was elected they would have no United States 
 Bank. The enemies of Jackson believed that this bank was 
 omnipotent with confidence, money, and influence, and then 
 the extraordinary combination between Mr. Clay, Mr. Cal- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 653 
 
 houn, and Mr. Webster inspired very general confidence 
 that Jackson would be beaten. What his close friends 
 thought is not very clear, but one thing is very certain, 
 Jackson never lost confidence in the people. He had also 
 about closed up the personal matter with Mr. Calhoun, and 
 Mr. Calhoun had about retired from the race for President, 
 and Jackson's victory was complete. 
 
 While the exposition had not been published, Jackson had 
 so completely met the charges made by Mr. Calhoun that 
 it ceased to be a matter of serious concern in the election. 
 
 Mr. Benton sums up the election of 1832 as follows: 
 
 "General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren were the candi- 
 dates on one side; Mr. Clay and John Sergeant, of Pennsyl- 
 vania, on the other, and the result of no election had ever 
 been looked to with more solicitude. It was a question of 
 systems and measures, and tried in the persons of men who 
 stood out boldly and unequivocally in the representation of 
 their respective sides. Renewal of the national bank char- 
 ter, continuance of the high protective policy, distribution 
 of the public land money, internal improvement by the 
 Federal Government, removal of the Indians, interference 
 between Georgia and the Cherokees, and the whole Ameri- 
 can system was staked on the issue, represented on one side 
 by Mr. Clay and Mr. Sergeant, and opposed on the other 
 by General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren. 
 
 "The defeat of Mr. Clay and the consequent condemna- 
 tion of his measures was complete and overwhelming. He 
 received but forty-nine votes out of a total of 288! And 
 this result is not to be attributed, as clone by Mons. de 
 Toqueville, to military fame. General Jackson was now a 
 tried statesman, and great issues were made in his person, 
 and discussed in every form of speech and writing, and in 
 every forum, State and Federal, from the halls of Congress 
 to township meetings, and his success was not only trium- 
 phant but progressive. His vote was a large increase upon 
 
654 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the preceding one of 1828, as that itself had been upon the 
 previous one in 1824. 
 
 "The result was hailed with general satisfaction, as set- 
 tling question 5 of national disturbance, and leaving a clear 
 field, as it was hoped, for future temperate and useful legis- 
 lation. The vice presidential election also had a point and 
 a lesson in it. Besides concurring with General Jackson in 
 his systems of policy, Mr. Van Buren had, in his own per- 
 son, questions which concerned himself, and which went to 
 his character as a fair and honorable man. He had been 
 rejected by the Senate as Minister to the Court of Great 
 Britain, under circumstances to give eclat to the rejection, 
 being then at his post, and on accusations of prostituting 
 official station to party intrigue and elevation, and hum- 
 bling his country before Great Britain to obtain as a favor 
 what was due as a right. He had also been accused of 
 breaking up the friendship between General Jackson and 
 Mr. Calhoun for the purpose of getting a rival out of the 
 way, contriving for that purpose the dissolution of the 
 Cabinet, the resuscitation of the buried question of the pun- 
 ishment of General Jackson in Mr. Monroe's Cabinet, and 
 a system of intrigues to destroy Mr. Calhoun, all brought 
 forward imposingly in senatorial and congressional de- 
 bates, in pamphlets and periodicals, and in every variety 
 of speech and newspaper publication ; and all with the 
 avowed purpose of showing him unworthy to be elected 
 Vice President. Yet he was elected, and triumphantly, re- 
 ceiving the same vote with General Jackson, except that of 
 Pennsylvania, which went to one of her own citizens, Wil- 
 liam Wilkins, then United States Senator, and afterwards 
 Minister to Russia and Secretary of War. Another cir- 
 cumstance attended this election of ominous character and 
 deriving emphasis from this state of the times. South 
 Carolina refused to vote in it; that is to say, voted with 
 neither party, and threw away her vote upon citizens who 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 655 
 
 were not candidates, and who received no vote but her own, 
 namely, Gov. John Floyd, of Virginia, and Henry Lee, of 
 Massachusetts, a declaration not to be accounted for upon 
 any intelligible or consistent reason, seeing that the rival 
 candidates held the opposite sides of the system of which 
 the State complained, and that the success of one was to its 
 overthrow; of the other, to be its confirmation. This cir- 
 cumstance, coupled with the nullification attitude which the 
 State had assumed, gave significance to this separation 
 from the other States in the matter of the election, a sepa- 
 ration too marked not to be noticed, and interpreted by cur- 
 rent events too clearly to be misunderstood. 
 
 "Another circumstance attended this election, of a nature 
 not of itself to command commemoration, but worthy to be 
 remembered for the lesson it reads to all political parties 
 founded upon one idea, and especially when that idea has 
 nothing political in it. It was the anti-Masonic vote of the 
 State of Vermont for Mr. Wirt, late United States Attor- 
 ney General, for President. The cause of that vote was 
 this: 
 
 "Some years before a citizen of New York, one Mr. 
 Morgan, a member of the Freemason fraternity, had disap- 
 peared under circumstances which induced the belief that 
 he had been secretly put to death by order of the society for 
 divulging their secrets. A great popular ferment grew out 
 of this belief, spreading into neighboring States, with an 
 outcry again-t all Masons and all secret societies, and a de- 
 mand for their suppression. Politicians embarked on this 
 current, turned it into the field of elections, and made it 
 potent in governing many. After obtaining dominion over 
 so many local and State elections, 'anti-Masonry,' as the new 
 enthusiasm was called, aspired to higher game, undertook 
 to govern Presidential candidates, subjecting them to in- 
 terrogatories upon the point of their Masonic faith; and 
 eventuallv set candidates of their own for these two high 
 
656 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 officers. The trial was made in the persons of Messrs. 
 Wirt and Ellmaker, and resulted in giving them seven 
 votes — the vote of Vermont alone — and in showing the 
 weakness of the party and its consequent inutility as a po- 
 litical machine. 
 
 "The rest is soon told. Anti-Masonry soon ceased to 
 have a distinctive existence; died out, and, in its death, left 
 a lesson to all political parties founded in one idea — espe- 
 cially when that idea has nothing political in it." 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 657 
 
 CHAPTER LIII. 
 
 CONTINUOUS ASSAULTS ON JACKSON BY HIS ENEMIES — DES- 
 PERATION OF HIS OPPONENTS CLAY'S RESOLUTION 
 
 DEMANDING JACKSON'S PAPER ON THE BANK READ TO 
 
 HIS CABINET AND JACKSON'S REPLY CLAY'S SPEECH 
 
 AGAINST JACKSON CALHOUN'S BITTER SPEECH EVI- 
 DENCE AS TO COALITION OF CLAY AND CALHOUN AGAINST 
 JACKSON EMINENT FRIENDS OF THE BANK IN THE SEN- 
 ATE CLAY'S DISAPPOINTMENT AT RESULTS OF THE 
 
 ELECTION. 
 
 GREAT as was the fight over the United States Bank, 
 and then over the removal of the deposits, fully 
 considered in former chapters, they were only the 
 forerunners of a series of assaults on the President, un- 
 equaled in American history in the character of men 
 engaged as well as in the violence and vehemence of the 
 attacks. 
 
 In addition to Jackson's victory in the great struggle 
 with the bank, backed up by all whose ambition or sup- 
 posed grievances made them allies of the bank, there was 
 now a new grievance — Jackson's re-election as President 
 over the combination that had been formed with a commer- 
 cially and financially ruined country, as the bank claimed 
 to have shown, and over a broken and violated Constitu- 
 tion, as Clay, Calhoun, and Webster claimed to have shown, 
 and over the opposition of both houses of Congress, not 
 only being elected himself by a majority that left his oppo- 
 nent, Mr. Clay, with only forty-nine electoral votes, but car- 
 rying the popular branch of the Congress by a handsome 
 majority — all together made great men, great statesmen, 
 like Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, and Mr. Webster, famously 
 
658 i LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 forgetful of their high positions and great reputations as 
 statesmen and Senators. They became desperate, and em- 
 barked on a series of assaults on the President that were 
 manifestly personal ; they were fulminations such as might 
 be expected in a town meeting or a party convention. The 
 exposure of these proceedings by General Jackson himself 
 in a protest sent to the Senate, and by Mr. Benton, was what 
 might have been expected of a proceeding that was not leg- 
 islative, but had no ultimate purpose or design which could 
 be enforced, was purely personal and intended only as a 
 fulmination against the President to go to the country, as 
 an emotional bull or ukase which, coming from that exalted 
 body, would be accepted by the people as a pronunciamento 
 that would mark the President as a dishonored public 
 servant. 
 
 The success of General Jackson, in his several conflicts 
 with the combined forces of Clay, Calhoun, and Webster, 
 together with his triumphant election over Mr. Clay in his 
 second election, caused the great statesmen, at least Mr. 
 Calhoun and Mr. Clay, to forget themselves, and to in- 
 dulge in language unworthy the men and unbecoming the 
 place they occupied ; they seemed to be desperate, and, take 
 it all together, resorted to most extraordinary means to de- 
 stroy General Jackson. 
 
 In the first place. Mr. Clay introduced and had passed a 
 resolution in the Senate requiring General Jackson to pro- 
 duce the paper which he read to his Cabinet, and which has 
 already been published, and which, it will be remembered, 
 was simply his views given in writing to his Cabinet about 
 the removal of the deposits. This resolution of the Senate 
 General Jackson answered with great dignity, but with his 
 usual acumen and force, saying to the Senate he and his Cab- 
 inet were one department of the Government, Congress was 
 another, and that his conference with his Cabinet was a 
 matter with which the Senate had nothing to do; that the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 659 
 
 Senate had no more right to his papers or to his notes used 
 in an interview with his Cabinet than they had to a mere 
 conversation with the Cabinet; that, in fact, it was nothing 
 more than if he had spoken instead of having notes. 
 
 This answer was so complete and put Mr. Clay in such 
 condition that the whole matter was dropped and nothing 
 more done. This was all early in the hrst session of Con- 
 gress after the second election. Failing in this, Mr. Clay 
 took the floor in the Senate and apparently for no purpose 
 except to make a speech, and while his speech indicated that 
 he might have been talking about the resolutions offered in 
 a former Congress censuring General Jackson, it was a 
 speech running over three days, and the whole thing was a 
 fulmination against him looking to no legislation, and noth- 
 ing to come of it in a legislative way, the whole purpose 
 being to give his views, and to get before the country his 
 condemnation of Jackson's acts generally. 
 
 As a specimen of his speech, I give here an extract which 
 is but a fair sample of the whole speech, to wit : 
 
 "Mr. President, when Congress adjourned at the termi- 
 nation of the last session, there was one remnant of its 
 powers, that over the purse, left untouched. The two most 
 important powers of civil government are those of the 
 sword and purse; the first, with some restrictions, is con- 
 fided by the Constitution to the Executive, and the last to 
 the legislative department. If they are separate, and exer- 
 cised by different responsible departments, civil liberty is 
 safe; but if they are united in the hands of the same indi- 
 vidual, it is gone. That clear-sighted and revolutionary 
 orator and patriot, Patrick Henry, justly said in the Vir- 
 ginia Convention, in reply to one of his opponents: 'Let 
 him candidly tell me where and when did freedom exist 
 when the sword and purse were given up from the people? 
 Unless a miracle in human affairs interposed no nation 
 ever retained its libertv after the loss of the sword and the 
 
660 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 purse. Can you prove by an argumentative deduction that 
 it is possible to be safe without one of them? If you give 
 them up you are gone.' 
 
 "Up to the period of the termination of the last session 
 of Congress the exclusive constitutional power of Con- 
 gress over the Treasury of the United States has ever been 
 contested. Among its earliest acts was one to establish the 
 Treasury Department, which provided for the appointment 
 of a Treasurer, who was required to give bond and secur- 
 ity in a very large amount, 'to receive and keep the moneys 
 of the United States and disburse the same upon warrants 
 drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury, countersigned by 
 the Comptroller, recorded by the Register, and not other- 
 wise.' Prior to the establishment of the present Bank of 
 the United States no treasury or place had been provided 
 or designated by law for the safe-keeping of the public 
 moneys, but the Treasurer was left to his own discretion 
 and responsibility. When the existing bank was estab- 
 lished it was provided that the public moneys should be 
 deposited with it, and, consequently, that bank became the 
 treasury of the United States ; for, whatever place is desig- 
 nated by law for the keeping of the public money of the 
 United States, under the care of the Treasurer of the United 
 States, is, for the time being, the treasury. Its safety was 
 drawn in question by the Chief Magistrate, and an agent 
 was appointed a little more than a year ago to investigate 
 its ability. He reported to the Executive that it was per- 
 fectly safe. His apprehensions of its solidity were com- 
 municated by the President to Congress, and a committee 
 was appointed to examine the subject; they also reported in 
 favor of its security. And finally, among the last acts of the 
 House of Representatives prior to the close of the last ses- 
 sion, was the adoption of a resolution manifesting its entire 
 confidence in the ability and solidity of the bank. 
 
 "After all these testimonies as to the perfect safety of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 6fil 
 
 the public moneys in the place appointed by Congress, who 
 could have supposed that the place would have been 
 changed? Who could have imagined that, within sixty 
 days of the meeting of Congress, and, as it were, in utter 
 contempt of its authority, the change should have been or- 
 dered? Who would have dreamed that the Treasurer 
 should have thrown away the single key to the treasury, 
 over which Congress held ample control, and accepted in 
 lieu of it some dozens of keys over which neither Congress 
 nor he has any adequate control? Yet, sir, all this has been 
 done; and it is now our solemn duty to inquire, first, by 
 whose authority it has been ordered ; and second, whether 
 the order has been given in conformity with the Constitution 
 and laws of the United States. 
 
 ''I agree, sir, and I am very happy when I can agree 
 with the President, as to the immense importance of these 
 questions. He says, in the paper which I hold in my hand, 
 that he looks upon the pending question as involving higher 
 considerations than the 'mere transfer of a sum of money 
 from one bank to another. Its decision may affect the 
 character of our Government for ages to come." And. with 
 him, I view it as 'of transcendent importance, both in the 
 principles and the consequences it involves.' It is a ques- 
 tion of all time, for posterity as well as for us — of constitu- 
 tional government or monarchy — of liberty or slavery. As 
 I regard it I hold the bank as nothing, as perfectly insig- 
 nificant, faithful as it has been in the performance of all 
 its duties. I hold a sound currency as nothing, essential 
 as it is to the prosperity of every branch of business and to 
 all conditions of society, rind efficient as the agency of the 
 bank has been in providing the country with a currency as 
 sound as ever existed and unsurpassed by any in Christen- 
 dom. I consider even the public faith, sacred and invi< li- 
 able as it ever should be, as comparatively nothing. All 
 these questions are merged in the greater and mightier 
 
 16—2 
 
662 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 question of the constitutional distribution of the powers of 
 the Government, as affected by the recent executive inno- 
 vation. The real inquiry is, shall all the barriers which 
 have been erected by the caution and wisdom of our ances- 
 tors, for the preservation of civil liberty, be prostrated and 
 trodden under foot, and the sword and the purse be at once 
 united in the hands of one man? Shall the power of Con- 
 gress over the Treasury of the United States, hitherto never 
 contested, be wrested from its possession and be hencefor- 
 ward wielded by the Chief Magistrate? Entertaining these 
 views of the magnitude of the question before us, I shall 
 not, at least to-day, examine the reasons which the Presi- 
 dent has assigned for his act. If he has no power to per- 
 form it, no reasons, however cogent, can justify the deed. 
 None can sanctify an illegal or unconstitutional act." 
 
 This speech of Mr. Clay is a speech that might have been 
 made in prosecuting General Jackson upon an impeach- 
 ment before the Senate, the House of Representatives being 
 the prosecutor, and in this, as will be seen, was its weak- 
 ness. It was the tirade of a politician, and, when read, will 
 always be regretted by Mr. Clay's friends, and no man had 
 more. It was simply charge after charge against General 
 Jackson for violating the Constitution, not only in remov- 
 ing the deposits, but in almost everything he had done since 
 he had been in office. The bitterness of the speaker, the 
 severe language he used, showed the deepest personal feel- 
 ing, and in his cool moments, after this debate was over — 
 if Mr. Clay read it — he must have regretted that he so far 
 forgot himself, and whether he read it or not, Mr. Benton's 
 speech following it was indeed a terrific reminder. To 
 show fully how deep seated and strong this conspiracy be- 
 tween the politicians to destroy General Jackson was, I 
 now quote an extract of some length from Mr. Calhoun's 
 speech. This speech is even more remarkable than Mr. 
 Clay's. There is one thing notable, however, in Mr. Cal- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 663 
 
 houn's speech, so much regard did he have for the reputa- 
 tion he had made as a logical and consistent public man, 
 that in one part of the speech, standing with Mr. Clay in 
 everything else, he felt compelled to say he did not agree 
 with Mr. Clay in saying that General Jackson had violated 
 the Constitution in removing the Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury; but in everything else he was even more violent and 
 bitter and had less regard for his name and the dignity of 
 his office than Mr. Clay had. Parts of the speech I quote 
 in the following: 
 
 "The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) anticipates 
 with confidence that the small party, who were denounced 
 at the last session as traitors and disunionists, will be found 
 on this trying occasion standing in the front rank and man- 
 fully resisting the advance of despotic power. I (said Mr. 
 Clay) heard the anticipation with pleasure, not on account 
 of the compliment which it implied, but the evidence which 
 it affords that the cloud which has been so industriously 
 thrown over the character and motive of that small but 
 patriotic party begins to be dissipated. The Senator haz- 
 arded nothing in the prediction. That the party is a deter- 
 mined, the fixed and sworn enemy to usurpation, come 
 from what quarter and under what form it may, whether 
 from the Executive upon the other departments of this 
 Government, or from this Government on the sovereignty 
 and rights of the States. The resolution and fortitude with 
 which it maintained its position at the last session, under 
 so many difficulties and dangers; in defense of the States 
 against the encroachments of the general Government, fur- 
 nish evidence not to be mistaken, that that party in the 
 present momentous struggle would be found arrayed in 
 defense of the rights of Congress against the encroach- 
 ments of the President. And let me tell the Senator from 
 Kentucky (said Mr. C.) that, if the present struggle against 
 the Executive usurpation be successful, it will be owing t. 
 
664 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the success which we, the milliners — I am not afraid of the 
 word — maintain the rights of the States against the en- 
 croachment of the general Government at the last session. 
 
 "The Senator from Kentucky, in connection with this 
 part of his argument, read a striking passage from one of 
 the most pleasing and instructive writers in any language 
 (Plutarch), the description of Caesar forcing himself, sword 
 in hand, into the treasury of the Roman Commonwealth. 
 We are at the same stage of our political revolution, and 
 the analogy between the two cases is complete, varied only 
 by the character of the actors and the circumstances of the 
 times. That was the case of an intrepid and bold warrior, 
 as an open plunderer, seizing forcibly the treasury of the 
 country, which, in that republic, as well as ours, was con- 
 fined to the custody of the legislative department of the 
 Government. The actors in our case are of a different char- 
 acter, artful, cunning, and corrupt politicians, and not fear- 
 less warriors. They have entered the treasury, not sword 
 in hand, as public plunderers, but with the false keys of 
 sophistry as pilferers under the silence of midnight. 
 
 "The motive and the object are the same, varied in like 
 manner by circumstances and character. 'With money I 
 will get men, and with men money,' was the maxim of the 
 Roman plunderer. With money we will get partisans, with 
 partisans votes, and with votes money, is the maxim of our 
 public pilferers. With men and money Csesar struck down 
 Roman liberty at the fatal battle of Pharsalia, never to rise 
 again; from which disastrous hour all the powers of the 
 Roman Republic were consolidated in the person of Caesar 
 and perpetuated in his line. With money and corrupt par- 
 tisans a great effort is now making to choke and stifle the 
 voice of American liberty, through all its natural organs — 
 by corrupting the press; by overawing the other depart- 
 ments, and finally by setting up a new and polluted organ, 
 composed of office holders and corrupt partisans, under 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 665 
 
 the name of a national convention, which, counterfeiting 
 the voice of the people, will, if not resisted, in their name 
 dictate the succession; when the deed will be done, the 
 revolution be completed and all the powers of our republic 
 in like manner be consolidated in the President and per- 
 petuated by his dictation. 
 
 "Viewing the question in its true light, as a struggle on 
 the part of the Executive to seize on the power of Con- 
 gress and to unite in the President the power of the sword 
 and the purse, the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) said 
 truly, and let me add, philosophically, that we are in the 
 midst of a revolution. I cannot agree with him as to the 
 time at which it commenced or to the point to which it has 
 progressed. Looking to the distribution of the powers 
 of the general government into the legislative, executive, 
 and judicial departments, and confining his views to the 
 encroachment of the executive upon the legislative, he 
 states the commencement of the revolution but sixty days 
 previous to the meeting of the present Congress. I (said 
 Mr. Calhoun) take a wider range and date it from an ear- 
 lier period. Besides the distribution among the depart- 
 ments of the general government, there belongs to our 
 system another and a far more important division or distri- 
 bution of power, that between the States and the general 
 government, the reserved and delegated rights, the main- 
 tenance of which is still more essential to the preservation 
 of our institutions. 
 
 "Taking this wide view of our political system, the revo- 
 lution, in the midst of which we are, began, not as supposed 
 by the Senator from Kentucky, shortly after the commence- 
 ment of the present session, but many years ago. with the 
 commencement of the restrictive systems, and terminated its 
 first stage with the passage of the force bill of the last ses- 
 sion, which absorbed all the rights and sovereignty of the 
 States and consolidated them in this Government. 
 
666 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "Whilst this process was going on of absorbing the re- 
 serve powers of the States on the part of the general Gov- 
 ernment another commenced of concentrating in the Execu- 
 tive the powers of the other two — the legislative and judi- 
 cial departments of the Government, which constitutes the 
 second stage of the revolution, in which we have advanced 
 almost to the termination. 
 
 "It was the separate action of the State that gave him 
 the place to stand on, created the necessity for the adjust- 
 ment, and disposed the minds of all to compromise." 
 
 Marvelous as this coalition was between Mr. Clay and 
 Mr. Calhoun, with the purpose of putting General Jackson 
 on trial in the Senate for "high crimes and misdemeanors," 
 and much in earnest as they both seemed, with a clever 
 recognition by Mr. Clay of the nullifiers of the previous 
 session, the novelty of the scene was in the boldness of Mr. 
 Calhoun to take advantage of the friendly coalition with 
 Mr. Clay to turn upon his co-worker, as well as Jackson, to 
 defend the doctrine of nullification, so recently suppressed 
 by the President. Here is what he said : 
 
 "To the interposition of the State of South Carolina we 
 are indebted for the adjustment of the tariff question; with- 
 out it all the influence of the Senator of Kentucky over the 
 manufacturing interest, great as it deservedly is, would 
 have been wholly incompetent, if he had even thought 
 proper to exert it, to adjust the question. The attempt 
 would have prostrated him, and those who acted with him, 
 and not the system. It was the separate action of the State 
 that gave him the place to stand upon, created the necessity 
 for the adjustment and disposed the minds of all to com- 
 promise." 
 
 Nothing more clearly shows the coalition between Clay 
 and Calhoun to break the hold Jackson had on the people 
 than Mr. Clay's silence after this unseemly and out of place 
 daring defense of nullification by Mr. Calhoun. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 667 
 
 The speech of Mr. Calhoun is the solitary exception to 
 be found in his many speeches where he departed from the 
 thread of his subject to deal in coarse epithets. 
 
 This speech of Mr. Clay is a tirade of denunciation and of 
 repeated charges of high crimes, including violations of the 
 Constitution as a usurper. 
 
 Mr. Webster was in full accord, but moderate in the use 
 of language. 
 
 Besides the three great leaders the combination was 
 strong. The bank itself was a great power, and was able 
 to carry distress into all the business departments of the 
 country ; the political array against the President was un- 
 precedented in point of number and great in point of ability. 
 Besides the three eminent chiefs, there were in the Senate : 
 Messrs. Bibb, of Kentucky; Ezekiel Chambers, of Mary- 
 land; Clayton, of Delaware; Ewing, of Ohio; Freling- 
 huysen, of New Jersey; Watkins Leigh, of Virginia; Man- 
 gum, of North Carolina; Poindexter, of Mississippi; Alex- 
 ander Porter, of Louisiana; William C. Preston, of South 
 Carolina; Southard, of New Jersey; Tyler, of Virginia. 
 In the House of Representatives, besides the ex-President, 
 Mr. Adams, and the eminent jurist from Pennsylvania, 
 Horace Binney, there was a long catalogue of able speak- 
 ers : Messrs. Archer, of Virginia ; Bell, of Tennessee ; Bur- 
 gess, of Rhode Island; Rufus Choate, of Massachusetts; 
 Corwin, of Ohio; Warren R. Davis, of South Carolina; 
 John Davis, of Massachusetts; Edward Everett, of Massa- 
 chusetts ; Millard Fillmore, of New York, afterwards Presi- 
 dent; Robert P. Letcher, of Kentucky; Benjamin Hardin, 
 of Kentucky; McDuffie, of South Carolina; Peyton, of 
 Tennessee; Vance, of Ohio; Wilde, of Georgia; Wise, of 
 Virginia; in all about thirty able speakers, many of whom 
 spoke many times. 
 
 As an apology for the excesses of Mr. Clay and Mr. Cal- 
 houn, may be mentioned the recent defeat of Mr. Clay, he 
 
668 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 getting only forty-nine electoral votes out of 288, with 
 Jackson a complete triumph over the bank and over him in 
 the Seminole war impeachment. 
 
 So completely did Mr. Clay forget himself that he turned 
 upon the country at large, and in a letter to Mr. Brooke, 
 said : 
 
 "You seem to think that I despond as to our public af- 
 fairs. 
 
 "If you mean that I have less confidence than I formerly 
 entertained in the virtue and intelligence of the people and 
 in the stability of our institutions, I regret to be obliged 
 to own it. Are we not governed now, and have we not been 
 for some time past, pretty much by the will of one man? 
 And do not large masses of the people, perhaps a majority, 
 seem disposed to follow him wherever he leads, through all 
 his inconsistencies? If that single man were an enlight- 
 ened philosopher and a true patriot the popular sanction 
 which is given to all his acts, however inconsistent or ex- 
 travagant, might find some justification. But when we con- 
 sider that he is ignorant, passionate, hypocritical, corrupt, 
 and easily swayed by the base men who surround him, what 
 can we think of the popular approbation which he receives? 
 One thing only was wanted to complete the public degrada- 
 tion, and that was that he should name his successor." 
 
 While the skeleton in the Cabinet — the attempt twelve 
 years before by Mr. Calhoun to have Jackson arrested for 
 conduct in the Seminole war — had not been exposed by the 
 "exposition" heretofore published, yet the facts were known 
 and Mr. Calhoun had this grievance in his mind when he 
 ceased to be Calhoun and dealt in vituperative epithets ; but 
 probably the manner in which Jackson had put his foot 
 down only the year before in his attempt to correct a sup- 
 posed wrong in legislation by State resistance, had more 
 to do with the mental aberration of the great logician than 
 all else. This was the one grievance for which he never 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 669 
 
 forgave the immortal defender of the Union, whether as its 
 chief executive officer or the head of the army driving back 
 the invaders. 
 
 This attack, rather the series of attacks, by the coalition 
 embracing a trio that in point of talent and position has 
 scarcely a parallel in history, gave Mr. Benton the opportu- 
 nity of his life, to put within the files of American legisla- 
 tion a reply which the worshipers of Jackson will thank me 
 for incorporating, long as it is, in full in the next chapter. 
 
670 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER LIV. 
 
 notable facts and statistics of the election of 1 832 
 
 composition of the senate jackson's veto of 
 
 the "land bill" clay's resolution of censure of 
 
 president jackson benton's fight to pass resolu- 
 tion expunging the resolution of censure com- 
 ment on benton's speech and extracts from it 
 
 jackson's opponents reprehended and removal of 
 deposits justified. 
 
 IN THE last preceding Congress, in the great bank 
 fight, Jackson's remedy was the veto, but the Senate's 
 anti-Jackson measures were now all stopped in the 
 House, the Jackson majority being very large. This was, 
 indeed, a most notable change, because, as heretofore shown, 
 the election turned upon the removal of the deposits and 
 notice given by Jackson that he would veto any bank bill 
 passed, the trap having been set to catch him by renewing 
 the charter four years before it expired. 
 
 The election was notable in another respect: that was, 
 the overwhelming majority for Jackson, who had but one 
 friend of great power in the Senate — Mr. Benton — stand- 
 ing up against the three most eminent public men in many 
 respects that this country has produced — all against him, 
 with other strong men. 
 
 The States that voted for General Jackson were: Maine, 
 New Hampshire, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Ohio, Illi- 
 nois, Louisiana, Mississippi, Indiana, Alabama, and Mis- 
 souri. 
 
 The States that gave a majority for Mr. Clay were: 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. (j 71 
 
 Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Delaware, 
 Maryland, and Kentucky. 
 
 The significance of this election is emphasized by the 
 election of Mr. Van Buren as Vice President. Mr.' Van 
 Buren carried all the States that voted for Jackson, except 
 Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania threw away her vote on Wil- 
 liam Wilkins. The election of Mr. Van Buren is peculiarly 
 notable, and was, perhaps, the most stinging rebuke that 
 the three great men in the Senate and their friends had 
 met with in all this struggle, for the reason that when 
 General Jackson's Cabinet was broken up. which was a 
 historic event in our country, Mr. Van Buren was 
 immediately appointed Minister to the Court of St. 
 James — appointed when the Congress was not in ses- 
 sion, and before Congress met he had made himself 
 quite popular at London; but the Senate, in pure spite- 
 fulness, had refused to confirm his nomination, and he 
 had to return to the United States. It was on this occasion 
 that Mr. Benton, in the Senate, turned to one of the three 
 great statesmen and said: "You have spoiled a minister, 
 but you have made a President," which turned out to be 
 true. 
 
 The indignity offered Mr. Van Buren by these three 
 eminent statesmen is one of the most remarkable events in 
 our history. At the time they had absolute control of the 
 Senate and refused to confirm the nomination simply be- 
 cause they believed Van Buren was so close to Jackson' that 
 he might, by Jackson's influence, come in their way in the 
 future. 
 
 It was then known, and is now by the readers of Ameri- 
 can history, that Mr. Van Buren was one of the most lov- 
 able men and one of the cleanest public men that this coun- 
 try has ever had, and, as said by Mr. Benton on one occasion 
 during his long term in the Senate, he never had said one 
 single word that would give offense to a political enemy. 
 
672 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 These great men and their friends were further exasperated 
 that they were placed in position where they could no longer 
 send their spiteful legislation to the President for his vetoes, 
 and hence they resorted to fulminations in the Senate 
 against General Jackson, which General Jackson exposed 
 with crushing force. 
 
 During the first session of this Congress the South Caro- 
 lina question came up, hereafter to be noticed; also the re- 
 moval of Mr. Duane as Secretary of the Treasury, and the 
 appointment in his place of Roger B. Taney. Between that 
 and the short session Jackson removed the deposits ; and, in 
 the second session of this Congress, being the Twenty-Third 
 Congress, came the most notable and the greatest political 
 discussion that has ever taken place in the Congress of the 
 United States. This Congress had in it a batch of men 
 whose ability and power, as well as the bitter character of 
 the debates, gave to the body the name of the "Star Con- 
 gress." 
 
 In the Senate were Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Benton, 
 Wright, Frelinghuysen, Southard, Clayton, Rives, Tyler, 
 Mangum, Preston, Forsyth, Grundy, White, and Poin- 
 dexter — a galaxy of stars. In the House were Franklin 
 Pierce, Choate, John Ouincy Adams, John Davis, Fillmore, 
 Horace Buinney, Stephenson, Henry A. Wise, McDuffie, 
 Richard M. Johnson, John Bell, Cave Johnson, Polk, David 
 Crockett, Corwin, Vinton, Ewing, and C. C. Clay — all well 
 known names. Of the members of this Congress five have 
 been President, five Vice President, eight Secretary of 
 State, twenty-five Governor of a State. In the House, on a 
 test question, the administration could rely on a majority. 
 In the Senate the opposition could command a majority 
 which was small, but safe and sufficient. 
 
 The land bill was a favorite measure of Mr. Clay's, and 
 the difference between him and General Jackson was radical 
 and substantial. Mr. Clay wanted to keep up the high 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 673 
 
 price on public lands and divide the proceeds among the 
 States. General Jackson wanted to reduce the public lands 
 to a very low price — limited to settlers — a price that would 
 invite settlers instead of speculators — and in that way set- 
 tle up the country. Mr. Clay succeeded in passing this bill. 
 General Jackson promptly vetoed it. In this one case the 
 House agreed with the Senate. 
 
 Of course the final defeat of this bill by a veto intensified 
 the feeling between the Senate and the President. Mr. 
 Clay was now in a good humor (if bitter hostility can pre- 
 pare a man for any sort of work) to bring on the fight 
 which so distinguished this session of Congress. He did 
 this by introducing a series of resolutions charging the 
 President of the United States with high crimes and mis- 
 demeanors, especially including the removal of the deposits 
 as violative of the Constitution, after displacing Mr. Duane 
 as Secretary of the Treasury, and appointing Roger B. 
 Taney for the special purpose. These resolutions were 
 finally reduced to one reading, as follows : 
 
 "That the President, in the late executive proceedings in 
 relation to the public revenue, has assumed upon himself 
 authority and power not conferred by the Constitution and 
 laws, but in derogation of both." 
 
 This at once brought on the debate, heretofore noticed at 
 length with Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Clav on one side and 
 Mr. Benton on the other. The debate lasted more than 
 three months. It was on the passage of this resolution in 
 the Senate that brought from Mr. Benton the most remark- 
 able notice that was ever served upon opponents in a debate 
 in a legislative body, to wit: That sooner or later he 
 would expunge from the record this resolution that dis- 
 honored and disgraced America's greatest soldier. Per- 
 haps no man in public life ever undertook to accomplish 
 such a job. His plan was to continue the debate, send his 
 speeches to the country, together with General Jackson's 
 
674 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 protest., and thereby operate on the country until he changed 
 the complexion of the Senate, by which he hoped to have a 
 resolution passed to expunge from the record of the Senate 
 what he called an infamous resolution. Mr. Benton kept 
 this up for three years, and in that time made thirty speech- 
 es, and when he succeeded in changing the complexion of 
 the Senate, as he did, the most remarkable scene occurred 
 that has ever taken place in either house of Congress. This 
 is to be hereafter noticed. 
 
 Mr. Benton's speeches intended, in a great measure, for 
 the country, are by no means samples of his logical power. 
 His great speech was, in one sense, a departure from what 
 was usually the case with him. While it is true that he met 
 the charges made by Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun, he did 
 what lawyers sometimes do in court — turned upon the 
 prosecutor — and, perhaps, no man ever made more of a de- 
 parture from a strictly logical discussion than he did in his 
 reply to the two great Senators, unless it was Cato, in his 
 reply to Julius Caesar in the Roman Senate, in the great 
 debate on the catiline conspiracy, in which Cato, not re- 
 plying to Caesar, defeated him. Caesar, in a speech that 
 will be read as long as mind is appreciated, made the point 
 that is now organic with us — that is, that no punishment 
 shall be inflicted upon a criminal unless there was a law at 
 the time the crime was committed prescribing the punish- 
 ment. The proposition in the Senate was to put the con- 
 spirators to death. Caesar made, perhaps, a most remark- 
 able and thoroughly logical presentation of the question 
 upon the ground that Rome had once had a law for capital 
 punishment, but it had been repealed. Cato did not dis- 
 pute the logic of Caesar, but, he said, if the conspirators 
 lived Rome must die, and it was a question of life and 
 death. 
 
 It was true Mr. Benton did reply to the arguments and 
 to the points made, but he turned upon the prosecutors, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 675 
 
 Clay, Calhoun, and Webster, and held them up as violators 
 themselves of the Constitution with a power and force that 
 few men have been capable of. He said : 
 
 "We are, then, trying an impeachment. But how ? The 
 Constitution gives to the House of Representatives the sole 
 power to originate impeachments; yet we originate this im- 
 peachment ourselves. The Constitution gives the accused 
 the right to be present; but he is not here. It requires the 
 Senate to be sworn as judges; and we are not sworn. It 
 requires the Chief Justice of the United States to preside 
 when the President is tried; but the Chief Justice is not 
 presiding. It gives the House of Representatives a right to 
 be present and to manage the prosecution ; but neither the 
 House nor its managers are here. It requires the forms of 
 criminal justice to be strictly observed; yet all these forms 
 are neglected and violated. It is a proceeding in which the 
 First Magistrate of the republic is to be tried without being 
 heard, and in which his accusers are to act as his judges." 
 
 He dwelt particularly on the figure which the Senate 
 would make in going on with the consideration of this reso- 
 lution. It accused the President of violating the Constitu- 
 tion, and itself committed twenty violations of the same 
 Constitution in making the accusation. It accused him of 
 violating a single law, and itself violated all the laws of 
 criminal justice in prosecuting him for it. It charged him 
 with designs dangerous to the liberties of the citizens, and 
 immediately trampled upon the rights of all citizens in the 
 person of their Chief Magistrate. 
 
 The Senate were law-givers, and ought to respect the 
 laws alreadv made; thev were the constitutional advisers of 
 the President, and should observe, as nearly as possible, the 
 civil relations which the office of adviser presumes. They 
 might be his judges, and should be the last in the world to 
 stir up an accusation against him, to prejudge his guilt, or 
 to attack his character with defamatory language. Deco- 
 
676 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 rum, the becoming ornament of every functionary, should 
 be the distinguishing trait of an American Senator, who 
 combines in his own office the united dignities of the execu- 
 tive, the legislative and the judicial character. In his judi- 
 cial capacity especially he should sacrifice to decorum and 
 propriety, and shun as he would the contagious touch of 
 sin and pestilence the slightest approach to the character of 
 the prosecutor. He referred to British parliamentary law 
 to show that the Lords could not join in an accusation, be- 
 cause they were to try it; but here the Senate was sole ac- 
 cuser, and had nothing from the House of Representatives 
 to join, but made the accusation out and out — tried it them- 
 selves. He said the accusation was a double one — for a 
 high crime and a misdemeanor — and the latter a more fla- 
 grant proceeding than the former, for it assumed to know 
 for what cause the President had dismissed his late Secre- 
 tary and undertook to try the President for a thing which 
 was not triable or impeachable. 
 
 From the foundation of the Government it had been set- 
 tled that the President's right to dismiss his Secretary re- 
 sulted from his constitutional obligation to see that the laws 
 were faithfully executed. Many Presidents had dismissed 
 Secretaries, and this was the first time that the Senate had 
 ever undertaken to found an impeachment upon it, or had 
 assumed to know the reason for which it was done. 
 
 The President, he repeated, was on trial for a high crime 
 in seizing the public treasure in violation of the laws and 
 the Constitution. Was the charge true? Did the act which 
 he had done deserve the definition which had been put upon 
 it? He had made up his own mind that the public deposits 
 ought to be removed from the Bank of the United States. 
 He communicated that opinion to the Secretary of the 
 Treasury. The Secretary refused to remove them; the 
 President removed him and appointed a Secretary who 
 gave the order which he thought the occasion required. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 677 
 
 All this he did in virtue of his constitutional obligation to 
 see the laws faithfully executed, and in obedience to the 
 same sense of duty which would lead him to dismiss a Sec- 
 retary of War or of the Navy who would refuse to give 
 an order for troops to march or a fleet to sail. True, it is 
 made the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to direct the 
 removal of the deposits, but the Constitution made it the 
 duty of the President to see that the Secretary performed 
 his duty, and the Constitution was as much above law as the 
 President was above the Secretary. 
 
 Mr. Benton took up the serious charge against the Sec- 
 retary — that of being the mere instrument of the President 
 in removing the deposits and violating the Constitution and 
 laws of the land. Making up his mind in three days to do 
 what others would not do at all, might be judged by every 
 person who would refer to the opposition papers for the 
 division in the Cabinet about the removal of deposits, and 
 which constantly classed Mr. Taney, then the Attorney 
 General, on the side of the removal. This classification was 
 correct and notorious, and ought to exempt an honorable 
 man, if anything could exempt him, from the imputation of 
 being a mere instrument in a great transaction of which he 
 was the prime counsellor. The fact is, he had long since, 
 in his character of legal adviser to the President, advised 
 the removal of these deposits; and when suddenly and un- 
 expectedly called upon to take the office which would make 
 it his duty to act upon his own advice, he accepted it from 
 the single sense of honor and duty, and that he might not 
 seem to desert the President in flinching from the perform- 
 ance of what he had recommended. His personal honor 
 was clean, his personal conduct magnanimous, his official 
 deeds would abide the test of law and truth, 
 
 Mr. Benton said he would make short work of long ac- 
 cusations and demolish, in three minutes, what had been 
 concocted for three months, and delivering for three days 
 
 17—2 
 
678 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 in the Senate. He would call the attention of the Senate to 
 certain clauses of law and certain Treasury instructions 
 which had been left out of view, but which were decisive of 
 the accusation against the Secretary. The first was the 
 clause in the bank charter, which invested the Secretary 
 with the power of transferring the public funds from place 
 to place. It was the fifteenth section of the charter; he 
 would read it. It enacted that whenever required by the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, the bank should give the neces- 
 sary facilities for transferring the funds from place to 
 place, within the United States, or territories thereof, and 
 for distributing the same in payment of the public credit- 
 ors, etc. 
 
 "Here," said Mr. Benton, "is authority to the Secre- 
 tary to transfer the public moneys from place to place, 
 limited only by the bounds of the United States and its 
 territories, and this clause of three lines of law puts to flight 
 all nonsense about the United States Bank being the Treas- 
 ury, and the Treasurer being the keeper of the public 
 moneys, with which some politicians and newspaper writers 
 have been worrying their brains for the last three months. 
 In virtue of this clause, the Secretary of the Treasury gave 
 certain transfer drafts to the amount of $2,250,000, and his 
 legal right to give the draft was just as clear, under this 
 clause of the bank charter, as his right to remove the depos- 
 its was under another clause of it. The transfer is made 
 by draft; a payment out of the treasury is made upon a 
 warrant, and the difference between a transfer draft and a 
 treasury warrant was a thing necessary to be known by 
 every man who aspired to the office of illuminating a nation, 
 or of conducting a criminal prosecution, or even of under- 
 standing what he is talking about. They have no relation 
 to each other. The warrant takes the money out of the 
 treasury; the draft transfers it from point to point, for 
 the purpose of making payment, and all this attack upon the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 679 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury is simply upon the blunder of 
 mistaking the draft for the warrant. 
 
 "The Senator from Kentucky calls upon the people to 
 rise and drive the Goths from the Capitol. Who are those 
 Goths? They are General Jackson and the Democratic 
 party — he just elected President over the Senator himself, 
 and the party just been made the majority in the House — 
 all by the vote of the people. It is their acts that have put 
 these Goths in possession of the Capitol to the discomfiture 
 of the Senator and his friends, and he ought to be quite sure 
 that he felt no resentment at any event so disastrous to his 
 hopes, when he has indulged himself with so much license 
 in vituperating those whom the country has put over him. 
 
 "The Senator from Kentucky says the eyes and the hopes 
 of the country are now turned upon Congress. Yes, Con- 
 gress is his word, and I hold him to it. And what do they 
 see? They see one House of Congress — the one to which 
 the Constitution gives the care of the purse and the origina- 
 tion of impeachments, and which is fresh from the popular 
 elections; they see that that body with a majority above 
 fifty in favor of the President and the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, and approving the act which the Senator con- 
 demns. They see that popular approbation in looking at 
 one branch of Congress and the one charged by the Con^u- 
 tution with inquisition into Federal grievances. In the 
 other branch they see a body far removed from the people, 
 neglecting its proper duties, seizing upon those of another 
 branch, converting itself into a grand inquest and trying 
 offenses which itself prefers, and in a spirit which bespeaks 
 a zeal quickened by the sting of personal mortification. He 
 says the country feels itself deceived and betrayed, insulted 
 and wronged, its liberties endangered and the treasury 
 robbed; the representatives of the people in the other lb -use 
 say the reverse of all this — that the President has saved 
 the country from the corrupt dominion of a great corrupl 
 
680 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 ing bank, by taking away from her the public money which 
 she was abusing in bribing the press, subsidizing members, 
 purchasing the venal and installing herself in supreme 
 political power. 
 
 "The Senator wishes to know what we are to do? What 
 is our duty to do? I answer, to keep ourselves within our 
 constitutional duties — to leave this impeachment to the 
 House of Representatives — leave it to the House to which 
 it belongs, and to those who have no private griefs to 
 avenge, and to judges, each of whom should retire from the 
 bench if he happened to feel in his heart the spirit of a 
 prosecutor instead of a judge. The Senate now tries Gen- 
 eral Jackson ; it is subject to trial itself — to be tried by the 
 people, and to have its sentence reversed." 
 
ANDRE W JACKSON. »;sl 
 
 CHAPTER LV. 
 
 jackson's defense against the resolution of censure 
 
 jackson asks senate to spread his statement on 
 
 its minutes extracts from his protest his right 
 
 to remove secretary of treasury and the deposits 
 
 defense of his personal character closing 
 
 paragraph of benton's speech what the "jack- 
 
 sonian period" means misapprehensions as to 
 
 jackson's career as president — jackson's vetoes — 
 the election of 1 836 a disappointment to jackson's 
 opponents the expunging of the resolution cen- 
 suring president jackson dramatic features of 
 
 this historic episode ineffective opposition and 
 
 final defeat of the "coalition."" 
 
 A 
 
 FTER the passage of these resolutions, and after 
 the discussion, or rather the attacks, upon General 
 Jackson by Mr. Calhoun. Mr. Clay, Mr. Poindexter 
 and others, General Jackson exhibited just what was always 
 characteristic of him — the disposition and the courage to 
 defend himself when attacked, so he deliberately sent to the 
 Senate a protest and asked the Senate to spread it on the 
 minutes that it might be preserved as his defense of his 
 public and private character. This the Senate refused to 
 do, and renewed the war on him for the indignity, as they 
 said, of sending such a paper with Andrew Jackson's name 
 to it. They refused to regard it as an official act. and the 
 tirade of abuse was even more intense than the assault. 
 The whole paper is a very long one, and was regarded at the 
 time as in General Jackson's best style, and no public man 
 had a higher sense of decency and moderation in a public 
 paper than he. This spirit with General Jackson was exem- 
 
682 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 plified on many occasions — more fully, perhaps, in his 
 celebrated letter to the South Carolinians, imploring them 
 in a friendly manner not to destroy the Union. In this 
 protest General Jackson presented his arguments calmly, 
 and even with greater force than had Mr. Benton, against 
 the right of the Senate to make and try charges against him 
 for a criminal offense without giving him notice or allowing 
 him to be present, and without a prosecution having orig- 
 inated with the House, without the Chief Justice presiding; 
 but with more force than everything else, that the Senate, 
 which became his prosecutor, then became the judges and 
 sat in judgment on his case. This was all done in a spirit 
 and with a logical force that has been rare in public 
 documents. 
 
 After presenting the argument against the right of the 
 Senate to try him, he said, among other things : 
 
 "There are also some other circumstances connected with 
 the discussion and passage of the resolution to which I feel 
 it to be not only my right, but my duty, to refer. It appears 
 by the journal of the Senate that among the twenty-six 
 Senators who voted for the resolution on its final passage 
 and who had supported it in debate in its original form, 
 were one of the Senators from Maine, the two Senators 
 from New Jersey, and one of the Senators from Ohio. It 
 also appears by the same journal and by the files of the 
 Senate that the Legislatures of these States had severally 
 expressed their opinions in respect to proceedings drawn 
 in question before the Senate. It is thus seen that four 
 Senators have declared by their vote that the President, in 
 the late executive proceedings in relation to the revenue, 
 has been guilty of the impeachable offense of assuming to 
 himself authority and power not conferred by the Constitu- 
 tion and law, but in derogation of both, whilst the Legisla- 
 tures of their respective States had deliberately approved 
 these very proceedings as consistent with the Constitution 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. \Wi 
 
 and demanded by the public good. [f these four votes had 
 been given in accordance with the sentiments of the Legis- 
 latures, as above expressed, there would have been but 
 twenty-four votes out of forty-six for censuring the Presi- 
 dent, and the unprecedented record of his conviction could 
 not have been placed upon the journals of the Senate." 
 
 Summing up this debate so far, including the questions 
 raised by the President, it has been established — conclu- 
 sively established — that the President had a right to remove 
 the Secretary of the treasury, by law had a right to trans- 
 fer, remove, or put the public treasury anywhere he chose 
 in the United States or in the Territories, for safe keeping; 
 and now General Jackson, with one of the clear and concise 
 statements of defense that he always makes, shows that to 
 criminate him and put on the records of the Senate a censure 
 involving him in a great offense, four Senators had to dis- 
 pute the instructions of their Legislatures. 
 
 The President in his protest then proceeds : 
 
 "For the reasons which have been stated, I do hereby 
 solemnly protest against the aforementioned proceedings 
 of the Senate, as unauthorized by the Constitution ; con- 
 trary to its spirit, and to several of its expressed provisions ; 
 subversive to that distribution of the powers of the Govern- 
 ment which it has retained and established ; discussion of 
 the checks and safeguards by which these powers were 
 intended, on the one hand, to be controlled, and, the other, 
 to be protected ; calculated by their immediate collateral 
 effects, as by their character and tendency, to concentrate 
 in the hands of a body, not directly amenable to the people, 
 a degree of influence and power dangerous to their liberties 
 and fatal to the Constitution of their choice. 
 
 "The resolution of the Senate contains an imputation 
 upon my private character, as well as upon my public char- 
 acter, and as it must stand forever on the journals, I cannot 
 close this substitute for the defense which I have not been 
 
684 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 allowed to present in the ordinary form, without arguing 
 that I have lived in vain if it be necessary to enter into a 
 formal vindication of my character and purposes from such 
 an imputation. In vain do I bear upon my person endur- 
 ing memorials of that contest in which American liberty 
 was purchased ; in vain have I since periled property, fam- 
 ily, life, in defense of the rights and privileges so dearly 
 bought; in vain am I now, without a personal aspiration, 
 or the hope of individual advantage, encountering responsi- 
 bilities and dangers from which, by mere inactivity in rela- 
 tion to a single point, I might have been exempted, if any 
 serious doubts can be entertained as to the purity of my 
 purposes and motives." 
 
 The paragraph in this long quotation in regard to the 
 memorials he bore on his person in the American Revolu- 
 tion, manifestly had reference to an incident in his life that 
 in all my reading I have never found him to mention but 
 once before this. That incident was a severe blow inflicted 
 on his head by a British officer because he refused to black 
 his boots when a mere boy, the consequence being impris- 
 onment in jail for many months. The only other case 
 where I have found in all his life that he referred to this was 
 one time when he was President and some one of his ene- 
 mies made a violent, vituperative, outrageous assault upon 
 his character, dishonoring his name as a soldier and a citi- 
 zen. At the time he got the information some gentlemen 
 were standing by him, including his friend, Frank Blair, 
 when he made this single reply to this insult. Taking hold 
 of Blair's hand, he put it up on top of his head and said : 
 "Blair, put your hand there, and feel the scar that I have 
 carried from boyhood and shall carry to my grave as a 
 mark of having had something to do with the American 
 Revolution." Blair put his hand on top of his head where 
 the great gash still remained so he could lay his finger in it. 
 
 He continued : "If I had been ambitious, I should have 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 686 
 
 sought an alliance with that powerful institution, which 
 even now aspires to no divided empire. Had I preferred 
 personal comfort and official ease to the performance of my 
 arduous duty, I should have ceased to molest it. In the 
 history of conquerors and usurpers, never, in the fire of 
 youth nor in the vigor of manhood, could I find an attrac- 
 tion to lure me from the path of duty; and now, I shall 
 scarcely find an inducement to commence the career of 
 ambition, when gray hairs and a decaying frame, instead 
 of inviting to toil and battle, call me to the contemplation 
 of other worlds where conquerors cease to be honored and 
 usurpers expiate their crimes. 
 
 "The only ambition I can feel is to acquit myself to him 
 to whom I must soon render an account of my stewardship, 
 to serve my fellow men, and to live respected and honored 
 in the history of my country. No, the ambition which 
 leads me on is an anxious desire and a fixed determination 
 to return to the people, unimpaired, the sacred trust they 
 have confided to my charge — to heal the wounds of the 
 Constitution and preserve it from further violation ; to per- 
 suade my countrymen, so far as I may, that it is not in a 
 splendid government, supported by powerful monopolies 
 and aristocratical establishments, that they will find happi- 
 ness or their liberties protected, but in a plain system, void 
 of pomp, protecting all and granting favors to none, dis- 
 pensing its blessings like the dews of heaven, unseen and 
 unfelt, save in the freshness and beauty they contribute to 
 produce. It is such a government that the genius of our 
 people requires, such a one only under which our States 
 may remain for ages to become united, prosperous and free. 
 If the Almighty Being who has hitherto sustained and pro- 
 tected me will but vouchsafe to make my feeble powers in- 
 strumental to such a result, I shall anticipate with pleasure 
 the place to be assigned me in the history of my country and 
 die contented with the belief that I have contributed in sonic 
 
686 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 small degree to increase the value and prolong the duration 
 of American liberty. 
 
 "To the end that the resolution of the Senate may not be 
 hereafter drawn into precedent, with the authority of silent 
 acquiescence on the part of the Executive Department, and 
 to the end, also, that my motives and views in the executive 
 proceedings denounced in that resolution may be known to 
 my fellow citizens, to the world, and to all posterity, I 
 respectfully request that this message and protest may be 
 entered at length on the journals of the Senate." 
 
 This is truly pathetic. 
 
 After the protest the discussion was continued with 
 increased virulence for a considerable time, leading men on 
 both sides taking a hand. Mr. Benton closed a long speech 
 with the following statement : 
 
 "It was in vain to say there could be no object at this 
 time in annihilating the political influence of President 
 Jackson and killing him off as a public man, with a sen- 
 atorial conviction for violating the laws and Constitution 
 of the country. Such an assertion, if ventured upon by 
 any one, would stand contradicted by facts, of which 
 Europe and America are witnesses. Does he not stand 
 between the country and the bank? Is he not proclaimed 
 the sole obstacle to the recharter of the bank; and in its 
 recharter is there not wrapped up the destinies of- a political 
 party, now panting for power? Remove this sole obstacle 
 — annihilate its influence — kill off President Jackson with 
 a sentence of condemnation for a high crime and misde- 
 meanor — and the charter of the bank will be renewed and 
 in its renewal a political party now thundering at the gates 
 of the Capitol will leap into power. Here, then, is an object 
 for desiring the extinction of the political influence of 
 President Jackson! An object large enough to be seen by 
 all America, and attractive enough to enlist the combined 
 interests of a great moneyed power and political party." 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. .,-7 
 
 Before closing up the episode, or rather the culmination 
 of the bank question in all its ramification?, and which ended 
 in a scene — a play — that will some day be put on the 
 boards, let me make a hasty review. 
 
 With a real artist nothing in American history will strike 
 the popular mind more than the end of this conflict between 
 General Jackson on one side, and the big men in the Senate 
 on the other. 
 
 There has lately been a book written, styled "The Jack- 
 sonian Period," which, though not written with care, is 
 from start to finish a sensation. I shall turn back and 
 briefly review the Jacksonian period. This will throw much 
 light, together with the ending, on the period referred to, 
 commencing in 1828 and ending in 1837. The writer of 
 this book might well have commenced the Jacksonian period 
 with his entrance into Tennessee in the spring of 1788, lead- 
 ing a pack-horse and with a pack of hounds following him, 
 and ending with his death (a scene of deepest interest) in 
 1845. In his history from the time he came into Tennessee 
 until his death there was scarcely a day that he was not a 
 figure, his steps marked by some notable act. No entire 
 life of a public man that I have read is so full of matter 
 from start to finish as the life of Andrew Jackson. In fact, 
 the writer might have gone back to his birth and to his boy- 
 hood, to the death of all the members of his family, to the 
 assault made on him by a British officer, and to his impris- 
 onment in jail, and to his acquiring considerable education 
 which nobody knows how or under what circumstances. 
 Truly, his birth was a tragedy, his life a romance, and his 
 death a triumph. 
 
 But coming to what is termed by modern writers the 
 Jacksonian period, there isn't an incident in his life, after 
 the battle of New Orleans in 181 5, that may not be read 
 with interest; in fact, before the battle of New Orleans, 
 that may not be read with interest; in fact, before 
 
688 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the battle of New Orleans he had been a success as a lawyer, 
 and while Mr. Parton denies this, he shows facts that prove 
 he was. He had quite a success as a merchant; he had 
 credit in Philadelphia when quite a young man that no 
 other Tennessean had. He accumulated a fortune rapidly, 
 and when he died he was the owner of several plantations 
 and 150 slaves. 
 
 Stopping here for a time in the history of the bank ques- 
 tion, I will notice some of the misapprehensions as to 
 General Jackson's career as President. 
 
 It was said and constantly proclaimed by his enemies that 
 he had vetoed more bills than all the Presidents before him, 
 and certainly he did make some reputation in this line. 
 This would seem to indicate — and otherwise it would seem 
 inexplicable — that he and the Congress of the United 
 States were all the time running on different lines, because 
 to veto a bill he and Congress must have been at issue, while 
 the facts are that the Senate was in opposition until the last 
 election before he went out of office. This came from the 
 power and influence of the great Senators, who were per- 
 sonally unkind in their feelings and deeply prejudiced 
 against General Jackson — a prejudice that sprang out of 
 jealousy and ambition. Without explanation it is difficult 
 to see how the President became a great veto President, 
 when at every election from 1828 to 1836, including two 
 elections in which he was not a candidate and one election 
 which he controlled afterwards when Mr. Van Buren was 
 elected — in every one of the five elections a majority of 
 Jackson men were elected to the lower House of Congress, 
 so that, in every single election it appeared by the votes at 
 the ballot-box that the people were for Jackson. 
 
 The seeming conflict between Jackson and Congress so as 
 to make it necessary for him to veto bills was mainly while 
 the disintegration of parties was taking place. To be con- 
 cise and to show how this came about, in 1829, when the 
 
ANDREW JACKSOX. 639 
 
 Congress elected in 1828 met to organize, Andrew Steven- 
 son, an out-and-out Jackson man, was elected Speaker of 
 the House, which election showed a very large majority of 
 Jackson men. This was the Twenty-first Congress. Mr. 
 Stevenson was then elected Speaker as a Jackson man at the 
 Twenty-second and Twenty-third Congresses. 
 
 Soon after the election of Mr. Stevenson as Speaker of 
 the House in 1835, the President appointed him Minister 
 to the Court of St. James, and on his resignation Mr. Bell, 
 of Tennessee, then a Jackson man, was elected Speaker. It 
 was during Mr. Bell's term of Speaker that the political 
 storm was raging, changes taking place, new parties form- 
 ing, and in the change Mr. Bell himself changed and took 
 part in the passage of several bills that Jackson vetoed. 
 
 At the end of Mr. Bell's term, which was in 1837, when 
 Mr. Van Buren was elected President, the Jackson men con- 
 trolled the country and again elected a Jackson and Van 
 Buren House of Representatives, and Mr. Polk, a Tennes- 
 sean, was elected Speaker over Mr. Bell ; so that every 
 single popular election from 1828 until after Jackson's 
 term expired and Mr. Van Buren was elected, showed that 
 while the House of Representatives was sometimes in great 
 commotion and the Senate, far removed from the people, 
 was fighting Jackson, he was still in the hearts of the people, 
 and they were for him, no matter what the House or the 
 Senate did. 
 
 The election in 1836 not only surprised but actually stung 
 the great leaders. There was much in that election to give 
 Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Clay, and Mr. Webster discomfort: 
 First, the election of Mr. Van Buren, against whom they 
 had exhibited spite and power in an attempt to destroy him 
 in a manner only less vindictive than in their attacks on 
 General Jackson, and his election as President by a large 
 majority, and the election of a Jackson House of Repre- 
 sentatives; and then when the Legislatures of the several 
 
690 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 States met, the overwhelming and crushing defeat to the 
 three great statesmen by the election of a Jackson Senate. 
 This was really the culmination of a seven years' struggle, 
 commencing with Jackson's first message against the bank 
 and ending with the fulfillment of Benton's prediction that 
 he would expunge the offensive and, as he sometimes said, 
 infamous resolution of Mr. Clay. 
 
 It was particularly crushing to the trio of statesmen, 
 because during the canvass Mr. Van Buren had been asked 
 in a formal way if he was for expunging the resolutions of 
 censure, and he had answered in the most positive manner 
 that he was; and so, to some extent, his election turned 
 upon that question. He had in a formal letter declared 
 that the Senate had a right to expunge the resolutions and 
 it was due to General Jackson that it should be done. 
 
 It was three years before, when the resolutions passed, 
 that Mr. Benton announced, standing up in the Senate, that 
 these resolutions would be expunged. The proposition was 
 so new and so daring that not a single Senator stood by him 
 at that time, and his great opponents laughed at the propo- 
 sition, but Benton was wiser than they. At every new 
 session of Congress he renewed the resolutions that he had 
 offered at the time these resolutions of censure were passed ; 
 he would renew his resolution at the meeting of Congress, 
 make a speech, and lay the resolution on the table. It was 
 the finest exhibition of pluck and perseverance that has been 
 seen in civil life. His whole plan was — and in this he was 
 much aided by General Jackson's protest — to bring before 
 the American people the resolutions of censure, believing as 
 he did that if the American people came to understand the 
 injustice, the bitterness, the prejudice and the jealousy of 
 the Senate toward General Jackson, they would sooner or 
 later compel their representatives — the Senators — to 
 undo what they had done. 
 
 Mr. Benton had wonderfully the advantage in this long 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. ...M 
 
 discussion, not only after the resolutions of censure were 
 passed, but before, in that he established that this was an 
 
 impeachment by the Senate without any prosecution by the 
 House and without the Chief Justice presiding — in other 
 words, it was an unlawful combination in the Senate to 
 discuss and degrade the President, and in thirty speeches 
 he had put this question before the American people, he had 
 caused General Jackson's protest to be circulated, and by 
 degrees he moved up on the enemies of General Jackson, 
 changing one by one the Senators until there was suffici< 
 political mortality to change the Senate, so that his enemies 
 for the first time waked up to the fact that he was going to 
 do what they called a diabolical deed — expunge their 
 resolutions. 
 
 Saturday, the 14th of January, the Democratic Senators 
 agreed to have a meeting and to take final measures for 
 passing the expunging resolution. They knew they had 
 the numbers, but they also knew that they had adversaries 
 to grapple with to whom might be applied the proud motto 
 of Louis XIV: "Not an unequal match for numbei 
 They also knew that members of the party were in the 
 process of separating from it and would require conciliat- 
 ing. They met in the night at the then famous restaurant 
 of Boulanger. giving to the assemblage the air of a convivial 
 entertainment. It continued until midnight, and required 
 all the moderation, tact and skill of the prime miners to 
 obtain and maintain the union upon details, on the SUCC 
 of which the fate of the measure depended. The men of 
 conciliation were to be the efficient men of that night, and 
 all the winning resources of Wright. Allen, of Ohio, and 
 Linn, of Missouri, were put into requisition. There were 
 serious differences upon the mode of expurgation, while all 
 agreed upon the thing; and finally obliteration, the favorite 
 of the mover, was given up and the mode of expurgation 
 adopted which had been proposed in the resolutions of the 
 
692 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 General Assembly of Virginia — namely, to enclose the 
 obnoxious sentence in a square of black lines, an oblong 
 square, a compromise of opinions to which the mover 
 agreed, upon condition of being allowed to compose the 
 epitaph, "Expunged by order of the Senate." The agree- 
 ment which was to lead to victory was then adopted, each 
 one severally pledging himself to it that there should be no 
 adjournment of the Senate after the resolution was called 
 until it was passed, and that it should be called immediately 
 after the morning business on the Monday evening. Ex- 
 pecting a protracted session, extending through the day 
 and night, and knowing the difficulty of keeping men steady 
 to their work and in good humor when tired and hungry, 
 the mover of the proceeding took care to provide as far as 
 possible against such a state of things, and gave orders that 
 night to have an ample supply of cold ham, turkeys, rounds 
 of beef, pickles, wines and cups of hot coffee ready in a 
 certain committee room near the Senate Chamber by 4 
 o'clock on the afternoon of Monday. 
 
 The motion to take up the subject was made at the 
 appointed time, and immediately a debate of long speeches, 
 chiefly on the other side, opened itself upon the question. 
 It was evident that consumption of time, delay and adjourn- 
 ment was their plan. The three great leaders did not join 
 in the opening, but their places were well supplied by many 
 of their friends, able speakers — some effective, some elo- 
 quent — Preston, of South Carolina ; Richard H. Bayard 
 and John M. Clayton, of Delaware; Crittendon, of Ken- 
 tucky; Southard, of New Jersey; White, of Tennessee; 
 Ewing, of Ohio. They were only the half in number, but 
 strong in zeal and ability, that commenced the contest three 
 years before, reinforced by Mr. White, of Tennessee. As 
 the darkness of approaching night came on and the great 
 chandelier was lit up, splendidly illuminating the chamber, 
 then crowded with the members of the House, and the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 693 
 
 lobbies and galleries filled to their utmost capacity by visit- 
 ors and spectators, the scene became grand and impressive. 
 A few spoke on the side of the resolution, chiefly Rives, 
 Buchanan and Niles, and with an air of ease and satisfac- 
 tion that bespoke a quiet determination and a consciousness 
 of victory. The committee room had been resorted to in 
 parties of four and six at a time, always leaving enough on 
 watch, and it was not resorted to by one side alone. The 
 opposition were invited to a full participation — an invita- 
 tion of which those who were able to maintain their good 
 temper readily availed themselves — but the greater part 
 were not in a humor to eat anything, especially at such a 
 feast. The night was wearing away; the expungers were 
 in full force — masters of the chamber — happy, and 
 visibly determined to remain. It became evident to the 
 great opposition leaders that the inevitable hour had come, 
 that the "damnable deed" was to be done that night, and 
 that the dignity of silence was no longer to them a tenable 
 position. The battle was going against them, and they 
 must go into it without being able to re-establish it. In the 
 beginning they had not considered the expunging move- 
 ment a serious proceeding; as it advanced they still expected 
 it to miscarry on some point; now the reality of the thing 
 stood before them, confronting their presence, and refusing 
 to "down" at any command. They broke silence and gave 
 vent to language which bespoke the agony of their feelings 
 and betrayed the revulsion of stomach with which they 
 approached the odious subject. 
 
 18—2 
 
694 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER LVI. 
 
 ..>, 
 
 BENTON S SPEECH PRECEDING THE VOTE TO EXPUNGE THE 
 SENATE'S RESOLUTION CENSURING JACKSON — CAL- 
 HOUN 'S SPEECH ON THE SAME OCCASION SCENES IN 
 
 THE SENATE THE ACT OF EXPUNGING UPROARIOUS 
 
 BEHAVIOR IN THE GALLERIES BENTON'S ACCOUNT OF 
 
 THIS EPISODE BENTON'S CHARACTERIZATION OF JACK- 
 SON — parton on jackson's south Carolina proc- 
 lamation. 
 
 W 
 
 HEN all was anxiety and the final hour had 
 come, Mr. Benton arose and said : 
 
 "Mr. President: It is now three years since the resolve 
 was adopted by the Senate which it is my present motive to 
 expunge from the journal. At the moment that this resolve 
 was adopted I gave notice of my intention to move to 
 expunge it, and then expressed my confident belief that the 
 motion would eventually prevail. That expression of con- 
 fidence was not an ebullition of vanity or a presumptuous 
 calculation, intended to accelerate the event it affected to 
 foretell. It was not a vain boast or an idle assumption, but 
 was the result of a deep conviction of the injustice done 
 President Jackson and a thorough reliance upon the justice 
 of American people. I felt that the President had been 
 wronged, and my heart told me that this wrong would be 
 redressed. The event proves that I was not mistaken. 
 The question of expunging this resolution has been carried 
 to the people and their decision has been had upon it. They 
 decide in favor of the expurgation, and their decision has 
 been both made and manifested and communicated to us in 
 a great variety of ways. A great number of States have 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 095 
 
 expressly instructed their Senators to vote for this expurga- 
 tion. A very great majority of the States have elected 
 Senators and Representatives to Congress upon the express 
 ground of favoring its expurgation. The Bank of the 
 United States, which took the initiative in the accusation 
 against the President and furnished the material and worked 
 the machinery which was used against him, and which was 
 then so powerful on this floor, has become more and more 
 odious to the public mind, and musters now but a slender 
 phalanx of friends in the two Houses of Congress. The 
 late presidential election furnishes additional evidence of 
 public sentiment. The candidate who was the friend of 
 President Jackson, the supporter of his administration, and 
 the avowed advocate for the expurgation, has received a 
 large majority of the suffrages of the whole Union, and 
 that after an express declaration of his sentiments on this 
 precise point. The evidence of the public will, exhibited in 
 all these forms, is too manifest to be mistaken, too explicit 
 to require illustration, and too imperative to be disregarded. 
 Omitting details and specific enumeration of proofs, I refer 
 to our own files for the instructions to expunge, to the 
 complexion of the two Houses, for the temper of the people, 
 to the denationalizing condition of the Bank of the United 
 States, for the fate of the imperious accuser, and to the 
 issue of the presidential election for the answer of the 
 Union. All these are pregnant proofs of the public will. 
 and the last pre-eminently so, because both the question of 
 the expurgation and the form of the process was directly 
 put in issue upon it. A representative of the people from 
 the State of Kentucky formally interrogated a prominent 
 candidate for the presidency on these points and required a 
 public answer for the information of the public mind. The 
 answer was given and published and read by all the voters 
 before the election, and I deem it right to refer to that 
 answer in this place, not only as evidence of the points put 
 
696 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 in issue, but also for the purpose of doing more ample 
 justice by President Jackson by incorporating into the legis- 
 lative history of this case the high and honorable testimony 
 in his favor of the eminent citizen, Mr. Van Buren, who has 
 just been exalted to the lofty honors of the American pres- 
 idency. He said: 
 
 " 'Your last question seeks to know "my" opinion as to 
 the constitutional power of the Senate or House of Repre- 
 sentatives to expunge or obliterate from the journals the 
 proceedings of a previous session. You will, I am sure, be 
 satisfied, upon further consideration, that there are but few 
 questions of a political character less connected with the 
 duties of the office of President of the United States, or 
 what might not with equal propriety be put by an elector to 
 a candidate for that station than this. With the journals 
 of neither house of Congress can he properly have anything 
 to do. But as your choice has doubtless been induced by 
 the pendency of Colonel Benton's resolution to expunge 
 from the journals of the Senate certain other resolutions 
 touching the official conduct of General Jackson, I prefer to 
 say that I regarded the passage of Colonel Benton's pre- 
 amble and resolutions to be an act of justice to a faithful 
 and greatly injured public servant, not only constitutional 
 in itself, but imperiously demanded by a proper respect for 
 the well-known will of the people.' " 
 
 Mr. Benton proceeded : 
 
 "I do not propose, sir, to draw violent, unwarranted or 
 strained inferences. I do not assume to say that the ques- 
 tion of this expurgation was a leading or a controlling point 
 in the issue of this election. I do not assume to say or 
 insinuate that every individual and every voter delivered 
 his suffrage with reference to this election. Doubtless 
 there were many exceptions. Still, the triumphant election 
 of the candidate who had expressed himself in the terms 
 just quoted, and who was, besides, the personal and polit- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 697 
 
 ical friend of President Jackson and the avowed approver 
 of his administration, must be admitted to a place among 
 
 the proofs in this cause and ranked among the high con- 
 curring evidences of the public sentiment In favor of the 
 
 motion which 1 make. 
 
 "Assuming, then, that we have ascertained the will of the 
 people on this great question, the inquiry presents itself, 
 how far the expression of that will ought to be conclusive 
 of our action here. I hold that it ought to be binding and 
 obligatory upon us, and that not only upon the principle of 
 representative government, which requires obedience to the 
 known will of the people, but also in conformity to the 
 principles upon which the proceeding against General 
 Jackson was conducted when the sentence against him was 
 adopted; then everything was done with special reference 
 to the will of the people. Their impulses was assumed to 
 be the sole motive to action, and to them the ultimate ver- 
 dict was expressly referred. The whole machinery of alarm 
 and pressure — every engine of political and moneyed 
 power — was put in motion and worked for many months 
 to excite the people against the President and to stir up 
 meetings, memorials, petitions, traveling committees, and 
 distress deputations against him; and each symptom of 
 popular discontent was hailed as an evidence of public will 
 and quoted here as proof that the people demanded the con- 
 demnation of the President. Not only legislative assem- 
 blies and memorials from large assemblies were then pro- 
 duced here as evidence of public opinion, but the petition oi 
 boys under age, the remonstrances of a few signers and the 
 results of the most inconsiderable elections, were ostenta- 
 tiously paraded and magnified as the evidence of the so\ 
 eign will of our constituents. Thus, sir, the public voi E 
 was everything while that voice, partially obtained through 
 political and pecuniary machinations, was adverse to the 
 President. Then the popular will was the shrine at which 
 
698 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 all worshiped. Now, when that will is regularly, soberly, 
 repeatedly and almost universally expressed through the 
 ballot-boxes at the various elections and turns out to be in 
 favor of the President, certainly no one can disregard it nor 
 otherwise look at it than as the solemn verdict of the com- 
 petent and ultimate tribunal upon an issue fairly made up, 
 fully argued and duly submitted for decision. As such 
 verdict I receive it. As the deliberate verdict of the sover- 
 eign people I bow to it. I am content. I do not mean to 
 reopen the case nor to recommence the argument. I leave 
 that work to others, if any others choose to perform it. 
 For myself I am content; and, dispensing with further 
 argument, I shall call for judgment and ask to have execu- 
 tion done upon that unhappy journal which the verdict of 
 millions of freemen finds guilty of bearing on its face an 
 untrue, illegal and unconstitutional sentence of condemna- 
 tion against the approved President of the republic." 
 
 But Mr. Calhoun must have a final say. The night was 
 wearing away. The last thing done before the curtain rose 
 was a speech made by Mr. Calhoun. It did not contain the 
 epithets and was not loaded down with denunciations as his 
 speeches had been during the discussion. The speech was 
 simply the work of an infuriated man unloading himself. 
 An extract from it will give the reader some idea of the 
 character of this debate up to this time. Mr. Calhoun said : 
 
 "But why should I detain the Senate or needlessly waste 
 my breath in fruitless expurgation? The decree has gone 
 forth. It is one of urgency, too. The deed is to be done — 
 the foul deed which, like the blood-stained hands of the 
 guilty Macbeth, all ocean's waters will never wash out. Pro- 
 ceed, then, with the noble work which lies before you, and 
 like other skillful executioners, do it quickly, and when you 
 have perpetrated it go home to the people and tell them what 
 glorious things you have achieved for our common country. 
 Tell them that you have exterminated one of the brightest 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 699 
 
 and purest lights that ever burned at the altar of civil liberty ; 
 tell them that you have silenced one of the noblest batteries 
 that ever thundered in defense of theConstitution, and brave- 
 ly spiked the cannon; tell them that henceforward, no matter 
 what daring or outrageous act any President may perform, 
 you have forever hermetically scaled the mouth of the Son- 
 ate; tell them that he may fearlessly assume what power he 
 pleases — snatch from its lawful custody the public press, 
 command the military detachment to enter the halls of the 
 Capitol over all Congress, trample down the Constitution and 
 raze every bulwark of freedom — but that the Senate must 
 stand mute in silence and not dare to raise its opposing voice; 
 that it must order until the House of Representatives, hum- 
 bled and subdued like itself and a majority of it composed of 
 the partisans of the President, show articles of impeachment; 
 tell them finally that you have restored the glorious doctrine 
 of passive obedience and non-resistance, and if the people had 
 not poured out their indignities and implications, I have yet 
 to learn the character of American freemen." 
 
 This was the closing speech before the curtain rose, and 
 shows Mr. Calhoun, great as he was, to be absolutely fren- 
 zied, enraged, because Mr. Benton insisted that an impeach- 
 ment should originate in the House of Representatives and 
 be presided over by the Chief Justice, and that the Senate 
 could not afford to be prosecutors and judges. 
 
 The two great statesmen of the day — Mr. Webster taking 
 part with them — in this entire debate so far forgot them- 
 selves as to indulge in epithets, vituperative, coarse language 
 never before or since heard in the United States Senate. 
 When the curtain rose upon this scene it was perhaps in all 
 respects the most notable event ever witnessed in either house 
 of Congress since the Government was organized. It was 
 notable because of the lookers-on, the character of the people 
 and the packed galleries, brought there by the bank to over- 
 awe and intimidate the Senate by their hisses ami jeers. It 
 
700 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 was notable in another respect — the calm, dignified, quiet, 
 gentlemanly demeanor of General Jackson's friends and the 
 angry, sullen, sour looks of the great defeated. 
 
 The time had come — the thing was to be done that not a 
 man of them three years before, when Mr. Benton proclaimed 
 he would do it, had any respect for his proposition and re- 
 garded the whole thing as the frenzy of an enthusiast of 
 General Jackson's. There was more in the scene at the time 
 than can be described, except by relating some of the inci- 
 dents. All the signs pointed to violence and disturbance 
 that might be of a serious nature. This was so apparent 
 that Mr. Linn, colleague of Senator Benton, George W. 
 Jones, afterwards Senator from Iowa, with others, silently 
 went away and armed themselves for what they believed 
 was coming. Mrs. Benton was nearby and was allowed to 
 stand near her distinguished husband at the time the expur- 
 gation was to take place. She knew what had been done and 
 what efforts had been made to destroy General Jackson, and 
 she now believed that the bank mob was as furious and vic- 
 ious in its hate and spite toward Mr. Benton as it had been 
 toward General Jackson. Many of the Senators were on 
 their feet, consciously secure, with a purpose to take what- 
 ever came, manifest in the faces of Mr. Benton and his 
 friends. 
 
 A scowl of indignation rolled across the faces of Mr. Cal- 
 houn and his followers in the Senate, and the whole was a 
 scene never witnessed before in any legislative body. 
 
 The resolution having been passed, Mr. Benton called for 
 the execution of the Senate's order. The Secretarv of the 
 Senate, with a large pen that had been prepared, began the 
 work of expunging, drawing heavy black lines, making a 
 square around the fated resolution. Instantly a storm of 
 hisses, groans, and vociferations arose from the left wing of 
 the circular gallery which was immediately over the head of 
 Mr. Benton. The rabble that had been sent there by the 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. ~u\ 
 
 bank had been instructed to put themselves where they could 
 offer — standing right over him — the indignity of their jeers 
 and hisses. When this began the presiding officer promptly 
 gave the order to have the galleries cleared. Mr. Benton, 
 knowing that this was an indignity which really came from 
 the bank, immediately stood up and said : 
 
 "I hope the galleries will not be cleared, as many innocent 
 persons will be excluded who have been guilty of no viola- 
 tion of order. Let the ruffians who have made the disturb- 
 ance alone be punished. Let them be apprehended. I hope 
 the Sergeant-at-Arms will be directed to enter the gallery 
 and seize the ruffians, ascertaining who they are in the best 
 way he can. Let him apprehend them and bring them to 
 the bar of the Senate. Let him seize the bank ruffians. I 
 hope that they will not now be suffered to insult the Senate, 
 as they did when it was under the power of the Bank of the 
 United States, when ruffians with arms upon them insulted 
 us with impunity. Let them be taken and brought to the 
 bar of the Senate. Here is just one above me that may be 
 shortly identified — the bank ruffians." 
 
 This is one of the bravest speeches ever made by any 
 man in a legislative body, and Jackson himself never did a 
 bolder thing. 
 
 Those voting for the resolution were: Messrs. Benton, 
 Brown, Buchanan, Dana, Ewing of Illinois, Fulton, Grun- 
 dy, Hubbard, King of Alabama, Linn, Morris, Nicholas, 
 Niles, Page, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles, Sevier. Strai 
 Tallmadge, Tipton. Walker, Wall, Wright. 
 
 Those voting against the resolution were: Messrs. Bay- 
 ard, Black, Calhoun, Clay, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of 
 Ohio; Hendricks, Kent, Knight, Moore, Prentiss, Preston, 
 Robbins, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson, Webster, White. 
 
 Mr. Benton in his "Thirty Years in the Senate." closes up 
 this tragic but heroic scene in the following words : 
 
 "Mr Benton knew that he was the object of this outrage, 
 
702 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and that the way to treat these subaltern wretches was to 
 defy and seize them and have them dragged as criminals to 
 the bar of the Senate. They were congregated immediately 
 over his head and had evidently collected into that place. 
 His motion was agreed to. The order to clear the galleries 
 was revoked, the order to seize the disturbers was given and 
 immediately executed by the energetic Sergeant-at-Arms, 
 John Shackford, and his assistants. The ringleader was 
 seized and brought to the bar. This sudden example intimi- 
 dated the rest, and the expunging process was performed in 
 quiet. The whole scene was impressive, but no part of it so 
 much as to see the great leaders who for seven years had 
 warred upon General Jackson, and a thousand times pro- 
 nounced him ruined, each rising in his place with pain and 
 reluctance to confess themselves vanquished, to admit his 
 power and their weakness, and to exhale their griefs in un- 
 availing reproaches and impotent deprecations. It was a 
 tribute to his invincibility which cast into the shade all the 
 eulogiums of his friends. The gratification of General Jack- 
 son was extreme. He gave a grand dinner to the expungers 
 (as they were called) and their wives, and being too weak to 
 sit at the table, he only met the company, placed the 'head 
 expunger' in his chair, and withdrew to his sick chamber. 
 That expurgation ! It was the crowning mercy of his civil as 
 New Orleans had been of his military life." 
 
 At this period in the history of this wonderful and much 
 misunderstood man I cannot do better than to give a sketch 
 of him from the pen of Mr. Benton after the "fitful fever of 
 life was over" with the great American. Of all Americans 
 Mr. Benton was the best prepared to sketch his life. He had 
 known him as a judge on the bench of the Supreme Court of 
 Tennessee ; he was a colonel under him in the army ; he was 
 a constant visitor at the Hermitage ; he had been engaged in 
 a bloody, personal conflict with him, after which they be- 
 came friends ; he had served with him in the United States 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 703 
 
 Senate; he had been his friend, defender, and confidant 
 during the entire eight years of his Presidency. This 
 sketch, if they believe Colonel Benton, will be a revelation 
 to such prejudiced writers as Henry Cabot Lodge and Carl 
 Schurz. who, following Mr. Parton. make General Jackson 
 a backwoodsman, with the habits of a ruffian, ignorant and 
 illiterate. In this sketch Mr. Benton sa\ 
 
 "His temper was placable as well as irascible, and his 
 reconciliations were cordial and sincere. Of that my own 
 case was a single instance. After a deadly feud I became 
 his confidential adviser: was offered the highest marks of his 
 favor, and received from his dying bedside a message of 
 friendship, dictated when life was departing and when he 
 would have to pause for breath. There was a deep-seated 
 vein of piety in him. unaffectedly showing itself in his rev- 
 erence for divine worship, respect for the ministers of the 
 gospel, their hospitable reception in his house, and constant 
 encouragement of all the pious tendencies of Mrs. Jackson. 
 And when they both afterwards became members of the 
 church, it was the regular and natural result of their early 
 and cherished feelings. He was gentle in his house and alive 
 to the tenderest emotions ; and of this I can give an instance 
 greatly in contrast with his supposed character and worth 
 more than a long discourse in showing what that character 
 really was. 
 
 "I arrived at his house one wet, chilly evening in February 
 and came upon him in the twilight, sitting alone before the 
 fire, a lamb and a child between his knees. lie started a lit- 
 tle, called the servant to remove the two innocents to another 
 room, and explained to me how it was. The child had cried 
 because the lamb was out in the cold and begged him to 
 bring it in, which he had done to please the child, his adopted 
 son, then not two years old. The ferocious man does not do 
 that, and though Jackson had his passions and his violence, 
 they were for men and enemies — those who stood up against 
 
704 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 him — and not for women and children or the weak and 
 helpless, for all of whom his feelings were those of protec- 
 tion and support. 
 
 "His hospitality was active as well as cordial, embracing 
 the worthy in every walk of life, and seeking out deserving 
 objects to receive it, no matter how obscure. Of this I 
 learned a characteristic instance in relation to the son of the 
 famous Daniel Boone. The young man had come to Nash- 
 ville on his father's business, to be detained some weeks, and 
 had his lodgings at a small tavern toward the lower part of 
 the town. General Jackson heard of it, sought him out, 
 found him, took him home to remain as long as his business 
 detained him in the country, saying: 'Your father's dog 
 should not stay in a tavern where I have a house.' This 
 was heart, and I had it from the young man himself long 
 after, when he was a State Senator of the General Assembly 
 of Missouri. 
 
 "Abhorrence of debt, public and private, dislike of banks 
 and love of hard money, love of justice and love of country, 
 were ruling passions with Jackson, and of these he gave 
 constant evidence in all the situations of his life. Of pri- 
 vate debts he contracted none of his own and made any 
 sacrifices to get out of those incurred for others. Of these 
 he gave a signal instance not long before the war of 1812, 
 selling the improved part of his estate, with the best buildings 
 of the country upon it, to pay a debt incurred in a mercan- 
 tile adventure to assist a young relative, and going into log 
 houses in the forest to begin a new home and farm. He 
 was living in these rude tenements when he vanquished the 
 British of New Orleans. Probably a view of their conquer- 
 or's domicile would have astonished the British officers as 
 much as their defeat had done. 
 
 "He was attached to his friends and to his country, and 
 never believed any report to the discredit of either until com- 
 pelled by proof. He would not believe in the first reports of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 70S 
 
 the surrender of General Hull, and became sad and op- 
 pressed when forced to believe it. He never gave up a 
 friend in a doubtful case or from policy or calculation. He 
 was a firm believer in the goodness of a superintending 
 Providence and in the eventual right judgment of the peo- 
 ple. I have seen him at the most desperate part of his for- 
 tunes and never saw him waver in the belief that all would 
 come right in the end. In the time of Cromwell he would 
 have been a puritan. 
 
 "The character of his mind was that of judgment, with a 
 rapid and almost intuitive perception, followed by an in- 
 stant and decisive action. It was that which made him a 
 General and a President for the time in which he served. 
 He had vigorous thoughts, but not the faculty of arranging 
 them in a regular composition, either written or spoken; and 
 in formal papers he usually gave his draft to an aid, a friend 
 or a secretary to be written over, often to the loss of vigor. 
 But the thoughts were his own vigorously expressed and 
 without effort, writing with a rapid pen and never blotting 
 or altering, but, as Carlyle says of Cromwell, hitting the nail 
 upon the head as he went. I have a great deal of his writ- 
 ing now, some on public affairs and covering several sheets 
 of paper, and no erasures or interlineations are anywhere. 
 His conversation was like his writing, a vigorous, flowing 
 current, apparently without the trouble of thinking, and al- 
 ways impressive. His conclusions were rapid and immov- 
 able when he was under strong convictions, though often 
 yielding on minor points to his friends. And no man yield- 
 ed quicker when he was convinced, perfectly illustrating the 
 difference between firmness and obstinacy. Of all the I'n 
 dents who have done me the honor to listen t" my Opinions, 
 there was no one to whom I spoke with more confidence 
 when I felt myself strongly to be in the right. 
 
 "There was an innate, unvarying, self-acting delicacy in 
 his intercourse with the female sex. including all woman- 
 
706 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 kind; and on that point my personal observation (and my 
 opportunities for observation were both large and various) 
 enabled me to join in the declaration of the belief expressed 
 by his earliest friend and most intimate associate, the late 
 Judge Overton, of Tennessee. The Roman General won an 
 immortality of honor by one act of continence; what praise 
 is due to Jackson, whose whole life was continent? I re- 
 peat : If he had been born in the time of Cromwell, he would 
 have been a puritan. Nothing could exceed his kindness 
 and affection to Mrs. Jackson, always increasing in propor- 
 tion as his elevation and culminating fortunes drew cruel 
 attacks upon her. I knew her well, and that a more exem- 
 plary woman in all the relations of life — wife, friend, neigh- 
 bor, relative, mistress of slaves — never lived and never pre- 
 sented a more quiet, cheerful, and admirable manager of 
 her household. She had no education, but she had a heart, 
 and a good one, and that was always leading her to do kind 
 things in the kindest manner. She had the General's own 
 warm heart, frank manners, and hospitable temper, and no 
 two persons could have been better suited to each other, lived 
 more happily together, or made a house more attractive to 
 visitors." 
 
 While the character, the mental force and power of direct- 
 ing it so as to make available in any and every direction, as 
 given by Mr. Benton in the foregoing sketch, needs no con- 
 firmation with all who know who and what Mr. Benton was, 
 especially as a truthful historian, yet so determined have 
 been the enemies of General Jackson to make him an igno- 
 rant backwoodsman, incapable of writing the great State 
 papers signed by him, and in addition to what Mr. Benton 
 says on this subject, I make the following extract from Mr. 
 Parton. Parton's statement may well be taken as a confes- 
 sion. General Jackson had just sent his message of 1832 
 to Congress. This is what Mr. Parton says : 
 
 "While Congress was listening to this calm and suggest- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 707 
 
 ive message the President was absorbed in the preparation of 
 another document and one of a very different description. A 
 pamphlet containing the proceedings of the South Carolina 
 convention reached him on one of the last days of Novem- 
 ber. It moved him profoundly, for this fiery spirit loved his 
 country as few men have loved it. Though he regarded 
 those proceedings as the fruit of John C. Calhoun's treason- 
 able ambition and treasonable resentment, he rose, on 
 this occasion, above personal considerations and conducted 
 himself with that union of daring and prudence which had 
 given him such signal success in war. He went to his office 
 alone and began to dash off page after page of the memorable 
 proclamation which was soon to electrify the country. He 
 wrote with that great steel pen of his and with such rapidity 
 that he was obliged to scatter the written pages all over the 
 table to let them dry. A gentleman who came in when the 
 President had written fifteen or twenty pages, observed that 
 three of them were glistening with wet ink at the same mo- 
 ment. The warmth, the glow, the passion, the eloquence of 
 that proclamation were produced then and there by the 
 President's own hand. 
 
 "Major Lewis writes to me: 'Mr. Livingston took the 
 papers to his office, and in the course of three or four d 
 brought the proclamation to the General and left it for his 
 examination. After reading it, he came into my room and 
 remarked that Mr. Livingston had not correctly understood 
 his notes; there were portions of the draft, he added, which 
 were not in accordance with his views and must be altered. 
 He then sent a mc>senger for Mr. Livingston, and when he 
 came pointed out to him the passages which did not re] 
 sent his views, and requested him to take it back with him 
 and make the alterations he had suggested. This was done. 
 and the second draft being satisfactory, he ordered it to be 
 published. I will add that before the proclamation was sent 
 to press to be published, I took the liberty of St ting to 
 
708 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the General whether it would not be best to leave out that 
 portion to which I was sure the State rights party would 
 particularly object. He refused. "Those are my views," 
 said he, with great decision of manner, "and I will not 
 change them nor strike them out." ' " 
 
WM. H. CARROLL, 
 
 TWELVE YEARS GOVERNOR OF TENNESSEE, 
 JACKSON'S INDISPENSABLE ASSISTANT. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 709 
 
 CHAPTER LVII. 
 
 jackson's views on secession — his toast, "our federal 
 union : it must be preserved" — his proclamation 
 on nullification. 
 
 THOUGH this is not the final chapter of the book, it 
 has been reserved for the last writing. General 
 Jackson's views on secession as a right under the 
 Constitution, and as to its feasibility and the possibility of a 
 federation with independent states with no common tribunal 
 or umpire to determine controverted powers, were so radi- 
 cally different from the views of Southern leaders at a later 
 period in our history, that in writing his life I deferred the 
 chapter on the Nullification ordinance of South Carolina 
 and his proclamation in reference to it. 
 
 General Jackson, in peace as well as in war, was accom- 
 modating only to an enlightened conscience, and in this deli- 
 cate matter I have sought only to ascertain what views he 
 had on the relations between the Federal Union and the 
 States, with little concern as to sectional issues, anxious to 
 write a true life of Andrew Jackson. 
 
 As early as 1830 — at a birthday dinner in honor of Thom- 
 as Jefferson — by toasts — General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun 
 signalized the issue that grew into an open rupture between 
 Jackson and Calhoun — more properly between the Federal 
 Government and the State of South Carolina on the ques- 
 tion of disunion. 
 
 Mr. Benton says about this birthday dinner : 
 
 "There was a full assemblage when I arrived, and I ob- 
 served gentlemen standing about in clusters in the ante- 
 rooms, and talking with animation on something apparently 
 
 19-2 
 
710 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 serious, and which seemed to engross their thoughts. I soon 
 discovered what it was — that it came from the promulga- 
 tion of the twenty-four regular toasts, which savored of the 
 new doctrine of nullification; and which, acting on some 
 previous misgivings, began to spread the feeling that the 
 dinner was got up to inaugurate that doctrine, and to make 
 Mr. Jefferson its father. 
 
 "... When the regular toasts were over, the Presi- 
 dent was called upon for a volunteer, and gave it — the one 
 which electrified the country, and has become historical: 
 "Our Federal Union — it must be preserved." This brief and 
 simple sentiment, receiving emphasis and interpretation from 
 all the attendant circumstances, and from the feeling which 
 had been spreading since the time of Mr. Webster's speech, 
 was received by the public as a proclamation from the Presi- 
 dent to announce a plot against the union, and to summon 
 the people to its defense. Mr. Calhoun gave the next toast ; 
 and it did not at all allay the suspicions which were crowding 
 every bosom. It was this : "The Union — next to our liberty 
 the most dear — may we all remember that it can only be pre- 
 served by respecting the rights of the States, and distributing 
 equally the benefit and burthen of the Union." 
 
 The proclamation puts nullification, secession, and dis- 
 union in the same class and leaves nothing to be inferred. 
 His position at that time was not only for the Union against 
 any form of disunion, but he believed disruption of the 
 Union under any form would result in anarchy — at least in 
 subdivisions and strife which would end in anarchy. 
 
 It is a singular coincidence that General Jackson and 
 General Lee entertained the same opinions and expressed 
 them in almost the same language. They were both seriously 
 attached to the Union, and regarded themselves as bound 
 by the highest form of obligation to defend the Union 
 against all assailants. 
 
 But General Lee when war came without his fault, be- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 711 
 
 tween the Federal Government and his State — actually a 
 state of war — thought that it was not so much a question of 
 patriotism as a question between two powers to both of 
 which he owed allegiance. This he answered by the excla- 
 mation : "How can I draw my sword against Virginia!" 
 But said to his son who was an officer in the United States 
 Army : "Every man must decide for himself; if I have done 
 wrong, you do better." 
 
 What General Jackson would have done in General Lee's 
 place men may speculate about. When the crisis came he 
 was at the head of the Government — and with him the ques- 
 tion was what shall I do to prevent disunion. Such a ques- 
 tion called up and moved into active exertion his marvelous 
 powers. 
 
 It would be injustice not to give in full, in writing his 
 life, the entire proclamation issued by him. 
 
 This is the paper : 
 
 "Whereas a convention assembled in the State of South 
 Carolina have passed an ordinance, by which they declare 
 'that the several acts and parts of acts of the Congress of the 
 United States, purporting to be laws for the imposing of 
 duties and imposts on the importation of foreign commodi- 
 ties, and now having actual operation and effect within the 
 United States, and more especially 'two acts for the same 
 purposes, passed on the 29th of May, 1828, and on the 14th 
 of July, 1832, 'are authorized by the Constitution of the 
 United States, and violate the true mea ning and intent there- 
 of, and are null and void, and no law,' not binding on 
 the citizens of that State, or its officers, and by the said ordi- 
 nance, it is further declared to be unlawful for any of the 
 constituted authorities of the State or of the United States to 
 enforce the payment of the duties imposed by the said act 
 within the same State, and that it is the duty of this legisla- 
 ture to pass such laws as may be necessary to give full effect 
 to the said ordinance; 
 
712 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "And, whereas, by the said ordinance, it is further 
 ordained, that in no case of law or equity decided in the 
 courts of said State, wherein shall be drawn in question the 
 validity of the said ordinance, or of the act of the Legisla- 
 ture that may be passed to give it effect, or of the said laws 
 of the United States, no appeal shall be allowed to the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, nor shall any copy of 
 the record be permitted or allowed for that purpose, and 
 that any person attempting to take such appeal shall be 
 punished as for a contempt of court; 
 
 "And, finally, the said ordinance declares that the people 
 of South Carolina will maintain the said ordinance at every 
 hazard ; and that they will consider the passage of any act, 
 by Congress, abolishing or closing the ports of the said 
 State, or otherwise obstructing the free ingress or egress of 
 vessels to and from the said ports, or any other act of the 
 federal government to coerce the State, shut up her ports, 
 destroy or harass her commerce, or to enforce the said acts 
 otherwise than through the civil tribunals of the country, as 
 inconsistent with the longer continuance of South Carolina 
 in the Union; and that the people of the said State will 
 thenceforth hold themselves absolved from all further obli- 
 gation to maintain or preserve their political connection 
 with the people of the other States, and will forthwith pro- 
 ceed to organize a separate government, and do all other acts 
 and things which sovereign and independent States may of 
 right do; 
 
 "And, whereas, the said ordinance prescribes to the people 
 of South Carolina a course of conduct in direct violation of 
 their duty as citizens of the United States, contrary to the 
 laws of their country, subversive of its Constitution, and 
 having for its object the destruction of the Union — that 
 Union which, coeval with our political existence, led our 
 fathers, without any other ties to unite them than those of 
 patriotism and a common cause, through a sanguinary strug- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 713 
 
 gle to a glorious independence — that sacred Union, hitherto 
 inviolate, which, perfected by our happy Constitution, has 
 brought us, by the favor of heaven, to a state of prosperity 
 at home, and high consideration abroad, rarely, if ever, 
 equaled in the history of nations : To preserve this bond of 
 our political existence from destruction, to maintain invio- 
 late this state of national honor and prosperity, and to 
 justify the confidence my fellow citizens have reposed in me, 
 I, Andrew Jackson, President of the United States, have 
 thought proper to issue this, my proclamation, stating my 
 views of the Constitution and laws applicable to the meas- 
 ures adopted by the convention of South Carolina, and to 
 the reasons they have put forth to sustain them, declaring 
 the course which duty will require me to pursue, and, appeal- 
 ing to the understanding and patriotism of the people, warn 
 them of the consequences that must inevitably result from 
 an observance of the dictates of the convention. 
 
 "Strict duty would require of me nothing more than the 
 exercise of those powers with which I am now, or may here- 
 after be, invested, for preserving the peace of the Union, 
 and for the execution of the laws. But the imposing aspect 
 which opposition has assumed in this case, by clothing itself 
 with State authority, and the deep interest which the people 
 of the United States must all feel in preventing a resort to 
 stronger measures, while there is a hope that anything will 
 be yielded to reasoning and remonstrance, perhaps de- 
 manded, and will certainly justify, a full exposition to 
 South Carolina and the nation of the views I entertain of 
 this important question, as well as a distinct enunciation of 
 the course which my sense of duty will require me to pursue. 
 
 "The ordinance is founded, not on the indefeasible right 
 of resisting acts which are plainly unconstitutional and too 
 oppressive to be endured, but on the strange position that 
 any one State may not only declare an act of Congress void, 
 but prohibit its execution ; that they may do this consist- 
 
714 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 ently with the Constitution; that the true construction of 
 that instrument permits a State to retain its place in the 
 Union, and yet be bound by no other of its laws than those 
 they may choose to consider as constitutional. It is true, 
 they add, that to justify this abrogation of a law, it must be 
 palpably contrary to the Constitution ; but it is evident, that 
 to give the right of resisting laws of that description, 
 coupled with the uncontrolled right to decide what laws 
 deserve that character, is to give the power of resisting all 
 laws. For as, by the theory, there is no appeal, the reasons 
 alleged by the State, good or bad, must prevail. If it should 
 be said that public opinion is a sufficient check against the 
 abuse of this power, it may be asked why it is not deemed a 
 sufficient guard against the passage of an unconstitutional 
 act by Congress. There is, however, a restraint in this last 
 case, which makes the assumed power of a State more inde- 
 feasible, and which does not exist in the other. There are 
 two appeals from an unconstitutional act passed by Congress 
 — one to the judiciary, the other to the people and the State. 
 There is no appeal from the State decision in theory, and 
 the practical illustration shows that the courts are closed 
 against an application to review it, both judges and jurors 
 being sworn to decide in its favor. But reasoning on this 
 subject is superfluous, when our social compact, in expressed 
 terms, declares that the laws of the United States, its Consti- 
 tution and treaties made under it, are the supreme law of 
 the land; and, for greater caution, add 'that the judges in 
 every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Consti- 
 tution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.' 
 And it may be asserted without fear of refutation, that no 
 federative government could exist without a similar pro- 
 vision. Look for a moment to the consequence. If South 
 Carolina considers the revenue laws unconstitutional, and 
 has a right to prevent their execution in the courts of 
 Charleston, there would be a clear constitutional objection 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 715 
 
 to their collection in every other port, and no revenue could 
 be collected anywhere; for all imposts must be equal. It 
 is no answer to repeat, that an unconstitutional law is no 
 law, so long - as the question of its legality is to be decided 
 by the State itself; for every law operating injuriously 
 upon any local interest will be perhaps thought, and cer- 
 tainly represented, as unconstitutional, and, as has been 
 shown, there is no appeal. 
 
 "If this doctrine had been established at an earlier day, 
 the Union would have been dissolved in its infancy. The 
 excise law in Pennsylvania, the embargo and non-inter- 
 course law in the Eastern States, the carriage tax in Vir- 
 ginia, were all deemed unconstitutional, and were more 
 unequal in their operation than any of the laws now com- 
 plained of ; but fortunately none of those States discovered 
 that they had the right now claimed by South Carolina. 
 The war, into which we were forced to support the dignity 
 of the nation and the rights of our citizens, might have 
 ended in defeat and disgrace, instead of victory and honor, 
 if the States who supposed it a ruinous and unconstitutional 
 measure, had thought they possessed the right of nullifying 
 the act by which it was declared, and denying supplies for 
 its prosecution. Hardly and unequally as those measures 
 bore upon several members of the Union, to the Legislatures 
 of none did this efficient and peaceable remedy, as it is 
 called, suggest itself. The discovery of this important 
 feature in our Constitution was reserved for the present 
 day. To the statesmen of South Carolina belongs the 
 invention, and upon the citizens of that State will unfortu- 
 nately fall the evils of reducing it to practice. If the doc- 
 trine of a State veto upon the laws of the Union carries 
 with it internal evidence of its impracticable absurdity, our 
 constitutional history will also afford abundant proof that 
 it would have been repudiated with indignation had it been 
 proposed to form a feature in our government. 
 
716 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "In our colonial State, although dependent on another 
 power, we very early consider ourselves as connected by a 
 common interest with each other. Leagues were formed 
 for common defense, and, before the declaration of inde- 
 pendence, we were known in our aggregate character as the 
 United Colonies of America. That decisive and important 
 step was taken jointly. We declared ourselves a nation by 
 a joint, not by several acts, and when the terms of our con- 
 federation were reduced to form, it was in that of a solemn 
 league of several States, by which they agreed that they 
 would collectively form one nation for the purpose of con- 
 ducting some certain domestic concerns and all foreign 
 relations. In the instrument forming that Union is found 
 an article which declares that 'every State shall abide by the 
 determinations of Congress on all questions which, by that 
 confederation, should be submitted to them.' 
 
 "Under the confederation, then, no State could legally 
 annul a decision of the Congress, or refuse to submit to its 
 execution ; but no provision was made to enforce these 
 decisions. Congress made requisitions, but they were not 
 complied with. The government could not operate on 
 individuals. They had no judiciary, no means of collecting 
 revenue. 
 
 "But the defect of the confederation need not be detailed. 
 Under its operation we could scarcely be called a nation. 
 We had neither prosperity at home, nor consideration 
 abroad. This state of things could not be endured, and our 
 present happy Constitution was formed, but formed in vain, 
 if this fatal doctrine prevail. It was formed for important 
 objects that are announced in the preamble made in the 
 name and by the authority of the people of the United 
 States, whose delegates framed, and whose conventions 
 approved it. The most important among these objects, that 
 which is placed first in rank, on which all the other rests, is 
 'to form a more perfect Union.' Now, is it possible that 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 717 
 
 even if there were no expressed provision giving supremacy 
 to the Constitution and laws of the United States over those 
 of the States — can it be conceived that an instrument made 
 for the purpose of 'forming a more perfect Union' than that 
 of the confederation, could be so constructed by the assem- 
 bled wisdom of our country, as to substitute for that con- 
 federation a form of government dependent for its existence 
 on the local interest, the party spirit of the State, or of a 
 prevailing faction in a State? Every man of plain, unso- 
 phisticated understanding, who hears the question, will give 
 such an answer as will preserve the Union. Metaphysical 
 subtlety, in pursuit of an impracticable theory, could alone 
 have devised one that is calculated to destroy it. 
 
 "The Constitution declares that the judicial powers of the 
 United States extend to cases arising under the laws of the 
 United States, and that such laws, the Constitution and 
 treaties shall be paramount to the State Constitution and 
 laws. The judiciary act prescribes the mode by which the 
 case may be brought before a court of the United States : 
 by appeal, when a State tribunal shall decide against this 
 provision of the Constitution. The ordinance declares 
 there shall be no appeal ; makes the State law paramount to 
 the Constitution and laws of the United States; forces 
 judges and jurors to swear that they will disregard their 
 provisions ; and even makes it penal in a suitor to attempt 
 relief by appeal. It further declares that it shall not be 
 lawful for the authorities of the United States, or of that 
 State, to enforce the payment of duties imposed by the 
 revenue laws within its limits. 
 
 "Here is a law of the United States, not even pretended 
 to be unconstitutional, repealed by the authority of a small 
 majority of the voters of a single State. Here is a pro- 
 vision of the Constitution which is solemnly abrogated by 
 the same authority. 
 
 "On such expositions and reasonings, the ordinance 
 
718 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 grounds not only an assertion of the right to annul the laws 
 of which it complains, but to enforce it by a threat of seced- 
 ing from the Union, if any attempt is made to execute them. 
 
 "This right to secede is deduced from the nature of the 
 Constitution, which, they say, is a compact between sov- 
 ereign States, who have preserved their whole sovereignty, 
 and, therefore, are subject to no superior; that, because 
 they made the compact, they can break it when, in their 
 opinion, it has been departed from, by the other States. 
 Fallacious as this course of reasoning is, it enlists State 
 pride, and finds advocates in the honest prejudices of those 
 who have not studied the nature of our government suffi- 
 ciently to see the radical error on which it rests. 
 
 "The people of the United States formed the Constitu- 
 tion, acting through the State Legislatures in making the 
 compact, to meet and discuss its provisions, and acting in 
 separate conventions when they ratified those provisions; 
 but, the terms used in its construction show it to be a gov- 
 ernment in which the people of all the States collectively are 
 represented. We are one people in the choice of the Presi- 
 dent and Vice President. Here the States have no other 
 agency than to direct the mode in which the votes shall be 
 given. Candidates having the majority of all the votes 
 are chosen. The electors of a majority of States may have 
 given their votes for one candidate, and yet another may be 
 chosen. The people, then, and not the States, are repre- 
 sented in the executive branch. 
 
 "In the House of Representatives, there is this difference: 
 that the people of one State do not, as in the case of Presi- 
 dent and Vice President, all vote for the same officers. The 
 people of all the States do not vote for all the members, each 
 State electing only its own representatives. But this 
 creates no material distinction. When chosen, they are all 
 representatives of the United States, not representatives of 
 the particular State from which they come. They are paid 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 719 
 
 by the United States, not by the State, nor are they account- 
 able to it for any act done in the performance of their legis- 
 lative functions; and however they may in practice, as it 
 is their duty to do, consult and prefer the interests of their 
 particular constituents, when they come in conflict with any 
 other partial or local interest, yet it is their first and highest 
 duty, as representatives of the United States, to promote the 
 general good. 
 
 "The Constitution of the United States, then, forms a 
 government, not a league; and whether it be formed by 
 compact between the States, or in any other manner, its 
 character is the same. It is a government in which all the 
 people are represented, which operates directly on the people 
 individually, not upon the States — they retained all the 
 power they did not grant. But each State, having expressly 
 parted with so many powers as to constitute, jointly with 
 the other States, a single nation, cannot, from that period, 
 possess any right to secede, because such secession does not 
 break a league, but destroys the unity of a nation ; and any 
 injury to that unity is not only a breach which would result 
 from the contravention of a compact, but it is an offense 
 against the whole Union. To say that any State may at 
 pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that the United 
 States are not a nation ; because it would be a solecism to 
 contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connec- 
 tion with the other parts, to their injury or ruin, without 
 committing any offense. Secession, like any other revolu- 
 tionary act, may be morally justified by the extremity of 
 oppression; but, to call it a constitutional right, is con- 
 founding the meaning of terms; and can only be done 
 through gross error, or to deceive those who are willing to 
 assert a right, but would pause before they made a revolu- 
 tion, or incur the penalties consequent on a failure. 
 
 "Fellow citizens of my native State, let me not only 
 admonish you, as the First Magistrate of our common 
 
720 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 country, not to incur the penalty of its laws, but use the 
 influence that a father would over his children whom he saw 
 rushing to certain ruin. In that paternal language, with 
 that paternal feeling, let me tell you, my countrymen, that 
 you are deluded by men who are either deceived themselves, 
 or wish to deceive you. Mark under what pretenses you 
 have been led on to the brink of insurrection and treason, on 
 which you stand ! First, a diminution of the value of your 
 staple commodity, lowered by overproduction in other quar- 
 ters, and the consequent diminution in the value of your 
 lands, were the sole effect of the tariff laws. 
 
 "The effect of those laws was confessedly injurious, but 
 the evil was greatly exaggerated by the unfounded theory 
 you were taught to believe, that its burdens were in propor- 
 tion to your exports, not to your consumption of imported 
 articles. Your pride was aroused by the assertion that a 
 submission to those laws was a state of vassalage, and that 
 resistance to them was equal, in patriotic merit, to the oppo- 
 sitions our fathers offered to the oppressive laws of Great 
 Britain. You were told the opposition might be peaceably, 
 might be constitutionally made; that you might enjoy all 
 the advantages of the Union, and bear none of its burdens. 
 Eloquent appeals to your passions, to your State pride, to 
 your native courage, to your sense of real injury, were used 
 to prepare you for the period when the mask, which con- 
 cealed the hideous features of disunion, should be taken off. 
 It fell, and you were made to look with complacency on 
 objects which, not long since, you would have regarded with 
 horror. Look back to the arts which have brought you to 
 this state; look forward to the consequences to which it 
 must inevitably lead ! Look back to what was first told you 
 as an inducement to enter into this dangerous course. The 
 great political truth was repeated to you, that you had the 
 revolutionary right of resisting all laws that were palpably 
 unconstitutional and intolerably oppressive; it was added 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 721 
 
 that the right to nullify a law rested on the same principle, 
 but that it was a peaceable remedy! This character which 
 was given to it, made you receive with too much confidence 
 the assertions that were made of the unconstitutionality of 
 the law, and its oppressive effects. Mark, my fellow citi- 
 zens, that, by the admission of your leaders, the unconstitu- 
 tionality must be palpable, or it will not justify either resist- 
 ance or nullification! What is the meaning of the word 
 palpable, in the sense in which it is here used? That which 
 is apparent to every one; that which no man of ordinary 
 intellect will fail to perceive. Ts the unconstitutionality of 
 these laws of that description i Let those among your 
 leaders who once approved and advocated the principle of 
 protective duties, answer the question ; and let them choose 
 whether they will be considered as incapable, then, of per- 
 ceiving that which must have been apparent to every man of 
 common understanding, or as imposing upon your confi- 
 dence, and endeavoring to mislead you now. In either case 
 they are unsafe guides in the perilous path they urge you 
 to tread. Ponder well on this circumstance, and you will 
 know how to appreciate the exaggerated language they 
 address to you. They are not champions of liberty emulat- 
 ing the fame of our revolutionary fathers ; nor are you an 
 oppressed people, contending, as they repeat to you, against 
 worse than colonial vassalage. 
 
 "You are free members of a flourishing and happy Union. 
 There is no settled design to oppress you. You have indeed 
 felt the unequal operation of laws which may have been 
 unwisely, not unconstitutionally passed ; but that inequality 
 must necessarily be removed. At the very moment when 
 you were madly urged on to the unfortunate course you 
 have begun, a change in public opinion had commenced. 
 The nearly approaching payment of the public debt, and the 
 consequent necessity of a diminution of duties, had already 
 produced a considerable reduction, and that, too, on some 
 
722 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 articles of general consumption in your State. The impor- 
 tance of this change was underrated, and you were authori- 
 tatively told that no further alleviation of your burdens 
 was to be expected, at the very time when the condition of 
 the country imperiously demanded such a modification of 
 the duties as should reduce them to a just and equitable 
 scale. But, as if apprehensive of the effect of this change 
 in allaying your discontents, you were precipitated into the 
 fearful state in which you now find yourselves. 
 
 "I adjure you, as you honor their memory, as you love 
 the cause of freedom, to which they dedicated their lives, as 
 you prize the peace of your country, the lives of its best 
 citizens, and your own fair fame, to retrace your steps. 
 Snatch from the archives of your State the disorganizing 
 edict of its convention; bid its members to reassemble, and 
 promulgate the decided expressions of your will to remain 
 in the path which alone can conduct you to safety, prosper- 
 ity and honor. Tell them that, compared to disunion, all 
 other evils are light, because that brings with it an accumu- 
 lation of all. Declare that you will never take the field 
 unless the star-spangled banner of your country shall float 
 over you ; that you will not be stigmatized when dead, and 
 dishonored and scorned while you live, as the authors of 
 the first attack on the constitution of your country. Its de- 
 stroyers you cannot be. You may disturb its peace, you 
 may interrupt the course of its prosperity, you may cloud 
 its reputation for stability, but its tranquility will be re- 
 stored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its 
 national character will be transferred, and remain an eter- 
 nal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder. 
 
 "Fellow-citizens of the United States, the threat of un- 
 hallowed disunion, the names of those, once respected, by 
 whom it is uttered, the array of military force to support it, 
 denote the approach of a crisis in our affairs, on which the 
 continuance of our unexampled prosperity, our political 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 723 
 
 existence, and perhaps that of all free governments may 
 depend. The conjuncture demanded a free, a full, and ex- 
 plicit enunciation, not only of my intentions, but of my 
 principles of action; and, as the claim was asserted of a 
 right by a State to annul the laws of the Union, and even 
 to secede from it at pleasure, a frank exposition of my opin- 
 ions in relation to the origin and form of our government, 
 and the construction I give to the instrument by which it 
 was created, seemed to be proper. Having the fullest con- 
 fidence in the justness of the legal and constitutional opin- 
 ion of my duties, which has been expressed, I rely with equal 
 confidence, on your undivided support, in my determination 
 to execute the laws, to preserve the Union by all constitution- 
 al means, to arrest, if possible, by moderate, but firm meas- 
 ures, the necessity of a recourse to force; and, if it be the 
 will of Heaven that the recurrence of its primeval curse on 
 man for the shedding of a brother's blood should fall upon 
 our land, that it be not called down by any offensive act on 
 the part of the United States. 
 
 "Fellow-citizens: The momentous case is before you. 
 On your undivided support of your government depends 
 the decision of the great question it involves, whether your 
 sacred Union will be preserved, and the blessings it secures 
 to us as one people shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt 
 that the unanimity with which that decision will be ex- 
 pressed, will be such as to inspire new confidence in repub- 
 lican institutions, and that the prudence, the wisdom, and 
 the courage which it will bring to their defense, will trans- 
 mit them unimpaired and invigorated to our children." 
 
724 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER LVIII 
 
 jackson's first inaugural address — benton's review 
 
 OF JACKSON S OFFICIAL CAREER AS PRESIDENT QUAL- 
 ITIES found in jackson's character. 
 
 A CAREFUL study of General Jackson's career, 
 after his connection with the United States Army 
 ceased, led me into the line of treating his civil 
 service by subjects rather than in the continuity of his 
 public life generally; hence I have devoted much space to 
 his conflict with the United States Bank, running over seven 
 years of his two terms as President. This was deemed 
 more consonant with the development of his character and 
 power in action than by carrying the reader through the 
 Jacksonian period, loaded down for eight years, as it was, 
 with problems which rarely, if ever, were crowded into one 
 public life of like duration. 
 
 The bank conflict, lasting just seven years, between him 
 and the three most generally accepted masters in polemics 
 that this country has ever produced — indeed, the equals of 
 any of the great orators of ancient or modern times — he 
 in the Cabinet and they in the forum, with victory on his 
 side at every turn, is an achievement that rightfully signal- 
 izes it the "Jacksonian period." 
 
 But the triumphant success of this genius in the Cabinet, 
 as well as at the head of an army, over Calhoun, Clay and 
 Webster, marks but a tithe of his power. 
 
 Lord Wellington said at a dinner table in London, if he 
 had done nothing but conduct the Creek Campaign, it made 
 him one of the great generals of the world; so it may be 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 725 
 
 said, if in the Cabinet, with only one friend in the forum, 
 of supreme ability, he so laid his plans and so executed them 
 as to triumph at every turn over this wonderful trio of 
 statesmen — for they were nothing less — and literally 
 drive them from the field, then he is as great in the Cabinet, 
 if not greater, as in war. Indeed, the victory at New 
 Orleans over one of the finest armies England ever put into 
 the field, with raw militia, all the work of his own supreme 
 genius, was not a higher test of his character in war than 
 his victory over the United States Bank, using its money as 
 it did, with Clay, Calhoun and Webster back of it, with all 
 the zeal of attorneys in a struggle for power, or the ambition 
 of a Caesar or a Napoleon fighting for the dictatorship of 
 the world. 
 
 Having chosen the line of thought here indicated of deal- 
 ing with subjects in the great actor's life, rather than the 
 continuity of his great deeds as they come one after another, 
 I shall now turn back and take up his career as President 
 of the United States in other fields, while the biggest powers 
 in the way of men and aggregated money the world had 
 then ever known were pursuing him on every side. To the 
 intense student, or even the looker-on, the exhaustive and 
 painstaking investigation of all subjects in which his country 
 was interested, all the time in a struggle with a money 
 power whose means had no limit when an end was to be 
 attained, backed up by a Senate as vicious if not as violent 
 as was the Roman Senate when it set the mob on Tiberius 
 and Caius Gracchus and murdered them for standing by the 
 common people, his undisturbed patriotism and his power 
 of dealing with great problems under difficulties, his equa- 
 nimity as well as his power, is genius itself. 
 
 General Jackson's first inaugural address, delivered on the 
 
 4th of March. 1829. was like other inaugurals — a forecast 
 
 of his administration and with a general chart of democratic 
 
 principles. His whole life showed an aptitude, in both mili- 
 
 20—2 
 
726 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 tary and civil life, in striking at the right time. In one 
 respect in his inaugural, he departed from the custom of 
 dealing with principles instead of special subjects, and with 
 that intuitive conception of the public mind, just as his 
 genius in war told him when to strike the enemy, there was 
 one subject that his quick perception told him should not be 
 delayed for his annual message. 
 
 As a military man his election had been deprecated as 
 possibly leading to the success of military power in civil 
 office to such an extent that under a military chieftain that 
 Government would become despotic — indeed, military rule 
 instead of civil polity — so in his first appearance before 
 the public after the oath of office had been administered by 
 Chief Justice Marshall, he said : 
 
 "Considering standing armies as dangerous to free gov- 
 ernments in time of peace, I shall not seek to enlarge our 
 present establishment nor disregard that salutary lesson of 
 political experience which teaches that the military should 
 be held subordinate to the civil power. The gradual increase 
 of our navy, whose flag has displayed in distant climes our 
 skill in navigation and our fame in arms, the preservation 
 of our forts, arsenals, and dockyards, and the introduction 
 of progressive improvements in the discipline and science of 
 both branches of our military service, are so plainly pre- 
 scribed by prudence that I should be excused for omitting 
 their mention sooner than for enlarging on their importance. 
 But the bulwark of our defense is the national militia, which 
 in the present state of our intelligence and population must 
 render us invincible. As long as our Government is admin- 
 istered for the good of the people, and is regulated by their 
 will ; as long as it secures to us the rights of person and of 
 property, liberty of conscience and of the press, it will be 
 worth defending, and so long as it is worth defending, a 
 patriotic militia will cover it with an impenetrable segis. 
 
 "Partial injuries and occasional mortifications we may be 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 727 
 
 subjected to, but a million of armed freemen possessed of 
 the means of war can never be conquered by a foreign foe. 
 To any just system, therefore, calculated to strengthen this 
 natural safeguard of the country, I shall cheerfully lend all 
 the aid in my power." 
 
 Before taking up the delightful task of reviewing in 
 detail the far-seeing statesmanship as found in his messages 
 to Congress, as well as in his diplomacy in dealing with 
 foreign nations and the Indian tribes, I may be permitted 
 to make a somewhat extended extract from Mr. Benton's 
 review of General Jackson's official career as President, 
 delivered to the Senate just before his retirement to private 
 life. This review of Jackson's career as President has 
 recently been published by Judge Brewer in his great work 
 as one of the great orations of the great men of the world. 
 
 I use this extract here that the reader may see as we go 
 along in the review which I shall make of the eight years' 
 service as President how thoroughly and critically accurate 
 Mr. Benton was in his delineation of what Jackson accom- 
 plished for the good of his country while constantly under 
 fire from jealousy and ambition, coupled with the incentive 
 of handling the money of a great and unscrupulous banking 
 institution. This entire review of the Jackson presidential 
 period is an immaculate piece of American history. Here 
 is the extract : 
 
 "Historically, then, shall I view him; and limiting this 
 view to his civil administration I demand, where is there a 
 chief magistrate of whom so much evil has been predicted 
 and from whom so much good has come? Never has any 
 man entered upon the chief magistracy of a country under 
 such appalling predictions of ruin and woe; never has any 
 one been so pursued with direful prognostications; never 
 has any one been so beset and impeded by a powerful com- 
 bination of political and moneyed confederates; never has 
 any one in any country where the administration of justice 
 
728 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 has risen above the knife or the bowstring been so lawlessly 
 and shamelessly tried and condemned by rivals and enemies, 
 without hearing, without defense, without the forms of law 
 or justice! History has been ransacked to find examples 
 of tyrants sufficiently odious to illustrate him by comparison. 
 Language has been tortured to find epithets sufficiently 
 strong to paint him in description. Imagination has been 
 exhausted in her efforts to deck him with revolting and 
 inhuman attributes. Tyrant, despot, usurper; destroyer 
 of the liberties of his country; rash, ignorant, imbecile; 
 endangering the public peace with all foreign nations; 
 destroying domestic prosperity at home; ruining all indus- 
 try, all commerce, all manufactories, and annihilating con- 
 fidence between man and man ; delivering up the streets of 
 populous cities to grass and weeds, and the wharves of com- 
 mercial towns to the incumbrance of decaying vessels ; 
 depriving labor of all reward, depriving industry of all 
 employment; destroying the currency, plunging an inno- 
 cent and happy people from the summit of felicity to the 
 depths of misery, want and despair. Such is the faint out- 
 line, followed up by actual condemnation, of the appalling 
 denunciations daily uttered against this one man, from the 
 moment he became an object of political competition, down 
 to the concluding moment of his political existence. 
 
 "The sacred voice of inspiration has told us that there is 
 a time for all things. There certainly has been a time for 
 every evil that human nature admits of to be vaticinated of 
 President Jackson's Administration ; equally certain the 
 time has now come for all rational and well-disposed people 
 to compare the predictions with the facts, and to ask them- 
 selves if these calamitous prognostications have been verified 
 by events? Have we peace or war with foreign nations? 
 Certainly we have peace with all the world ; peace with all 
 its benign and felicitous and beneficent influences. Are we 
 respected or despised abroad? Certainly the American 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 729 
 
 name was never more honored throughout the four quarters 
 of the globe than in this very moment. * * * 
 
 "The wrongs clone to commerce for thirty years hack, 
 and under so many different Presidents, and indemnities 
 withheld from all. have been repaired and paid over under 
 the beneficent and glorious administration of President 
 Jackson. But one single instance of outrage has occurred, 
 and that at the extremities of the world, by a piratical horde, 
 amenable to no law but the law of force. The Malays of 
 Sumatra committed a robbery and massacre upon an Ameri- 
 can vessel. Wretches! They did not then know that 
 Jackson was President of the United States, and that no 
 distance, no time, no idle ceremonial of treating with rob- 
 bers and assassins was to hold back the arm of justice. 
 Commodore Downes went out. His cannon and his bayo- 
 nets struck the outlaws in their den. They paid in terror 
 and in blood for the outrage which was committed ; and the 
 great lesson was taught to these distant pirates — to our 
 antipodes themselves — that not even the entire diameter 
 of this globe could protect them, and that the name of 
 American citizen, like that of Roman citizen in the great 
 days of the republic and the empire, was to be the inviolable 
 passport of all that wore it throughout the whole extent of 
 the habitable world. * * * 
 
 "But why this specification? So beneficent and so glo- 
 rious has been the administration of this President that 
 where to begin and where to end in the enumeration of great 
 measures would be the embarrassment of him who has his 
 eulogy to make. He came into office the first of general^; 
 he goes out the first of statesmen. His civil competitors 
 have shared the fate of his military opponents; and Wash- 
 ington City has been to the American politicians who have 
 assailed him what New Orleans was to the British generals 
 who attacked his lines. Repulsed, driven back, discomfited, 
 crushed, has been the fate of all assailants, foreign and 
 
730 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 domestic, civil and military. At home and abroad the 
 impress of his genius and his character is felt. He has im- 
 pressed upon the age in which he lives the stamp of his 
 arms, of his diplomacy, and of his domestic policy. In a 
 word, so transcendent have been the merits of his adminis- 
 tration that they have operated a miracle upon the minds of 
 his most inveterate opponents. He has expunged their 
 objections to military chieftains! He has shown them that 
 they were mistaken; that military men were not the dan- 
 gerous rulers they had imagined, but safe and prosperous 
 conductors of the vessel of State. He has changed their 
 fear into love. With visible signs they admit their error, 
 and instead of deprecating, they now invoke the reign of 
 chieftains. They labored hard to secure a military suc- 
 cessor to the present incumbent; and if their love goes on 
 increasing at the same rate, the republic may be put to the 
 expense of periodical wars, to breed a perpetual succession 
 of these chieftains to rule over them and their posterity 
 forever. 
 
 "To drop this irony, which the inconsistency of mad 
 opponents has provoked, and to return to the plain delinea- 
 tions of historical painting, the mind instinctively dwells on 
 the vast and unprecedented popularity of this President. 
 Great is the influence, great the power, greater than any 
 man ever possessed in our America, which he has acquired 
 over the public mind. And how has he acquired it? Not 
 by the arts of intrigue or the juggling tricks of diplomacy; 
 not by undermining rivals, or sacrificing public interests 
 for the gratification of classes or individuals. But he has 
 acquired it, first, by the exercise of an intuitive sagacity 
 which, leaving all book learning at an immeasurable dis- 
 tance behind, has always enabled him to adopt the right 
 remedy at the right time, and to conquer soonest when the 
 men of forms and office thought him most near to ruin and 
 despair. Next, by a moral courage which knew no fear 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 731 
 
 when the public good beckoned him to go on. Last, and 
 chiefest, he has acquired it by an open honesty of purpose 
 which knew no concealments, by a straightforwardness of 
 action which disdained the forms of office and the arts of 
 intrigue, by a disinterestedness of motive which knew no 
 selfish or sordid calculation, a devotedness of patriotism 
 which staked everything personal on the issue of every 
 measure which the public welfare required him to adopt. 
 By these qualities and these means he has acquired his pro- 
 digious popularity and his transcendent influence over the 
 public mind, and if there are any who envy that influence 
 and popularity, let them envy also, and emulate, if they can, 
 the qualities and means by which they were acquired. 
 
 "Great has been the opposition to President Jackson's 
 Administration; greater, perhaps, than ever has been 
 exhibited against any Government, short of actual insurrec- 
 tion and forcible resistance. Revolution has been pro- 
 claimed, and everything has been done that could be expected 
 to produce revolution. The country has been alarmed, 
 agitated, convulsed. From the Senate Chamber to the 
 village barroom, from one end of the continent to the other, 
 denunciation, agitation, excitement has been the order of 
 the day. For eight years the President of this republic has 
 stood upon a volcano, vomiting fire and flames upon him, 
 and threatening the country with ruin and desolation, if the 
 people did not expel the usurper, despot and tyrant, as he 
 was called, from the high place to which the suffrages of 
 millions of freemen had elevated him. 
 
 "Great is the confidence which he has always reposed in 
 the discernment and equity of American people. I have 
 been accustomed to see him for many years and under many 
 discouraging trials, but never saw him doubt for an instant 
 the ultimate support of the people. It was my privilege 
 to see him often and during the most gloomy period of the 
 panic conspiracy, when the whole earth seemed to be in 
 
732 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 commotion against him, and when many friends were fal- 
 tering and stout hearts were quailing before the raging 
 storm which bank machination and senatorial denunciation 
 had conjured up to overwhelm him. I saw him in the 
 darkest moments of this gloomy period, and never did I see 
 his confidence in the ultimate support of his fellow citizens 
 forsake him for an instant. He always said the people 
 would stand by those who stand by them; and nobly have 
 they justified that confidence! That verdict, the voice of 
 millions, which now demands the expurgation of that sen- 
 tence which the Senate and the bank then pronounced upon 
 him, is the magnificent response of the people's hearts to the 
 implicit confidence which he then reposed in them. But it 
 was not in the people only that he had confidence ; there was 
 another, and a far higher Power, to which he constantly 
 looked to save the country and its defenders from every 
 danger, and signal events prove that he did not look to that 
 higher Power in vain." 
 
 The qualities to be found in this wonderful character as 
 developed through the eight years from the 4th of March, 
 1829, to the 4th of March, 1837, are love of country — 
 patriotism — using and dominating every other trait ; 
 fidelity to duty in public service which scarcely has a paral- 
 lel; a confidence in his own judgment when deliberately 
 formed, scarcely less than that in the people doing right, all 
 with an intuitive perception of what to do on a given state 
 of facts, as unerring as that which takes the homeward- 
 bound carrier pigeon to its destination. The first annual 
 message of General Jackson will impress every careful 
 reader that a business man was now at the helm, who felt 
 that he had been selected by his fellow citizens not to take 
 care of his party or even to discuss politics, but to transact 
 their business; and while the office he held was a public 
 trust, and in which he enjoyed high honors, yet his highest 
 duty was a thorough investigation of the business affairs of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 733 
 
 the country over which he had been called to preside as its 
 Chief Executive officer. Whoever reads this first message 
 to Congress will know much of the man who was about to 
 impress his country with an individualism to be recognized 
 in history as the "Jacksonian Period." As a state paper, 
 in style, clearness, and an appreciation of the exalted office 
 of President of the United States, it is not inferior to the 
 state papers of the other Presidents, but it, as well as all sub- 
 sequent messages, stands out in its utility and aptness to our 
 needs with a vigor and comprehension nowhere else to be 
 found among the state papers of other Presidents. 
 
 Entering the office on the 4th of March, by the 8th of 
 December he seems to have mastered every detail of our 
 Federal relations, at home and abroad. Long standing com- 
 plicated business relations with foreign nations — some of 
 them threatening our peace with European countries, as 
 well as with the countries on our own continent — were 
 inherited estates, most of which had baffled the skill of our 
 statesmen and diplomats until they were irritatingly chronic. 
 
 \\ nile the first message showed that the new President 
 was familiar with each one of them, they were brought up 
 in a kindly way, but inviting attention to their consideration. 
 Several of these claims, especially the French spoliation 
 claims, had been a source of anxiety and diplomatic irrita- 
 tion with every administration from 1800, but had been long 
 since admitted when General Jackson went into the office, 
 but the payment delayed under circumstances quite aggra- 
 vating to the United States. 
 
 General Jackson had a way of meeting and dealing with 
 whatever was hardest and most difficult of what was before 
 him. This was fully exemplified in the manner in which 
 he took up the French spoliation claims (an unsettled 
 matter witli France), involving the seizure and confiscation 
 of 615 American ships with their cargoes, ami which had 
 been dealt with by every President from Washington down. 
 
734 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 but was left with this wonderful man of affairs to deal with, 
 and which he did. 
 
 The next chapter will be devoted to this French spoliation 
 claims question, and there is nothing in General Jackson's 
 life that more thoroughly and completely fixes in the mind 
 his character as a man of conservatism, courage and action, 
 than the manner in which he dealt with this question. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 735 
 
 CHAPTER LIX. 
 
 jackson's diplomacy — the claim against France — 
 jackson's message to congress on this claim — 
 calhoun's speech criticizing jackson's course 
 with reference to this claim — benton on jack- 
 son's foreign policy the "oregon question." 
 
 THE transcendent genius of General Jackson is 
 nowhere more forcibly illustrated than in dealing 
 with international questions as President. When 
 he became President in 1829, our diplomatic, or business 
 relations, with foreign nations, were in a deplorable condi- 
 tion. With most of the Governments of Europe we had 
 unsettled accounts with large balances in our favor, which 
 had accumulated, many of them, more than thirty years 
 before, and had taxed and baffled the diplomacy of every 
 President from Washington, and had, indeed, become what, 
 between individuals, are called stale demands. The largest 
 and by far the most complicated of all these international 
 disputes was known as the "French Spoliation Claims." 
 
 This was a claim of 25,000,000 francs against France for 
 spoliation committed mainly between 1793 and 1800, but 
 reached back and involved a treaty of amnesty and commerce 
 between the United States and France dated February 6, 
 1778. This claim had given General Washington much anx- 
 iety, and especially a set-off which France brought against 
 the United States as indemnity for a breach of the treaty in 
 failing to protect French commerce in American waters 
 against England and allowing England privileges guarded 
 against by the treaty with France. General Washington 
 issued a proclamation repudiating this indemnity, but 
 
736 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 failed, as did all his successors down to General Jackson, to 
 get a settlement, and payment of the claims of our citizens 
 for spoliations. The spoliations consisted of the seizure, 
 confiscation and sale of 615 ships, with their cargoes, 
 belonging to American citizens. This spoliation was prin- 
 cipally, in fact almost entirely, during the war between 
 France and England, lasting from 1793 to 1800. 
 
 The bill that brought on the great debate in the Senate 
 (and the student of international law will never do better 
 than to read it) was a bill to pay out of the United States 
 Treasury the losses sustained by the complainants, not to 
 exceed $5,000,000, and based upon two grounds: That the 
 claim was a just one against France, and the Government 
 of the United States, failing to enforce the claim of her 
 citizens against France, was bound to pay, and also, and I 
 believe mainly, that in the treaty of 1800 the United States 
 had recognized the indemnity claim of France and the 
 claims of both Governments had been adjusted, setting one 
 off against the other, which Mr. Webster contended was an 
 appropriation of private property for public use and must 
 be paid off by our Government. This seemed to be con- 
 clusive, notwithstanding it was earnestly argued, and indeed 
 shown, that the French set-off was a myth, for it was said 
 our Government could not go behind the treaty of 1800. 
 There can be no doubt of the fact that the set-off had no 
 real foundation and was only admitted in the treaty because 
 of the great anxiety of our commissioners to avoid trouble, 
 the exhausting war of the Revolution having so recently 
 terminated. This estoppel was overcome by one of General 
 Jackson's emergency intuitions which seemed always to 
 come in time of need. It was after the debate in the Senate 
 had laid bare all the facts that Mr. Wright and Mr. Benton 
 had boldly assumed that there was no consideration for the 
 indemnity claim which had been recognized in the treaty of 
 1800, that Jackson's Minister at Paris, William C. Rives, of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 737 
 
 Virginia, so pressed the claim before the Government, with 
 Jackson back of him, that the French Government yielded 
 and agreed to pay the claim, but when the Chamber of Dep- 
 uties refused to pay the money, Jackson, having removed 
 the estoppel of 1800 and having the claim recognized, was 
 just a little warm in his demands while the debate went on 
 in the Senate, and in one of his messages to Congress used 
 some language not flattering to the good faith of France. 
 This was made an excuse to back up the Chamber of Depu- 
 ties by saying the money could not be paid until the Presi- 
 dent of the United States apologized. France didn't know 
 Jackson. 
 
 Jackson met the crisis by taking the ground that he was 
 in official correspondence with a department of his own Gov- 
 ernment and not in communication with the French Govern- 
 ment, and was only giving Congress information which he 
 believed was true — and that he should not apologize. 
 
 Sixty French ships were at once fitted out and ordered 
 into American waters — with sixty more to be sent later. 
 This state of things brought from General Jackson a special 
 message to Congress on the state of affairs with France, 
 which showed a continual refusal on the part of France to 
 pay the indemnity unless an apology was first made and also 
 showing that a French fleet was preparing for the American 
 seas under circumstances which implied a design either to 
 overawe the American Government or to be ready for 
 expected hostilities. 
 
 This message said among other things : 
 
 "Whilst, however, the Government of the United States 
 was awaiting the movements of the French Government, in 
 perfect confidence that the difficulty was at an end. the 
 Secretary of State received a call from the French Charge 
 d' Affaires in Washington, who desired to read to him a 
 letter he had received from the French Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs. He was asked whether he was instructed or directed 
 
738 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 to make any official communication, and replied that he was 
 only authorized to read the letter, and furnish a copy if 
 requested. It was an attempt to make known to the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States privately, in what manner it 
 could make explanations, apparently voluntary, but really 
 dictated by France, acceptable to her, and thus obtain pay- 
 ment of the 25,000,000 francs. 
 
 "No exception was taken to this mode of communication 
 which is often used to prepare the way for official inter- 
 course; but the suggestions made in it were, in their sub- 
 stance, wholly inadmissible. Not being in the shape of an 
 official communication to this Government, it did not admit 
 of reply or official notice; nor could it safely be made the 
 basis of any action by the Executive or the Legislature ; and 
 the Secretary of State did not think proper to ask a copy, 
 because he could have no use for it. 
 
 "Copies of papers marked Nos. 9, 10 and 11 show an 
 attempt on the part of the French Charge d' Affaires, many 
 weeks afterward, to place a copy of this paper among the 
 archives of the Government, which for obvious reasons, was 
 not allowed to be done ; but the assurance before given was 
 repeated, that any official communication which he might 
 be authorized to make in the accustomed form would receive 
 a prompt and just consideration. The indiscretion of this 
 attempt was made more manifest by the subsequent avowal 
 of the French Charge d' Affaires, that the object was to bring 
 the letter before Congress and the American people. If 
 foreign agents, on a subject of disagreement between their 
 Government and this, wish to prefer an appeal to the Ameri- 
 can people, they will hereafter, it is hoped, better appreciate 
 their own rights, and the respect due to others, than to 
 attempt to use the Executive as the passive organ of their 
 communications. It is due to the character of our institu- 
 tions that the diplomatic intercourse of this Government 
 should be conducted with the utmost directness and simplic- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 739 
 
 ity, and that, in all cases of importance, the communi- 
 cations received or made by the Executive should assume 
 the accustomed official form. It is only by insisting 
 on this form that foreign powers can be held to full 
 responsibility ; that their communications can be officially 
 replied to; or that the advice or interference of the 
 Legislature can, with propriety, be invited by the Pres- 
 ident. This course is also best calculated, on the one 
 hand, to shield that officer from unjust suspicions; and, 
 on the other, to subject those portions of his acts to 
 public scrutiny and, if occasion shall require it, to con- 
 stitutional animadversion. It was the more necessary 
 to adhere to these principles in the instance in question, 
 inasmuch as, in addition to other important interests, it is 
 very intimately a matter, in my judgment, much too sacred 
 to be made the subject of private and unofficial negotiation. 
 "It is time that this unequal position of affairs should 
 cease and that legislative action should be brought to sustain 
 Executive exertion in such measures as the case requires. 
 While France persists in her refusal to comply with the 
 terms of a treaty, the object of which was, by removing all 
 causes of mutual complaint, to renew ancient feelings of 
 friendship, and to unite the two nations in the bonds of 
 amity, and of a naturally beneficial commerce, she cannot 
 justly complain if we adopt such peaceful remedies as the 
 law of nations and the circumstances of the case may author- 
 ize and demand. Of the nature of these remedies, I have 
 heretofore had occasion to speak ; and, in reference to a par- 
 ticular contingency, to express my conviction that reprisals 
 would be best adapted to the emergency than contemplated. 
 Since that period, France, by all the departments of her 
 Government, has acknowledged the validity of our claims 
 and the obligations of the treaty, and has appropriated the 
 moneys which are necessary to its execution; and though 
 payment is withheld on grounds vitally important to our 
 
740 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 existence as an independent nation, it is not to be believed 
 that she can have determined permanently to retain a posi- 
 tion so utterly indefensible. In the altered state of the 
 questions in controversy, and under all existing circum- 
 stances, it appears to me that, until such a determination 
 shall have become evident, it will be proper and sufficient 
 to retaliate her present refusal to comply with her engage- 
 ments by prohibiting the introduction of French products 
 and the entry of French vessels into all our ports. Between 
 this and the interdiction of all commercial intercourse, or 
 other remedies, you, as the representatives of the people, 
 must determine. I recommend the former, in the present 
 posture of our affairs, as being the least injurious to our 
 commerce, and as attended with the least difficulty of return- 
 ing to the usual state of friendly intercourse, if the Govern- 
 ment of France shall render us the justice that is due; and 
 also as a proper preliminary step to stronger measures, 
 should their adoption be rendered necessary by subsequent 
 events. 
 
 "Of course, the intent of these armaments I have no 
 authentic information, nor any other means of judging, 
 except such as are common to yourselves and the public; 
 but whatever may be their object, we are not at liberty to 
 regard them as unconnected with the measures which hostile 
 movements on the part of France may compel us to pursue. 
 They at least deserve to be met by adequate preparations on 
 our part, and I therefore strongly urge large and speedy 
 appropriations for the increase of the navy, and the comple- 
 tion of our coast defenses. 
 
 "If this array of military force be really designed to 
 affect the action of the Government and people of the United 
 States on the questions now pending between the two 
 nations, then, indeed, would it be dishonorable to pause a 
 moment on the alternative which such a state of things 
 would present to us. Come what may, the explanation 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 741 
 
 which France demands can never be accorded ; and no arma- 
 ment, however powerful and imposing, at a distance, or on 
 our coast, will, I trust, deter us from discharging the high 
 duties which we owe to our constituents, to our national 
 character and the world." 
 
 Under all the circumstances this message may be studied 
 as a true index to the character of General Jackson. Xot 
 an intimation of irritation, but upon the whole an exhibi- 
 tion of discreet firmness and prudence in a great emergency, 
 that rarely attach to the actions of men in high places when 
 in the performance of duty in the midst of a great crisis. 
 This message was not sent until General Jackson had from 
 King Louis Philippe a direct recognition of the claim, but 
 putting his defense upon the ground that the Chamber of 
 Deputies refused to pay the money. Thus, the President 
 of the United States and King Louis Philippe stood fronting 
 each other with drawn swords, one on the land and the other 
 on the sea. in an attitude that threatened war with all its 
 consequences between the United States and a former ally. 
 At this critical moment England stepped in and tendered 
 her kind offices to both Governments to mediate between 
 them. Jackson, with absolute confidence in the justice and 
 right of his cause, promptly accepted the offer ; France also 
 accepted it, and the Government of Great Britain took 
 charge of it. deciding that General Jackson was entitled to 
 the money, every dollar he claimed, 25,000,000 francs. It 
 is clue to history that Mr. Calhoun's position in this whole 
 affair shall be here stated. 
 
 In former chapters on the bank question and on the 
 expunging resolutions, Mr. Calhoun's conduct towards Gen- 
 eral Jackson, his forgetfulness of himself and his bitterness 
 towards General Jackson, together with his duplicity in the 
 Seminole war affair, have been fully shown, but at the last 
 moment in General Jackson's effort to settle the French 
 
 spoliation claims, there was an outcropping from Mr. Cal- 
 
 21 2 
 
742 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 houn that surpassed all previous efforts in the display of his 
 malignity and hatred of General Jackson. 
 
 He made a speech in the Senate, and in view of the efforts 
 previously made to settle this national trouble, running 
 through every administration from Washington down, and 
 at a time when General Jackson was bringing it to a close 
 and to a settlement, unwilling that it should be done without 
 a renewed display of his virulence and bad temper, he came 
 forward and made the following speech: 
 
 "I fear that the condition in which the country is now 
 placed has been the result of a deliberate and systematic pol- 
 icy. I am bound to speak my sentiments freely. It is due 
 to my constituents and the country, to act with perfect can- 
 dor and truth on a question in which their interest is so 
 deeply involved. I will not assert that the Executive has 
 deliberately aimed at war from the commencement; but I 
 will say that, from the beginning of the controversy to the 
 present moment, the course of the President is precisely the 
 one calculated to terminate in a conflict between the two 
 nations. It has been in his power, at every period, to give 
 the controversy a direction by which the peace of the coun- 
 try might be preserved, without the least sacrifice of reputa- 
 tion or honor; but he has preferred the opposite, I feel 
 (said Mr. C.) how painful it is to make these declarations; 
 how unpleasant it is to occupy a position which might by 
 any possibility, be construed in opposition to our country's 
 cause; but, in my conception, the honor and the interests 
 of the country can only be maintained by pursuing the 
 course that truth and justice may dictate. Acting under 
 this impression, I do not hesitate to assert, after a careful 
 examination of the documents connected with this unhappy 
 controversy, that, if war must come, we are the authors — 
 we are the responsible party. Standing, as I fear we do, 
 on the eve of a conflict, it would to me have been a source 
 of pride and pleasure to make an opposite declaration ; but 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 743 
 
 that sacred regard to truth and justice, which, I trust, will 
 ever he my guide under the most difficult circumstances, 
 would not permit." 
 
 I have thus made full notes of what General Jackson had 
 to do in the settlement of the French Spoliation Claims for 
 two reasons: First, to show how conservative and concilia- 
 tory under a great strain, indeed under a national insult, 
 this great man could be, in the settlement of a trust com- 
 mitted to him. and able to show more conclusively than here- 
 tofore how determined Air. Calhoun was on vituperation 
 and assailment wherever General Jackson was concerned. 
 
 When Jackson became President he found our foreign 
 affairs in a condition that an executor often finds a neglected 
 and carelessly managed estate when he enters upon a duty 
 to settle it, but determined that whatever else he did, he 
 would settle up our accounts with European Governments. 
 The following sentiment of Mr. Benton at the close of 
 General Jackson's administration, will perhaps here bear 
 repeating. It is this: 
 
 "Do we hear of indignity, or outrage in any quarter; of 
 merchants robbed in foreign parts; of vessels searched on 
 the high seas; of American citizens impressed into foreign 
 service; of the national flag insulted anywhere? On the 
 contrary, we see former wrongs repaired; no new ones 
 inflicted. France pays 25,000,000 francs for spoliations 
 committed thirty years ago; Naples pays 2,100,000 ducats 
 for wrongs of the same date; Denmark pays $650,000 for 
 wrongs done a quarter of a century ago ; Spain engages to 
 pay 12,000,000 of reals vellon for injuries of fifteen years' 
 date; and Portugal, the last in the list of former aggressors, 
 admits her liability, and only waits the adjustment of details 
 to close her account by adequate indemnity. So far from 
 war, insult, contempt, and spoliation from abroad, this 
 denounced Administration has been the season of peace and 
 good will, and the auspicious era of universal reparation. 
 
744 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 So far from suffering injury at the hands of foreign power, 
 our merchants have received indemnities for all former 
 injuries. It has been the day of accounting, of settlement, 
 and of retribution. The total list of arrearages, extending 
 through four successive previous administrations, has been 
 closed and settled up. The wrongs done to commerce for 
 thirty years back, and under so many different Presidents, 
 and indemnities withheld from all, have been repaired and 
 paid over under the beneficent and glorious administration 
 of General Jackson." 
 
 What a wonderful record this is for a soldier whom 
 Calhoun, Clay and Webster, and a long train of followers, 
 were not willing to trust in a civil office for lack of experi- 
 ence in business, and because of the military trend of his 
 
 whole life. 
 
 Serious complications with all the governments of Europe 
 which for thirty years our Presidents had been unable to 
 settle, but which this military man settled, and went out of 
 office leaving a clean sheet. 
 
 There was but one unsettled matter of importance with 
 any of the Governments of Europe that remained ; that was 
 the boundary line between Great Britain and the United 
 States, known as the "Oregon question." This was not 
 settled, because under an old treaty between England and 
 the United States, a joint occupation of the disputed terri- 
 tory was agreed upon, and the term of joint occupation 
 had not ended when Jackson went out of office. 
 
 This was the question that perhaps elected Mr. Polk in 
 1844, the Democratic party claiming the true boundary line 
 to be 54.40, so that Mr. Polk made his race on "54.40 or 
 fight," and which was afterwards settled at 49, the United 
 States surrendering its claim. 
 
 In some respects this French spoliation question is the 
 most interesting so far as the executive and legislative 
 departments of our Government are concerned, that is to be 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 745 
 
 found in our history. The debate mainly in the Senate, 
 running through a period lasting from 1829 to 1836, and 
 all the time under the watchful supervision and careful eye 
 of the President, has been preserved in its entirety, but 
 nowhere has it been preserved in such shape and in such 
 form as to be accessible to the people. The President of 
 the United States fixed his mind on it as he came into office, 
 and never did he let up until it was finally closed. 
 
 The several debates in the Senate and particularly the 
 debate towards the close of General Jackson's term and 
 before General Jackson obtained from King Louis Philippe 
 the recognition of the debt, to say the least of it, is the equal 
 in point of ability, preparation and learning, of any debate 
 found in our legislative records. 
 
 Mr. Webster spoke three days at one time, Mr. Wright 
 spoke two days and a half, Mr. Bibb and Mr. Benton spoke 
 at great length, besides others. 
 
 With a view of perpetuating and putting in form for 
 readers generally the character of this debate and the ques- 
 tion as General Jackson had it before him, I shall in another 
 chapter take up the discussion of the history and character 
 and substance of the debate, with a view of showing what 
 General Jackson was dealing with and what he accomplished 
 when he settled it. 
 
746 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER LX. 
 
 jackson's diplomacy continued — bibb's exposition 
 of jackson's contention with France — webster 
 
 on the french spoliation claims developments 
 
 of this celebrated case settlement secured by 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 THE diplomatic skill of General Jackson in conducting 
 the French Spoliation Claims question to a success- 
 ful termination has never been understood by the 
 public for lack of a connected history showing its complica- 
 tions. Its ramifications in all its phases would require a 
 volume, but I hope in an outline to give the general reader 
 a just conception of its magnitude with its many sides, as 
 well as the issues of both law and fact, when General Jack- 
 son became President in 1829. 
 
 The questions solved were both international and domes- 
 tic. The bill which brought the first great debate was to 
 have our Government assume and pay a claim of $5,000,000, 
 which, it was admitted on all hands, was once a liability of 
 France to American citizens. In support of this bill Mr. 
 Webster, then in the prime of life, in a discussion of both 
 law and fact, made a speech which shows that all the powers 
 of that great mind were brought to bear upon it. Mr. Bibb, 
 of Kentucky, in opening his speech, set forth at the outset 
 in a remarkably clear manner, General Jackson's side of the 
 question, at least on some of the questions, as follows : 
 
 "He was well aware that the interests of individuals 
 ought to be supported by their Governments to a certain 
 degree, but he did not think that Governments were bound 
 to push such interest to the extremity of war. He did not 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 747 
 
 admit that the rights of the whole were to be jeoparded by 
 the claims of individuals — the safety of the community 
 was paramount to claims of private citizens. He would 
 proceed to see if the interests of our citizens had been neg- 
 lected by this Government. These claims have been urged 
 from year to year with all the earnestness and zeal due from 
 the nation. But thev went on from bad to worse, till nego- 
 tiations were in vain. We then assumed a hostile position. 
 During the year 1798 more than twenty laws were passed 
 by Congress upon this very subject, some for raising troops, 
 some for providing arms and munitions of war, some for 
 fitting out a naval force, and so on. Was this neglecting 
 the claims of our citizens? We went as far as the interests 
 of the nation would permit. We prosecuted these claims, 
 to the very verge of plunging into the dreadful war then 
 desolating Europe. The Government then issued its proc- 
 lamation of neutrality and nonintercourse." 
 
 Mr. Bibb next proceeded to show that France had no 
 just claims upon us arising from the guaranty. This guar- 
 anty against France was not considered binding even by 
 France herself, any further than was consistent with our rela- 
 tions with other nations ; that it was so declared by her Min- 
 ister, and, moreover, that she acknowledged the justice of our 
 neutrality. These treaties had been violated by France, and 
 the United States could not surely be bound by treaties which 
 she had herself violated, and consequently we were under 
 no obligation on account of the guaranty. Mr. Bibb went 
 on to show that, by the terms of the treaty of 1800, the 
 debts due to our citizens had not been relinquished ; that as 
 the guaranty did not exist, and as the claims had not been 
 abandoned. Mr. Bibb concluded that "these claims ought 
 not to be paid by this Government. He was opposed to 
 going back thirty-four years to sit in judgment on the con- 
 stituted authorities of that time. There should be a stability 
 in the Government, and he was not disposed to question the 
 
748 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 judgment of the man (Washington), who has justly been 
 called the first in war and the first in peace. We are sitting 
 here to rejudge the decisions of the Government thirty-four 
 years since. 
 
 Then Mr. Webster, in his conspicuous clearness, put 
 forth at the opening of his speech his side of the case as 
 follows : 
 
 "He should content himself with stating very briefly an 
 outline of the grounds on which these claims are supposed 
 to rest, and then leave the subject to the consideration of 
 the Senate. He, however, should be happy, in the course 
 of the debate, to make such explanations as might be called 
 for. It would be seen that the bill proposed to make satis- 
 faction, to an amount not exceeding $5,000,000, to such 
 citizens of the United States, or their legal representatives, 
 as had valid claims for indemnity on the French Govern- 
 ment, rising out of illegal captures, detentions and condem- 
 nations, made or committed on their property prior to the 
 30th day of September, 1800. This bill supposed two or 
 three leading propositions to be true. 
 
 "It supposed, in the first place, that illegal seizure, deten- 
 tions, captures, condemnations and confiscations were made 
 of the vessels and property of the citizens of the United 
 States before September 30, 1800. 
 
 "It supposed, in the second place, that these acts of wrong 
 were committed by such orders and under such circum- 
 stances as that the sufferers had a just right and claim for 
 indemnity from the hands of the Government of France. 
 
 "Going on these two propositions, the bill assumed one 
 other, and that was that all such claims on France as came 
 within a prescribed period, or down to a prescribed period, 
 had been annulled by the United States, and that this gave 
 them a right to claim indemnity from this Government. It 
 supposed a liability in justice, in fairness and equity, on the 
 part of this Government, to make the indemnity. These 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 749 
 
 were the grounds on which the bill was framed. That there 
 were many confiscations no one doubted, and many such 
 acts of wrong as were mentioned in the first section of the 
 bill. That they were committed by Frenchmen, and under 
 such circumstances as gave those who suffered wrong an 
 unquestionable right to claim indemnity from the French 
 Government, nobody, he supposed, at that day would ques- 
 tion. There were two questions which might be made the 
 subject of discussion, and two only occurred to him at that 
 moment. The one was, 'On what ground was the Govern- 
 ment of the United States answerable to any extent to the 
 injury done to these claims.' The other, 'To what extent 
 was the Government in justice bound?' And first, 'Why 
 was it that the Government of the United States had become 
 responsible in law or equity to its citizens, for the claims — 
 for an indemnity for the wrongs committed on their com- 
 merce by the subjects of France before 1800?' 
 
 "To this question there was an answer, which, whether 
 satisfactory or not, had at least the merit of being a very 
 short one. It was, that, by a treaty between France and the 
 United States, bearing date the 30th of September, 1800, in 
 a political capacity, the Government of the United States 
 discouraged and released the Government of France from 
 this indemnity. It went upon the ground which was sus- 
 tained by all the correspondence which had preceded the 
 treaty of 1800, and the disputes arising between the two 
 countries should be settled by a negotiation. And claims 
 and pretensions having been asserted on either side, com- 
 missioners on the part of the United States were sent out to 
 assert and maintain the claims of indemnity which they 
 demanded, while commissioners appointed on the part of 
 France asserted a claim to the full extent of the stipulations 
 made in 1778, which they said the United States had prom- 
 ised to fulfill, and in order to carry into effect the treaty of 
 alliance of the same date, viz.: February, 1778. 
 
750 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "The negotiation ultimately terminated, and a treaty- 
 was finally ratified upon the terms and conditions of an 
 offset of the respective claims against each other, and for- 
 ever ; so that the United States Government, by the surren- 
 der and discharge of these claims of its citizens, had made 
 this surrender to the French Government to obtain for itself 
 a discharge from the onerous liabilities imposed upon them 
 by the treaty of 1778, and in order to escape from fulfilling 
 other stipulations proclaimed in the treaty of commerce of 
 that year, and which, if not fulfilled, might have brought 
 about a war with France. This was the ground on which 
 these claims rested. 
 
 "Heretofore when the subject had been before Congress, 
 gentlemen had taken this view of the case ; and he believed 
 there was a report presented to the Senate at the time, which 
 set forth that the claims of our citizens, being left open, the 
 United States had done these claimants no injury, and that 
 it did not exempt the Government of France from liability." 
 On this issue the legal mind at once rests with Mr. Web- 
 ster on the ground of an estoppel, that in a commercial 
 treaty in 1800, the United States had used these claims of 
 citizens as a setoff against a debt or demand France had 
 against the United States, and therefore we were estopped 
 from saying the French Government had no just claim — 
 we had admitted it by paying it with the spoliation claims 
 of American citizens, and therefore we were obligated to 
 our own citizens. 
 
 It is true the French claim of 1800 was a myth, and 
 Jackson took the ground that a myth could be a setoff in 
 1800, and therefore could not be an estoppel, and with this 
 fact strongly presented he obtained from the King a recog- 
 nition of the claim, while politicians were debating it in the 
 Senate, and then the fight came over the payment of the 
 
 money. 
 
 Silas Wright, who was then comparatively a young man, 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 751 
 
 and made much of his great reputation by his debate with 
 Mr. Webster on this question, undertook, by an elaborate 
 and ingenious analysis of the treaty of 1800, to show that it 
 did not commit our Government to a setoff of the spoliation 
 claims of our citizens against the indemnity claim set up by 
 France. 
 
 Second, that the indemnity claim set up by France was a 
 myth, and was no consideration for relieving France from 
 the just spoliation claims, and by law it is extinguished. 
 This was admitted to be the law if the facts were as con- 
 tended, and then came the debate between him and Mr. 
 Webster on these issues. 
 
 On these issues briefly stated came one of the greatest 
 debates that the history of the Senate records. Among 
 the several questions between Mr. Webster and Silas 
 Wright was one of general interest in international law. 
 How far and to what extent must a government go in col- 
 lecting a claim of its citizens against a foreign government 
 — a claim, the justice of which is conceded by the govern- 
 ment whose aid is demanded? Mr. Webster's contention 
 was that these claimants whose 615 ships, with their car- 
 goes, had been captured and confiscated, were not able, and 
 had not the power, to enforce collection against France, and 
 that our Government in failing to enforce the claim, had 
 become responsible to the claimants — even if he was in 
 error in saying that the government had got the benefit of 
 them in a setoff against the French indemnity claim. 
 
 To this Mr. Wright, with Mr. Bibb and Mr. Benton, 
 made two answers which were so convincing that Mr. Web- 
 ster turned away, and to his argument in which he had the 
 greatest confidence; that the treaty of September 30, 1800, 
 had paid France a debt — her indemnity claim, with these 
 spoliation claims, and that this was taking private property 
 for public use and must be paid for, Mr. Wright by an 
 unanswerable argument insisted that when France refused 
 
752 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 to pay our citizens our Government had no way to compel 
 it except by going to war, and that every nation must decide 
 for itself when and for what it will go to war; that the 
 question of ability, with many other considerations, must 
 enter into it, and that when the question was raised we had 
 just come out of the Revolution, and that a war with France 
 was a most serious matter. 
 
 Then taking up the line of thought presented by Mr. Bibb 
 at the outset, he showed that these claims had not been neg- 
 lected, but urged from year to year for thirty-four years 
 with all the earnestness and zeal due from our Government 
 till negotiations were in vain; that we then assumed a 
 hostile attitude; that more than twenty laws, in 1798, were 
 passed, some for raising troops, some for providing arms, 
 some for fitting out a naval force, and that blood was shed. 
 
 Then Mr. Wright met Mr. Webster on his claim that in 
 the treaty of 1800 the claims were not set off one against 
 the other, and in an elaborate and ingenious argument he 
 did show that in the action of the Senate on the treaty and 
 a modification by Napoleon, the First Consul, the French 
 indemnity claim was not settled but suspended. 
 
 Then Mr. Wright contended that not being used as a set- 
 off, they were extinguished by the treaty of peace in 1800, 
 and to establish this he had to assume that war had existed 
 in which the indemnity claim was involved, and that a 
 treaty of peace without settling it extinguished it. He 
 relied upon the hostilities of 1798 to 1800, and the breaking 
 up of all diplomatic relations. But Mr. Webster met this 
 by saying that we could not be in war without Congress 
 first declaring war, and this idea seemed to prevail. 
 
 While General Jackson was watching this debate with 
 intense interest — and fearing Mr. Webster's power in the 
 Senate — he was in a sense behind the scene working his 
 own plan. Jackson was a diplomat, and through his Min- 
 ister at Paris, Mr. Rives, he was negotiating terms of settle- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 753 
 
 ment with King Louis Philippe, who lacked a great deal of 
 being the equal of General Jackson. Finally, through his 
 Minister, he got from the crown an acknowledgment of the 
 debt with a promise to pay it — whereupon Jackson assumed 
 a new attitude. But for this Mr. Webster would probably 
 have passed the bill, putting the debt on our own Govern- 
 ment, for the Senate was much inclined to agree with him 
 that the claims had been set off one against the other by the 
 treaty of 1800, and then to regard that as an estoppel, 
 though the indemnity claim was without real merit. 
 
 As shown in the last chapter, the Chamber of Deputies 
 refused to pay it, which led to hostile steps — an army on 
 land and a navy on the sea — when England came in and 
 settled it. 
 
 Some people seem not to understand how it is that Gen- 
 eral Jackson settled the French Spoliation Claims question, 
 and still French spoliation questions are coming up in 
 Congress and in the courts. General Jackson only settled 
 the question with France — the amount claimed to be due 
 had been fixed at an early day in our history — 25,000,000 
 francs. This was paid over to our Government, but as was 
 anticipated in the debate, after thirty-four years, the distri- 
 bution was troublesome. Underwriters who had succeeded 
 to the demands of ship owners, scattered heirs of claimants 
 long since dead to be hunted up and identified, made the 
 distribution a most perplexing work for the Government, 
 and down to a late period claimants have been coming for- 
 ward to set up their claims in court and in Congress, and 
 probably some of them have been left out, and some claim- 
 ants paid who were not entitled to pay. For such a compli- 
 cated affair this would inevitably be so. 
 
754 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER LXI. 
 
 CONCLUSION OF THE QUESTION OF THE FRENCH SPOLIATION 
 CLAIMS ACTION OF ENGLAND IN REGARD TO RECIP- 
 ROCAL TRADE RELATIONS WITH HER WEST INDIA 
 
 ISLANDS TREATY MADE WITH RUSSIA FOR THE FIRST 
 
 TIME IN OUR HISTORY CLAIMS AGAINST SPAIN FOR 
 
 INJURIES TO AMERICAN SHIPPING THE SETTLEMENT 
 
 WITH NAPLES THE TREATY WITH THE OTTOMAN 
 
 EMPIRE THE TREATY WITH MOROCCO. 
 
 THE conclusion of the French Spoliation Claims ques- 
 tion is interesting. General Jackson's message to 
 Congress giving information of the French fleet 
 that was intended for American waters, and suggesting 
 active measures to meet it, had been referred to a committee, 
 but no report had been made, though active preparatory 
 steps were in progress when a second message from the 
 President came informing the Senate that Great Britain 
 had offered her friendly mediation between the United 
 States and France; that it had been accepted by both Gov- 
 ernments; the message recommended a suspension of all 
 retaliatory measures against France, but a vigorous prose- 
 cution of the national works of general and permanent 
 defense. The message also stated that the mediation had 
 been accepted on the part of the United States with careful 
 reservation of the points in the controversy which involved 
 the honor of the country and which admitted of no com- 
 promise. This meant that the demands of France that an 
 apology should be made before the money was paid was no 
 part of the friendly mediation by Great Britain, and this 
 was put in the acceptance. The next thing after this mes- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 755 
 
 sage was the payment by France of the four installments 
 due and which were actually paid without waiting for the 
 decision of the mediator. 
 
 General Jackson's force of character and surpassing qual- 
 ifications for the exalted position he occupied are strikingly 
 shown in all his diplomatic relations, though it was on this 
 his enemies had made their most frantic opposition. 
 
 By the Orders in Council of Great Britain and the Berlin 
 and Milan decrees of France during the European wars, 
 coming down to the fall of Napoleon, the high seas became 
 a scene of universal piracy. 
 
 This authorized piracy preyed on our shipping to such an 
 extent that it left us many accounts to settle, all of which 
 passed unsettled through the several administrations and 
 fell into General Jackson's hands in 1829, when he became 
 President. All in all, it was about the most ungracious 
 lot of old diplomatic rubbish ever inherited by the executive 
 department of any government. 
 
 In addition to these long standing international carbun- 
 cles, which the new President said in some way must be 
 removed, he found other matters equally important and 
 equally demanding his attention of a diplomatic character. 
 The first one of these which the new President attacked 
 when he went into office was the prohibition of our com- 
 merce by England in the West India Islands. Prior to the 
 formation of our Government the colonies had had uninter- 
 rupted commerce with the West India Islands. When the 
 Government was formed, England at once prohibited all 
 trade and commerce by us with her West India colonies. 
 This inhibition lasted forty years. The loss of this trade 
 was regarded as of such magnitude that it was the subject 
 of negotiation during the time, and under six different Pres- 
 idents — Washington. John Adams, Jefferson, Madison, 
 Monroe, and John Quincy Adams — all of whom had 
 earnestly worked to have the trade restored. 
 
756 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 When England was not feeling good General Washing- 
 ton made an earnest appeal and upon a sound principle to 
 have it restored. He asked from England the privilege of 
 the trade with her colonies, but it was refused. General 
 Washington, six months after his inauguration, wrote a 
 letter to Gouveneur Morris, then in Europe, on this subject, 
 and said: "Let it be thoroughly impressed on your mind 
 that the privilege of carrying our productions in our own 
 vessels to their (England's) islands and bringing in return 
 the productions of those islands to our ports and markets is 
 regarded here as of the highest importance." No less than 
 six negotiations had been set on foot to accomplish the 
 object, but all signally failed. 
 
 At one time — in 1822 — Congress was informed that 
 the Parliament of Great Britain was preparing and would 
 pass a law opening a trade with the islands offering terms 
 of reciprocal exchange. Congress, in 1823, passed a bill 
 accepting terms offered, but accepted it as a right yielded. 
 England at once withdrew the offer, became obstinate and 
 continued so. General Washington had taken the right view 
 — that the mother country controls the foreign trade with 
 her colonies. When General Jackson came in he sent Louis 
 McLane to the Court of St. James, and had Mr. Van Buren, 
 his Secretary of State, draw up instructions to him to open 
 negotiations with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, putting 
 it on the ground of mutual interests, and simply asked the 
 privilege of trading with the West India colonies by taking 
 to them in our ships our productions and bringing back 
 their productions in the same ships. This was soon accom- 
 plished, and we have had the blessing of this great com- 
 merce ever since, constantly increasing. It is a curious 
 incident in our history that in the rage of jealousy, after 
 Mr. Van Buren had been sent to the Court of St. James and 
 the Senate came to act on the appointment, it refused to 
 confirm the appointment, and Mr. Van Buren came home. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 757 
 
 This monstrous act of jealousy toward Mr. Van Buren. 
 who, the presidential aspirants claimed, was displacing 
 them with the President, undoubtedly had more to do with 
 electing Mr. Van Buren President than any other one thing; 
 in fact. Mr. Benton said to these gentlemen when they 
 refused to confirm the nomination. "You have spoiled a 
 Minister, but you have made a President." There is at this 
 day no question that General Washington and General 
 Jackson were right in holding that the commerce of colonies 
 is under the control of the mother country, and if other 
 nations have it, they have it as a privilege and not as a right. 
 
 Some way or other, in all matters of public interest, Gen- 
 eral Jackson had a way of doing things which no one else 
 had. He was not a man to try ; he was a man to do. His 
 settlement of the French spoliation claims question and his 
 restoration of our long lost trade with the West Indies are 
 striking illustrations, as was his adjustment of a long con- 
 tinued and perplexing affair with Russia. 
 
 Many special missions and of the most eminent citizens, 
 and at various times and under different administrations 
 and under the Congress of the Confederation before there 
 was any administration had been instituted for that pur- 
 pose — that of Francis Dana, of Massachusetts (under 
 whom the young John Quincy Adams, at the age of sixteen, 
 served his diplomatic apprenticeship as private secretary), 
 in 1784, under the old Congress; that of Rufus King, under 
 the first Mr. Adams ; that of John Quincy Adams, Albert 
 Gallatin, James A. Bayard and W r illiam Pinckney, under Mr. 
 Monroe; that of George Washington Campbell and Henry 
 Middleton, under Mr. Monroe (the latter continued under 
 John Quincy Adams), and all in vain. For some cause, 
 never publicly explained, the guaranty of a treaty had been 
 constantly declined. 
 
 The attention of President Jackson was early directed to 
 this anomalous point, and John Randolph of Roanoke, then 
 22-2 
 
758 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 retired from Congress, was induced, by the earnest persua- 
 sions of the President and his Secretary of State, Mr. Van 
 Buren, to accept the place of Envoy Extraordinary and 
 Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of St. Petersburg, to 
 renew the applications for the treaty which had so long been 
 made in vain. 
 
 Repairing to that post Mr. Randolph found that the 
 rigors of a Russian climate were too severe for the texture 
 of his fragile constitution, and was soon recalled at his 
 own request. James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was then 
 'appointed in his place, and by him the long desired treaty 
 was concluded, December, 1832, the Count Nesselrode being 
 the Russian negotiator, and the Emperor Nicholas the reign- 
 ing sovereign. It was a treaty of great moment to the 
 United States, for although it added nothing to the com- 
 mercial privileges actually enjoyed, yet it gave stability to 
 their enjoyment and so imparted confidence to the enter- 
 prise of merchants. It was limited to seven years' duration, 
 but with a clause of indefinite continuance, subject to termi- 
 nation upon one year's notice from either party. Many 
 years have elapsed; no notice of its termination has ever 
 been given, and the commerce between the two countries 
 feels all the advantages resulting from stability and national 
 guaranties. And thus was obtained in the first term of 
 General Jackson's administration an important treaty with 
 a great power, which all previous administrations and the 
 Congress of the Confederation had been unable to obtain. 
 
 This treaty, which Mr. Benton says continued up to the 
 time of his book, has remained and is now the guarantee of 
 amity and commerce. 
 
 Nobody had been able to handle the French spoliation 
 claims question ; nobody had been able to handle the West 
 Indies trade question ; nobody had been able to handle the 
 Russian (no treaty) question. And now comes the Spanish 
 question, still signalizing the power of this wonderful man 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 759 
 
 to accomplish results. Our spoliation claim against Spain 
 at one time \\;<s large and complicated. But in the treaty 
 of 1819, when we exchanged Texas for Florida, giving 
 $5, 000,000 as the difference, we closed up the old spoliation 
 claim and paid the live millions difference to American 
 claimants. 'This claim had arisen, as the French claim did, 
 by the seizure and co - . >n of American merchant ships 
 
 during the European wars. 
 
 But a new question of spoliation had arisen before Gcn- 
 . I Jackson became President. All the Spanish-Americ in 
 States had become independent and established their own 
 forms of government, but Spain refused to acknowledge 
 their independence and was in a sullen mood at the out- 
 spoken sympathy of some of our public men, and because 
 of the action of our Government in recognizing them as 
 independent States. Hence, while Spain could not hold 
 the revolted colonies, she could make war on their com- 
 merce. She refused to acknowledge the blockade, and 
 under this pretext captured and confiscated American mer- 
 chant ships and cargoes. Spain was in a very bad humor 
 at the loss of her colonies, and refused to make reparation 
 for the ships and cargoes confiscated. A large list of losses 
 was furnished the Government, and when Jackson became 
 President he at once put his mind on this comparatively 
 recent injury to American shipping, and appointed Corne- 
 lius Van Ness as Minister to Spain, with instructions to 
 bring this matter promptly before the Government and to 
 earnestly insist on reparation for the wrong done American 
 ship owners. Reparation was refused, and the facts con- 
 nected with the refusal were reported to the President. 
 With all former Presidents delay and future negotiations 
 would probably have been the policy, for indeed in all our 
 unsettled affairs with other nations up to the time Jackson 
 became President, delay had been the principal feature, and 
 hence the accumulation of stale demands that fell to Jackson 
 
760 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 when he became President. His treatment of all these 
 claims indicated that he had made himself familiar with 
 them before he took the office. 
 
 The failure of Spain to recover and hold the American 
 revolted colonies had, by the law of nations, confirmed our 
 right to damages for spoliation, and the blunt refusal of 
 Spain to negotiate a treaty and settlement of the claims put 
 the President where he had to act, or do as had been done 
 in all the other cases before he came into office — wait until 
 the wrong-doer got in a better humor. So the President 
 without delay dispatched a special messenger to Madrid, 
 with instructions for him, in conjunction with Mr. Van 
 Ness, to bring the subject "once more" before the Spanish 
 Government, and at the same time sent a special message 
 to Congress, saying he had made his last demand, and if 
 justice was not done he would bring the matter before that 
 body as the constitutional judge of what was to be done. 
 
 Upon closer examination the President became satisfied 
 that some of the claims set up were not just and should not 
 have the support of the Government. He immediately 
 notified Congress, assuring that body of his oft-repeated 
 pledge that he, in all his dealings with foreign governments, 
 was determined to ask nothing but what was manifestly 
 just, and that he had ordered these improper claims stricken 
 out, and so notified his agents at Madrid. The special 
 message to Congress had put the Spanish Government in a 
 much better humor about our claim, and upon this manly 
 acknowledgment of an error in the claim, it was promptly 
 settled and the money paid. The amount was twelve 
 millions of reals vellon (a real vellon is equal to 5 cents), 
 making the amount $600,000. This settlement was both 
 pleasing and gratifying to the American people. So different 
 from the diplomacy of former administrations in dealing 
 with demands on other governments, and besides, Spain had 
 been friendly in the Revolution, which was remembered. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 761 
 
 One of the most striking in all General Jackson's diplo- 
 matic exploit.- was with Naples. In 1809, 1810, 181 1, and 
 1812. when Murat was king of Naples, and under orders 
 of his brother-in-law, the Emperor Xapoleon, he seized and 
 confiscated many vessels and their cargoes belonging to the 
 citizens of the United States. When the Neapolitan Gov- 
 ernment was restored and the usurper Murat taken pris- 
 oner the Neapolitan king had him shot, and when our 
 claim for spoliation was brought against the Neapolitan 
 Government for the usurper's trespasses, it almost took 
 away the breath of the little kingdom. "It was enough," 
 they said, "to have had a usurper while on the throne." 
 International law was not worth a cent in the way of argu- 
 ment, and the king put his back up against the wall and 
 stood for all the crown was worth. He was a Bourbon, a 
 legitimate, and affirmed that the real sufferer was the king- 
 dom and people of Naples. Efforts were made by Madi- 
 son, Monroe, and John Quincy Adams to get redress, but in 
 vain. 
 
 In the last year of Mr. Madison's administration he sent 
 one of America's most distinguished men, William Pinck- 
 ney, to Naples, charged exclusively with getting indem- 
 nity for the Murat spoliations. His demand was no sooner 
 made than refused. The king said, when refusing it, that 
 France was the real author of the piratical policy during 
 the wars, and you have not yet brought her to terms. Mr. 
 Monroe in an earnest effort failed to accomplish it; so did 
 John Quincy Adams. When General Jackson came in he 
 appointed John Nelson, of Maryland, charge d'affaires to 
 Naples, with special instructions as to this claim. General 
 Jackson had two reasons for modifying the firmness shown 
 in other cases. One was the same reason that a big man 
 has for bearing a good deal from a little man, and the other 
 was that it was hard to make the little kingdom pay for the 
 trespasses of a usurper. And in this spirit Mr. Nelson per- 
 
762 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 suaded the king to settle, and the money was paid, 2,115,000 
 ducats. 
 
 When General Jackson came into the Presidential office 
 he found, among other unaccountable things, that there 
 was no treaty of any sort with the Ottoman Empire. Other 
 nations had secured favorable treaties, especially Russia, in 
 what was known as the Adrianople treaty, the provisions of 
 which had been extended to other European nations. Gen- 
 eral Jackson was surprised, and his active mind quickened 
 when he found that we had no stipulated or guaranteed 
 right of passing the Dardanelles and of navigating the 
 Black Sea and no protection whatever for American citi- 
 zens in the Sultan's dominions, a vast country covering 
 what was once one-half the Roman world. Sacred and 
 profane history had given these vast dominions an impor- 
 tance in Christendom that no other country had. They 
 covered the land which was the birthplace of the human 
 race, the cradle of the Christian religion and the early seat 
 of the arts and sciences, and contained the city which was 
 founded by the first Roman Christian Emperor. It had 
 been the seat of commerce and great wealth. The Govern- 
 ment was just fifty years old when Jackson took the oath of 
 office, and although efforts had been made, all attempts at 
 a treaty with the government of this vast empire had failed. 
 
 Congress was not a little surprised, as well as the coun- 
 try, when General Jackson laid before the Senate a most 
 liberal and far-reaching treaty made with the Sultan Mah- 
 moud, noted for his liberal foreign views, his domestic re- 
 forms, and his protection of Christians. The treaty pro- 
 vided on its face that it was the first treaty ever made be- 
 tween the United States and the Ottoman Empire. By the 
 provisions of this treaty our trade with the Turkish domin- 
 ions was placed on the footing of the most favored nation, 
 and being without limitation as to time, may be considered 
 as perpetual, subject only to be abrogated by war, in itself 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 763 
 
 improbable, or by other events not to be expected. The 
 right of passing the Dardanelles and of navigating the 
 Black Sea was secured to our merchant ships, in ballast or 
 with cargo, and to carry the products of the United States 
 and of the Ottoman Empire, except the prohibited articles. 
 The flag of the United States was to be respected. Factors 
 or commercial brokers of any religion were to be employed 
 by our merchants. Consuls were placed on a footing of 
 security, and travelers with passports were protected. 
 Fairness and justice and litigation were provided for. In 
 questions between a citizen of the United States and a sub- 
 ject of the Sublime Porte, the parties were not to be heard 
 nor judgment pronounced unless the American interpreter 
 (dragoman) was present. In questions between American 
 citizens the trial was to be before the United States Minis- 
 ter or Consul. "Even when they (the American citizens, so 
 runs the fourth article) , shall have committed some offense 
 they shall not be arrested and put in prison by the local 
 authorities, but shall be tried by the Minister or Consul and 
 punished according to the offense." By this treaty all that 
 was granted to other nations by the treaty of Adrianople is 
 also granted to the United States, with the additional stipu- 
 lation to be always placed on the footing of the most fav- 
 ored nation — a stipulation wholly independent of the treaty 
 exacted by Russia at Adrianople as the fruit of victories, 
 and of itself equivalent to a full and liberal treaty, and the 
 whole guaranteed by a particular treaty with ourselves, 
 which makes us independent of the general treaty of Adri- 
 anople. A spirit of justice, liberality, and kindness runs 
 through it. Assistance and protection is to be given 
 throughout the Turkish dominions to American wrecked 
 vessels and their crews, and all property received from a 
 wreck is to be delivered to the American Consul of the 
 nearest port for the benefit of the owners. Ships of war of 
 the two countries are to exhibit toward each other friendly 
 
764 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and courteous conduct, and Turkish ships of war are to 
 treat American merchant vessels with kindness and respect. 
 
 The valuable commerce of the Black Sea and of all the 
 Turkish ports of Asia Minor, Europe and Africa (once the 
 finest in the world), traveling, residence, and the pursuit of 
 business throughout the Turkish dominions, are made as 
 safe to our citizens as in any of the European countries, and 
 thus the United States, though among the youngest in the 
 family of nations, besides securing particular advantages to 
 her own citizens, has done her part in bringing those an- 
 cient countries into the system of modern European com- 
 mercial policy and in harmonizing people long estranged. 
 
 General Jackson also turned his attention to Morocco on 
 the north of Africa and found that the old Congress had 
 made a treaty before our Government was formed with that 
 far-away country, containing the following stipulations : 
 
 "Neither party to take commissions from an enemy ; per- 
 sons and property captured in an enemy's vessel to be re- 
 leased; American citizens and effects to be restored; 
 stranded vessels to be protected ; vessels not allowed to fol- 
 low out of port for twenty-four hours; American com- 
 merce to be on the most favored footing ; exchange of pris- 
 oners in time of war; no compulsion in buying or selling 
 goods; no examination of goods on board, except contra- 
 band was proved; no detention of vessels; disputes between 
 Americans to be settled by their consuls and the consul as- 
 sisted when necessary; killing punished by the law of the 
 country; the effects of persons dying intestate to be taken 
 care of and delivered to the consul, and if no consul, to De 
 deposited with some person of trust ; no appeal to arms un- 
 less refusal of friendly arrangements ; in case of war nine 
 months to be allowed citizens of each power residing in the 
 dominions of the other to settle their affairs and remove." 
 
 This treaty made in 1787 was the work of Benjamin 
 Franklin. It was extended to fifty years and renewed by 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 765 
 
 General Jackson in the last year of his administration for 
 fifty years more, and afterward until a twelve months' 
 notice of a desire to abrogate it should be given by one of 
 the parties. 
 
 In his treaty with the Sultan it was agreed and stipulated 
 that treaties of like character and like conditions should be 
 entered into by the little governments of Siam and the 
 Sultan of Muscat. This was soon done, and all the privi- 
 leges secured which are found in the treaty with the Sub- 
 lime Porte. 
 
 All the treaties here specially named are mentioned be- 
 cause they are exceptional, in that they were accomplished 
 by General Jackson after many efforts and signal failures 
 by his predecessors in the office, or because they were the 
 opening way to amity and commerce and the protection of 
 American citizens, and especially Christians, in the far 
 outlying countries of the East. General Jackson concluded 
 other treaties with Austria, Mexico, Peru, Bolivia, and 
 Venezuela. 
 
 Looking over the list, with the facts stated, and remem- 
 bering that when General Jackson went out of office there 
 was not one single old sore with any nation left to be doc- 
 tored, the only unsettled affair was the Oregon boundary 
 line, and that was put beyond Jackson's reach by a treaty 
 of joint occupation whose term had not expired; and re- 
 membering that all domestic troubles had been healed up 
 with entire good feeling and co-operation between the Fed- 
 eral and State Governments, without a speck of war in the 
 heavens to disturb our friendship with the nations of the 
 earth, I am tempted to ask a rehearing on Jackson as a 
 diplomat. 
 
766 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER LXII. 
 
 DEALINGS OF THE UNITED STATES WITH THE INDIANS 
 
 COMPLICATIONS DUE TO CLAIMS OF STATES THE 
 
 STATUTE OF GEORGIA IN REGARD TO THE INDIANS THE 
 
 CASE OF FOREMAN VS. THE STATE OF TENNESSEE 
 
 OPINION OF CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL REVIEW BY 
 
 CHIEF JUSTICE OF TENNESSEE CATRON BENTON ON 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT'S TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS 
 
 CASE OF GEORGE TASSELS JACKSON'S INTENTIONS TO- 
 WARD THE INDIANS. 
 
 N^OTHING in our history is more interesting and 
 nothing in the shifting scenes of the early days less 
 understood, and out of which have come dissatis- 
 faction at home and prejudice abroad than our dealings, as 
 a nation, with the aborigines of the country. M. de Toque- 
 ville, a popular French writer, has misrepresented us in this 
 respect, and his writings have generally been received as 
 true history in Europe, and in this country readers of books 
 who have been willing to take French writers rather than 
 American history for what we are and what we have done, 
 have accepted it. In former chapters I have felt it necessary 
 to review with care, and by well collected facts, the writings 
 of this Frenchman on parts of our history on other mat- 
 ters; and especially in his ill-digested sketches of General 
 Tackson's life. 
 
 The conflicts between the State courts and the Federal 
 courts, the intense feeling in the States on one side, and the 
 imperative duty of the Supreme Court of the United States 
 on the other, had put the political department of the Gov- 
 ernment where a small man in General Jackson's place 
 would have been as helpless as the Queen of China now is, 
 in her impotency, while she sees the powers count and di- 
 
AX DREW JACKSON. 767 
 
 vide up her scnnt revenue. What a blessing to any people 
 in a great crisis to have a big man at the head! 
 
 Onlv intelligent and laborious searchers after the truth of 
 history will know through the coming ages what Marshall 
 on the bench, and Jackson in the field, and in the Cabinet, 
 were worth in putting the great republic on its feet. 
 
 In one respect the Indian question surpassed all the others 
 that came in our early history. The conflicts between the 
 Federal and the State Governments were more intense as 
 well as more deeply seated : involving the great questions of 
 justice, sympathy, rights of property, and the homes of a 
 brave, savage race ready and willing to fight and die for 
 the land in which slept the bones of their ancestors. 
 
 Within the limits of the old States, when the Constitu- 
 tion was adopted, and in the territories where the new- 
 States were formed, were found many tribes of Indians 
 whose possessory right, with well-defined boundaries, far 
 exceeded any claim we had by occupancy or discovery. 
 
 At first, when the white population was small and thinly 
 scattered, the Indian possessions were scarcely considered; 
 but as the population increased, a State within the State, 
 made up of an only partially civilized people with their own 
 government and laws, and a provision in the Constitution 
 that no State shall be formed within a State, the question, 
 in a social as well as in a political point of view, came to be 
 serious and threatening. 
 
 The question was further complicated between the Fed- 
 eral Government and the States, by the various treaties 
 entered into with the Indians by the Federal Government, 
 which treaties were set up and pleaded by the Indians in 
 their litigation between them and the States, but were 
 wholly disregarded by the States, notably Georgia and 
 Tennessee. 
 
 Both of these States in disregard of the treaties, passed 
 laws for the government of these people, extending the 
 
768 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 laws, severally, of the States over them, and with inhibi- 
 tions on their rights in a social as well as a legal and politi- 
 cal point of view, and denying them the right of property 
 in their lands unless they became citizens of and acknowl- 
 edged allegiance to the State. 
 
 Here are some of the provisions of the Georgia statute: 
 
 "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives of the State of Georgia, in General Assembly met, and 
 it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, that, after 
 the i st day of February, 1831, it shall not be lawful for any 
 person or persons, under color or pretense of authority 
 from said Cherokee tribe, or as headmen, chiefs, or war- 
 riors of said tribe, to cause or procure by any means the 
 assembling of any council or other pretended legislative 
 body of the said Indians or others living among them, for 
 the purpose of legislating (or for any other purpose what- 
 ever). And persons offending against the provisions of 
 this section shall be guilty of a high misdemeanor, and sub- 
 ject to indictment therefor, and, on conviction, shall be 
 punished by confinement at hard labor in the penitentiary 
 for the space of four years. 
 
 "Section II. And be it further enacted by the authority 
 aforesaid, that after the time aforesaid, it shall not be law- 
 ful for any person or persons, under pretext of authority 
 from the Cherokee tribe, or as representatives, chiefs, head- 
 men or warriors of said tribe, to meet or assemble as coun- 
 cil, assembly, convention, or in any other capacity, for the 
 purpose of making laws, orders or regulations for said tribe. 
 And all persons offending against the provisions of this 
 section shall be guilty of a high misdemeanor, and subject 
 to an indictment, and on conviction therefor, shall undergo 
 an imprisonment in the penitentiary for the space of four 
 years. 
 
 "Section III. And be it further enacted by the authority 
 aforesaid, that, after the time aforesaid, it shall not be lawful 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 769 
 
 for any person or persons, under color or by authority 
 of the Cherokee tribe, or any of its laws or regulations, to 
 hold any court or tribunal whatever, for the purpose of 
 hearing- and determining causes, either civil or criminal, or 
 to give any judgment in such causes, or to issue, or cause to 
 issue, any process against the person or property of any of 
 said tribe. And all persons offending against the provis- 
 ions of this section shall be guilty of a high misdemeanor, 
 and subject to indictment, and on conviction thereof, shall 
 be imprisoned in the penitentiary at hard labor for the 
 space of four years. 
 
 "Section VII. And be it further enacted by the authority 
 aforesaid, that all white persons residing within the limits 
 of the Cherokee nation, on the first day of March next, or 
 at any time thereafter, without a license or permit from His 
 Excellency the Governor, or from such agent as His Excel- 
 lency the Governor shall authorize to grant such permit or 
 license, and who shall not have taken the oath hereinafter 
 required, shall be guilty of a high misdemeanor, and upon 
 conviction thereof, shall be punished by confinement in 
 the penitentiary at hard labor for a term not less than four 
 years ; provided that the provisions of this section shall not 
 be so construed as to extend to any authorized agent or 
 agents of the Government of the United States or of this 
 State, or to any person or persons who may rent any of 
 those improvements which have been abandoned by Indians 
 who have emigrated west of the Mississippi ; provided, 
 nothing contained in this section shall be so construed as to 
 extend to white females, and all male children under twen- 
 ty-one years of age. 
 
 "Section X. And be it further enacted by the authority 
 aforesaid, that no person shall collect or claim any toll 
 from any person for passing any turnpike, gate, or toll 
 bridge by authority of any act or law of the Cherokee tribe, 
 or any chief or headmen or men of the same." 
 
770 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 For the violation of this statute, Worcester, who was a 
 preacher and missionary, was indicted for residing in the 
 Indian nation, convicted, and sentenced to the penitentiary 
 for four years, and was imprisoned. 
 
 The Governor of the State refused to pardon him, hold- 
 ing the statute to be valid. The Indians then employed 
 Mr. Wirt, who got the case into the Supreme Court of the 
 United States, and it was in this case the great Chief Justice 
 fixed the status of the Indians and their rights. 
 
 The case of Foreman vs. The State of Tennessee was de- 
 cided after the Worcester case had been decided by a unani- 
 mous decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, 
 and the Tennessee Court had the opinion before it, and 
 further complicated the whole question by refusing to follow 
 it, and agreeing with the Supreme Court of Georgia. And it 
 is said that the Georgia court refused to obey the procedendo 
 from the Supreme Court of the United States by releasing 
 the prisoner. 
 
 As shown in a preceding chapter, the Supreme Court 
 of Tennessee held that the charters granted by the King 
 of England, and the law of nations which had its ori- 
 gin with the papal power, gave us the right to the land, and 
 power over the inhabitants, even to extermination, because 
 they were infidels. 
 
 A mere synopsis of the masterly opinion of Chief Justice 
 Marshall, acquiesced in by the whole court (except Bald- 
 win, who dissented on a technical question), is all that can 
 be given here. 
 
 The court was then composed of John Marshall, Chief 
 Justice; William Johnson, Gabriel Duvall, Joseph Story, 
 Smith Thompson, John McLean, and Henry Baldwin. 
 
 I make the following quotation from the opinion of the 
 Chief Justice: 
 
 "The Indian nations had always been considered as dis- 
 tinct, independent communities, retaining their original 
 
AS DREW JACKSON. 771 
 
 natural rights, as the undisputed possessors of the soil, from 
 time immemorial, with the single exception of that imposed 
 by irresistible power, which excluded them from intercourse 
 with any other Eur potentate than the first discoverer 
 
 of the coast of any particular region claimed, and this was 
 a restriction which those European potentates imposed on 
 themsel s well as on the Indians. The very term 
 
 'nation.' so generally applied to them, means 'a people dis- 
 tinct from others.' 
 
 ''The Constitution, by declaring treaties already made 
 well as those to be made, to be the supreme law of the land. 
 has adopted and sanctioned the previous treaties with the 
 Indian nations, and consequently admits their rank among 
 those powers who are capable of making treaties. 
 
 "The words 'treaty' and 'nation' are words of our own 
 language, selected in our diplomatic and legislative pro- 
 ceedings, by ourselves, having each a definite and well- 
 understood meaning. We have applied them to Indians, as 
 we have applied them to the other nations of the earth. 
 They are applied to all in the same sense. 
 
 "Georgia, herself, has furnished conclusive evidence that 
 her former opinions on this subject concurred with those 
 entertained by her sister States, and by the Government of 
 the United States. Various acts of her Legislature have 
 been cited in the argument, including the contract of ces- 
 sion made in the year 1802, all tending to prove her acquies- 
 cence in the universal conviction that the Indian nations 
 possessed a full right to the lands they occupied, until that 
 right should be extinguished by the United States, with 
 their consent; that their territory was separated from that 
 of any State within whose chartered limits they might re- 
 side, by a boundary line, established by treaties; that within 
 their boundary they possessed rights with which no State 
 could interfere; and that the whole power of regulating the 
 intercourse with them was vested in the United States. A 
 
772 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 review of these acts on the part of Georgia would occupy 
 too much time and is the less necessary because they have 
 been accurately detailed in the argument at the bar. Her 
 new series of laws, manifesting her abandonment of these 
 opinions, appears to have commenced >in December, 1828. 
 
 "In opposition to this original right, possessed by the 
 undisputed occupants of every country, to this recognition 
 of that right, which is evidenced by our history, in every 
 change through which we have passed; is placed the char- 
 ters granted by the monarch of a distant and distinct region, 
 parcelling out a territory in the possession of others whom 
 he could not remove, and did not attempt to remove, and 
 the cession made of his claims by the treaty of peace. 
 
 "The actual state of things at the time, and all history 
 since, explain these characters ; and the King of Great 
 Britain, at the treaty of peace, could cede only what be- 
 longed to his crown. These newly asserted titles can derive 
 no aid from the articles so often repeated in Indian treat- 
 ies; extending to them first the protection of Great Brit- 
 ain, and afterwards that of the United States. These arti- 
 cles are associated with others, recognizing their title to 
 self-government. The very fact of repeated treaties with 
 them recognizes it; and the settled doctrine of the law of 
 nations is, that a weaker power does not surrender its inde- 
 pendence^ — its right to self-government, by associating with 
 a stronger, and taking its protection. A weak State, in 
 order to provide for its safety, may place itself under the 
 protection of one more powerful, without stripping itself of 
 the right of government, and ceasing to be a State. Exam- 
 ples of this kind are not wanting in Europe. 'Tributary 
 feudatory States,' says Vattel, 'do not thereby cease to be 
 sovereign and independent States, so long as self-govern- 
 ment and sovereign and independent authority are left in 
 the administration of the State.' At the present day, more 
 than one State may be considered as holding its rights of 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 773 
 
 self-government under the guarantee and protection of one 
 or more allies. 
 
 'The Cherokee nation, then, is a distinct community, oc- 
 cupying its own territory, with boundaries accurately de- 
 scribed, in which the laws of Georgia can have no force, 
 and which the citizens of Georgia have no right to enter, 
 but with the assent of the Cherokees themselves, or in con- 
 formity with treaties and with the acts of Congress. The 
 whole intercourse between the United States and this na- 
 tion is, by our Constitution and laws vested in the Govern- 
 ment of the United States. 
 
 "The act of the State of Georgia, under which the plain- 
 tiff in error was prosecuted, is consequently void, and the 
 judgment a nullity. Can this court revise and reverse it?" 
 Looking at the case of Foreman vs. Tennessee, the 
 exhaustive review by the Chief Justice, Catron, in reference 
 to the law of nations, where savages or infidels were con- 
 cerned, and the opinion of the great Chief Justice, must be 
 accepted as injecting into a cruel and heartless system 
 (founded in the supposed right of destroying infidels and 
 taking their country because there was only a remote pos- 
 sibility of their being converted), a new and vital principle, 
 hitherto unknown to pontiff or potentate of Europe. Our 
 glorious history has no more glorious time than the period 
 of 1832 to 1836, when a great lawyer, the greatest of mod- 
 ern years, as Chief Justice of the United States, and a great 
 citizen-soldier, the greatest of all time, as President of the 
 United States, injected into the law of nations the princi- 
 ple of equal rights to life, liberty, and property, in a national 
 sense, among and between the civilized and the uncivilized ; 
 and put the principle in operation as against their own 
 country and in favor of a race whose condition marked the 
 change from civilized barbarity to the brotherhood of man. 
 It was a change from the time when the work of the mis- 
 sionary was to propagate religion by destroying infidels, 
 
 23-2 
 
774 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and when every civilized nation in the world was catching 
 the negro and selling him into slavery, to the doctrine 
 taught by the Master when on earth. 
 
 The world at large has seen the Indians put back, and 
 wasting away, and has laid the blame at our door, but the 
 Indians had been wasting away long before our ancestors 
 came. There are many cases in the dealings of our peo- 
 ple with the Indians, the obliteration of which would in- 
 crease the hope of a universal brotherhood; but the treat- 
 ment of the Indians by our Government, a strong nation 
 dealing with a helpless people, is without a parallel in its 
 humanity and in the justice of its laws. Since the Indian 
 wars ended, the Indians have in fact been the wards of the 
 nation. 
 
 In selecting heads of departments, the greatest care of 
 the President and Secretary of the Interior has been to find 
 men of both head and heart to manage our Indian affairs. 
 
 The condition became more complicated and new troubles 
 arose. One was that in taking possession of the Indian Ter- 
 ritory in the South the slavery question comes in, and this 
 was fought with great bitterness. Another was that Euro- 
 pean nations were asked to interfere. 
 
 Mr. Benton refers to the condition of the country as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 "In this matter European sympathies were sought to be 
 brought to bear upon the question of removal of the Indi- 
 ans — a political and domestic question, long since resolved 
 upon by wise and humane American statesmen — and for the 
 benefit of the Indians themselves, as well as the States in 
 which they were. If all that the reverent missionary ut- 
 tered had been true, it would still have been very improper 
 invocation of the European sympathies in an American do- 
 mestic question, and against a settled governmental policy; 
 but it was not true. 
 
 "The Creeks with their united 10,000,000 acres, owned 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 775 
 
 not one acre in the S in five not 
 
 since the treaty of cession in [825, which shows the reck- 
 
 ness with which the reverent suppliant for foreign sym- 
 pathy spoke of the rid States of his own country. 
 The few Che re there, ii : of subjugation 
 and action of their liberti re to be high 
 
 r th :ir I; :hose to join their tribe bey< 
 
 the I if not. they were to be protected like the 
 
 white inh bi s of the counties they lived in. With re- 
 
 ct to the Supreme Court, the judge declared that he 
 ttention to its mandate — holding no writ of 
 
 »r to lie from the Supreme Court of the United States 
 to his State Court — but would execute the sentence of the 
 law, whatever it might be, in defiance of the Supreme 
 Court; and such was the fact." 
 
 Instigated by foreign interference, and relying upon its 
 protection, one George Tassels, of Indian descent, commit- 
 ted a homicide in resisting the laws of Georgia — was tried 
 for murder, convicted, condemned, and sentenced to be 
 
 ged on a given day. A writ of error to bring the case 
 before itself was obtained from the Supreme Court of the 
 United States; and it was proposed by the counsel, Mr. 
 Wirt, to try the whole question of the right of Georgia to 
 exercise jurisdiction over the Indians and Indian country 
 within her limits, by the trial of this writ of error at Wash- 
 ington ; and for that purpose, and to save the tedious forms 
 of judicial proceedings, he requested the Governor to m 
 up an "agreed c for the consideration and decision of 
 
 that high court. This proposition Governor Gilmer de- 
 clined, in firm but civil terms, saying, "Your suggestion that 
 it would be convenient and satisfactory if yourself, the In- 
 dians and the Governor would make up a law case to be 
 submitted to the Supreme Court for the determination of 
 the question, whether the Legislature of Georgia has com- 
 petent authority to pass laws for the government of Indian- 
 
776 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 residing within its limits, however courteous the manner, 
 and conciliatory the phraseology, cannot but be considered 
 as exceedingly disrespectful to the government of the State. 
 No one knows better than yourself that the Governor would 
 grossly violate his duty and exceed his authority by com- 
 plying with such a suggestion ; and that both the letter and 
 the spirit of the powers conferred by the Constitution upon 
 the Supreme Court forbid its adjudging such a case. It is 
 hoped that the efforts of the general government to exe- 
 cute its contract with Georgia (the compact of 1802), to 
 secure the continuance and advance the happiness of the 
 Indian tribes, and to give quiet to the country, may be so 
 effectually successful as to prevent the necessity of any fur- 
 ther intercourse upon the subject." And there was no fur- 
 ther intercourse. The day for the execution of Tassels 
 came around ; he was hanged ; and the writ of the Supreme 
 Court was no more heard of. 
 
 The remaining Cherokees afterwards made their treaty, 
 and moved to the west of the Mississippi, and that was the 
 end of the political and intrusive philanthropical interfer- 
 ence in the domestic policy of Georgia. One Indian hanged, 
 some missionaries imprisoned, the writs of the Supreme 
 Court disregarded, the Indians removed, and the political 
 and pseudo-philanthropic intermeddlers left to the reflec- 
 tion of having done much mischief in assuming to become 
 the defenders and guardians of a race which the humanity 
 of our laws and people were treating with parental kindness. 
 
 These complications imposed upon General Jackson great 
 and responsible duties. In his first annual message, 1829- 
 30, he pointed out in the very outset of his administration 
 the threatened conflicts and gave the information that he had 
 advised the Indians to go West — into a new country on the 
 other side of the Mississippi River, a country suited to their 
 habits of life. It was believed then that many generations 
 would come and go before the wilds of that far-off country 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 777 
 
 would be disturbed by the white man. In this early step 
 Jackson displayed, as in all the other great issues, a fore- 
 sight and intelligence not found in any of his predecessors. 
 
 As the complications increased, so did his anxiety, until 
 he saw nothing but heroic action coupled with great pru- 
 dence would do. The time had come for the political de- 
 partment of the Federal Government to act. He had seen 
 at an early day in the conflicts between the Federal Govern- 
 ment and the States a prospective collision of a most seri- 
 ous character. 
 
 The Supreme Court of Tennessee in an offensive and ag- 
 gressive manner, had disregarded the decision of the Su- 
 preme Court of the United States in a case in which that 
 Court had carefully and elaborately considered the ques- 
 tion of jurisdiction under the twenty-fifth section of the 
 act of 1789, fixing limitations on the right of appeal from 
 the final judgment of the Supreme Court of a State. 
 
 The Supreme Court of Georgia had refused to obey the 
 procedendo in the Worcester case, and had hung Tassels in 
 positive disregard of a writ of error from the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, and the Governor of Georgia 
 had officially announced that he would not obey any order 
 or decision of the Supreme Court in reference to the In- 
 dians. 
 
 Jackson knew Marshall — he knew this was no new ques- 
 tion — that in a Virginia case the Supreme Court of the 
 State had refused to obey the mandate of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, and that from the order refus- 
 ing, the case went back to the Supreme Court, when Mar- 
 shall took it up and showed that his court was the final ar- 
 biter on the rights of appeal under the act of 1789, and if the 
 Supreme Courts of the States refused to obey the mandate, 
 and his court had no power to enforce it, that was the end 
 of the Government. He perhaps knew that in that Vir- 
 ginia case Marshall had made up his mind that such a dis- 
 
778 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 aster could not be permitted until all the power was ex- 
 hausted, and hence he saw the terrible conflict with Georgia. 
 
 Jackson's whole purpose had been to accomplish results 
 by treaties, which he had done, paying to four tribes in the 
 South $85,000,000 for their lands, as shown in a former 
 chapter, and in 1836, General Jackson put General Scott in 
 command, and moved the last of the Indians to their far- 
 away home. It was the only move ever made with the In- 
 dians that meant a substantial advance in the way of civiliz- 
 ation. These Indians may now be said to be civilized. 
 
 General Jackson's last fight was to raise money to move 
 them. Congress hesitated, and only Jackson's influence 
 carried it through. 
 
ANDREW JACKSOX. 7 7.' 
 
 CHAPTER LXI1I. 
 
 JAC] 'S INTENTIONS TOWARD THE INDIANS, CONTINUED 
 
 CASK Ob' WORCEST] STATE OF GEORGIA 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM DECISION IN THE FOREMAN CASE 
 
 M. DE TOQUEVILLE ON THE TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS 
 BY THE UNITED STATES BARTON ON THE SAME QUES- 
 TION — CONCLUSION. 
 
 N^O LIFE of Jackson would be acceptable to intelli- 
 gent readers that did not show his connection with 
 and his position on the dealings of the Government 
 with the Indian tribes. After the Indian wars ceased 
 came the question, What are you going to do with them; 
 what are their rights; what are our obligations? These 
 questions had the careful thought and long study of John 
 Adams, the second President; then it taxed the great mind 
 of Mr. Jefferson, and then Mr. Monroe took it up and made 
 the study a specialty through his term. But as in all the 
 other seemingly unsolvable questions, as shown in former 
 chapters, it was left to General Jackson to blaze the way 
 and produce results. 
 
 The absorbing question was, What are we going to do 
 with them? 
 
 Before our government was formed, the British govern- 
 ment, through its colonial governors, sometimes by traffic 
 and sometimes by other means, had well nigh got clear of 
 all the tribes in the Eastern colonics. Up to and long after 
 the time of James I, the accepted law of Christendom, and 
 in consequence the law of nations, was that infidels (all 
 savages being infidels) might be destroyed when a Chris- 
 
780 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 tian nation wanted their country. The fact may be start- 
 ling, but it is true, that in the case of Foreman vs. The State 
 of Tennessee, in 8 Yerger, Chief Justice Catron delivered 
 an elaborate and learned opinion, holding this was the law. 
 
 The defendant was indicted in the Circuit Court of Mc- 
 Minn County for the murder of John Walker. He plead- 
 ed that he was a native Cherokee Indian ; that John Walker, 
 for whose murder he was indicted, was also a native Chero- 
 kee, and that the offense charged, if committed at all, was 
 committed beyond the rightful jurisdiction of Tennessee 
 and within the Cherokee Nation, and that the Act of the 
 Legislature of Tennessee, extending the jurisdiction of the 
 State over the country now in the occupancy of the Chero- 
 kees was unconstitutional and void. 
 
 This plea was demurred to. 
 
 George S. Yerger was Attorney General, and prosecuted 
 the case in connection with John Crozier. The Cherokee 
 Nation employed Spencer Jarnegan to defend Foreman. 
 The Supreme Court sustained the demurrer, and ordered 
 Foreman to be tried for murder. He appealed to the Su- 
 preme Court of the United States, but died before the case 
 was tried. 
 
 Shortly before this case was decided, the case of Wor- 
 cester vs. The State of Georgia had got into the Supreme 
 Court and had been decided in favor of the Indians. The 
 State of Georgia had (as Tennessee did) assumed jurisdic- 
 tion over the Cherokee Indians in that State, who (as in 
 Tennessee) had a large territory, which by occupancy (as 
 in Tennessee), was older than our Government. 
 
 In the Georgia law white men were forbidden to go into 
 the Indian territory without a permit, or have any dealings 
 with the Indians. 
 
 Worcester was a preacher, went into the Indian Nation 
 and sold religious tracts. For this he was indicted and put 
 in the penitentiary. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 781 
 
 The Indians employed William Wirt, who got the case 
 in the Supreme Court, where it was held that the legislative 
 act was void, and that Georgia had no rights in their terri- 
 tory. It is because of these conflicts between the courts, 
 the magnitude of the question, and the intense interest and 
 excitement in the public mind, and especially as General 
 Jackson solved the difficulty, that I am reviewing the In- 
 dian question. 
 
 Here are extracts from the decision in the Foreman case : 
 
 "In 1497, John Cabot, a Venetian, then residing in Eng- 
 land, was fitted out with a ship by Henry VII., to proceed 
 upon a voyage of discovery, and to subdue and take posses- 
 sion of any lands unoccupied by any Christian power, in the 
 name and for the benefit of the British crown. 
 
 ''Continuing his course westward, he soon reached the 
 continent of North America and sailed along it from the 
 fiftv-sixth to the thirty-eighth degree of latitude, from the 
 coast of Labrador to that of Virginia. 'The subjects of 
 Henry VII. were undoubtedly,' says Robertson, the histor- 
 ian, 'the first who had visited that part of the American 
 continent, and were entitled to whatever right of property 
 prior discovery is supposed to confer.' The Pope claimed 
 the right to dispose of all countries possessed by infidels — a 
 right that it would have been deemed as absurd to deny 
 before and during the fifteenth century as it would now be 
 absurd to admit. 
 
 "... After Columbus had returned from his first 
 voyage of discovery, and when preparing to set out upon 
 his second, with the most formidable and best-appointed 
 fleet theretofore known, Ferdinand and Isabella were not 
 willing to wrest their title to the possession of the newly- 
 discovered countries upon the operations of the fleet alone, 
 but the example of the Portuguese, as well as the supersti- 
 tions of the age, made it necessary to obtain from the Roman 
 pontiff a grant of those territories which they wished to 
 
782 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 occupy. The Pope, as the successor of St. Peter, and vicar 
 and representative of Jesus Christ, was supposed to have a 
 right of dominion over all the kingdoms of the earth. 
 Alexander VI. was applied to, and granted in full right to 
 Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, all the countries inhabited 
 by infidels which they had discovered or should discover. 
 As it was necessary to prevent this grant from interfering 
 with that formerly made to Portugal, he appointed that a 
 line, supposed to be drawn from pole to pole, a hundred 
 leagues to the westward of the Azores, should serve as a 
 limit between them. 
 
 "... It was contemplated by conquest to bring 
 about what had been foretold in holy writ — that 'the light 
 of revelation should be so extended to the remotest ends of 
 the earth.' And, when the Court of Rome was applied to, in 
 1495 by the King and Queen of Spain, for a bill confirming 
 to them the discoveries made by Columbus, the grand 
 achievement was pronounced by the papal see the fulfill- 
 ment of one of the sublime promises made to the Church; 
 it was giving to it 'the heathen for an inheritance, and the 
 uttermost parts of the earth for possession.' In accord- 
 ance to this claim was drawn up a formula, digested by the 
 most distinguished and profound jurists and divines of 
 Spain, in which the rights claimed by the Church and the 
 crown are fully set forth, and which was the authority and 
 guide to all Spaniards taking possession of and settling 
 newly-discovered countries inhabited by infidels. Its terms 
 are curious enough, but no how differing from the British 
 characters of settlement in substance. Neither allowed the 
 natives any political rights. 
 
 "... Much as we may condemn the hypocrisy of 
 the pretense for the grant of the Carolinas, yet the principle 
 by which the country was taken possession of was the only 
 rule of action possible to be observed — one not open to 
 question in a legal point of view or morally wrong; it was 
 
AX DREW JACKSON. 783 
 
 more just the country should be peopled by Europeans than 
 
 to continue the haunt of savage beasts, and of men yet more 
 fierce and sa\ ige, who, 'if they might not be extirpated 
 their want of religion and just morals, they might be re- 
 ined from their errors;' a rule in the course of applica- 
 tion to the natives of New I now settlii Great 
 Britain, and which will ere long be of n ty applied by 
 us to the Pawnees and Black foot tribes of Indians, with 
 many others near to and on the west side of the Rocky 
 Mountains; a rule of which savages of this description have 
 no just right to complain. It is the law they daily practice 
 inst each other, and under which nations have melted 
 ay in the presence of the Indians; for our ancestors' 
 found on this continent nations obviously far advanced in 
 civil life, as the memorials left us show. Towards a people 
 whose principal avocation was war and human destruction 
 no other rule than that declared by Coke in Calvin's Case, 
 could be observed ; nor from the earliest history of man has 
 any other than that they were perpetual alien enemies been 
 recognized. 
 
 "All infidels are, in law, perpetual enemies, for the law 
 presumes not that they will be converted, that being a re- 
 mote possibility; for between them, as with the devils, 
 whose subjects they be, and the Christian there is perpetual 
 hostility and can be no peace; for as the apostle saith (2 
 Cor. vi. 16) : 'And what concord hath Christ with Belial? 
 Or what part hath he that believeth with an infidel?' Cal- 
 vins Case, 7 Co., 33, 4 Inst., 155. This was the undoubted 
 national law in the days of Coke and James I. and. disgust- 
 ed as we may be with its bigoted manner of assertion and 
 indiscriminate execution, yet it continued to be as much the 
 law at the Revolution as that the oldest son took the whole 
 estate. 
 
 "... All charters . I sovereignty in the gran- 
 tees, substantially in the same terms. By that of the seven- 
 
784 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 teenth, Charles II, to Lord Clarendon and others (June 13, 
 1665), granting the Carolinas, it is declared and covenanted 
 on part of the crown : 
 
 " 'And forasmuch as we have made and ordained the 
 aforesaid Edward, Lord Clarendon, etc., their heirs and 
 assigns, the true lords, proprietors of the province or terri- 
 tory aforesaid, know ye, therefore, moreover, that we, re- 
 posing special trust and confidence in their fidelity, wisdom, 
 justice, and provident circumspection, for us, our heirs and 
 successors, do grant full and absolute power, by virtue of 
 these presents, to them, the said Edward, Earl of Claren- 
 don, etc., their heirs and assigns for the good and happy 
 government of the whole province or territory, full power 
 and authority to erect, constitute, and make several coun- 
 ties, baronies, and colonies of and within the said provinces, 
 territories, lands and hereditaments in and by the said let- 
 ters patent granted or mentioned to be granted, as aforesaid, 
 with several and distinct jurisdiction, powers, liberties, and 
 privileges, and also to ordain, make, and enact, and under 
 their seals to publish any laws and constitutions whatsoever, 
 either appertaining to the whole state of the province or 
 territory, or of any distinct or particular county, barony, or 
 colony of or within the same, or to the private utility of 
 particular persons, according to the best directions, by and 
 with the advice, assent, and approbation of the freemen ot 
 said province or territory, or of the freemen of the county, 
 barony, or colony for which such laws or constitutions shall 
 be made, and the same laws to execute upon all people with- 
 in said province or territory, county, barony, colony or the 
 limits thereof, by imposition of penalties, imprisonment or 
 any other punishment — yea, if it shall be needful, and the 
 quality of the offense require it, by taking away member or 
 life — to be done by the lords, proprietors, their deputies or 
 judges, to grant pardons, establish courts of justice, etc. 
 
 "... The philosopher and jurist of the quiet city 
 
AS DREW JACKSON, 785 
 
 may easily prove that such a people had undoubted rights of 
 soil and of sovereignty, and sympathy and eloquence may, 
 as in the Cherokee case, powerfully urge their adoption on 
 the courts of justice — forgetting that it was impossible for 
 our ancestors to recognize the rights they claimed; that 
 they had actually by law and sword established what their 
 charters granted — dominion over all within their limits — 
 and this upon a principle admitting of no countervailing 
 right, that of self-preservation. They were obliged to 
 conquer and to govern, or to perish. Such rights as they 
 acquired were transmitted to us, unless they have been im- 
 paired by the American Revolution, or the institution, laws, 
 and treaties consequent upon the revolution. If so, the de- 
 struction of sovereignty it can be safely affirmed, the peo- 
 ple of North Carolina and Tennessee have been overreached 
 by indirect provisions in the Federal Constitution, treaties, 
 and acts of Congress of which they were unaware for nearly 
 fifty years after we declared ourselves independent of Great 
 Britain." 
 
 Mons. de 'foqueville, in speaking of our treatment of the 
 Indians, says : 
 
 "The ejectment of the Indians very often takes place, at 
 the present day, in a regular, and, as it were, legal manner. 
 When the white population begins to approach the limit of 
 a desert inhabited by a savage tribe, the Government of the 
 United States usually dispatches envoys to them, who as- 
 semble the Indians in a large plain, and, having first eaten 
 and drunk with them, accost them in the following manner: 
 'What have you to do in the land of your fathers? Before 
 long you must dig up their bones in order to live. In what 
 respect is the country you inhabit better than another? Are 
 there no woods, marshes, or prairies except where you 
 dwell ? And can' you live no where but under your own 
 sun ? Beyond these mountains, which you see at the horiz- 
 on — beyond the lake which bounds your territory on the 
 
786 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 west — there lie vast countries where beasts of chase are 
 found in great abundance. Sell your land to us, and go and 
 live happily in these solitudes.' 
 
 ''After holding this language, they spread before the 
 eyes of the Indians firearms, woolen garments, kegs of 
 brandy, glass necklaces, bracelets of tinsel, earrings, and 
 " looking glasses. If, when they have beheld all these riches, 
 they still hesitate, it is insinuated that they have not the 
 means of refusing their required consent, and that the Gov- 
 ernment itself will not long have the power of protecting 
 them in their rights. What are they to do? Half con- 
 vinced, half compelled, they go to inhabit new deserts, 
 where the importunate whites will not permit them to re- 
 main ten years in tranquility. In this manner do the 
 Americans obtain, at a very low price, whole provinces, 
 which the richest sovereigns in Europe could not pur- 
 chase." 
 
 On the question discussed by Mons. de Toqueville, Mr. 
 Barton said : 
 
 "The call was made in the Senate of the United States 
 and answered by document No. 616, first session, twenty- 
 sixth Congress, in a document of thirteen printed tabular 
 pages, and authenticated by the signature of Mr. Van 
 Buren, President; Mr. Poinsett, Secretary of War; and Mr. 
 Hartley Crawford, Commissioner of Indian Affairs. From 
 this document it appeared that the United States had paid 
 to the Indians eighty-five millions of dollars for land pur- 
 chases up to the year 1840, to which five or six millions 
 may be added for purchase since — say ninety millions. 
 This is nearly six times as much as the United States gave 
 the great Napoleon for Louisiana, the whole of it, soil and 
 jurisdiction, and nearly three times as much as all three of 
 the great foreign purchases — Louisiana, Florida, and Cali- 
 fornia — cost us. And that for soil alone, and for so much 
 as would only be a fragment of Louisiana or California. 
 
v. : : 
 
 Imprc- tement is in the • : t becomes more 
 
 so in iplied to * rticular tribe whose 
 
 ournful a picture from 
 
 is. de • Southern 
 
 tril 
 
 To 
 the Creek Ind i lillions of do' 
 
 five millions • 
 
 paid I *• Loir . and seventeen millions more 
 
 thai in for la; to the Choct 
 
 three millions of dollars (besides reserved tracts) for twen- 
 iions of acre?, being three millions more than v 
 >r Louisia lorida; to the Cherokees for eleven 
 
 millions of acre id about fifteen millions of d 
 
 the exact price of Louisiana or California; to the Chic 
 
 s the whole ret amount for which this country sold un- 
 der the land system of the United : . rid by the United 
 States land officers, three millions of dollars for six and 
 three-quarter millions of acres, being the way the nation 
 chose t ose of it. Here are fifty-six millions to four 
 tribes, leaving thirty millions to go to the small tribes whose 
 names are unknown to history, and which it is probable the 
 writer on American democracy had never heard of when 
 sketching the picture of their fancied oppressions 
 
 "I will attend to the case of these small remote tribes, and 
 
 that, besides their proportion of the remaining $$6.- 
 000,000, they received a kind of compensation suited to 
 their condition, and intended to induct them into the com- 
 forts of civilized life. Of these I will give one examp 
 drawn from a treaty with the Osages in 1839, and which 
 was only in addition to similar benefits to the same tribe, 
 in previous treaties, and which were extended to all the 
 tribes which were in the hunting state. These benefits 
 were, to the Osages, two blacksmith simps, with four black- 
 smiths, with 500 pounds of iron and sixty pounds of steel 
 
788 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 annually ; a grist and a saw mill, with millers for the same ; 
 one thousand cows and calves, 2,000 breeding swine, 1,000 
 plows, 1,000 sets of horse gear, 1,000 axes, 1,000 hoes, a 
 house each for ten chiefs, costing $200 apiece; to furnish 
 these chiefs with six good wagons, sixteen carts, twenty- 
 eight yokes of oxen, with yokes and log chain; to pay all 
 claims for injuries committed by the tribe on the white peo- 
 ple or on other Indians to the amount of $30,000; to pur- 
 chase their reserved lands at $2.00 per acre, $3,000 to reim- 
 burse that sum for so much deducted from their annuity in 
 1825, for property taken from the whites, and since re- 
 turned, and, finally, $3,000 more for an imputed wrongful 
 withholding of that amount, for the same reason, in the 
 annuity payment of 1829. 
 
 "In previous treaties had been given seed grain and seed 
 vegetables, with fruit seeds and fruit trees, domestic fowls, 
 laborers to plow up their ground and to make their fences, 
 to raise crops and to save them and teach the Indians how 
 to farm, with spinning, weaving and sewing implements and 
 persons to show their use. Now all this was in one single 
 treaty, with an inconsiderable tribe, which had been largely 
 provided for in the same way in six different previous treat- 
 ies. And as all the rude tribes — those in the hunting state 
 or just emerging from it — were provided for in the same 
 manner, the object of the United States being to train them 
 to agriculture and pasturage — to conduct them from the 
 hunting to the pastoral and agricultural state; and for that 
 purpose, and in addition to all other benefits, are to be added 
 the support of schools, the encouragement of missionaries, 
 and a small annual contribution to religious societies who 
 take charge of their civilization. 
 
 "The Indian tribes in the different sections of the Union 
 had experienced very different fates — in the Northern and 
 Middle States nearly extinct — in the South and West they 
 remained numerous and formidable. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 789 
 
 "Before the war of 1812 with Great Britain these South- 
 ern and Western trihes held vast, compact bodies of land 
 in these States, preventing the expansion of the white set- 
 tlements within their limits and retaining a dangerous 
 neighbor within the borders. The victories of General 
 Jackson over the Creeks and the territorial cessions which 
 ensued made the first great breach in this vast Indian do- 
 main, but much remained to be done to free the Southern 
 and Western States from a useless and dangerous popula- 
 tion — to give them the use and jurisdiction of all the terri- 
 tory within their limits and to place them, in that respect, 
 on an equality with the Northern and Middle States. 
 
 "From the earliest periods of the colonial settlements it 
 had been the policy of the Government, by successive pur- 
 chases of their territory, to remove these tribes further and 
 further to the West, and that policy, vigorously pursued 
 after the war with Great Britain, had made much progress 
 in freeing several of these States (Kentucky entirely and 
 Tennessee almost) from this population, which so greatly 
 hindered the expansion of their settlements and so much 
 checked the growth and strength. Still there remained up 
 to the year 1824 — the last year of Mr. Monroe's adminis- 
 tration — large portions of many of these States and of the 
 Territories in the hands of the Indian tribes: in Georgia, 
 9.500,000 acres; in Alabama, 7,500,000; in Mississippi, 
 15,750,000; in the Territory of Florida, 4,000,000; in the 
 Territory of Arkansas, 15,500,000; in the State of Mis- 
 souri, 2.750,000; in Indiana and Illinois, 15,000,000; and 
 in Michigan, east of the lake, 7,000,000. All these States 
 were desirous, and most justly and naturally so, to get 
 possession of these vast bodies of land, generally the best 
 within their limits. Georgia held the United States bound 
 by a compact to relieve her. Justice to the other States and 
 Territories required the same relief, and the applications to 
 the Federal Government, to which the right of purchasing 
 24 — a 
 
790 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Indian lands, even within the States, exclusively belonged, 
 were incessant and urgent. Piecemeal acquisitions, to end 
 in getting the whole, were the constant effort, and it was 
 evident that the encumbered States and Territories would 
 not, and certainly ought not, to be satisfied until all their 
 soil was open to settlement and subject to their jurisdic- 
 tion. To the Indians themselves it was equally essential to 
 be removed. The contact and pressure of the white race 
 was fatal to them. They had dwindled under it, degener- 
 ated, become depraved, and whole tribes extinct or reduced 
 to a few individuals, wherever they attempted to remain in 
 the old States, and could look for no other fate in the new 
 ones." 
 
 The manner in which the colonial government dealt with 
 the Indians and the rule established in some of the States, 
 including the States of Tennessee and Georgia, holding 
 that infidels (savages) could acquire no rights by posses- 
 sion against Christian discoverers, is not a pleasant incident 
 in American history. But one of the brightest pages in our 
 history as a nation is to be found in the monument which 
 the great American jurist, Marshall, erected for himself as 
 Chief Justice in setting aside the doctrine that Christianity 
 should be carried by the sword into all infidel countries. 
 The opinion of Chief Justice Catron in the Foreman Case, 
 holding that the charters granted by the crown were sub- 
 stantially the same as the bull of the Pope in the right to 
 take by the sword all countries possessed by infidels, is an 
 elaborate historical review, showing great research. The 
 opinion by the Chief Justice, and the argument by Mr. 
 Yerger, cover 157 pages in the book. The doctrine main- 
 tained is startling, but was reversed by Chief Justice Mar- 
 shall. A bare quotation from his opinion (in 6 Peters) 
 comes to us as a revelation from a court that knows and 
 does justice, though the heavens fall. It is that "These 
 motives for planting the new colony are incompatible with 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 791 
 
 the lofty idea of granting the soil and all its inhabitants 
 from sea to sea. They demonstrate the truth that these 
 grants assisted a little against Europeans only, and are con- 
 sidered as blank paper so far as the rights of the natives 
 are concerned. 
 
 "The power of the war is given only for defense, not for 
 conquest." 
 
792 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER LXIV. 
 
 EULOGIES AND ADDRESSES FOLLOWING THE DEATH OF JACK- 
 SON SPEECHES BY HON. LEVI WOODBURY, GEORGE 
 
 BANCROFT, JOHN VAN BUREN, MATTHEW HALL MOLES- 
 TER, GEORGE M. DALLAS, HUGH A. GARLAND, AND GEN. 
 
 BEN J. C. HOWARD ANDREW JACKSON'S WILL 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GENERAL JACKSON AND 
 COM. J. D. ELLIOTT. 
 
 1A HE subscribers for this work have been disappointed 
 by a delay in the delivery for a short time, that the 
 author might introduce some important witnesses 
 on a question raised by Mr. Parton. 
 
 In the closing chapter of his work, Mr. Parton makes the 
 astounding disclosure, after writing twenty-one hundred 
 p a g es — three large volumes — about General Jackson, 
 "that of all human beings he (Jackson) was least fit to 
 be President of the United States." 
 
 This, by the author of the principal biography which the 
 people of the United States had seen, was so much like a 
 confession — a biographer is always presumed to be favor- 
 able — that it had something to do in bringing this author, 
 at an advanced age, to undertake the work now coming 
 from the press. And this expression, coming from not only 
 the biographer of General Jackson, but a man who had 
 lived in his time, the author having an old volume of 
 speeches made by a large number of the leading men of the 
 United States, and in the different States, who had known 
 much of Jackson, sent to him by Mr. Randal Ewing, of 
 Franklin, he stopped the printing to introduce some of 
 them as witnesses. These great speeches are not eulogies, 
 
ANDREW J.-1CKS0N. 793 
 
 but evidence; they were made within a few weeks after 
 Jackson's death, and were prepared with care. 
 
 Extracts from some of them I give as follows. 
 
 The entire book, in its broadest sense, now going to the 
 public, is a refutation of Mr. Parton's delineation of Jack- 
 son's character. 
 
 PARTS OF SPEECH DELIVERED BY HON. LEVI WOODBURY AT 
 
 PORTSMOUTH. N. II. 
 
 "Though little is usually said of private character in con- 
 nection with public benefactors, I have no doubt, from a 
 long acquaintance with General Jackson, that he felt much 
 more solicitude as to his independence, worth, and standing 
 as a man, than for all the honors ever lavished on him by a 
 grateful people. Yet such is the structure of society — such 
 the eclipsing tendency of public life, that he has long been 
 known over most of the globe as a successful soldier, and 
 appreciated highly by millions as a statesman, without much 
 inquiry as to those great principles which he had nourished 
 in retirement, and which fitted him so ably for public use- 
 fulness. But it was those principles, and the habits formed 
 by those — and not, as many suppose, accident or fortune — 
 which afterwards insured to him victories in the field, and 
 wreathed his brow with civic laurels." 
 
 * * * 
 
 "But, at the same time, a man. when reared like him, 
 amidst the agitation and perils of a revolution, sooner learns 
 to buffet well the temptations of life, and, like a tree blown 
 upon by violent winds, strikes root deeper, and is better 
 braced to encounter responsibility and danger of every kind, 
 and his opinions are stronger, as well as adhered to with 
 greater tenacity." 
 
 "His wife, while dead as well as living, he regarded 
 almost as a guardian angel. Her miniature was worn near 
 
794 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 his heart in health, and reposed with his Bible by his sick 
 couch. Well do I remember, while walking with him once 
 among the tombs of the distinguished dead in the congres- 
 sional burying-ground, whither we had gone to pay the last 
 obsequies to another of their number, he said : "One solemn 
 request I now urge on you : should I die in this city remove 
 my ashes to Tennessee, and let them sleep beside my beloved 
 
 wife." 
 
 * * * 
 
 "His iron will was mere firmness or inflexibility in the 
 cause he deemed right. It was an indomitable resolution 
 to carry out what conscience dictated. Judgment and the 
 fruits of it, opinion and corresponding conduct, it seemed 
 to him, ought to be inseparable. He knew of no compro- 
 mise or tampering, or half-way measures, with what was 
 wrong. This high moral tone — the very highest in the 
 annals of reformers and martyrs the world over — though 
 often imputed to him as a fault, was, in fact, the crowning 
 glory of his character, whether as a man, or a warrior, or a 
 politician. So far from its having proved inconsistent with 
 seeking full advice, and weighing contradictory reasons, and 
 adopting measures of conciliation, where justifiable and 
 wise, it was generally preceded by the amplest inquiries and 
 the most careful deliberation. But a conclusion having 
 been once formed in this manner, the whole powers of his 
 mind and heart were flung into its execution with almost 
 resistless energy ; and then, in fortitude to resist opposition, 
 and in courage to brave all difficulties, and inflexible perse- 
 verance to carry out measures deemed right, he may well 
 have been called a man of iron — a man of destiny, or the 
 hero of the iron will. Nor did this habit, as some have 
 imagined, make him implacable, or unforgiving. For, 
 though like others of a warm temperament, making good 
 haters, as well as good lovers and friends, he often forgave 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 795 
 
 his bitterest enemies, and reconciled differences by many 
 
 deemed insuperable." 
 
 * * * 
 
 "Counsel was invited from all proper quarters; and, 
 instead of acting in difficulties headlong, or without reflec- 
 tion, he gave many hours to retired thought, when the crisis 
 would permit, and was sagacious in detecting fallacies, 
 shrewd in respect to consequences, and familiar with the 
 bearing of most measures on the real affairs of life. Added 
 to this, he was a most thorough and constant reader of our 
 great political bible — the Constitution of the Union. It 
 was his faithful companion by night and by day." 
 
 PARTS OF SPEECH BY MR. GEORGE BANCROFT AT 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 "On the spot where he gave his solemn fealty to the people 
 — here, where he pledged himself before the world to free- 
 dom, to the Constitution and the laws — we meet to pay 
 our tribute to the memory of the last great name, which 
 gathers round itself all the associations that form the glory 
 
 of America." 
 
 * * * 
 
 "The first great political truth that reached his heart was, 
 that all men are free and equal ; the first great fact that 
 beamed on his understanding was, his country's inde- 
 pendence." 
 
 * * * 
 
 "When he first felt the hand of death upon him, 'May 
 my enemies,' he cried, 'find peace; may the liberties of my 
 country endure forever !' 
 
 "When his exhausted system, under the excess of pain, 
 sunk, for a moment, from debility, 'Do not weep,' said he to 
 his adopted daughter; 'my sufferings are less than those of 
 Christ upon the cross' ; for he, too, as a disciple of the cross, 
 could have devoted himself, in sorrow, for mankind. Feel- 
 
796 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 ing his end near, he would see all his family once more; 
 and he spoke to them, one by one, in words of tenderness 
 and affection. His two little grandchildren were absent at 
 Sunday school. He asked for them; and as they came, 
 he prayed for them, and kissed them, and blessed them. 
 His servants were then admitted; they gathered, some in 
 his room, and some on the outside of the house, clinging to 
 the windows, that they might gaze and hear. And that 
 dying man thus surrounded, in a gush of fervid eloquence, 
 spoke with inspiration of God, of the Redeemer, of salva- 
 tion through the atonement, of immortality, of heaven. 
 For he ever thought that pure and undefiled religion was 
 the foundation of private happiness, and the bulwark of 
 republican institutions. Having spoken of immortality in 
 perfect consciousness of his own approaching end, he bade 
 them all farewell. 'Dear children,' such were his final 
 words, 'dear children, servants, and friends, I trust to meet 
 you all in heaven, both white and black — all, both white 
 and black." And having borne his testimony to immor- 
 tality, he bowed his mighty head, and, without a groan, the 
 spirit of the greatest man of his age escaped to the bosom of 
 
 his God." 
 
 * * * 
 
 "No man in private life so possessed the hearts of ail 
 around him; no public man of this century ever returned 
 to private life with such an abiding mastery over the affec- 
 tions of the people. No man with truer instinct received 
 American ideas; no man expressed them so completely, or 
 so boldly, or so sincerely." 
 
 * * * 
 
 "History does not describe the man that equalled him in 
 firmness of nerve. Not danger, not an army in battle array, 
 not wounds, not widespread clamor, not age, not the anguish 
 of disease, could impair in the least degree the vigor of his 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 797 
 
 steadfast mind. The heroes of antiquity would have con- 
 templated with awe the unmatched hardihood of his char- 
 acter; and Napoleon, had he possessed his disinterested 
 will, could never have been vanquished." 
 
 * * * 
 
 "His body has its fit resting-place in the great central 
 valley of the Mississippi; his spirit rests upon our whole 
 territory; it hovers over the vales of Oregon, and guards, 
 in advance, the frontier of the Del Norte." 
 
 PARTS OF SPEECH BY JOHN VAN BUREN, DELIVERED AT 
 
 ALBANY. 
 
 "Fellow-citizens: This country for the last two weeks 
 has presented a picture which every philosopher and patriot 
 should love to contemplate. On Sunday, the 8th of this 
 month, an event occurred in a far distant section of the 
 Union, the announcement of which, as it passed from quar- 
 ter to quarter, with the celerity of communication now so 
 extraordinary, caused a deep and mournful sensation in 
 the popular heart, the intensity of which was certainly never 
 exceeded in the present century. Courts of justice, legis- 
 lative and municipal bodies in session, or specially assembled 
 for the occasion, as the tidings came, gave expression to 
 their grief, and immediately adjourned. The Chief Magis- 
 trate of the Union, by public proclamation, directed the 
 business of government to be suspended. City followed 
 city in manifestations of sorrow. The emporium of our 
 State, unequalled in our young republic for its extent, its 
 activity, its enterprise, and its continued strife, bustle, con- 
 fusion of trade, bowed down in sadness and was hushed in 
 silence. All ordinary avocations were suspended, and tens 
 of thousands of her citizens marched through her majestic 
 streets in a funeral procession unexampled in its numbers 
 and in its solemnity. Public and private buildings were 
 
798 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 clad in mourning. Eloquent and touching eulogiums were 
 delivered, and everything betokened that deep affliction had 
 befallen that city. The melancholy intelligence reaches 
 the capital of our State. The public authorities of the 
 State and city exhibit the same feelings of distress, and it 
 is accompanied by similar marks of respect and mourning. 
 The military and civic societies — our citizens without dis- 
 tinction of party — all ages, sexes, and conditions, assembled 
 to commemorate the event by appropriate ceremonies. 
 Universal grief is depicted on the face of the people of the 
 United States — profound sorrow penetrates the popular 
 heart. 
 
 "Why are these things so? What event is heralded that 
 causes this widespread movement? What mean these 
 funeral ceremonies, that we have just performed? What 
 these trappings of woe, that meet our eyes at every glance? 
 Why is the music that we have just heard, and which is so 
 capable of moving joy and mirth, now so plaintive and so 
 sad? Why am I here, amid many whom I am unaccus- 
 tomed to meet on public occasions, addressing you in a 
 strain so unusual, if not unnatural? What universal, per- 
 vading, crushing affliction has befallen this country ? What 
 calamity has befallen this people? It is, my friends — I 
 see, and feel, and know that it is — a national mourning for a 
 nation's loss. Andrew Jackson, who has, in an unsurpassed 
 degree, engrossed the public attention for the last thirty 
 years — a soldier, whose brilliant military exploits are the 
 pride and glory, as they were the noble defense, of his 
 country; a statesman, who, through a long, useful, and 
 eventful public life, was fully sustained by a large majority 
 of the American people; and a man who had, above all 
 others, the merit of attaching to him the warmest regard, 
 and, as some think, idolatrous devotion — of an honesty 
 that all must respect, and a simplicity that a child might 
 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 799 
 
 love — Andrew Jackson is dead ! and a void is left in the 
 public mind and public heart that we, probably, shall never 
 live to see filled. We are only beginning to realize this 
 truth. Startled, stunned, bewildered, by the melancholy 
 intelligence, sufficient time has not elapsed to ascertain the 
 length and breadth of the loss we have sustained; but the 
 public appreciation of it may be gathered from the circum- 
 stances to which I have already alluded. A stranger to 
 our institutions, and to the character of Andrew Jackson, in 
 view of a scene such as I have faintly described, on sight o: 
 the assemblage here present today, would naturally inquire, 
 What high title did the illustrious person hold whom you 
 have assembled to honor? Or. as in your country titles are 
 unknown, what high station did he occupy at the time of his 
 decease? None, sir, none; he was, and had been for eight 
 years, a private citizen. Then, perhaps, he was a neighbor? 
 No, sir; his residence was distant thousands of miles. 
 But probably he was a frequent visitor at your city, and 
 personally well known to the inhabitants? No, sir; I 
 believe he never was in Albany; and probably not a tenth 
 of the persons present ever saw him. Was his death 
 sudden? No, sir; every mail for months had been feared 
 as freighted with the tidings of his decease. Then he must 
 have had relations dwelling among you, and a long line of 
 the bereaved and sorrowing swell this crowd, or suggested 
 this demonstration? Alas! no, sir; he had not a single 
 blood relation in the world. Confounded by the peculiarity 
 of these circumstances, he might then suggest that some law 
 had been passed, or some proclamation or order issued by 
 some superior power, directing this assemblage and cere- 
 mony. Still the answer would be, No, sir, no! this is a 
 spontaneous gathering of the people themselves, to do 
 honor to a private citizen who was a public benefactor!" 
 
800 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 EXTRACT FROM SPEECH OF HON. MATTHEW HALL m'ALISTER, 
 DELIVERED AT SAVANNAH. 
 
 Promptitude in action was no less developed in his mili- 
 tary conduct. Whether we view in him the boy of the 
 Revolution, aroused from his midnight slumber, rushing to 
 the post of danger, challenging and firing upon the advanc- 
 ing foe — whether we accompany him in his Indian expedi- 
 tion, quelling mutinies, following the savages through an 
 inhospitable wilderness, with conflict after conflict, until 
 their power was annihilated in the decisive battle of the 
 Horseshoe - — or, whether we see ham at New Orleans 
 adopting those 'prompt and energetic measures,' as they 
 were termed by Governor Claiborne, which quelled treason 
 at home, and beat back the invaders from abroad, we find a 
 promptitude and decision in action unsurpassed in military 
 annals. But it is the inflexibility of purpose, the indomitable 
 will, which brings out in bold relief the character of this 
 wonderful man. Courage of the loftiest kind was his. We 
 speak not of that mere insensibility to danger which belongs 
 to the brute as well as the man, and is the result of mere 
 physical organization ; but of that noble faculty of the mind 
 which, poising itself on the emergency of the moment, fear- 
 less of consequences, uninfluenced by clamor, moves steadily 
 forward to the accomplishment of its purpose. This it is 
 which places the name of Andrew Jackson high on the scroll 
 of fame, constituting him not only the successful warrior, 
 but entitling him to the name of great ! His refusal to 
 disband his men in obedience to the order of Government, 
 when honor, policy, and humanity forbade compliance — 
 his invasion of the Spanish territory when his country's 
 peril demanded he 'should take the responsibility upon him- 
 self — his declaration of martial law amid the disaffected 
 population of New Orleans, with the certainty that success 
 alone could still the clamor of the 'fireside patriots' of his 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 801 
 
 country — all proclaim him a man above his fellows, sent 
 by heaven to save that country ! Around the grave of such 
 a warrior his countrymen will gather without distinction of 
 party, and while they drop the tributary tear, exclaim, 
 'Beneath this turf there sleeps a hero!' " 
 
 PARTS OF SPEECH BY GEORGE M. DALLAS, DELIVERED AT 
 
 PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 "It came to his ear like a long-wished-for permit to 
 avenge the wrongs and re-establish the sullied name of those 
 for whom he was ever ready to sacrifice, without stint, his 
 repose, his fortune, and his blood. The war-cry of his 
 country scarcely vibrated on the breeze ere he echoed it 
 back as a music with which every chord of his soul was in 
 unison. In less than a week, leaving his plough in its yet 
 opening furrow, and his ripe harvest drooping for the 
 sickle, he stood equipped and eager, in front of two thousand 
 five hundred volunteers, awaiting orders from the chief 
 executive." 
 
 PARTS OF SPEECH BY HUGH A. GARLAND, DELIVERED AT 
 
 PETERSBURG, VA. 
 
 "The solemn toll of funeral bells — the loud peal of the 
 minute-gun now echoing in our ears, announce that this is 
 no ordinary occasion that brings us together. It is in truth 
 no common event we have come to commemorate. One of 
 the great actors of the world's history has ceased to act. 
 The part it was the destiny of Andrew Jackson to perform 
 in the drama of human life has been fully, perfectly, nobly 
 performed, and he has received his permission to depart. 
 
 "Those that have seen him will see him no more. Those 
 who have never beheld his manly form and venerable white 
 locks can never hope to enjoy that pleasure. What of 
 mortal was in him has put on immortality. Henceforth his 
 
802 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 name will rank among those who have wrought as master 
 workmen in the field of time, and made the world's history 
 such as it is and not otherwise. 
 
 "Had he never lived, the recorded deeds of his own times 
 would have been far different from what they are known 
 to be; and the history of the future, which is but the devel- 
 opment and result of the past and the present, would not 
 have been what it will be — deeply stamping the impress of 
 his character and genius on the age in which he lived — his 
 words and deeds, now that he is dead, gathered up in the 
 treasury of history, and pregnant with the germ of vitality, 
 are destined to grow, and multiply, and bring forth fruit for 
 all ages to come. 
 
 '"Who, then, was Andrew Jackson? 
 
 "Fathers and sons, give heed to what I say; mothers and 
 daughters, lend me your attention! It is of no ordinary 
 man I speak, nor is it for the dead I speak, but the living. 
 Were it permitted those who have once shaken off this mor- 
 tal coil again to return and take part in the affairs of those 
 they loved, Andrew Jackson would now, in bodily presence 
 as he is in spirit, be in the midst of this assembly, praying 
 that what may be uttered this day shall be blessed to your 
 good." 
 
 PARTS OF SPEECH BY GEN. BENJ. C. HOWARD, DELIVERED AT 
 
 BALTIMORE. 
 
 "The battle of the 8th of January must forever stand in 
 military history as a wonder. Well do I remember the 
 universal impression which prevailed in our city, when the 
 tidings of it first reached us, that some strange error had 
 crept into the account, with respect to the disparity of loss 
 on both sides. And even now it is a subject of astonish- 
 ment. They were the same British troops who had stormed 
 Badajos and St. Sebastian's, making their way over fosses 
 
A X DREW JACKSON. 803 
 
 filled with the dead, over piles of loose stones, through what 
 they called a practicable breach of the rampart, and in the 
 face of a disciplined foe. And yet a few cotton bales and a 
 slight ditch was found to be an impassable barrier. What 
 was the cause? It was the cool head, the steady arm, the 
 practiced aim of the marksmen of the wood, whose aim was 
 unerring, and who had caught some of the indomitable 
 spirit of their gallant leader. You, my fellow citizens, those 
 of you who were old enough to participate in the events of 
 the day, felt an intense and peculiar interest in this brilliant 
 achievement. 
 
 "At least four of the regiments on the side of the invaders 
 were the same which you had yourselves met a few short 
 months before, and who, retiring from your city in a sullen 
 spirit of vengeance, had been recruiting their strength for a 
 more desperate assault upon what they thought to be a more 
 defenseless place. It was a singular coincidence that, with 
 all these unusual causes of deep anxiety for the fate of New 
 Orleans, together with the vivid recollection of the existing 
 scenes exhibited in an invaded city, it was at Baltimore that 
 the news of peace coming from the North, and from victory 
 coming from the South, met each other; and the splendid 
 illumination of the 15th of February was a practical demon- 
 stration that the war had closed in a blaze of glory. But 
 who can speak of the 8th of January, 181 5, with any hope 
 of suiting his language to the swelling theme? It has long 
 since taken its place among the very few in the American 
 calendar worthy of a national celebration. We have but 
 four: the 22A of February, the 4th of July, the 12th of 
 September, and the 8th of January. They are now conse- 
 crated by the universal voice, and he who can add a filth to 
 the illustrious roll will stamp his own name also forever 
 upon the record of his country's fame." 
 
804 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 "In the Name of God, Amen! I, Andrew Jackson, 
 Sen'r, being of sound mind, memory, and understanding, 
 and impressed with the great uncertainty of life and the 
 certainty of death, and being desirous to dispose of my 
 temporal affairs so that after my death no contention may 
 arise relative to the same ; and whereas, since executing my 
 will of the 30th of September, 1833, my estate has become 
 greatly involved by my liabilities for the debts of my well- 
 beloved and adopted son, Andrew Jackson, Jun., which 
 makes it necessary to alter the same : Therefore, I, Andrew 
 Jackson, Sen'r, of the county of Davidson and State of 
 Tennessee, do make, ordain, publish, and declare this my 
 last will and testament, revoking all other wills by me here- 
 tofore made. 
 
 "First, I bequeath my body to the dust whence it comes, 
 and my soul to God who gave it, hoping for a happy immor- 
 tality through the atoning merits of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
 the Saviour of the world. My desire is, that my body be 
 buried by the side of my dear departed wife, in the garden 
 at the Hermitage, in the vault prepared in the garden, and 
 all expenses paid by my executor hereafter named. 
 
 "Secondly, That all my just debts be paid out of my per- 
 sonal and real estate by my executor ; for which purpose to 
 meet the debt my good friends, Gen'l J. B. Planchin & Co., 
 of New Orleans, for the sum of six thousand dollars, with 
 the interest accruing thereon, loaned to me to meet the debt 
 due by A. Jackson, Jun., for the purchase of the plantation 
 from Hiram G. Runnels, lying on the east bank of the river 
 Mississippi, in the State of Mississippi. Also a debt due 
 by me of ten thousand dollars, borrowed of my friends Blair 
 and Rives, of the city of Washington and District of Colum- 
 bia, with the interest accruing thereon ; being applied to the 
 payment of the lands bought of Hiram G. Runnels as afore- 
 said, and for the faithful payment of the aforesaid recited 
 debts, I hereby bequeath all my personal and real estate. 
 After these debts are fully paid — 
 
 "Thirdly, I give and bequeath to my adopted son, Andrew 
 Jackson, Junior, the tract of land whereon I now live, 
 known by the Hermitage tract, with its butts and bound- 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. ' 805 
 
 aries, with all its appendages of the three lots of land bought 
 of Samuel Donelson, Thomas J. Donelson, and Alexander 
 Donelson, sons and heirs of Sovern Donelson, deceased, all 
 adjoining the Hermitage tract, agreeable to their butts and 
 boundaries, with all the appurtenances thereto belonging or 
 in any wise appertaining, with all my negroes that I may 
 die possessed of, with the exception hereafter named, with 
 all their increase after the before recited debts are fully paid, 
 with all the household furniture, farming tools, stock of all 
 kind, both on the Hermitage tract farms, as well as those on 
 the Mississippi plantation, to him and his heirs forever. 
 The true intent and meaning of this my last will and testa- 
 ment is, that all my estate, real, personal, and mixed, is 
 hereby first pledged for the payment of the above recited 
 debts and interest ; and when they are fully paid, the residue 
 of my estate, real, personal, and mixed, is hereby bequeathed 
 to my adopted son, A. Jackson, Jun., with the exceptions 
 hereafter named, to him and his heirs forever. 
 
 "Fourth, Whereas I have heretofore by conveyance, 
 deposited with my beloved daughter Sarah Jackson, wife of 
 my adopted son A. Jackson, Jun., given to my beloved 
 granddaughter, Rachel Jackson, daughter of A. Jackson, 
 Jun., and Sarah his wife, several negroes therein described, 
 which I hereby confirm. I give and bequeath to my beloved 
 grandson Andrew Jackson, son of A. Jackson, Jun., and 
 Sarah his wife, a negro boy named Ned, son of Blacksmith 
 Aaron and Hannah his wife, to him and his heirs forever. 
 
 "Fifth, I give and bequeath to my beloved little grandson, 
 Samuel Jackson, son of A. Jackson, Jun., and his much- 
 beloved wife Sarah, one negro boy named Davy or George, 
 son of Squire and his wife Giney, to him and his heirs for- 
 ever. 
 
 "Sixth, To my beloved and affectionate daughter, Sarah 
 Jackson, wife of my adopted and well-beloved son, A. Jack- 
 son, Jun., I hereby recognize, by this bequest, the gift I 
 made her on her marriage, of the negro girl Gracey, which 
 I bought for her, and gave her to my daughter Sarah as her 
 maid and seamstress, with her increase, with my house- 
 servant Hanna and her two daughters, namely, Charlotte 
 and Mary, to her and her heirs forever. This gift and 
 bequest is made for my great affection for her — as a 
 
 25—2 
 
806 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 memento of her uniform attention to me and kindness on 
 all occasions, and particularly when worn down with sick- 
 ness, pain, and debility — she has been more than a daughter 
 to me, and I hope she never will be disturbed in the enjoy- 
 ment of this gift and bequest by anyone. 
 
 "Seventh, I bequeath to my well-beloved nephew, 
 Andrew J. Donelson, son of Samuel Donelson, deceased, 
 the elegant sword presented to me by the State of Tennessee, 
 with this injunction, that he fail not to use it when necessary 
 in support and protection of our glorious Union, and for 
 the protection of the constitutional rights of our beloved 
 country, should they be assailed by foreign enemies or 
 domestic traitors. This, from the great change in my 
 worldly affairs of late, is, with my blessing, all I can 
 bequeath him, doing justice to those creditors to whom I 
 am responsible. This bequest is made as a memento of my 
 high regard, affection, and esteem I bear for him as a high- 
 minded, honest, and honorable man. 
 
 "Eighth, To my grand-nephew, Andrew Jackson Coffee, 
 I bequeath the elegant sword presented to me by the Rifle 
 Company of New Orleans, commanded by Captain Beal, as 
 a memento of my regard, and to bring to his recollection the 
 gallant services of his deceased father, John Coffee, in the 
 late Indian and British war, under my command, and his 
 gallant conduct in defense of New Orleans in 1814 and 
 181 5 ; with this injunction, that he wield it in the protection 
 of the rights secured to the American citizen under our 
 glorious constitution, against all invaders, whether foreign 
 foes or intestine traitors. 
 
 "I bequeath to my beloved grandson, Andrew Jackson, 
 son of A. Jackson, Jun., and Sarah his wife, the sword pre- 
 sented to me by the citizens of Philadelphia, with this injunc- 
 tion, that he will always use it in defense of the constitution 
 of our glorious Union, and the perpetuation of our repub- 
 lican system ; remembering the motto, 'Draw me not with- 
 out occasion, nor sheath me without honor.' 
 
 "The pistols of Gen'l Lafayette, which were presented by 
 him to Gen'l George Washington, and by Col. William Rob- 
 ertson presented to me, I bequeath to George Washington 
 Lafayette, as a memento of the illustrious personages 
 
ANDREW JACKSOX. 807 
 
 through whose hands they have passed — his father, and 
 the father of his country. 
 
 "The gold box presented to me by the corporation of the 
 City of New York, the large silver vase presented to me by 
 the ladies of Charleston, South Carolina, my native State, 
 with the large picture representing the unfurling of the 
 American banner, presented to me by the citizens of South 
 Carolina when it was refused to be accepted by the United 
 States Senate, I leave in trust to my son, A. Jackson, Jun., 
 with directions that should our happy country not be blessed 
 with peace, an event not always to be expected, he will at 
 the close of the war or end of the conflict, present each of 
 said articles of inestimable value, to that patriot residing 
 in the city or State from which they were presented, who 
 shall be adjudged by his countrymen or the ladies to have 
 been the most valiant in defense of his country and our 
 country's rights. 
 
 "The pocket spyglass which was used by Gen'l Washing- 
 ton during the Revolutionary War, and presented to me by 
 Mr. Custis, having been burned with my dwelling house, 
 the Hermitage, with many other valuable relics, I can make 
 no disposition of them. As a memento of my high regard 
 for Gen'l Robert Armstrong as a gentleman, patriot and 
 soldier, as well as for his meritorious military services under 
 my command during the late British and Indian war, and 
 remembering the gallant bearing of him and his gallant 
 little band at Enotochopco Creek, when, falling desperately 
 wounded, he called out, 'My brave fellows, some may fall, 
 but save the cannon' — as a memento of all these things, I 
 give and bequeath to him my case of pistols and sword worn 
 by me throughout my military career, well satisfied that in 
 his hands they will never be disgraced — that they will 
 never be used or drawn without occasion, nor sheathed but 
 with honor. 
 
 "Lastly, I leave to my beloved son all my walking-canes 
 and other relics, to be distributed amongst my young rela- 
 tives — namesakes — first, to my much-esteemed namesake, 
 Andrew J. Donelson, son of my esteemed nephew, A. J. 
 
08 LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Donelson, his first choice, and then to be distributed as A. 
 Jackson, Jun., may think proper. 
 
 "Lastly, I appoint my adopted son Andrew Jackson, Jun., 
 my whole and sole executor to this my last will and testa- 
 ment, and direct that no security be required of him for the 
 faithful execution and discharge of the trusts hereby reposed 
 in him. 
 
 "In testimony whereof, I have this 7th day of June, one 
 thousand eight hundred and forty-three, hereunto set my 
 hand, and affixed my seal, hereby revoking all wills hereto- 
 fore made by me, and in the presence of 
 
 "Marion Adams, 
 
 "Elizabeth D. Love, 
 
 "Thos. J. Donelson, 
 
 "Richard Smith, 
 
 "R. Armstrong. Andrew Jackson [seal] ." 
 
 A CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GEN. ANDREW JACKSON AND 
 
 COM. J. D. ELLIOTT. 
 
 "Washington City, March 18, 1845. 
 
 "My Dear General: Last night I made something of a 
 speech at the National Institute, and have offered for their 
 acceptance the sarcophagus which I obtained at Palestine, 
 brought home in the Constitution, and believed to contain 
 the remains of the Roman Emperor, Alexander Severus, 
 with the suggestion that it might be tendered you for your 
 final resting-place. I pray you, General, to live on in the 
 fear of the Lord; dying the death of a Roman soldier, an 
 Emperor's coffin awaits you. 
 
 "I am truly your old friend, 
 
 "Jesse D. Elliott. 
 
 "To Gen. Andrew Jackson." 
 
 "Hermitage, March 27, 1845. 
 "Dear Sir: Your letter of the 18th instant, together with 
 the copy of the proceedings of the National Institute, fur- 
 nished me by their corresponding secretary, on the presenta- 
 tion, by you, of the sarcophagus for their acceptance, on 
 
ANDREW JACKSON. 809 
 
 condition it shall be preserved, and in honor of my memory, 
 have been received, and are now before me. 
 
 "Although laboring under great debility and affliction, 
 from a severe attack from which I may not recover, I raise 
 my pen and endeavor to reply. The steadiness of my nerves 
 may perhaps lead you to conclude my prostration of strength 
 is not so great as here expressed. Strange as it may appear, 
 my nerves are as steady as they were forty years gone by; 
 whilst, from debility and affliction, I am gasping for breath. 
 
 "I have read the whole proceedings of the presentation, 
 by you, of the sarcophagus, and the resolutions passed by 
 the board of directors, so honorable to my fame, with sensa- 
 tions and feelings more easily to be conjectured than by me 
 expressed. The whole proceedings call for my most grate- 
 ful thanks, which are hereby tendered to you, and through 
 you to the president and directors of the National Institute. 
 But with the warmest sensations that can inspire a grateful 
 heart, I must decline accepting the honor intended to be 
 bestowed. I cannot consent that my mortal body shall be 
 laid in a repository prepared for an emperor or a king. 
 My republican feelings and principles forbid it; the sim- 
 plicity of our system of government forbids it. Every 
 monument erected to perpetuate the memory of our heroes 
 and statesmen ought to bear evidence of the economy and 
 simplicity of our republican institutions, and the plainness 
 of our republican citizens, who are the sovereigns of our 
 glorious Union, and whose virtue it is to perpetuate it. 
 True virtue cannot exist where pomp and parade are the 
 governing passions; it can only dwell with the people — 
 the great laboring and producing classes that form the bone 
 and sinew of our confederacy. 
 
 "For these reasons I connot accept the honor you and the 
 president and directors of the National Institute intended to 
 bestow. I cannot permit my remains to be the first in these 
 United States to be deposited in a sarcophagus made for an 
 emperor or a king. I again repeat, please accept for your- 
 self, and convey to the president and directors of the Na- 
 tional Institute, my most profound respects for the honor 
 you and they intended to bestow. I have prepared a 
 humble depository for my mortal body beside that wherein 
 lies my beloved wife, where, without any pomp or parade, 
 
810 LIFE AND TIMES OF ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 I have requested, when my God calls me to sleep with my 
 fathers, to be laid ; for both of us there to remain until the 
 last trumpet sounds to call the dead to judgment, when we, 
 I hope, shall rise together, clothed with that heavenly body 
 promised to all who believe in our glorious Redeemer, who 
 died for us that we might live, and by whose atonement I 
 hope for a blessed immortality. 
 "I am, with great respect, 
 
 "Your friend and fellow citizen, 
 
 "Andrew Jackson. 
 "To Com. J. D. Elliott, 
 
 "United States Navy." 
 
 THE END. 
 
INDEX. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Acorn dinner — given by Jackson in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 133. 
 
 Adair, General, Vol. I, pp. 296, 301. 
 
 Adams — name on map, Vol. I, pp. 74, 412. 
 
 Adams, John — on the Indian question, Vol. II, p. 779. 
 
 Adams, John Quincy — Secretary of State, Vol. II, pp. 447, 448; Course 
 of with reference to censure of Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 478 to 480; 
 Reply to Pizaro, Spanish Minister, Vol. II, pp. 478, 479; Reason 
 for his sustaining Jackson in Seminole campaign, Vol. II, pp. 
 537, S38; Gives dinner in honor of Jackson, Vol. II, p. 544; Vote 
 of in election of 1824, Vol. II, pp. 557 to 563; Candidate for 
 president against Jackson in 1828, Vol. II, pp. 571 to 584; Meets 
 Jackson at Monroe's levee, Vol. II, p. 583 ; Concerning Russian 
 treaty. Vol. II, p. 757. 
 
 Address — reference to author's address before Jackson Club of Wash- 
 ington, Vol. I, pp. 38, 39; of Jackson to volunteers, 1812, Vol. I, 
 pp. 80, 81 ; calling for volunteers against the Creeks, Vol. I, p. 
 117; to army at Fayetteville, Vol. I, pp. 122, 123; to army at 
 Deposit, Vol. I, p. 126; to starving army, Vol. I, pp. 133, 134; 
 to army after battle of the Horse Shoe, Vol. I, pp. 170, 171 ; of 
 Nichols to British soldiers, Vol. I, p. 216; of Jackson to the 
 citizens and soldiers of Louisiana, Vol. I, p. 241 ; to citizens of 
 New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 252; declaring martial law at New Or- 
 leans, Vol. I, p. 254; to citizens and soldiers after battle of New 
 Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 321 to 324; of Rev. Dr. DuBourg to Jackson 
 at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 330 to 332; of Jackson to Rev. Dr. 
 DuBourg, Vol. I, p. 332; of Jackson at New Orleans after his 
 fine, Vol. I, p. 361 ; of Hon. John Overton to Jackson on return 
 from Seminole War, Vol. II, p. 507; of Jackson in reply, Vol. 
 II, p. 508; selection from Jackson's first inaugural, Vol. II, p. 
 508; selection from Jackson's first inaugural, Vol. II, p. 554. 
 
 Alabama — debt to Coffee, Vol. I, pp. 70, 71. 
 
 Alamance — battle of, Vol. I, pp. 22, 23; Opening of the Revolution, 
 Vol. I, p. 45- 
 
 Alamo, The — siege of, Vol. I, pp. 179 to 183. 
 
 Allen, Miss — first wife of Sam Houston, Vol. I, p. 164. 
 
 Allison, Colonel — error of in "Dropped Stitches," Vol. I, p. 21. 
 
814 INDEX. 
 
 Amelia Island — Vol. II, pp. 462, 463. 
 
 Ames, Fisher — Vol. I, p. 57. 
 
 Anderson, Col. William P. — Vol. I, pp. 298, 299. 
 
 Anecdotes — Jackson and the society ladies of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 
 58, 59, 249; the wounded British officer at the home of Living- 
 stone, Vol. I, pp. 59, 60; Jackson and Crockett, Vol. I, pp. 82, 
 83 ; Jackson and Peter Cartwright, Vol. I, pp. 100, 101 ; about the 
 cotton bales at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 273 ; of two friends be- 
 fore New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 294, 295 ; "back down" of Jackson, 
 Vol. I, pp. 298, 299; of Mile, de Renior on the Tennessean, Vol. 
 
 I, P- 307; related by Poindexter in regard to "gouging," Vol. II, 
 p. 475 ; of British officer wounding Jackson when a boy, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 684. 
 
 Apostrophe — to Creek Indians, Vol. I, p. 188. 
 
 Arbuthnot and Ambrister — with Nichols in Florida, Vol. II, p. 461 ; 
 Clay on their execution, Vol. II. pp. 473, 474; Poindexter's com- 
 ments on, Vol. II, p. 476; England excited because of their exe- 
 cution, Vol. II, p. 478. 
 
 Arms — lack of at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 262, 297. 
 
 Armstrong, J. — Secretary of War, Vol. I, pp. 86, 210. 
 
 Armstrong, Gen. Robert — legatee of Jackson, Vol. II, p. 807. 
 
 Army — Jackson's in 1812, Vol. I, pp. 81 to 88, 106, 107; ordered to 
 disband, Vol. I, pp. 86, 107; return from Natchez, Vol. I, p. 88; 
 bravery in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 99; number in Creek War, Vol. 
 I, p. 118; Jackson's close touch with, Vol. I, p. 122; embarrassed 
 by failure of supplies in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 123, et seq.; 
 difficulties of, Vol. I, pp. 126, 127; new one for Creek War, Vol. 
 I, p. 144; discharged by Jackson after Creek War, Vol. I, p. 191; 
 in the South, in 1812, Vol. I, p. 198; of Jackson at New Orleans, 
 Vol. I, pp. 236, 237, 334 to 346; of Coffee and Carroll, Vol. I, 
 pp. 260 to 263; of the British reinforced by General Lambert, 
 Vol. I, p. 206 ; of British, disposition of, Vol. I, pp. 300, 301 ; 
 disposition of U. S. Army, Vol. I. p. 384; promotions in recom- 
 mended by Jackson after battle of New Orleans, Vol. II, pp. 425, 
 426 ; Jackson opposed to large standing army, Vol. II, p. 554. 
 
 Arrest — of General Cocke, Vol. I, p. 159; of Louaillier, Vol. I, p. 356; 
 of Judge Hall, Vol. I, p. 357 ; of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 359. 
 
 Atkins, Gen. J. D. C— Indian Agent, Vol. I, p. 199. 
 
 Baltimore Convention — 1860, Vol. I, pp. 166 to 168. 
 
 Bancroft, George — on the regulators and the battle of the Alamance, 
 Vol. I, p. 23 ; on Madison's service to the early history of the 
 Government, Vol. II, p. 569; Eulogizes Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 795 
 to 797- 
 
INDEX. 815 
 
 Bank of the United States — Vol. II, pp. 505, 605; its directors alleged 
 slanderers of Mrs. Jackson, Vol. II, p. 606; Parton's error on 
 cause of Jackson's opposition to, Vol. II, p. 615; removal of 
 Jeremiah Mason from head of branch bank, Vol. II, p. 615; 
 Jackson invites attention to in his first message to Congress, Vol. 
 II, pp. 619, 645 ; Jackson's communication to his cabinet on re- 
 moval of deposits from, Vol. II, pp. 635 to 643; question of re- 
 charter, Vol. II, p. 635; Act passed recharterini,' vetoed by Jack- 
 son, Vol. II, pp. 636, 646; asks new charter. Vol. II, p. 636; re- 
 election of Jackson the decision of the people against the bank. 
 Vol. II, pp. 637, 647 ; Crawford asserts right of President to 
 remove deposits from, Vol. II, p. 638; Jackson asserts its unfaith- 
 fulness as a public agent, Vol. II, p. 638; examples of its alleged 
 misconduct. Vol. II, p. 639; allegations of its violation of its 
 charter, Vol. II, p. 640; resolutions of its board relative to circu- 
 lation of articles and documents favorable to, Vol. II, p. 641 ; 
 Jackson views the bank question as of transcendent importance, 
 Vol. II, pp. 642, 661 ; date set for removal of deposits from, Vol. 
 II, p. 643 ; advocates of in Senate and House, Vol. II, pp. 644, 
 645 ; plan of and its friends, Vol. II, p. 646 ; bank contest ended 
 by election of 1832, Vol. II, p. 652 ; the national treasury, Vol. 
 II, p. 660; Clay on Jackson's removal of the deposits, Vol. II, 
 pp. 661, 662; Calhoun on Jackson's removal of the deposits, Vol. 
 II, p. 663 ; Benton on Jackson's removal of the deposits, Vol. II, 
 pp. 676 to 680; obnoxious to the people, Vol. II, p. 695. 
 
 Baranacas, Fort — Vol. I, p. 234. 
 
 Barrataria — Lafitte's refuge, Vol. I, pp. 212, 254. 
 
 Barry, William T. — appointed by Jackson minister to Spain, Vol. II, 
 p. 626. 
 
 Barton — on treatment of the Indians by the U. S., Vol. II, pp. 786 to 
 790. 
 
 Bate, Gen. W. B— prevents removal of Jackson's statue, Vol. I, p. 217. 
 
 Battle— of Talleesehatchie, Vol. I, pp. 127 to 131 ; of Talladega, Vol. 
 I, p. 129; of Emuckfau, Vol. I, p. 152; of Enoctachopoc, Vol. 
 I, p. 152; of Horse Shoe, Vol. I, pp. 159 to 163; of San Jacinto, 
 Vol. I, p. 165; of the Alamo, Vol. I, pp. 179 to 183; of Burnt 
 Com, Vol. I, p. 187; battles of Creeks, Vol. I, pp. 187, 188; 
 of New Orleans, events leading to, Vol. I, p. 202 ; of Fort Bow- 
 yer, Vol. I, pp. 219 to 225, 226 to 231 ; at Pensacola, Vol. I, pp. 
 233, 234; to keep British out of Lake Borgne, Vol. I, pp. 256 to 
 259; of December 23, before New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 264, 266; 
 of December 28, Vol. I, pp. 278 to 281 ; of January 1, Vol. I, pp. 
 289 to 291; of January 8, Vol. I, pp. 3^3, 334 to 34^: the brief 
 conflict, January 8, Vol. I, pp. 342 to 346. 
 
 Bayard, James A. — fails to secure treaty with Russia, Vol. II, p. 757- 
 
 Bayard, Secretary — Vol. II. p. 427. 
 
816 INDEX. 
 
 Bell, John — Vol. I, p. 47; contest with Sam Houston for nomination 
 for presidency, Vol. I, pp. 166 to 168; Speaker of House, Vol. II, 
 p. 6S9. 
 
 Benton, Jesse — in fight with Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 88 to 93 ; has duel with 
 Carroll, Vol. I, pp. 89, 90. 
 
 Benton, Thomas H. — Vol. I, p. 66; his book largely occupied with 
 history made by Jackson, Vol. I, p. 76; intimacy with Jackson, 
 Vol. I, pp. 76, 96, Vol. II, pp. 455, 570; disagrees with Parton, Vol. 
 I. p. 77 ; speech on presentation of sword to Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 
 77 to 79 ; colonel under Jackson, Vol. I, p. 84, Vol. II, p. 570 ; on 
 Jackson's refusal to disband army at Natchez, Vol. I, pp. 86, 87, 
 Vol. II, p. 570; trip to Washington, Vol. I, p. 89; in fight with 
 "Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 89 to 93; testifies to Jackson's character, 
 Vol. I, 95, 105, Vol. II, pp. 573 to 578; receives Jackson's dying 
 message, Vol. I, p. 97; belief in Jackson's military genius, Vol. 
 
 I, p. 194; on Jackson's $1,000 fine, Vol. I, pp. 362, 367; proves 
 Jackson author of all his great papers, Vol. I, p. 407; on Jack- 
 son's removals from office, Vol. II, pp. 456 to 459; on opposition 
 to Jackson of Clay, Calhoun and Webster, Vol. II, p. 486; on 
 Jackson's "Exposition," Vol. II, pp. 499 to 501 ; comes to sup- 
 port of Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 561 to 564 ; feud with Jackson ended, 
 Vol. II, pp. 562, 570 ; scores John Scott for supporting Adams, 
 Vol. II, p. 563; tells of service to history of the "Jacksonian 
 period," Vol. II, pp. 569 to 584, 624; Early life and connection 
 with Jackson, Vol. II, p. 570; his chapter on "Presidential Elec- 
 tion of 1828 and Further Errors of M. De Toqueville," Vol. II, 
 pp. 571 to 578; his personal knowledge of Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 
 579, 58°; on dissolution of Jackson's first cabinet, Vol. II, pp. 
 625 to 632; supporter of Jackson in fight with Bank of U. S., 
 Vol. II, p. 645 ; sums up the election of 1832, Vol. II, pp. 653 to 
 656; notifies that he will have expunged the Senate's resolution 
 censuring Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 673, 690; compared to Cato, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 674; Extract from speech against Senate's resolution cen- 
 suring Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 675, 686; Synopsis of speech defend- 
 ing Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 675 to 680; speech at the expunging 
 of Senate's resolution censuring Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 694 to 698; 
 Experience during act of expunging, Vol. II, pp. 700 to 702; 
 Sketches Jackson's character, Vol. II, pp. 702 to 706; on nulli- 
 fication doctrine at banquet in honor of Jefferson, 1830, Vol. II, 
 pp. 709, 710 ; review of Jackson's official career as President, 
 Vol. II, 727 to 732; on Jackson's foreign policy, Vol. II, p. 743; 
 on the Government's dealings with the Indians, Vol. II, p. 774. 
 
 Bentons — Vol. I, p. 58; fight with Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 88 to 93. 
 Bernard, General — Vol. II, pp. 442, 443, 446, 447. 
 
 Berrien, John M. — Attorney General in Jackson's first cabinet, Vol. 
 II, pp. 601, 609; resigns, Vol. II, p. 626. 
 
INDEX. 817 
 
 Bexar— Vol. I. p. 179- 
 
 Bibb, of Kentucky— speech defending Jackson's course on the French 
 
 spoliation claims, Vol II, pp. 74« to 748. 
 Biddle, N.— President of Bank of U. S., Vol. II, p. 615; reports to 
 
 board newspaper article favorable to bank, Vol. II, p. 641 ; not 
 
 required to settle his accounts, Vol. II, p. 642. 
 Big Warrior— Vol. I. p. 200. 
 Blackburn. Rev. Gideon— receives letter from Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 98 to 
 
 101. 
 
 Blair, Frank— Vol. II. p. 6S4. 
 
 Blount, Gov. Willie— ordered to furnish militia in 1812, Vol. I, p. 79; 
 action on Fort Minims' massacre, Vol. I, p. 117; asks Jackson 
 to retreat in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 137 5 letter to Jackson, Vol. I, 
 p. 139; converted by Jackson's reply, Vol. I, pp. 144. IDI > J ack " 
 son's reliance on, Vol. I, p. 260 ; letter on presentation of sword 
 to Jackson, Vol. I, p. 380. 
 
 Boone, Daniel— Vol. I, p. 178 1 son of, Vol. II, p. 704. 
 
 Boonsboro, Ky.— reference to its declaration of independence, Vol. 
 I, p. 124. 
 
 Boston Gazette-on Jackson's assertion concerning Hartford Conven- 
 tion, Vol. II, p. 548. 
 
 Boulanger— restaurant of, Vol. II, p. 691. 
 
 Bourrienne— biographer of Napoleon, Vol. I, p. 33 \ on banishment of 
 Napoleon, Vol. I. p. 109. 
 
 Bowie, Col. James— Vol. I, p. 181. 
 
 Branch, John— Secretary of Navy in Jackson's first cabinet, Vol. II, 
 pp. 601, 609. 611 ; resigns, Vol. II, p. 626. 
 
 Breastworks— at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 273, 274, 279. 
 
 Breckenrid^e, Henry M.— Jackson's assistant in Florida, Vol. II, pp. 
 516 to 528; appointed Alcalde at Pensacola, Vol. II, p. 5*7; gives 
 account of trial of ex-Governor Callava before Jackson, Vol. 
 
 II, PP- 522 to 524. 
 
 Brewer, Judge— Vol. II, p. 7^7- 
 
 British— cruelty of to Jackson and brother, Vol. I, pp. 41, 42; oppres- 
 sion of, Vol. I, p. 43; armies victorious in the North, in 1812, 
 Vol. I, pp. 106, 197, 251; capture Washington, Vol. I, pp. 107, 
 186; demands of at Ghent, Vol. I, pp. 107, 204; enthusiasm of 
 for war of 1812, Vol. I, pp. 107, 108, 197 \ preparations of, Vol. I, 
 p. in ; inspire the Creeks, Vol. I, pp. 114. 188; opinion of Ameri- 
 cans, Vol. I, pp. 137, 169; intentions of after Napoleon's abdica- 
 tion,' Vol. I, pp. 1S6, 187, 317, 3i8; new army of for Southern op- 
 erations, 1812, Vol. I, p. 197; loss at battle of New Orleans. Vol. I, 
 p. 202; furnish guns to Indians, Vol. I, p. 208; fleet for New Or- 
 leans, Vol. I, p. 206; defeated at Fort Bowyer, Vol. I, pp. 219-231 ; 
 forces at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 235 to 237, 244; confidence of 
 at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 238; hated by Jackson, Vol. I, p. 251; 
 
818 INDEX. 
 
 battle of to enter Lake Borgne, Vol. I, pp. 256 to 259; battle 
 at Villere's plantation, Vol. I, pp. 265 to 267; inactivity of, Vol. 
 
 I, p. 275; harassed by Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 276, 2S6, 287, 291, 
 341, 342; intentions of in New Orleans campaign, Vol. I, p. 285: 
 reinforced by General Lambert, Vol. I, p. 296; manner of war, 
 Vol. I, p. 303 ; in panic at battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 337, 
 338, 341; retreat from New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 347, 380; ques- 
 tion Jackson's conduct in Seminole campaign, Vol. II, p. 488; 
 account of British officer wounding Jackson when a boy, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 684; offer mediation between France and United States 
 on French spoliation claims, Vol. II, pp. 741, 754; prohibit trade 
 with their West India Islands, Vol. II, p. 755; treatment of In- 
 dians, Vol. II. p. 779. 
 
 Buchanan, James — Minister to Russia, Vol. II, p. 758. 
 Burial place— of Jackson's father, Vol. I, p. 17; of mother, Vol. I, p. 43. 
 Burnt Corn — Vol. I, p. 187. 
 
 Burr, Aaron — friend of Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 35, 78; believes in Jack- 
 son's military genius, Vol. I, p. 195. 
 
 Cabinet of Jackson — involved in disclosures relative to discussion of 
 Jackson's punishment in Monroe's cabinet, Vol. II, p. 484; Jack- 
 son's first cabinet, Vol. II, pp. 601, 610, 611; erroneous idea that 
 Jackson required the families of his cabinet to associate with 
 Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, pp. 609, 621, 622; dissolution of Jackson's 
 first cabinet, Vol. II, pp. 620 to 632; cause of dissolution, Vol. 
 II, pp. 625 to 632; Jackson's second cabinet, Vol. II, p. 626; 
 Jackson's communication to on removal of deposits, Vol. II, pp. 
 635 to 643. 
 
 Cabinet secret — discussion of Jackson's punishment for alleged dis- 
 obedience, Vol. II, pp. 470, 471, 483 to 505; censure of Jackson 
 and results, Vol. II, pp. 493, 494, 501, 504, 505, 668; Crawford 
 and Calhoun's contention, Vol. II, pp. 627 to 629. 
 
 Cabot, John — Vol. II. p. 781. 
 
 Caesar, Julius — Jackson compared with, Vol. I, p. 122, Vol. II, p. 664; 
 on ex post facto law, Vol. II, p. 674. 
 
 Calhoun, John C. — order as Secretary of War, Vol. I, p. 393 ; friend- 
 ship for Jackson, Vol. I, p. 394 ; sustains Jackson, Vol. I, p. 401 ; 
 name on map, Vol. I, p. 412; leader in opposition to Jackson, 
 Vol. II, p. 470; proposes arrest of Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 492, 
 493, 497, 500, 504; his conduct shown by Jackson's "Exposition," 
 Vol. II, pp. 498, 499; rupture with Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 499, 
 502 to 505, 623, 629; rejected by Pennsylvania for President, 
 1824, Vol. II, p. 546; withdraws from race, Vol. II, p. 547; Vice 
 President, 1828, Vol. II, p. 571 ; arraigns Crawford for dis- 
 
INDEX. 819 
 
 closures in Monroe's cabinet. Vol. II, p. 627; publishes pamphlet 
 on differences between him and Jackson, Vol. II, p. 629; with- 
 draws from party. Vol. II, p. 645; differences with Jackson 
 eliminated by election of 1S32, Vol. II, p. 653; speech of against 
 encroachment of President Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 663 to 667; on 
 nullification, Vol. II, p. 666; speech on expunging the Senate's 
 resolution censuring Jackson, Vol. II, p. 698; gives significant 
 toast at Jefferson banquet, 1S30, Vol. II, p. 710; speech of on 
 French spoliation claims, showing hatred to Jackson, Vol. II, 
 pp. 742, 743. 
 
 California— cost of, Vol. II, pp. 786, 787. 
 
 Callava, Colonel, Spanish Governor of Florida — clashes with Jackson, 
 Vol. II, pp. 517 to 526; arrested by Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 518, 521 ; 
 trial before Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 522 to 524; imprisoned, Vol. 
 
 II, P- 524- 
 Camden — Jackson in prison at, Vol. I, p. 41. 
 Campbell, A. M. — concerned with the Mrs. Eaton scandal, Vol. II, 
 
 p. 604. 
 Campbell, Colonel — at battle of King's Mountain, Vol. I, p. 30; against 
 
 Cornwallis, Vol. I, p. 31 ; reports to General Gates, Vol. I, p. 32. 
 Campbell, George W. — fails to secure treaty with Russia, Vol. II, p. 
 
 757- 
 
 Campbell, Judge— Vol. II, pp. 447, 448. 
 
 Carlyle— Vol. II, p. 705. 
 
 Carolina — schooner at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 239, 266, 275. 
 
 Carriage — of Jackson, made from the Constitution, Vol. I, p. 418. 
 
 Carrickfergus — home of Jackson's ancestors, Vol. I, pp 17, 37, 38, 251. 
 
 Carroll, William — standby of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 69; joins Jackson's 
 army at Nashville, Vol. I, pp. 83, 84; Governor, Vol. I, p. 84; 
 fights duel with Jesse Benton, Vol. I, pp. 89, 90; in Creek War, 
 Vol. I, pp. 151, 157, 158; raises volunteers for Jackson, 1812, 
 Vol. I. pp. 206. 214, 218; remarkable march to join Jackson at 
 New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 255 ; army of, Vol. I, p. 261 ; commands 
 center in battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 335, 339, 343- 
 
 Cartwright, Rev. Peter — receives letter from Jackson, Vol. I, p. 99; 
 incident about Jackson published in his book. Vol. I, p. 100. 
 
 Cass, Lewis — Vol. II. p. 627. 
 
 Casualties— in battle of Fort Bowycr, Vol. I, pp. 219, 220, 229; at 
 Pensacola, Vol. I, p. 234: at battle for Lake Borgne, Vol. I, pp. 
 256, 259; at battle of Villere's plantation, Vol. I, p. 267; in bat- 
 tle of December 28, Vol. I, p. 281 ; in campaign of New Orleans, 
 Vol. I, pp. 286, 380; on January 8, Vol. I, pp. 323, 324, 346. 
 
 Catron, Chief Justice of Tennessee — on the Foreman (Indian) case, 
 Vol. II, pp. 773, 780, 781 to 785, 790. 
 
 Caucus, Congressional — Jackson's fight against, Vol. II, pp. 538, 545, 
 
 556, 557- 
 
820 INDEX. 
 
 Cherokees — concerning boundary, Vol. I, p. 57 ; friends of Houston, 
 
 Vol. I, pp. 163, 164; allies of British, Vol. I, p. 238; claims of, 
 
 Vol. I, 385 ; paid for their lands, Vol. II, p. 775 ; removal of to 
 
 west of Mississippi River, Vol. II, p. 776; money received for 
 
 lands, Vol. II, p. 787. 
 
 Chester, Col. Robert I.— Vol. I, p. 178. 
 
 Chickasaws — Jackson's treaty with, Vol. I, p. 385 ; cession from, Vol. 
 II, p. 429; money received for lands, Vol. II, p. 787. 
 
 Choctaws — allies of British, Vol. I, p. 238. 
 
 Claiborne, Governor of Louisiana — Vol. I, pp. 242, 254; letters of to 
 Jackson, Vol. I, p. 243 — differences with Legislature, Vol. I, p. 
 247. 
 
 Clay, Henry — connection with war of 1812, Vol. I, p. 36; carried Ten- 
 nessee, 1844, Vol. I, p. 48; at Ghent, Vol. I, p. 107; receives 
 letter from Gallatin, Vol. I, p. no; name on map, Vol. I, p. 412; 
 declines portfolio of war, Vol. II, pp. 446, 447; against Jackson's 
 nomination for President, Vol. II, p. 457 ; leader in opposition to 
 Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 470, 471 ; Clay and Jackson friends, Vol. 
 II, pp. 471, 472; speech of against Jackson in the House, Vol. 
 II, pp. 472 to 475, 504; rupture with Jackson, Vol. II, p. 504; 
 vote of in 1824, Vol. II, pp. 557 to 559; discussion of his vote 
 for Adams instead of Jackson, Vol. II, p. 558; believed by Jack- 
 son to have been bribed, Vol. II, 558; salient points of his career. 
 Vol. II, pp. 558 to 560 ; compared with Jackson, Vol. II, p. 561 ; 
 opposed to Jackson because a military chieftain, Vol. II, pp. 565 
 to 568 ; Adams' Secretary of State, Vol. II, p. 571 ; charged by 
 Jackson with disseminating slanders about Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, 
 p. 605 ; candidate for President against Jackson, 1832, Vol. II, 
 p. 653 ; introduces resolution asking for Jackson's paper to his 
 cabinet on removal of deposits, Vol. II, 658; makes three-day 
 speech against Jackson, Vol. II, 659; despondency after defeat 
 by Jackson, Vol. II, p. 66S; charges Jackson with wrongdoing, 
 Vol. II, p. 673. 
 
 Cleveland, Colonel — at battle of King's Mountain, Vol. I, p. 30; 
 against Cornwallis, Vol. I, p. 31. 
 
 Clubs, Jackson — Vol. I, pp. 73, 413, 414. 
 
 Coalition against Jackson — Vol. II, pp. 651, 657, 666; becomes des- 
 perate, Vol. II, p. 658. 
 
 Cobb — on results of presidential election, 1824, Vol. II, p. 582. 
 
 Cocke, General — in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 118; causes Jackson anxiety, 
 Vol. I, p. 130; arrested, Vol. I, p. 159. 
 
 Coffee, Andrew Jackson — legatee of Jackson, Vol. II, p. 806. 
 
 Coffee, Alexander Donelson — son of General Coffee, Vol. I, p. 72. 
 
 Coffee, Eliza — granddaughter of General Coffee, Vol. I, p. 72. 
 
 Coffee, Gen. John — partner of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 52; standby of Jack- 
 son, Vol. I, pp. 69. 70; fights Indians at Ten Islands, in Alabama, 
 
INDEX. 821 
 
 Vol. I, p. 71 ; personal appearance of, Vol. I, p. 71 ; descendants 
 of, Vol. I, p. 7-'; commands cavalry, Vol. I, p. 84; letters of to 
 Capt. John Donelson, Vol. I, p. 84; with Jackson in Benton 
 fight, Vol. I, pp. 91 to 93; checks advance of Creeks, Vol. I, p. 
 101 ; commands cavalry against Creeks, Vol. I, p. 118; at battle 
 of Talleesehatchie, Vol I, pp. 127, 128, 187; assists Jackson in 
 subduing mutiny, Vol. I, pp. 136, 157; wounded, Vol. I, p. 144; 
 with Jackson on excursion against the Creeks, Vol. I, p. 1491 
 at battle of Enoctachopoc, Vol. I, p. 152; at battle of the Horse 
 Shoe, Vol. I, p. 162; raises volunteers for Jackson in 1812, Vol. 
 I, p. 206; ordered to Mobile, Vol. I, pp. 214, 218, 232; ordered to 
 New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 258; numbers of his army, Vol. I, p. 
 260; in battle at Villere's plantation, Vol. I, pp. 266, 267; descrip- 
 tion of his soldiers, Vol. I, p. 306; commands Jackson's left at 
 New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 342; rebukes Louisiana Legislature, Vol. 
 Ij P- 349: Jackson on Coffee's death, Vol. I, p. 415; buys Jack- 
 son's interest in business, Vol. II, p. 588. 
 Coffee. Marj — receives letter from Jackson on her father's death, Vol. 
 
 I. P- 415. 
 Colbert, George — asks pay for supplies, Vol. I. p. 63. 
 Columbus — Vol. II, p. 7S1. 
 Commissioners — of Ghent treaty, Vol. I, pp. 106, 107; American, Vol. 
 
 I, pp. 110. hi, 204, 231, 235; impressed by Jackson's victories 
 over the Creeks. Vol. I, pp. 144, 172, 186, 274. 
 
 Conditions — in Tennessee when Jackson came, Vol. I, p. 21 ; when 
 Jackson took command in 1812, Vol. I, p. 196; before battle of 
 New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 203, 214, 217, 231 ; at New Orleans 
 before battle, Vol. I, pp. 240, 242 to 244, 259, 263, 289, 309, 315, 
 365 to 367. 
 
 Confederation— articles of, Vol. II, p. 716. 
 
 Congress— Jackson member of, Vol. I, pp. 57, 62, Vol. II, p. 560; fa- 
 mous men in House, Vol. I, p. 57; Jackson's record in House, 
 Vol. I, pp. 61 to 66; Jackson on pay for Sevier's soldiers against 
 the Indians, Vol. I. pp. 62 to 65, Vol. II, p. 560; Jackson ap- 
 pointed to United States Senate, Vol. I, p. 66; Crockett's refer- 
 ence to, Vol. I, p. 181 ; economy of at beginning of "Jacksonian 
 period," Vol. II, p. 555; Jackson's resignation, Vol. II, p. 560; 
 famous men in 1829, Vol. II, p. 610; famous men in 1832, Vol. 
 
 II. p. 672; attitude of in 1833, according to Benton, Vol. II, p. 
 679; authority of, Vol. II. p. 716; passes law accepting reciprocal 
 trade relations with England, Vol. II, p. 756. 
 
 Constitution of United States— Jackson recommends its amendment 
 on election of President and Vice President, Vol. II, p. 616; 
 validity of, Vol. II, pp. 718, 7*9- 
 
 1 
 
 26-2 
 
822 INDEX. 
 
 Convention — first constitutional of Tennessee, Jackson a member of, 
 Vol. I, p. 56, Vol. II, pp. 531, 532, 560; at Baltimore, i860, Vol. 
 I, pp. 166 to 168. 
 
 Cook, Capt — describes opening of battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 
 336 to 339. 
 
 Coriolanus — compared with Houston, Vol. I, p. 167. 
 
 Cornwallis — left wing of defeated at King's Mountain, Vol. I, p. 22; 
 movement of in the Carolinas, Vol. I, pp. 29, 30, 42, 46; mis- 
 take of, Vol. I, p. 203. 
 
 Countersign — of British at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 303, 305. 
 
 Council of war at Natchez — Vol. I, p. 86. 
 
 Courage— inspired by Jackson, Vol. I, p. 285; of Kentuckians, Vol. 
 
 I, p. 298 
 
 Cotton bales — at battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 272, 273. 
 Craighead, Mrs. Elizabeth — on Robards' jealousy, supposed divorce and 
 
 his wife's marriage to Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 595 to 597. 
 Craighead, Rev. — Vol. I, p. 115. 
 
 Crawford — brother-in-law of Jackson's mother. Vol. I, pp. 39, 40, 44. 
 Crawford, Wm. H. — candidate for presidential nomination, 1816, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 437; Secretary of the Treasury, Vol. II, pp. 447, 555; 
 writes Jackson, Vol. II, p. 490; letter to Forsythe, Vol. II, p. 
 492; connection with censure of Jackson, Vol. II, p. 496, et seq., 
 500; receives Jackson's apology, Vol. II, p. 504; nominated for 
 President by Congressional Caucus, Vol. II, p. 545; arraigned 
 by friends of Calhoun, Vol. II, p. 627; explains his connection 
 with divulging of cabinet secret, Vol. II, pp. 627, 628; asserts 
 right of President to remove deposits, Vol. II, p. 638. 
 
 Creeks— allies of England, Vol. I, pp. 46, 187, 270; war with, Vol. I, 
 pp. 58, 69; campaign against, Vol. I, pp. 106, 107, 109; sketch of, 
 Vol. I, p. in, et seq.; uprising of, Vol. I, p. 112; inspired by 
 British, Vol. I, pp. 114, 188; massacre whites at Fort Mimms, 
 Vol. I, pp. 115, 116; at battle of Talleesehatchie, Vol. I, p. 127; 
 at battle of Talladega, Vol. I, p. 129; at battles of Emuckfau 
 and Enoctachopoc, Vol. I, pp. 149 to 154; at battle of Horse 
 Shoe, Vol. I, p. 159 to 163; sue for peace, Vol. I, pp. 176, 177; 
 character described by Historian Pickett, Vol. I, pp. 187, 188; 
 battles of, Vol. I, pp. 187, 188; dealings of with United States, 
 Vol. I, pp. 189, 190; Jackson's treaty with, Vol. I, pp. 198 to 201, 
 386, Vol. II, p. 430; in Florida, Vol. II, p. 461, et seq.; lands 
 of, Vol. II, p. 774; money received for lands, Vol. II, p. 787. 
 
 Criticism — of War Department, by Eaton, Vol. I, p. 210; of indiscrimi- 
 nate recommendation, Vol. II, p. 427. 
 
 Crockett, Davy — origin of famous motto of, Vol. I. pp. 82, 83 ; sketch 
 of life of, Vol. I, pp. 178 to 183; at the Alamo, Vol. I, pp. 179 
 to 183; diary of, Vol. I, pp. 179 to 183; marksmanship of, Vol. 
 I, p. 182. 
 
INDEX, 823 
 
 Cromwell— Vol. I, p. 4M- Vol. II, p. 705. 
 Crozier, John— Vol. II. p. 780. 
 
 Cruelty— of Mexicans, Vol. I, p. 181; of British, Vol. I, p. 303. 
 Cumberland Settlement— troubles of with Indians, Vol. I, p. 61. 
 Custis, of Arlington— presents Jackson with Washington's pocket tele- 
 scope.Vol. II, p. 548. 
 
 Dale, Col. D— at battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 336, 346. 
 
 Dallas, George M.— eulogizes Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 800, 801. 
 
 Dana, Francis— Vol. II, p. 757- 
 
 Danezac, Major— Vol. I, p. 364- 
 
 Defense of Frontiers— Vol. II, pp. 442, 444, 449- 
 
 Democracy— in 1856, Vol. I, p. 47 ; victory of in 1828, Vol. II, p. 572. 
 
 Democratic Party — succeeds Republican Party, Vol. II, p. 645. 
 
 Denmark — pays indemnity to United States, Vol. II, p. 743- 
 
 Deserter — at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 335. 
 
 DeToqueville. M. — on Jackson's removals from office, Vol. I, pp. 453. 
 456; errors of concerning Jackson's election, Vol. II, pp. 570, to 
 581, 586, 653; quotation on Jackson, Vol. II, p. 573; misrepre- 
 sents United States in its dealings with the Indians, Vol. II, 
 pp. 766. 785, 786. 
 
 Diaz, Mrs. Rachel — daughter of General Coffee, Vol. I, p. 72. 
 
 Dickinson, Charles— reference to duel with Jackson, Vol. II, p. 564. 
 
 Disobedience — of General Ripley, Vol. I, p. 393. 
 
 Ditto's Landing— base of supplies in Creek War, Vol. I, pp. 123 to 125. 
 
 Donelson, A. J.— Private Secretary of President Jackson, Vol. II, p. 
 599; legatee of Jackson, Vol. II, p. 805. 
 
 Donelson, Mrs, A. J.— Vol. II, p. 593; presides at White House, Vol. 
 
 II. p. 598. 
 
 Donelson, Capt. John— Vol. I, pp. 84. 153- 
 
 Donelson, Sandy— killed at battle of Enoctachopoc, Vol. I, p. 152. 
 
 Downes, Commodore — Vol. II, p. 729. 
 
 Drake— biographer of Tecumseh, quoted, Vol. I, p. 112 
 
 Drama — Sam Houston's life, a, Vol. I, p. 163. 
 
 Drayton, Col. William H.— Vol. II, pp. 43°, 43h 445- 
 
 Duane, Secretary of the Treasury— removed by Jackson, Vol. II, p. 673. 
 
 DuBourg, Rev. Dr. — addresses Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 330 to 332. 
 
 Duels — of Carroll and Jesse Benton with Jackson a second, Vol. I, pp. 
 89, 90; of Houston and General White, Vol. I, p. 164; incident 
 of Jackson-Dickinson duel, Vol. I, p. 215; one result of Jackson- 
 Dickinson duel, Vol. II, p. 564. 
 
 Duncan. Abner L.— Vol. I, pp. 363, 364. 
 
 Dyer, Lieutenant Colonel — in battle of Talladega, Vol. I, p. 129. 
 
 
824 INDEX. 
 
 East Tennessee — in 1788, Vol. I, pp. 21, 45; troubled by Indians, Vol. 
 I, p. 61. 
 
 Eaton, John H. — on battle of Enoctachopoc, Vol. I, p. 152; authority 
 on Weatherford, Vol. I, pp. 173, 176, 177; on delay of Secretary 
 of War to reply to Jackson's letter, in 1814, Vol. I, p. 209; com- 
 ment on the Government, Vol. I, p. 210; on Jackson's action at 
 Pensacola, Vol. I, p. 233, Vol. II, p. 491 ; on martial law at 
 New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 248 ; told by Jackson about determination 
 on martial law, Vol. I, p. 254; gives account of battle for Lake 
 Borgne and Coffee's movements, Vol. I, pp. 256 to 259; gives 
 account of battle at Villere's plantation, Vol. I, p. 266; on savage 
 plans of the British at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 303 to 305 ; de- 
 scribes Jackson's return to New Orleans after the battle, Vol. 
 
 I, pp. 327 to 329; describes British attack on Carroll, Vol. I, 
 PP- 339 to 341 ; on scenes at New Orleans after Jackson's fine, 
 Vol. I, p. 361 ; member of Jackson's first cabinet, Vol. II, pp. 
 602, 611; marries Peggy O'Neal, Vol. II, p. 603; of unblemished 
 character, Vol. II, p. 606; made Governor of Florida, Vol. II, 
 p. 622; resignation from Jackson's cabinet, Vol. II, p. 625. 
 
 Eaton, Mrs John H. — Vol. II, p. 484; scandal concerning, Vol. 602 to 
 
 610, 620 to 625 ; Parton on Jackson's proof, Vol. II, 609. 
 Election — Danger of money dominating elections, Vol. II, p. 581 : 
 Of 1824 — Vol. II, pp. 557 to 563, 582; result tended to split Demo- 
 cratic Party, Vol. II, p. 559. 
 Of 1828 — Vol. II, pp. 571 to 584; DeToqueville's errors as to cause 
 
 of Jackson's election, Vol. II, p. 573. 
 Of 1832 — a triumph over Jackson's enemies, Vol. II, p. 651 ; 
 summed up by Benton, Vol. II, pp. 653 to 656; issue of, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 653; vote of, Vol. II, p. 653; great majority for Jackson, 
 Vol. II, p. 670. 
 
 Of 183(5 — a discomfort to Jackson's enemies, Vol. II, p. 689; an 
 
 evidence of public sentiment, Vol. II, p. 695. 
 Ely, Rev. Dr. — writes letter to Jackson on the Mrs. Eaton scandal, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 604. 
 Embargo — Sumner's criticism of Jefferson for enforcing, Vol. I, p. 35. 
 Emuckfau — assembly place of Indians, Vol. I, p. 136; Waldo's mention 
 
 of battle of, Vol. I, pp. 152, 187. 
 Enoctachopoc — Waldo's mention of battle of, Vol. I, p. 152; Eaton's 
 
 statement of battle of, Vol. I, p. 152; Pickett's statement, Vol. 
 
 I, P. 187. 
 Ewing, Edwin H. — at Baltimore Convention, Vol. I, p. 168. 
 Ewing, Randal — Vol. II, p. 792. 
 Excursion of British against the South, 1812, Vol. I, p. 204. 
 
INDEX. 825 
 
 Fannin, Colonel— Vol. I, pp. 181, 184, 185. 
 
 Faulkner, James— Vol. I, p. 40. 
 
 Fayctteville — rendezvous for army in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 122. 
 
 Federal Party— Vol. II, pp. 438 to 441, 445, 446, 64S ; principles of 
 defeated, 1828, Vol. II, p. 572. 
 
 Ferguson, General— at King's Mountain, Vol. I, p. 30. 
 
 Fleming, Judge— statement of about Benton, Vol. I, pp. 76, 77- 
 
 Florida— question of its invasion, Vol. II, pp. 462, 463; purchased by 
 United States, Vol. II, p. 511; act for provisional government 
 of, Vol. II, p. 512; Jackson appointed Governor of, Vol. II, p. 
 512; Jackson's commission as Governor of, Vol. II, pp. 514. 529; 
 regulation by Jackson of religious observances, Vol. II, pp. 5*5. 
 516; Jackson resigns governorship, Vol. II, p. 529; Jackson's 
 authority in, Vol. II, p. 530 ; cost of, Vol. II, pp. 786, 787. 
 
 Flournoy, General — Vol. I, p. 198. 
 
 Floyd, John— Vol. II, p. 655. 
 
 Foreman— versus State of Tennessee, Vol. II, pp. 770, 773- 
 
 Forsythe— Crawford's letter to concerning cabinet secret, Vol. II, p. 628. 
 
 Fort Bowyer— Vol. I, pp. 219 to 225, 226 to 231, 255. 
 
 Fort Deposit— camp in Creek War, Vol. I, pp. 123, 124, 133, 134- 
 
 Fort Jackson— Vol. I, pp. 174, 175, 226. 
 
 Fort Mimms— massacre of, Vol. I, pp. 71, 115, "6, 172, 187. 
 
 Fort Phillips— Vol. I. pp. 249, 255. 
 
 Fort Scott— Vol. II, p. 466. 
 
 Fort Strother— Vol. I, p. 129; starvation at, Vol. I, p. 13X. 
 
 Fort Toulose— Vol. I, p. 174- 
 
 Fort Williams— Vol. I, p. 172. 
 
 Fortifications— at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 273 to 276, 279, 284, 335- 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin— name on map, Vol. I, pp. 73, 412; makes treaty 
 with Morocco, Vol. II, p. 764. 
 
 French— disturbers at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 352 to 357! spoliation 
 claims, Vol. II, pp. 733 to 755 I what the spoliation claims were, 
 Vol. II. p. 736; treaty of 1800, Vol. II, p. 73^; agree to pay 
 spoliation claims, Vol. II, p. 737 \ ask Jackson to apologize for 
 language in message to United States Senate attacking good 
 faith of , Vol. II, p. 737; King Louis Philippe acknowledges valid- 
 ity of claims of United States, Vol. II. p. 741 \ history of spolia- 
 tion claims, Vol. II, pp. 746 to 755; indemnity paid by, Vol. II, 
 
 pp. 753. 755- 
 Fromentin, Elijias— judge in Florida, Vol. II, p. 520; sketch of, Vol. 
 II, p. 521 ; issues writ of habeas corpus for ex-Governor Cal- 
 lava, Vol. II, p. 524; ordered before Jackson and reprimanded. 
 Vol. II, pp. 524, 525; authority of, Vol. II, p. 530. 
 
826 INDEX. 
 
 Gadsden, Captain — Vol. II, pp. 432, 468. 
 
 Gaines, General — Vol. I, p. 198; fighting Seminole Indians, Vol. II, pp. 
 
 461 et seq., 497. 
 Gallatin, Albert— Vol. I, p. 53; letter to Clay on war with England, 
 
 Vol. I, p. no; to President Madison, Vol. I, pp. no, in, 186, 
 
 187; on Jackson as M. C, Vol. I, p. 57; recommends General 
 
 Bernard, Vol. II, p. 442; nominated for Vice President, Vol. II, 
 
 p. 545 ; fails to secure treaty with Russia, Vol. II, p. 757. 
 Garland, Hugh A. — eulogizes Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 801, 802. 
 Gates, General — defeat of at Camden, Vol. I, p. 42. 
 Generals — removal of gives Jackson command, Vol. I, p. 198. 
 Georgia — opposed to Federal Government on Indian question, Vol. 
 
 II, pp. 767, 770, 777, 780; statute of regarding Indians, Vol. II, 
 
 pp. 768, 769; opinion of Chief Justice Marshall on her Indian 
 
 case, Vol. II, pp. 770 to 773; case of George Tassels, Indian, 
 
 Vol. II, pp. 775, 776. 
 Gerard— speaker at Baltimore Convention, i860, Vol. I, p. 166. 
 Ghent— treaty of, Vol. I, pp. 106, 107, 203; demands of British at, Vol. 
 
 I, p. 107; influence of Jackson on, Vol. I, pp. 230, 309, 325; 
 
 Jackson's views on, Vol. I, p. 350. 
 Gibbs, General — arrival at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 274; mortally 
 
 wounded, Vol. I, pp. 339, 340, 345; in battle, Vol. I, pp. 342 to 
 
 344- 
 Gilmer, Governor of Georgia — in the George Tassels (Indian) case, 
 
 Vol. II, pp. 775, 776. 
 Goliad— Vol. I, p. 181. 
 Goodrich — describes meeting of Adams and Jackson at Monroe's levee, 
 
 Vol. II, p. 583. 
 Gordon, Capt. T. K. — stands by Jackson in starving camp, Vol. I, pp. 
 
 134, 157- ; sent to Pensacola, Vol. I, p. 208; in "back down" 
 
 anecdote, Vol. I, p. 299. 
 
 Goths — Jackson and Democratic Party declared to be, Vol. II, p. 679. 
 
 Government, Federal — claim of Sevier's soldiers against, Vol. I, p. 61 ; 
 unfriendly to Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 77, 79, 88 ; opinion of concern- 
 ing movement of British war, 1812, Vol. I, pp. 106, 205; per- 
 plexed by British preparations, Vol. I, p. 109; belief concerning 
 Jackson's army in Creek War, Vol, I, p. 141 ; driven from capi- 
 tal, Vol. I, p. 186; dealings with Creek Indians, Vol. I, pp. 189, 
 190; indifference to Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 195, 217, 307, 333; on 
 conduct of Spanish, 1814, Vol. I, p. 209 ; failure of to assist Jack- 
 son in New Orleans campaign, Vol. I, pp. 217, 231 ; impressed 
 by Jackson, Vol. I, p. 384; versus State Government on Indian 
 question, Vol. II, pp. 767 to 791 ; manages Indians with care, Vol. 
 
 n, p. 774. 
 
INDEX. 827 
 
 Gracchus, Tiberius and Cains— Vol. II, p. 725. 
 
 Greene. Duff— member of Jackson's kitchen cabinet, Vol. II, p. 612. 
 
 Greene, General — Vol. I, p. 42. 
 
 Greeneville, Tenn. — Vol. I, pp. 21, 53. 
 
 Grundy, Felix— delivers address of welcome to Jackson after Creek 
 
 War, Vol. I, p. 192 ; delivers address of welcome to Jackson after 
 
 battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 372. 
 Guild, Judge Jo C. — gives incident of Jackson at Gallatin bar, Vol. I, 
 
 pp. 54, 55- 
 
 H 
 
 Habeas Corpus — question of its suspension at New Orleans, Vol. I, 
 p. 254; application for in re Louis Louaillier, Vol. I, p. 356; writ 
 of issued by Judge Fromentin for ex-Governor Callava, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 524. 
 Hall, Judge Dom. A.— grants writ of habeas corpus in re Louis Louail- 
 lier, Vol. I, p. 356; arrested by Jackson, Vol. I, p. 357; orders 
 Jackson's arrest, Vol. I, p. 359! fin es Jackson $1,000, Vol. I, 
 
 p. 360- 
 Hall, Colonel— under Jackson, Vol. I, p. 84. 
 Hall. Gen. William— Speaker of Tennessee Senate, Vol. I, p. 170. 
 Hamilton, James M.— collects bill from General Jackson, Vol. I, p. 
 
 417- 
 
 Hamilton. Colonel— connection with "Cabinet Secret," Vol. II, p. 490- 
 
 Hamoton, Wade— Vol. I, p. 198. 
 
 Hannah— servant of Mrs. Jackson, Vol. II, p. 593- 
 
 Harrison, Gen. W. H.— on Tecumseh, Vol. I, pp. 112, 113, "5; Resig- 
 nation of, Vol. I, p. 198 
 
 Hartford Convention— Vol. I, pp. 19, 35. 3*0, Vol. II, pp. 440, 445, 548; 
 threat to hang members of, Vol. I, n. 36; against war of 1812, 
 Vol. I, pp. 107, 108. 
 
 Hawkins, Colonel— with Creek Indians, Vol. I, pp. in, 175. 189, 198 
 to 200; assists Jackson concerning the Spanish, Vol. I, p. 208. 
 
 Hayne, Col. Arthur P.— Jackson's aide, Vol. I, p. 198 ; bearer of Jack- 
 son's dispatches to Washington, Vol. II, p. 425; Jackson's letter 
 to, Vol. II, pp. 425, 426. 
 
 Hays, Stokely— with Jackson in Benton fight, Vol. I, pp. 92, 93. 
 
 Haywood — quotation from on Watauga Settlement, Vol. I, p. 24. 
 
 Henley, Captain— Vol. I, p. 275. 
 
 Henry VIII— Vol. II, p. 781. 
 
 Henry, Gustavus A.— -orator at Baltimore Convention, i860, Vol. I, 
 pp. 166 to 168. 
 
 Henry, Patrick— Wirt's characterization of, Vol. I, pp. 49. 50; quoted 
 by Clay on the "Sword and Purse," Vol. II, p. 659. 
 
 Hermitage, The— Vol. I, pp. 377, 381, 418, Vol. II. pp. 512, 530, 535, 
 807; burial place at, Vol. II, p. 531- 
 
828 INDEX. 
 
 Hickman, Edwin W. — Vol. II, p. 469. 
 
 Hill — on battle of December 28, Vol. I, p. 281 ; on repulse by Carroll 
 at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 339. 
 
 Hill, Isaac — member of Jackson's "Kitchen Cabinet," Vol. II, p. 612. 
 
 History — neglected periods of, Vol. I, p. 226. 
 
 Hobson, R. P.— Vol. I, p. 163. 
 
 Holy Ground— Vol. I, pp. 172, 174; Jackson at, Vol. I, pp. 174, 198; 
 banquet to Jackson at, Vol. I, p. 191. 
 
 Horse Shoe — rendezvous of Indians, Vol. I, pp. 136, 155; battle of, 
 Vol. I, pp. 159 to 163. 
 
 House of Representatives, National — Jackson member of, Vol. I, p. 57; 
 famous men of, Vol. I, p. 57; Jackson's record in, Vol. I, pp. 
 61, 62; on Hugh L. White's petition for pay, Vol. I, pp. 62 to 
 65 ; Eulogy of Washington's administration, Vol. I, p. 65 ; counts 
 vote for President, 1797, Vol. I, p. 66; debates in on resolution 
 censuring Jackson's conduct in Seminole campaign, Vol. II, pp. 
 471 to 4S2; sustains Jackson in conduct in Florida, Vol. II, p. 
 480; famous men of, 1832, Vol. II, p. 672. 
 
 Houston, Sam — wounded at battle of the Horse Shoe, Vol. I, p. 163; 
 sketch of life, Vol. I, pp. 163 to 170, compared with Coriolanus, 
 Vol. I, pp. 166, 167; separates from wife and resigns governor- 
 ship of Tennessee, Vol. I, pp. 168 to 170; character of, Vol. I, 
 p. 170. 
 
 Howard, Gen. Benjamin C. — Vol. I, p. 198; eulogizes Jackson, Vol. 
 II, pp. 802, 803. 
 
 Hull — surrender of, Vol. I, pp. 79, 80, 197, Vol. II, p. 705. 
 
 Huntsman, Adam — Vol. I, p. 178. 
 
 I 
 
 Independence — Texan declaration of. Vol. I, p. 182. 
 
 Indians — incited by British, Vol. I, p. 45 ; dispute of Cherokees about 
 boundary, Vol. I, p. 57; Creeks, Vol. I, p. 58; attacks of, Vol. 
 I. pp. 61, 63; at Fort Minims, Vol. I, p. 71; for British army, 
 Vol. I, p. 107; at battle of Talleesehatchie, Vol. I, p. 127; at 
 battle of Talladega, Vol. I, p. 129; at battle of Emuckfau, Vol. 
 I, p. 152 ; at battle of Enoctachopoc, Vol. I, p. 152 ; at battle of 
 Horse Shoe, Vol. I, pp. 159 to 163; at the Holy Ground, Vol. 
 
 I, p. 172; receive guns from British, Vol. I, p. 208; at Fort 
 Bowyer, Vol. I, p. 220; at Pensacola, Vol. I, p. 234; allies of 
 British, Vol. I, p. 238; at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 281; Jack- 
 son's visits to, Vol. I, pp. 384, 385, 386; cession from Cherokees 
 and Chickasaws, Vol. II, p. 429; dealings of United States with, 
 Vol. II, pp. 766 to 791 ; Jackson on the Indian question, Vol. 
 
 II, pp. 767, 776, 777 ; State vs. Nation on Indian question, Vol. 
 II, pp. 767 to 791 ; well cared for by Federal Government, Vol. 
 
INDEX. 829 
 
 II, pp. 774, 788; Benton in regard to, Vol. II, p. 774; case of 
 George Tassels (Indian), Vol. II, pp. 775, 776; money received 
 by in treaties with Jackson, Vol. II, p. 778; law of Christen- 
 dom in regard to, Vol. II, p. 779 ; difficulties with solved by 
 Jackson, Vol. II, p. 781 ; treatment of according to M. de 
 Toqueville, Vol. II, pp. 785, 786; Barton's statement, Vol. II, 
 pp. 786 to 790; comparisons of money paid Indians and for other 
 lands, Vol. II, pp. 786 to 790; lands of, Vol. II, pp. 789, 790. 
 
 Indian Agents — importance of, Vol. I, pp. 198, 200. 
 
 Indian Nation — Vol. I, p. 58. 
 
 Ingham, Samuel D. — Secretary of Treasury in Jackson's first cabinet, 
 Vol. II, pp. 601, on ; connection with Eaton scandal, Vol. II, pp. 
 609, 623; resignation of, Vol. II, p. 625. 
 
 Irish — wronged by British, Vol. I, p. 251. 
 
 Jackson, Mrs. Andrew — piety of, Vol. I, pp. 98, 103, 105, Vol. II, pp. 
 514, 703; cares for Indian boy, Vol. I, p. 102; Jackson's love for 
 Vol. I, pp. 102, 1C5, 418, Vol. II, pp. 512, 598, 706; characteris- 
 tics of, Vol. I, pp. 102, 105, Vol. II, p. 706; letter of to Mrs. 
 Eliza Kingsley, Vol. I, p. 103 ; reference of to Lafayette, Vol. I, 
 p. 103; at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 372, 374; defended against 
 misrepresentations, Vol. I, pp. 374, 375 ; reluctant to leave home 
 for Florida. Vol. II, p. 512; letter of at New Orleans to Mrs. 
 Kingsley. Vol. II, p. 513 ; desires religious observances in Florida, 
 Vol. II, p. 516; death of, Vol. II, pp. 592 to 597; notices of 
 death of, Vol. II, p. 594; epitaph of written by General Jackson, 
 Vol. II, p. 594; slandered on account of marriage to Jackson, 
 Vol. II, p. 595 ; Mrs. Craighead's account of her marriage with 
 Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 595 to 597; fond of Peggy O'Neal, Vol. 
 II, p. 603; slandered by bank directors, Vol. II, p. 606; believed 
 in Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, p. 607. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew, Jr. — extravagance of, Vol. I, p. 417 ; debts of, Vol. 
 II, pp. 803, 804; legatee of General Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 804, 
 806; sole executor of General Jackson's will, Vol. II, p. 807. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew, 3d — legatee of General Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 805, 806. 
 
 Jackson, Hugh — grandfather of General Jackson, Vol. I, p. 38. 
 
 Jackson, Hugh — brother of General Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 39, 43, 44; 
 killed in battle of Stono, Vol. I, p. 44. 
 
 Jackson, Rachel — legatee of General Jackson, Vol. II, p. 805. 
 
 Jackson, Robert — brother of General Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 39, 41, 43 to 
 
 45- 
 Jackson, Samuel — legatee of General Jackson, Vol. II, p. 805. 
 Jackson. Sarah — legatee of General Jackson, Vol. II, p. 805. 
 
830 INDEX. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 Acorn dinner of in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 133. 
 
 Accomplished gentleman, Vol. I, pp. 58, 59, 249, Vol. II, pp. 544, 
 584; Webster's testimony, Vol. II, pp. 545, 584; Goodrich's tes- 
 timony, Vol. II, pp. 583, 584. 
 
 Adams, John Quincy — connection with : in reference to censure 
 of Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 478 to 480; reason for sustaining Jack- 
 son in Seminole campaign, Vol. II, pp. 537, 538; gives dinner in 
 honor of Jackson, Vol. II, p. 544 ; candidate for President against 
 Jackson in 1828, Vol. II, pp. 571 to 584; meets Jackson at Mon- 
 roe's levee, Vol. II, p. 583. 
 
 Addresses of — to volunteers, 1812, Vol. I, pp. 80, 81 ; calling for 
 volunteers against the Creeks, Vol. I, p. 117; to army at Fayette- 
 ville, Vol. I, pp. 122, 123 ; to army at Deposit, Vol. I, p. 126 ; to 
 starving army, Vol. I, pp. 133, 134; to army after battle of the 
 Horse Shoe, Vol. I, pp. 170, 171 ; to the citizens and soldiers of 
 Louisiana, Vol. I, p. 241 ; to citizens of New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 252; 
 declaring martial law at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 254; to citizens 
 and soldiers after battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 321 to 324; 
 replying to Rev. Dr. DuBourg, Vol. I, p. 332; after fine at New 
 Orleans, Vol. I, p. 361 ; replying to Hon. John Overton on re- 
 turn from Seminole War, Vol. II, p. 508; selection from first 
 inaugural, Vol. II, p. 554. 
 
 Ambition of— Vol. II, pp. 684, 685. 
 
 Ancestry of — Vol. I, pp. 17, 18, 37. 
 
 Anecdotes of — Jackson and the society ladies of New Orleans, Vol. 
 I, pp. 58, 59, 249; Jackson and Crockett, Vol. I, pp. 82, 83; Jack- 
 son and Peter Cartwright, Vol. I, pp. 100, 101 ; "back down" of 
 Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 298, 299; of British officer wounding Jack- 
 son when a boy, Vol. II, p. 684. 
 
 Anxiety of at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 300. 
 
 Army of — in 1812, Vol. I, pp. 86 to 88, 106, 107; ordered to dis- 
 band, Vol. I, pp. 86, 107; return from Natchez, Vol. I, p. 88; 
 bravery in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 99; number in Creek War, Vol. 
 I, p. 118; Jackson's close touch with, Vol. I, p. 122; embarrassed 
 by failure of supplies in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 123, et seq.; dif- 
 ficulties of, Vol. I, pp. 126, 127; new one for Creek War, Vol. 
 I, p. 144; discharged after Creek War, Vol. I, p. 191; at New 
 Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 236, 237, 334 to 346; promotions in recom- 
 mended by Jackson after battle of New Orleans, Vol. II, pp. 
 425, 426; Jackson opposed to large standing army, Vol. II, p. 
 
 554- 
 Arrested at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 359. 
 Arrests — General Cocke, Vol, I, p. 159; Louaillier, Vol. I, p. 356; 
 
 Judge Hall, Vol. I, p. 357. 
 
INDEX. 831 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 Arrival of in Tennnessee— Vol. I, pp. 45, 53- 
 
 Attorney General — Vol. I, p. 53. 
 
 Author of his papers— Vol. I, p. 407. 
 
 Bank of the United States, contest with— Jackson's opposition to 
 and Parton's error as to the cause, Vol. II, p. 615; Jackson 
 invites attention to in first message to Congress, Vol. II. pp. 619, 
 645 ; Jackson's communication to his cabinet on removal of the 
 deposits, Vol. II, pp. 635 to 643; vetoes act rechartering the 
 bank, Vol. II, pp. 636, 646; asserts its unfaithfulness as a public 
 agent, Vol. II, p. 638; views the bank question as of transcendent 
 importance, Vol. II, pp. 642, 661. 
 
 Battles of— Talleesehatchie. Vol. I. pp. 127 to 131 ; Talladega, Vol. 
 I, p. 129; Emuckfau, Vol. I, p. 152; Enoctachopoc, Vol. I, p. 
 152; Horse Shoe, Vol. I, pp. 159 to 163; Burnt Corn, Vol. I, 
 p. 187; with Creeks, Vol. I, pp. 187, 188; Fort Bowyer, Vol. I, 
 pp. 219 to 225; Pensacola, Vol. I. 233, 234; December 23, before 
 New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 264, 266; December 28, Vol. I, pp. 278 
 to 281 ; January I. Vol. I, pp. 289 to 291 ; January 8, Vol. I, 
 
 pp. 323- 334 to 346. 
 Bentons— fight with, Vol. I, pp. 88 to 93. 
 Benton, Thomas H. — connection with: intimacy between, Vol. 
 
 I. pp. 76. 96, Vol. II, pp. 455, 570; in fight with, Vol. I. pp. 89 to 
 93; sends dying message to, Vol. I, p. 97; supported by, Vol. 
 
 II, pp. 561 to 564; ends feud with, Vol. II, pp. 562, 570 ; re- 
 lations to, Vol. II, p. 570 ; supported by in fight with Bank of the 
 United States, Vol. II, p. 645; defended by, Vol. II, pp. 675 to 
 680; character sketched by, Vol. II. pp. 702 to 706; career as 
 President reviewed by, Vol. II, pp. 727 to 732. 
 
 Birthplace of— Vol. I, pp. 17. 38; his own belief, Vol. I, pp. 39, 40, 
 
 Vol. II, pp. 719, 806. 
 Blount, Governor Willie— asked by to retreat in Creek War, Vol. 
 
 I, p. 137; replies to letter of, Vol. I, pp. 144. 161 ; relies on, Vol. 
 
 I, p. 260. 
 Boyhood of— Vol. I, pp. 44, 4™; wounded by British officer in, 
 
 Vol. II, p. 684. 
 
 Bully— whipped by Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 54, 55, Vol. II, p. 560. 
 
 Business capacity of— Vol. I, pp. 51, 52, 97, 384; shown as Gov- 
 ernor of Florida, Vol. II, p. 515. et seq.; in governmental affairs, 
 Vol. II, p. 586; in the army, Vol. II, p. 588. 
 
 Cabinet of— first cabinet, Vol. II, pp. 601, 610, 611; did not re- 
 quire families of to associate with Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, pp. 609, 
 621, 622; dissolution of first cabinet, Vol. II. pp. 620 to 632; 
 second cabinet, Vol. II, p. 626. 
 
832 INDEX. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 Calhoun, John C. — friendship of, Vol. I, p. 394; sustained by. Vol. 
 
 I, p. 401 ; opposed by, Vol. II, p. 470 ; shows conduct of by the 
 "Exposition," Vol. II, pp. 498, 499; rupture with, Vol. II, pp. 
 499, 502 to 505, 623, 629; differences with, Vol. II, p. 629; dif- 
 ferences with eliminated by election of 1832, Vol. II, p. 653; 
 object of his hatred, Vol. II, pp. 742, 743. 
 
 Camden — Jackson in prison at, Vol. I, p. 41. 
 
 Campaigns of — against the Creeks, Vol. I, pp. 122 to 162; Creek 
 campaign an obscure epoch in Jackson's life, Vol. I, pp. 185 to 
 190; effect of, Vol. I, p. 186; Jackson on his campaign against 
 the Creeks, Vol. I, p. 192: against the British at Mobile and 
 Pensacola, Vol. I, pp. 218 to 234; at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 
 239 to 382; against the Seminoles, Vol. II, pp. 460 to 482. 
 
 Career of — briefly stated, Vol. I, p. 68; a romance, Vol. I, p. 94; 
 items of, Vol. I, pp. 95 to 105, 155, 333, 382, Vol. II, pp. 469, 532, 
 533, 585 to 592; decided by election as major general, Vol. I, p. 
 96; elements of, Vol. I, p. 154, Vol. II, pp. 559 to 562; civil 
 and military. Vol. I, pp. 193 to 201, 381 ; as President, Vol. II, 
 pp. 688 to 693, 727 to 732. 
 
 Character of — testimony of Benton, Vol. I, pp. 95 to 105, Vol. II, 
 PP- 573 to 578; shown by preparations before the battle of New 
 Orleans, Vol. I, p. 250; depicted by Maj. William B, Lewis, Vol. 
 
 II, P- 533 ; shown by his fight against the bank, Vol. II, p. 633 ; 
 statement of Clay, Vol. II, p. 668 ; imputation against by Senate's 
 resolution of censure, Vol. II, p. 683 ; depicted by Benton, Vol. 
 II, pp. 702 to 706; shown by eulogists after his death, Vol. II, 
 pp. 793 to 803. 
 
 Characteristics of— Vol. I, pp. 46, 51, 52. 57, 58, 59, 60, 66, 68, 74, 
 79, 95 to 105, 118, 135, 138, 161, 177, 178. 195. 207, 215, 233, 249, 
 269, 270, 292, 325, 334. 344. 347, 348, 358, 371, 382, 402, 404, 405, 
 406, Vol. II, pp. 460, 520, 53i, 565, 573 to 578, 608, 615, 616, 630, 
 644, 703 to 707. 709, 724, 732, 741, 793 to 803. 
 
 Clay, Henry — relations with : opposed by for presidential nomi- 
 nation, Vol. II, p. 457; friends, Vol. II, pp. 471, 472; rupture 
 with, Vol. II, p. 504 ; believes Clay was bribed to vote for Adams, 
 Vol. II, p. 558; compared with, Vol. II, p. 561; charges him 
 with disseminating slanders concerning Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, p. 
 605. 
 
 Condition of at opening of Creek War, Vol. I, pp. 117, 121. 
 
 Confidence in— Vol. I, p. 292, Vol. II, pp. 437, 438, 443, 585, 731. 
 
 Congress — Jackson a member of, Vol. I, pp. 57, 62, Vol. II, p. 560; 
 Jackson's record in House, Vol. I, pp. 61 to 66 ; on pay for 
 Sevier's soldiers against the Indians, Vol. II, pp. 62 to 65, Vol. 
 II, p. 560; appointed to United States Senate, Vol. I, p. 66; 
 resignation, Vol. II, p. 560. 
 
INDEX. 833 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 Constitution of United States— recommends amendment to on elec- 
 tion of President and Vice President, Vol. II, p. 616. 
 Convention— member of first constitutional of Tennessee, Vol. I, 
 
 p. 56, Vol. II, pp. 531, 532, 56a 
 Correspondence of— Vol. I, p. 57; with Governor of Tennessee, 
 Vol. I, pp. 58, 138 to 145; with Secretary of War, 1814, Vol. I, 
 pp. 208. 209; with Spanish Governor, Vol. I, pp. 211 to 214; with 
 General Scott, Vol. I, pp 392 to 403 ; an index to his character, 
 Vol. I, p. 414, Vol. II, p. 565; with President Monroe, Vol. II, 
 pp. 429 to 433, 43S to 450; with Com. J. D. Elliott, Vol. II, pp. 
 808, 809. 
 Courage— inspired by, Vol. I, p. 285. 
 Credit of— Vol. I, pp. 52. 88, Vol. II, pp. 560, 587; pledged at 
 
 Mobile, Vol. I, p. 232; at Natchez, Vol. II, p. 588. 
 
 Debt— pays as surety, Vol. I, p. 52 ; abhorrence of, Vol. II, p. 7°4- 
 
 Defamation of— by biographers, Vol. I, pp. 19, 33, 58, 37 1, 404. 
 
 et seq., Vol. II, p. 635; by Sumner, Vol. I, p. 35; by Parton, 
 
 Vol. I, P D. 53, 149, 3i6, 362. 373 to 376, 388, 389. 392, 399 to 
 
 403, 404, Vol. II, pp. 451, 5i6; extensive. Vol. I. pp. 72, 73, 94! 
 
 of his domestic life, Vol. I, p. 96 ; by military men, Vol. I, pp. 
 
 185, 186, 399 to 403 ; by Bishop Potter, Vol. I. pp. 403 to 405. 
 
 Defends— Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, pp. 604 to 610; the South, Vol. I, 
 
 p. 203. 
 Defense of — against misrepresentation, Vol. I, pp. 19. 20 > 33- 73 
 
 to 75, 149, 185, 186, 318 to 320, 359, 389, 390, 404, et scq., Vol. 
 
 II, PP- 579. 586 to 592. 
 Defense of— in trial at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 364 to 3°7 ; of 
 
 conduct in Seminole War, Vol. II, pp. 485, 487, et seq.; in the 
 
 "Exposition," Vol. II, pp. 495 to 501. 
 Delicacy of— with women, Vol. II, p. 705- 
 Democratic Party— one of the founders of, Vol. I, p. 4*4J always 
 
 a member of, Vol. II, p. 572. 
 Details— Jackson's attention to, Vol. I, pp. 51, 382. 
 Determination of— Vol. I, pp. 46, 136; at Nashville, Vol. I, p. 82; 
 
 in John Wood's execution, Vol. I, p. 161; in declaring martial 
 
 law, Vol. I, p. 254 ; at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 302, 303- 
 Diplomacy of— in treaty with Creeks, Vol. I, p. 205 ; with Spanish, 
 
 Vol. I, pp. 212, 213; of use to Federal Government, Vol. I, p. 
 
 384; with Indians, Vol. I, pp. 385 to 387; in general, Vol. II, 
 
 pp. 586, 589; with foreign nations, Vol. II, pp. 733, 743, 744, 
 
 758; in re French spoliation claims, Vol. II, pp. 733 to 755: 
 
 Benton on, Vol. II, p. 743- 
 Discipline — enforced by, Vol. II, p. 482. 
 Dishonor— of Washington by Jackson, alleged, Vol. I, p. 65; of 
 
 nation prevented by Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 319, 320. 
 
834 INDEX. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 Disobedience of— at Natchez, Vol. I, pp. 52, 53, 86 to 88; embarrass- 
 ment of removed by Benton, Vol. I, p. 89; alleged in Seminole 
 
 War, Vol. II, pp. 460 to 482, 483 to 505. 
 Domestic life of — Vol. I, p. 98, Vol. II, pp. 592, 704. 
 Drama of life of— Vol. I, pp. 45 to 47, 143, 316. 
 Dysentery — disease of, Vol. I, pp. 197, 247. 
 Education of— Vol. I, pp. 57, 410 to 413, Vol. II, p. 559. 
 Embarrassment of— by delay of supplies in Creek War, Vol. I, 
 
 p. 123, et seq.; by mutiny, Vol. I, pp. 132 to 136; by expiration 
 
 of soldiers' terms of enlistment, Vol. I, p. 142. 
 Encounters of— with British in boyhood, Vol. I, p. 41 ; with man 
 
 at Nashville, Vol. I, p. S2. 
 Endurance of— at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 274. 
 Enemies of — Vol. II, pp. 591, 592. 
 Epitaphs written by— Coffee's, Vol. I, p. 170; Mrs. Jackson's, Vol. 
 
 H, p. 594- 
 Estimate of — Vol. I, pp. 19, 307. 
 
 Excursion of — against Creeks, Vol. I, pp. 148, 149 to 151. 
 Explanation of— conduct of in Creek campaign, Vol. I, pp. 138, 
 
 143 to 145. 
 "Exposition," The of— Vol. I, p. 326, Vol. II, pp. 495, 631; synop- 
 sis of, Vol. II, pp. 495 to 501; publication of in his biography 
 
 requested by, Vol. II, p. 501. 
 Eulogy of— Vol. I, pp. 307, 324, 325, 344, 370, 381, 383, 387, 388, 
 
 404, 40S. Vol. II, pp. 480, 481, 792 to 803. 
 Faith of— Vol. I, pp. 154 to 158, 203, 206, 249, 359. 
 Fame of— constantly increasing, Vol. I, pp. 73, 412; increased by 
 
 conduct in Natchez campaign, Vol. I, p. 88; as military man 
 
 not the cause of his election as President, Vol II, p. 573. 
 Farmer a — in boyhood, Vol. I, p. 44; careful, Vol. I, p. 97. 
 Father of— Vol. I, pp. 17, 39, 40, 43. 
 Faults of — Vol. I, pp. 74, 82. 
 
 Federalist — accused of being, Vol. II, pp. 425, 445. 
 Fights of— with Bentons, Vol. I, pp. 88 to 93 ; against coalition on 
 
 the Seminole War, Vol. II, pp. 470 to 494; against Bank of the 
 
 United States, Vol. II, p. 615. 
 Florida— Governor of, Vol. II, p. 512; commission as Governor of, 
 
 Vol. II, pp. 514, 529; regulates religious observances in, Vol. II, 
 
 PP- 515, 5i6; resigns governorship, Vol. II, p. 529; authority in, 
 
 Vol. II, p. 530. 
 Friendships of— special friends, Vol. I, p. 298; for Monroe, Vol. 
 
 II, pp. 436, 444, 450: for Benton, Vol. II, 455. 
 Hall of Fame — name of excluded from, Vol. I, pp. 318 to 320. 
 Hall, Judge Dom. A.— arrested by, Vol. I, p. 357; arrests, Vol. I, 
 
 P- 359; fines $1,000, Vol. I, p. 360. 
 
INDEX. 835 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 Harnessmaker — trade of, Vol. I, p. 102. 
 
 History maker, a — Vol. I, pp. 76, 156, 157. 
 
 Hospitality of — Vol. II, p. 704. 
 
 Ignorance of— alleged, Vol. I, pp. 65, 389, 410 to 413; refuted by 
 
 correspondence with Monroe, Vol. II, pp. 429 to 433 ; believed 
 
 until 1823, Vol. II, pp. 543, 544. 
 Ill health of— Vol. I, pp. 103, 104, 196, 197, 247, 264, 382, Vol. II, 
 
 468, 531. 
 Illiteracy of— refuted, Vol. I, pp. 19, 144, 316, Vol. II, pp. 612 to 614. 
 Inaugural address of — first, Vol. II, pp. 554, 725. 
 Inauguration of — first, Vol. II, pp. 600, 601. 
 Incapacity of — alleged, Vol. I, p. 406, et seq., Vol. II, pp. 574, 575, 
 
 586. 
 Indians, dealings with — makes treaty with Creeks, Vol. I, pp. 198 
 
 to 201; visits, Vol. I, pp. 384 to 386; Jackson on the Indian 
 
 question, Vol. II, pp. 767, 776, 777; solves difficulties with, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 781. 
 Indifference to honor of — Vol. I, p. 307. 
 Infirmities of — Vol. I, pp. 74, 82. 
 Influence on men — Vol. I, pp. 344, 345. 
 Irish — question of Jackson's nativity, Vol. I, p. 37. 
 Jefferson, Thomas— not pleasing to, Vol. I, p. 35; meets, Vol. I, 
 
 P- 383. 
 Judge of Supreme Court — Vol. II, p. 560; arrested and tried fellow 
 
 who refused to be arrested, Vol. II, p. 560. 
 Kitchen cabinet of — Vol. II, pp. 611, 612. 
 Knowledge — possessed by, according to Sumner, Vol. I, p. 35; of 
 
 men, Vol. I, pp. 68, 69, 402. 
 Lawyer — as a, Vol. II, p. 587. 
 Leader at twenty-one — Vol. I, pp. 45, 46. 
 Letters of — see "Letters," main index. 
 Letter-writer — superiority as, Vol. I, pp. 19, 413; a voluminous, 
 
 Vol. I, pp. 52, 57, 58, 252, 409. 
 Life of— a conflict, Vol. I, pp. 347, 348, 370, Vol. II, p. 469; a 
 
 drama, Vol. I, pp. 45, 47, 143; episodes, Vol. I, p. 156; a romance, 
 
 Vol. I, p. 347. 
 Love— for wife, Vol. I, pp. 102, 105, 418, Vol. II, pp. 512, 598, 706; 
 
 for friends, Vol. II, pp. 704, 793. 
 Major General — elected over Sevier, Vol. I, pp. 46, 96, 194, 195, 
 
 Vol. II, pp. 532, 533; made militia efficient, Vol. I, p. 51 ; in 1812, 
 
 Vol. I, p. 81 ; in United States Army, Vol. I, pp. 185, 193, 196. 
 Martial law — declared by at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 254. 
 Member of first Constitutional Convention of Tennessee, Vol. I, 
 
 P- 56. 
 
836 INDEX. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 Member of Congress — first Representative in Congress from Ten- 
 nessee, Vol. I, p. 57. 
 
 Messages of — first to Congress, Vol. II, pp. 612, 616 to 619, 645, 
 646, 732; extract from message vetoing act rechartering Bank 
 of United States, Vol. II, p. 637; message on the bank widely 
 read, Vol. II, p. 647; to Senate on paper read to cabinet, Vol. 
 II, p. 659; to Senate protesting against resolution of censure, 
 Vol. II, pp. 681, 683 to 686; South Carolina proclamation, Vol. 
 II, pp. 711 to 723; special to Congress on demands of France 
 for apology, Vol. II, pp. 737 to 741, 754; second message on same 
 subject, Vol. II, p. 754; special to Congress on the Spanish 
 claims, Vol. II, p. 760; first annual on advising Indians to re- 
 move west of Mississippi River, Vol. II, pp. 776, 777. 
 
 Military exploits of — Vol. I, p. 76; against Creeks, Vol. I, p. 117, 
 et seq. 
 
 Military, should be subordinate to civil power, Vol. II, pp. 554, 726. 
 
 Military chieftain, a — Vol. II, pp. 565 to 568. 
 
 Military genius of — Vol. I, pp. 46, 371 ; compared to Napoleon and 
 Wellington, Vol. I, p. 76; Benton's tribute to, Vol. I, pp. 77 to 
 79; promptness of, Vol. I, pp. 79, 119, 120; Wellington's tribute, 
 Vol. I, pp. 121, 158, Vol. II, p. 724; Waldo's opinion based on 
 battle of Emuckfau and Enoctachopoc, Vol. I, p. 152; extolled, 
 Vol. I, pp. 193, 194, 216; Benton's belief, Vol. I, p. 194; Jack- 
 son's belief, Vol. I, p. 194, Vol. II, p. 532; testimony of Burr, 
 Vol. I, p. 195 ; belief of people of Tennessee, Vol. I, p. 195 ; shown 
 by battle of Fort Bowyer, Vol. I, p. 228; shown by preparations 
 at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 250, 278, 281, 286, 292, 309; Parton's 
 opinion, Vol. I, pp. 381, 382; testimony of "Subaltern," Vol. II, 
 p. 52S; belief of Maj. Win. B. Lewis, Vol. II, pp. 533 to 535. 
 
 Militia — connection with. (See "Militia," main index.) 
 
 Modesty of— Vol. I, p. 193. 
 
 Monroe, James — connection with. (See main index, "Monroe.") 
 
 Monument to — needed, Vol. I, pp. 307, 333. 
 
 Mutiny, in Creek War, connection with. (See main index, "Mutiny.") 
 
 Namesakes of — Vol. I, p. 73. 
 
 Neglect of— Vol. I, pp. 307, 333. 
 
 New Orleans — Jackson at. (See "New Orleans," in main index.) 
 
 Nullification — Jackson's attitude on, Vol. II, pp. 709 to 723. 
 
 Offices held by— Vol. I, pp. 193, 194, Vol. II, pp. 531 to 533; office 
 of major general resigned, Vpl. II, p. 512; Governor of Florida, 
 Vol. II, pp. 512 to 530; civil office not attractive to, Vol. II, pp. 
 531 to 534; official career as President, Vol. II, p. 727. 
 
 Old Hickory — origin of the term, Vol. I, p. 88. 
 
INDEX. 837 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 Opposition to — by military men, Vol. I, pp. 185, 186, 193, 196, 207, 
 39-, 397, 399, Vol. II, p. 592; opportunity to overcome, Vol. I, 
 p. 196; while President, Vol. I, p. 407; by Calhoun, Clay and 
 Webster, Vol. II, pp. 486, 730, 731 ; of enlightened classes, Vol. 
 II, PP- 575- 589 to 501 ; on the bank question, Vol. II, pp. 644 to 
 669; personal, Vol. II, pp. 658 to 669; strength of, Vol. II, p. 667. 
 
 Oration — on the return from New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 372, 373, 
 380; in Virginia and Washington, Vol. I, p. 383; on return from 
 Indians, Vol. I, pp. 385, 387. 
 
 Order — for return in Creek campaign, Vol. I, pp. 137, 139; for re- 
 turn after Creek campaign, Vol. I, p. 191 ; of Jackson forbidding 
 his officers to obey Secretary of War direct, Vol. I, pp. 390, 391 ; 
 of Jackson to Alcalde Breckenridge to secure papers of Domingo 
 Sousa, Vol. II, p. 517; for Judge Fromentin to appear before 
 Jackson, Vol. II, p. 524. 
 
 Papers of — author of, Vol. I, p. 407, ct scq., Vol. II, pp. 612, 634; 
 to his cabinet, Vol. I, p. 408; South Carolina proclamation, Vol. 
 
 I, pp. 408, 409, Vol. II, pp. 711 to 723; to Governor of Tennes- 
 see, Vol. I, p. 409; first message to Congress, Vol. II, p. 612; 
 embody arguments against the concentration of money, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 634 ; to his cabinet on the removal of the deposits, Vol. II, 
 pp. 634 to 643 ; protest against Senate's resolution of censure, 
 Vol. II, p. 681 ; special message to Congress on France's demand 
 for apology, Vol. II, pp. 737 to 741. 
 
 Partisanship of — see "Partisanship," in main index. 
 
 Patriotism of— Vol. I, pp. 74, 75, 86, 87, 332, 333, Vol. II, pp. 433, 
 732; inspired by his mother, Vol. I, p. 146; shown by address 
 to citizens of New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 325. 
 
 Pay for soldiers — secured by, Vol. I, pp. 62 to 65. 
 
 Personality of— Vol. I, pp. 19. 95, 105, 251, 344, 345, Vol. II, p. 668. 
 
 Piety of— Vol. I, pp. 98, 328 to 332, 405, 415. 4 T 6, Vol. II, p. 703. 
 
 Popularity of — after Creek War, Vol. I, pp. 191, 260; on account 
 of victory at New Orleans, Vol. 1, pp. 3^5, 327 to 333, 372, 383; 
 on account of settlement of Indian claims, Vol. I, pp. 384 to 387 ; 
 on Eastern trip after Seminole War, Vol. II, p. 481 ; shown by 
 Niles, Vol. II, pp. 480, 481; shown in elections, Vol. II, p. 585; 
 in 1S29, Vol. II, p. 599. 
 
 Presents to — Washington's pistols, Vol. II, pp. 547, 806; medal 
 voted by Congress, Vol. II, p. 547 ; Washington's pocket tele- 
 scope, Vol. II, pp. 548, 807; sword presented by Tennessee, Vol. 
 II, p. 805; sword presented by rifle company of New Orleans, 
 Vol. II, p. 806; sword presented by citizens of Philadelphia, Vol. 
 II, p. 806; gold box presented by city of New York, Vol. II, p. 
 806; vase presented by ladies of Charleston, Vol. II, p. 806. 
 
 27—2 
 
838 INDEX. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 President — mentioned for in 1816, Vol. II, pp. 437, 542 ; origin of 
 movement to make him President, Vol. II, pp. 534 to 536; Ten- 
 nessee's candidate for. Vol. II, p. 536; Jackson's opposition to his 
 candidacy, 1816, Vol. II, p. 542; his candidacy made sport of in 
 the North, Vol. II, p. 543; candidate in 1823, Vol. II, p. 543; 
 Pennsylvania favors him in 1824, Vol. II, p. 546; election of 
 1828, Vol. II, pp. 571 to 584; his services as, Vol. II, p. 589; his 
 career as, Vol. II, pp. 688 to 693, 727 to 732; unfitness for as- 
 serted by Parton, Vol. II, p. 792. 
 
 Press — muzzled by at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 530. 
 
 Proclamations of— to citizens of New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 252; de- 
 claring martial law at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 254; to citizens 
 and soldiers after battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 321 to 324: 
 nullification proclamation, Vol. II, pp. 711 to 723. 
 
 Protests — against assaults, Vol. II, p. 658; against Senate's resolu- 
 tion of censure, Vol. II, p. 681 ; extract from his protest against 
 the Senate's resolution of censure, Vol. II, pp. 683 to 686. 
 
 Prudence of — Vol. I, pp. 233, 331. 
 
 Quadroon woman — protects rights of, Vol. II, p. 517. 
 
 Race course — upholds honor of. Vol. I, p. 46. 
 
 Rage of — at mutiny in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 135. 
 
 Record of — in House of Representatives, Vol. I, pp. 61 to 65 ; in 
 Senate, Vol. I, p. 66; in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 17, et seq.; life 
 record, Vol. II, pp. 585 to 592. 
 
 Religion of — Vol. I, p. 98. 
 
 Removals from office of — speculations as to his intentions, 1829, 
 Vol. II, p. 599; Benton on Jackson's removals from office, Vol. 
 II, pp. 456 to 459- 613. 
 
 Reports of — battle of Talleesehatchie, Vol. I, p. 128; of Talladega, 
 Vol. I, p. 129; to General Pinckney of excursion against Creek 
 Indians, Vol. I, pp. 149 to 151 ; of attack on Fort Bowyer, Vol. 
 I, p. 219; to Secretary of War on Judge Fromentin, Vol. II, pp. 
 525, 526. 
 
 Republicanism of — shown by declination of sarcophagus of Em- 
 peror Alexander Severus, Vol. II, pp. 808, 809. 
 
 Responsibility of — at Natchez, Vol. I, pp. 86, 87 ; in 1814, Vol. I, p. 
 209; at Pensacola, Vol. I, p. 233, Vol. II, p. 491 ; at New Orleans, 
 Vol. I, p. 269; in Seminole War, Vol. II, pp. 465, 471, 493; in 
 fight against Bank of United States, Vol. II, p. 643. 
 
 Revolution — Jackson a prisoner in, Vol. I, p. 41. 
 
 School life of — attendance at, Vol. I, p. 44; his teacher, Vol. I, 
 P- 52. 
 
 Secession — views of, Vol. II, pp. 709 to 723. 
 
 Severity of— Vol. I, pp. 358, 359. 
 
 S 
 
INDEX. 839 
 
 Jackson, Andrew — 
 
 Speeches of — in Congress advocating pay for Indian fighters, Vol. 
 I, pp. 62 to 64 ; alleged inability to make speech, Vol. I, pp. 65, 
 66; to welcome on return from Creek War, Vol. I, p. 192; at 
 making of treaty with Creeks, Vol. I, p. 201 ; replying to Felix 
 Grundy, Vol. 1, p. 372; to students of Nashville University, Vol. 
 
 I. P- 376; to friends at the Hermitage, Vol. I. p. 377. 
 Spoils system — not inaugurated by, Vol. II, pp. 451 to 459. 
 Statesman — estimate as a, Vol. I, pp. 10. [78, 406, Vol. II, pp. 570, 
 
 653. 7-5. 727. 
 
 Tariff — views on. T824, Vol. II, p. 547. 
 
 Temper of — asserted by De Toqucvillc to be violent, Vol. II, p. 
 573; Benton's statement of, Vol. II, pp. 574, 580, 703. 
 
 Toast of — at Jefferson's banquet, 1830, Vol. II, p. 710. 
 
 Treaties of — see "Treaty," main index. 
 
 Trials of — in Creek campaign, Vol. I, pp. 151, 154; account of exe- 
 cution of John Woods, Vol. I, p. 161. 
 
 Vetoes of — act to recharter Bank of United States, Vol. II, pp. 
 636. 646; discontent following veto, Vol. II, pp. 647 to 651; land 
 bill. Vol. II. p. 673; Jackson's reputation as a veto President, 
 Vol. II, p. 688. 
 
 Victories of — see "Victory," main index. 
 
 Visits Philadelphia, Baltimore, New York and Boston, Vol. II, p. 
 481. 
 
 Votes of and for — see "Vote," main index. 
 
 Weakness of — Vol. I, pp. 74, 82. 
 
 Will of— Vol. II, pp. 803 to 807. 
 
 Will power of— Vol. I, pp. 215, 270, 381, 382, Vol. II, pp. 544, 794. 
 
 Wounds of — Vol. I, pp. 89 to 93, 116 to 118, 121, 196, 197, Vol. 
 
 II, pp. 564, 684. 
 
 Jackson, County or Town — Vol. I, pp. 73, 412. 
 
 Jackson and Weatherford — Vol. I, pp. 174 to 177. 
 
 Jacksonian Period — beginning of. Vol. I, pp. 120, 402, Vol. II, p. 550; 
 
 not inauguration of spoils system, Vol. II, p. 451 ; review of. 
 
 Vol. II. p. 687. 
 "Jackson's Treaty" — with Creek Indians, Vol. I, pp. 198 to 201. 
 Jay, John — treaty of, Vol. I, p. 65. 
 Jefferson, Thomas — opinion of King's Mountain, Vol. I, p. 29; criticized 
 
 by Sumner, Vol. I, pp. 34, 35; not pleasing to Jackson, Vol. I. 
 
 p. 35; on Patrick Henry, Vol. I, p. 50; on Tennessee Constitution, 
 
 Vol. I, p. 56, Vol. II, p. 532; preferred to Washington. Vol. I, 
 
 p. 66; letter of grandson on Webster's statement about Jackson. 
 
 Vol. I, pp. 67, 68; name on map, Vol. I, pp. 73, 412; opposed to 
 
 war of 1812, Vol. I, pp. 204, 270; meets Jackson, Vol. I, p. 383; 
 
 studies subject of removals from office, Vol. II, pp. 453. 454; 
 
 letters on this subject to Elbridgc Gerry and Secretary Lincoln, 
 
840 INDEX. 
 
 Vol. II, pp. 454, 455; praises Adams' letter to Spanish Minister, 
 Vol. II, p. 480; guidance of, Vol. II, p. 590; birthday dinner in 
 honor of, 1830, Vol. II, pp. 709, 710; on the Indian question, 
 Vol. II, p. 779. 
 
 Johnson, R. N. — connection with Eaton scandal, Vol. II, pp. 609, 623. 
 
 Jones, Lieutenant— loses gunboats before battle of New Orleans, Vol. 
 I, pp. 256, 259, 264. 
 
 Jonesboro, Tenn — Vol. I, pp. 21, 22, 52, 53. 
 
 K 
 
 Keane, General— at New Orleans, Vol. I , pp. 236, 237, 312, 339, 340, 
 345- 
 
 Kendal, Amos — member of Jackson's kitchen cabinet, Vol. II, p. 612. 
 
 Kentucky — troops at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 296 to 298, 335, 343, 
 Vol. II, p. 428. 
 
 King Fisher, Indian chief — Vol. I, p. 62. 
 
 King's mountain — battle of, showing character of Tennessee volun- 
 teers, Vol. I, p. 22; organization of army for, Vol. I, p. 27; 
 Washington's and Jefferson's opinions of, Vol. I, p. 29; account 
 of battle, Vol. I, p. 30; opinion of General Berhard, Vol. I, p. 
 30; duration of battle, Vol. I, p. 184; comparison, Vol. I, p. 230. 
 
 King, Rufus— Vol. II, p. 757. 
 
 Knoxville — Vol. I, p. 53. 
 
 L 
 
 Ladies' Home Journal — caricatures Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, p. 610; gives 
 alleged history concerning the Eaton affair, Vol. II, pp. 621, 623. 
 
 Lafayette, George Washington — Vol. II, p. 806. 
 
 Lafayette Marquis de — Vol. I, p. 103 ; name on map, Vol. I, p. 412. 
 
 Lafitte, Jean — Vol. I, p. 212; sends British documents to New Or- 
 leans, Vol. I, pp. 232, 284; joins Jackson at New Orleans, Vol. 
 
 I, P- 254. 
 Lake Borgne — Vol. I, pp. 256, 263. 
 
 Lambert, General— Vol. I, pp. 296, 300, 339, 340, 346, 379. 
 Land— legislation recommended, Vol. I, pp. 432, 555, 556; brought into 
 
 market by Jackson's treaties with Indians, Vol. II, pp. 438, 444; 
 
 bill, views of Jackson and of Clay, Vol. II, pp. 672, 673. 
 Lauderdale, Colonel — Vol. I, p. 271. 
 Lawrence, Maj. William — commands at Fort Bowyer, Vol. I, pp. 218 
 
 to 225, 227 to 229. 
 Lee, Henry — Vol. II, p. 655. 
 Lee, R. E. — Vol. II, pp. 710, 711. 
 Legislature — 
 
 Of Tennessee — appropriates money for soldiers against the Creeks, 
 
 Vol. I, p. 118; makes Jackson its candidate for the Presidency, 
 
 Vol. II, pp. 537, 543. 
 
INDEX. 841 
 
 Legislature— 
 
 Of Louisiana— Vol. I, pp. 24-'. 243, -'47. a8S i H»ubs Jackson, \ ol. 
 I pp. 248, 319, 348; refuses suspension of habeas corpus, Vol. 
 I, p. 254; disloyalty of, p. 364, 305- 
 
 Letters— Jackson to Secretary of War, 181 J, Vol. I, pp. 85, 87; Jack- 
 son to Wilkinson. Vol. I. p. 87: Jackson to Blackburn, Vol. I, 
 p. 99; Jackson to Coffee about Creeks, Vol. I. pp. no. 120; John 
 Reid to Maj. Win. B. Lewis, VoL I. pp. i-L "5; Jackson to 
 General Cocke, Judge Hugh L. White and Governor of Ten- 
 nessee, Vol. I. pp. 125. 126; Jackson to Governor Blount, Vol. 
 I. p. 140; from Huntsville on Jackson's situation relative to 
 soldiers of Creek War. Vol I, p. 148; of Coffee on battle of 
 Enoctachopoc, Vol. I, p. 153! of Sam Houston's resignation, 
 Vol. I, pp. 169. 170: about preparations to meet the British, Vol. 
 
 I, pp. 207 to 214: Jackson to Secretary of War, 1814. Vol. I, 
 pp. 208, 211; Jackson to Spanish Governor, 1814, Vol. I, PP- 
 212 to 214; of Jackson replying to Nichols' proclamation. Vol. 
 
 II, pp. 223 to 225; Governor Claiborne to Jackson, Vol. I. p. 
 243; Jackson to Carroll on way to New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 255; 
 Jackson to Coffee, to hurry to New Orleans. Vol. I. p. 258: 
 Jackson to editor of Louisiana Gazette, Vol. I, pp. 349. 35°; 
 Jackson to Senator Linn concerning the one thousand dollar 
 fine, Vol. I, pp. 362 to 364; of officer sent to General 
 Lambert, Vol. I, p. 379; of Governor Blount. Vol. I, p. 380; 
 Jackson to president, protesting against removal of Officer Long, 
 Vol. I, pp. 390, 392 ; on disobedience of Gen. Ripley, Vol. I, 393 : 
 anonymous 'to Jackson about Gen. Scott, Vol. I, p. 3945 Jackson 
 to Scott. Vol. I. pp. 394. 396, 399; Scott to Jackson, Vol. I, p. 
 395 ; quotation from letter to disprove Jackson's illiteracy. Vol. 
 I, p. 412; Jackson to Gen. Coffee's daughter, Vol. 1. p. 4'5', 
 Jackson to Col. Arthur P. Hayne. Vol. II, pp. 4-3 to 4-7 i Jackson 
 to Monroe, Vol. II, pp. 429 to 433; Jackson to Maj. Wm. B. 
 Lewis, Vol. II, p. 434; Monroe to Jackson, Vol. II. pp. 438 to 
 443; Jackson to Monroe, Vol. II, pp. 444 to 446; Monroe to 
 Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 446, 447; Jackson to Monroe, Vol. II, 4 47 
 to 449; Jackson to Monroe, Vol. II, p. 463; Monroe to Jackson, 
 Vol. II, pp. 463, 464; Jackson to Monroe, Vol. II, pp. 464 to 468; 
 alleged pigeonholing of letter from Jackson to Monroe on policy 
 in the Seminole War, Vol. II, pp. 490. 491 \ Crawford to Jacl 
 Vol. II, p. 491; Crawford to Forsythe, Vol. II, p. 49»S Jackson 
 to Eaton on Spanish treachery, Vol. II, p. 5" 5 ^ r< Jackson, at 
 \\w Orleans, to Mrs. Kingsley, Vol. II. p. 513: "Subaltern to 
 
 lames Grant Wilson Oil battle ol New Orleans. VoL II, PP- 527. 
 528; Jackson to A. I- Donelson on presentation of medal > 
 nimby Congress. Vol. II, p. 547; Jackson's celebrated "Colman 
 
 letter," on thfl tariff, Vol. II. p. 547". Jackson to Maj. Win. B. 
 
842 INDEX. 
 
 Lewis on the caucus, Vol. II, p. 549; Jackson to Maj. Wm. B. 
 Lewis on politics, 1824, Vol. II, p. 550; Jackson to Col. George 
 
 Wilson on politics, 1824, Vol. II, p. 552 ; Jackson to Col. 
 
 on "falsehoods of Mr. Richie, Vol. II, p. 553 ; John Scott to 
 Benton announcing his intention to vote for Adams, Vol. II, p. 
 562 ; Benton to John Scott reproving him for attitude in voting, 
 Vol. II, p. 563; Jackson to Mr. Swartwout on Clay's opposition 
 based on charge that Jackson was a military chieftain, Vol. II, 
 PP- 565 to 568; Jackson to Rev. Dr. Ely on Eaton scandal, Vol. 
 II, pp. 604 to 607 ; Jackson's letters a refutation of his ignorance, 
 Vol. II. p. 613; Clay to Brooke, Vol. II, p. 668; Com. J. D. Elliott 
 to Jackson offering sarcophagus of Emperor Alexander Severus, 
 Vol. II, p. 808; Jackson's reply declining, Vol. II, pp. 808, 809. 
 
 Lewis, Maj. Wm. B. — quartermaster, 1812, Vol. I. p. 81; receives letter 
 from John Reid, Vol. I, p. 124, 125 ; sent by Jackson for supplies, 
 Vol. I, p. 125 ; copies Jackson's letters, Vol. II, pp. 429, 433 ; re- 
 ceives letter from Jackson, Vol. II, p. 434; explains why some of 
 Jackson's letters were in his handwriting, Vol. II, p. 434; con- 
 nection with the "Cabinet Secret," Vol. II, p. 496; tells of Jack- 
 son's character, Vol. II, pp. 533 to 535 ; tells of origin of Jack- 
 son's candidacy for president, 1822, Vol. II, pp. 536 to 541 ; on 
 reception at the Hermitage of news of Jackson's election, 1828, 
 Vol. II, p. 592 ; member of Jackson's "Kitchen Cabinet," Vol. II, 
 p. 612; on Jackson's nullification proclamation, Vol. II, p. 707. 
 
 Lincoyer, Jackson's Indian protege, Vol. I, pp. 101, 102, 128. 
 
 Linn, United States Senator — offers resolution to restore Jackson's 
 $1,000 fine, Vol. I. 362. 
 
 Livingston, Edward — Vol. I, p. 57 ; visit of Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 58, 60. 
 249; on Jackson's endurance at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 274; 
 suggests Jackson for president, Vol. II, p. 534; Jackson's Sec- 
 retary of State, Vol. II, p. 626. 
 
 Lodge, Henry Cabot — Vol. I, p. 404, ct seq. 
 
 Logan, Indian Chief — Vol. I, p. 112. 
 
 London Sun — Comment of on war of 1812. Vol. I, pp. 108, 317. 
 
 London Times — comment on President Madison, Vol. I, p. 109; on 
 Americans, Vol. I, pp. 269, 317. 
 
 Long, Major — surveyor under Jackson, Vol. I. p. 390. 
 
 Losses — see "Casualties." 
 
 Louaillier, Louis — author of article criticising Jackson at New Orleans, 
 Vol. I, p. 356. 
 
 Louis XIV — motto of. Vol. II, p. 691. 
 
 Louis Philippe, King — recognizes validity of French spoliation claims, 
 Vol. II. pp. 741, 753. 
 
 Louisiana Courier — prints article on Jackson's banishment of French, 
 Vol. I, pp. 352 to 355. 
 
INDEX. 843 
 
 Louisiana Gazette-Vol. I. pp. 349. 350 ; replies to Jackson, Vol. I, 
 
 P- 35i- 
 Louisiana, ship at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 239, 275. 
 Louisiana Territory— cost of, Vol. II, pp. 786, 787. 
 
 M 
 
 Maeaulay. T. B— on the spoils system. Vol. II. p. 453- 
 Macbeth— Vol. II, p. 698. -ftMW- 
 
 Madison, James-Vol. I, p. 57: urges payment of Tennessee soldiers, 
 Vol I, p. 65; name on map, Vol. I. pp. 74, 4>^; opposed to war 
 of iSi_>. Vol. 1. pp 204, -'70 ; services to political history'. Vol. 11, 
 
 pp. 459. 569- 
 
 Madison, Mrs. James— slandered, Vol. II, p. oob. 
 
 M:i . .Spanish Governor at Pensacola, Vol. I, p. 208. 
 
 Marksmanship— of American soldiers, Vol. I. pp. 279, 34i- 
 
 Marshall. Tohn. Chief Justice of United States Supreme Court-opinion 
 of in the Georgia (Indian) case. Vol. II, pp. 770 to 773, 790. 
 
 Martial Law-at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 248, 253; declared by Jack- 
 son, Vol. I, p. 254; enforced. Vol I. pp. 352 to 357; explained, 
 Vol. I, pp. 362 to 367. 309, 37 *■ 
 
 Mason Jeremiah— president branch bank, Vol. II, p. 615. 
 
 Masons, order of-obligations of in Eaton case, Vol. II p. 607; anti- 
 masonic movement in election of 1832, Vol. II, p. 055- 
 
 Massacre-at Fort Minims, Vol. I, pp. H5, "°; at Carnckfergus, Vol. 
 
 Maun-,' Lieutenant— protege of Sam Houston, Vol. I, p. 166 
 Mecklenburg— reference to declaration of independence of, Vol. 1, p. 
 
 24. 
 
 Meriwether, Gen. David— Vol. II, p. 430. 
 
 Mexicans— cruelty of, Vol. I, pp. 181, 185. 
 
 Middleton. Henry-fails to secure treaty with Russia, Vol. II, p. 757- > 
 
 Militia-approved, Vol. I, pp. 32. 33\ in connection with Jackson s 
 record, Vol. I, p. 34: in Indian wars, Vol. I, pp. 63. 64: for war 
 of 1812, Vol. I, p. 79; in Creek war. Vol. I, p. 132; in New Or- 
 leans campaign, Vol. I, pp. 250, 263, 285. 321 to 324; grand re- 
 view of, Vol. I, p. 384. 
 
 Mississippi Territory— Vol. I, p. in. 
 
 Mobile-Vol. I, pp. 58, 214; defended by Fort Bowyer, Vol. I, pp. 218, 
 
 Monroe 25 James-name on map. Vol. I. pp. 71. 4W P^ges fortune for 
 
 war of 1812. Vol. I. p. 204; correspondence with Jackson. Vol. II. 
 
 pp. 429 ... 433. 438 to 450; friendship for Jackson, Vol. II, p. 436; 
 
 ton, Vol. If. p. 436; nominated for P«s»dent, 
 
 ■ Vol. II. p. 437; reason for confidence in Jackson, Vol. 11, 
 
 ;-!; letters to Jackson. Vol. II, pp. 438 to 443. 440. 
 
 447 463, 464; connection with Jackson's alleged disobedienc 
 
844 INDEX. 
 
 Seminole War, Vol. II, pp. 483 to 505 ; purchases Florida, Vol. II, 
 
 p. 511; appoints Jackson governor of Florida, Vol. II, p. 512; on 
 
 the Indian question, Vol. II, p. 779. 
 Moore, General — relates anecdote of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 82 ; on Jackson's 
 
 disobedience at Natchez, Vol. I, p. 86. 
 Morel, P. L., lawyer — defends critic of Jackson at New Orleans, Vol. I, 
 
 PP. 356, 357- 
 Morgan, General — Vol. I, pp. 302, 334. 
 Morgan — disappearance of, cause of anti-masonic movement, Vol. II, 
 
 P- 655. 
 Morocco — makes treaty with United States, Vol. II, pp. 764, 765. 
 Morris, Gouveneur — Vol. II, p. 756. 
 Mother, of Jackson — trials at Andrew Jackson's birth, Vol. I, pp. 17, 
 
 18 ; opposition to British, Vol. I, pp. 37 to 41 ; nurse. Vol. I, p. 42 ; 
 
 death of, Vol. I, pp. 42, 43; at brother-in-law's, Vol. I, p. 144; 
 
 in charge of nurses, Vol. I, p. 145; patriotism of, Vol. I, p. 146; 
 
 sufferings of, Vol. I, p. 251. 
 Mozett, Margaret — second wife of Sam Houston, Vol. I, p. 165. 
 Mullins, Colonel — at battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 336, 344. 
 Murat, King of Naples — Vol. II, p. 761. 
 Murrell, John A.— Vol. I, p. 178. 
 Mutiny — of soldiers in Creek war, Vol. I, pp. 132 to 137 ; quelled by 
 
 Jackson. Vol. I, p. 136; charge of against General Cocke, Vol. I, 
 
 P- !59; John Woods executed for, Vol. I, pp. 160, 161. 
 Mystery — the battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 285, 326, 327. 
 M'Alister, Matthew Hall — eulogizes Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 799, 800. 
 McKamy— Vol. I, pp. 39, 40, 43. 
 McLane, Louis — Jackson's secretary of the treasury, Vol. II, p. 627; 
 
 minister to England, Vol. II, p. 756. 
 McMahon, Marshall — on importance of regular rations, Vol. I, p. 132. 
 McMinn, County, Tenn.— Vol. II, p. 780. 
 McNairy, Judge — travels with Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 21, 53, 405; letter of, 
 
 Vol. I, pp. 21, 22; at Salisbury, N. C, Vol. I, p. 49; member of 
 
 first constitutional convention, Vol. I, p. 56. 
 
 N 
 
 Naples — pays indemnity to United States, Vol. II, p. 743 ; history of 
 case, Vol. II, pp. 761, 762. 
 
 Napoleon — defamed by Bourrienne, Vol. I, p. 33 ; his knowledge of 
 men, Vol. I, pp. 68, 69; capitulation of, Vol. I, pp. 109, 186, 197, 
 203 ; on prime needs of soldiers, Vol. I, p. 132 ; found his mar- 
 shals. Vol. I, p. 186; at Waterloo, Vol. I, p. 342; modifies treaty 
 of 1800, Vol. II, p. 752. 
 
 Nashville — reached by Jackson, 1788, Vol. I, pp. 21, 53; deaths by 
 Indians at, Vol. I, p. 61 ; rendezvous of volunteers, 1812, Vol. I, 
 
IX DUX. 345 
 
 pp. 81, 261 ; meeting at on account of Fort Mimms massacre, 
 Vol. I, pp. 1, 116; gives ovation to Jackson on return from New- 
 Orleans. Vol. 1, pp. 37a, 373, 380; gives ovation to Jackson on 
 return from Seminole War, Vol. II, pp. 507 to 510. 
 
 Nashville Daily News — Vol. I, p. 318. 
 
 Nashville Inn— scene of Jackson— Benton fight, Vol. I, pp. 91 to 93, 
 299; scene of banquet to Jackson on return from Seminole War, 
 Vol II. pp. 509, 510. 
 
 Nashville University— students of visit Jackson, Vol. I, p. 376. 
 bville Whig — Vol. II. p. 507. 
 
 Natchez— rendezvous for Jackson's army, 1812. Vol. I, pp. 84 to 88. 
 
 Navy— Jackson opposed to large navy, Vol. II, p. 618. 
 
 Negril Bay— Vol. I, pp. 235, 236. 
 
 Negroes — for British army, Vol. I, p. 107. 
 
 Negro Fort— in Florida, Vol. II, p. 461, ct scq. 
 
 Nelson, John— Jackson's envoy to Naples. 
 
 Nesselrode, Count— representative of Russia in making treaty, Vol. II, 
 P- 758. 
 
 New England — for peace, 1812, Vol. I, pp. 107, 108, 203, 204, 245. 270, 
 310, 317; attitude of in war of 1812, Vol. I, p. 376. 
 
 New Orleans— Vol. I, pp. 58, 59; British forces at. Vol. I, pp. 235 to 
 237; campaign of, Vol. I. pp. 239 to 382; Jackson's forces at 
 Vol. I, pp. 239 to 260 ; arrival of Jackson at, effect of, Vol. I, p. 
 240; conditions at before battle, Vol. I, pp. 240. 242 to 244, 259, 
 263, 285, 297, 309 to 315: pillage of promised by Packenham, 
 Vol. I, pp. 303 to 305; battle of. Vol. I, pp. 323, 324, 334 to 346; 
 return to of Jackson after battle, Vol. I, pp. 327 to 333; ladies of 
 raise $1,000 to pay Jacksons fine, Vol. I, pp. 362, 364; gives ball 
 in honor of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 373; grand review of troops at, 
 Vol. I, p. 384; pays great honors to Jackson, 1821, Vol. II, pp. 
 513. 514- 
 
 New York Columbian — Vol. I, p. 394. 
 
 New York University — Vol. I, p. 319. 
 
 Nichols, Col. Edward — Vol. I. p. 114; at Pensacola, Vol. I, pp. 189, 206; 
 address of to soldiers, Vol. I, p. 216; attacks Fort Bowyer, Vol. 
 I, p. 219; sunports Seminoles, Vol. II, pp. 461, 479. 
 
 Xickajack Campaign — Jackson\ presence disputed, Vol. I, pp. 55, 56; 
 reference to, Vol. I, p. 62. 
 
 Niles — praises Jackson, Vol. II. p. 4S1 ; against veto, Vol. II, p. 650. 
 
 Nolachucky — settlers of, natural soldiers, Vol. I, p. 22 ; his trouble 
 with Indians, Vol. I, p. 61. 
 
 Nolte — tells of cotton bales on Jackson's breastworks at New Orleans, 
 Vol. I. p 272; on Jackson's line, Vol. I, pp. 361 to 363; claims 
 damagi -. V !. pp. 37 
 
 Norris, James L. — Vol. I, p. 38. 
 
 North Carolina — birthplace of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 17. 
 
 -2 
 
846 INDEX. 
 
 Notables of Tennessee — Vol. I, p. 47. 
 
 Nullification— attitude of South Carolina, Vol. II, p. 655; attitude of 
 
 Calhoun, Vol. II, pp. 663, 664, 666; attitude of Jackson, Vol. II 
 
 pp. 709 to 723. 
 
 Officers— recommended for promotion by Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 425, 426. 
 
 O'Neal— family name of Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, p. 603. 
 
 Orators of Tennessee — Vol. I, p. 47. 
 
 Oregon question — Vol. II, pp. 744, 765. 
 
 Osages— money received by for lands, Vol. II, pp. 787, 788. 
 
 Overton, Judge John— Vol. II, p. 503 ; address of, to Jackson on return 
 from Seminole War, Vol. II, p. 507; belief of concerning Jack- 
 son's delicacy with women, Vol. II, p. 706. 
 
 Overton, Maj. W. H.— Vol. I, pp. 249, 263, 264, 345, 350. 
 
 Packenham, Gen. Sir Edward— commands British army, Vol. I, p. 109; 
 arrives before New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 274; prepares to attack 
 Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 277, 287, 300, 335; killed, Vol. I, pp. 339, 
 340, 345- 
 
 Parliament, of Great Britain— passes law for reciprocal trade relations 
 with United States, Vol. II, p. 756. 
 
 Partisanship— deprecated, Vol. II, pp. 432, 438; discussed, Vol. II, 
 pp. 439 to 442, 449, 451 to 459; Benton on Jackson's, Vol. II, 
 pp. 456 to 459; of Jackson illustrated, Vol. II, p. 469; in 1828, 
 Vol. II, p. 572. 
 
 Parton, James— on ancestry of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 18; unjust to Jack- 
 son, Vol. I, pp. 18, 33, 373 to 375 ; Vol. II, pp. 461, 579 ; quotation 
 on Jackson's unfitness for presidency, Vol. I, p. 19; visit to Car- 
 rickfergus, Vol. I, p. 38; respects in which Parton is valuable, 
 Vol. I, p. 39; on Jackson as law student, Vol. I, p. 49; on Jack- 
 son as a business man, Vol. I, pp. 51, 52; on Jackson in Nicka- 
 jack Campaign, Vol. I, p. 55; inconsistency of, Vol. I, p. 56; 
 preparation for writing life of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 72; on weak- 
 nesses of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 74; disagrees with Benton, Vol. I, 
 p. 77 ; account of Jackson-Benton fight Vol. I, pp. 90 to 93 ; au- 
 thority that Jackson lacked in business qualifications, Vol. I. 
 p. 149; on disloyalty of citizens at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 247, 
 248; on battle of January 1, Vol. I, p. 289; on destitution of Ken- 
 tucky troops at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 296, 297 ; quotes General 
 Adair on Jackson's generalship, Vol. 1, p. 301 ; on conditions 
 before the battle of New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 309 to 315 ; perverts 
 Jackson's life, Vol. I, p. 316; omits Jackson's address to citizens 
 of New Orleans and Jackson's exposition, Vol. I, p. 326, Vol. II, 
 
INDEX. 847 
 
 p. SOI ; on Jackson's course relative to martial law at New Or- 
 leans, Vol. I, p. 360; omits Jackson's defense in trial at New Or- 
 leans, Vol. I, p. 364; misrepresents Mrs. Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 374, 
 375; tribute to Jackson. VoL I. p. 381; on popularity of Jackson 
 in Tennessee. Vol. I, pp. 387-389; on Jackson's affair with Gmeral 
 Scott, Vol. I, pp. 39a, 39$ 1 ; influence of his lmok, Vol. I, 
 
 p. 40.1: on Jackson's alleged ignorance, V<>! II. Dp 429, 433; on 
 Jackson's letters to President M<>nr. >r. Vol. II. p. 429; disparages 
 Monroe. Vol. 11. p. .(36; on Jackson's removals from office for 
 party reasons, Vol. II, p. .151; slanders Jackson as Governor of 
 Florida. Vol. II. p. 516; distorts Jackson's arrest >>t' I.x-Gov- 
 ernor Callava, Vol. II, p. 510. <■/ seq.; on Pennsylvania's prefer- 
 ence for Jackson. iSj.j, Vol. II. p. 546; on Jackson's accident 
 opening wound made by Dickinson. Vol. II, p. 564: on supporters 
 of Jackson in 182S, Vol. II, pp. 580 to 591 ; on Jackson's proof 
 concerning Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, p. 609; on politician's story', 
 Vol. II, p. 614; errs on cause of Jackson's opposition to Bank of 
 the United States, Vol. II, pp. 615, 616; on Jackson's nullification 
 proclamation. Vol. II, pp. 706 to 708; on Jackson's unfitness for 
 President, Vol. II, p. 792. 
 
 Patriotism— Vol. II, p. 445. 
 
 Patterson, Commodore — Vol. 1, pp. 239, 254. 204. 295. 343 ; on the Caro- 
 lina, Vol. I, p. 266; to secretary of war, Vol. I, p. 302. 
 
 Peace — demanded in 1812, Vol. I, pp. 107, 109: to frontiers secured by 
 Creek war, Vol. I, p. 192; announced to British, Vol. I, p. 379. 
 
 Pensacola — Vol. I, pp. 139, 187, 216; Vol. II, p. 468; captured by Jack- 
 son. Vol. I, pp. 233, 234. 
 
 Percy, Capt. Wm. II. — British commander in attack on Fort Bowycr, 
 Vol. I, p. 219. 
 
 Pickett, historian — on inauguration of Creek war, Vol. I, pp. 113, 114; 
 authority on Weatherford, Vol. I, p. 173 ; describes character of 
 Creek Indians, Vol. I, pp. 187, 188. 
 
 Pinckney, General — Vol. I, p. 141 ; banquets Jackson, Vol. I, 191. 
 
 Pinckney, William — fails to secure treaty with Russia, Vol. II, p. 757; 
 Madison's envoy to Naples. Vol. II, p. 761. 
 
 Pioneers of Tennessee — aspersed by Sumner, Vol. I, p. 36. 
 
 Piracy — cause of trouble with foreign countries, Vol. II, p. 755. 
 
 Planchin, J. B. & Co. — creditor of Jackson, Vol. II. p. 804. 
 
 Poindexter — speech defending Jackson in debate in the House, Vol II. 
 pp. .\7S to 478. 
 
 Political principle — unique. Vol. T, p. 170; in iSjS'. Vol. If. p. 572. 
 
 Political revolution — over Jackson, Vol. I, p. 47; ever federal principles 
 in iNjS. Vol. II, p. 57a. 
 
 Polk, James K. — Vol. I, p. 147; candidate for president, Vol. I, p. 48; 
 iker of House, Vol. II, p. 689; position on the Oregon ques- 
 tion, Vol. II, p. 744. 
 
848 INDEX. 
 
 Pope, The — Vol. II, p. 782; bull of, applied to Indians, Vol. II, p. 790. 
 Porter, Gov. James D— Vol. II, p. 427. 
 
 Portugal — admits liability for damages to United States, Vol. II, p. 743. 
 Potter, Bishop — erroneous opinion of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 403- 
 President — candidates in 1823, Vol. II, p. 543 ; wives of three Tennessee 
 
 presidents, Vol. II, p. 598. 
 Press — muzzled by Jackson at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 350. 
 Public men of Tennessee — Vol. I, pp. 47. 48. 
 Putnam, historian — on Jackson in Nickajack campaign, Vol. I, p. 55. 
 
 Quadroon woman — her rights in Florida protected by Jackson, Vol. II, 
 
 P- 517. 
 Queen of China— Vol. II, p. 766, et seq. 
 
 Race course — its honor upheld by Jackson, Vol. I, p. 46. 
 
 Ramsey — on the regulators in North Carolina, Vol. I, pp. 22, 23 ; on 
 
 organization of army for battle of King's Mountain, Vol. I, p. 
 
 27; on Jackson in Nickajack campaign, Vol. I, p. 55. 
 Randall, author life of Jefferson — Vol. I, p. 67. 
 Randolph, John of Roanoke — minister to Russia, Vol. II, p. 757. 
 Rawdon, Lord, Vol. I, pp. 41, 42. 
 Red Sticks— Vol. I, p. 175. 
 
 Regulators — at battle of the Alamance, Vol. I, p. 23. 
 Reid, John — Jackson's private secretary in Creek war, Vol. I, pp. 124, 
 
 125. 
 Rejoicing — at Washington and Philadelphia, over victory at New 
 
 Orleans, Vol. I, p. 314; at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 327 to 333. 
 Republican party — Vol. II, pp. 440, 441, 445, 645. 
 Resolutions — Jackson's in Congress favoring pay to Indian fighters, 
 
 Vol. I, p. 63 ; Clay's in the Senate asking for Jackson's papers to 
 
 his cabinet on removal of the deposits, Vol. II. p. 658; of Clay in 
 
 Senate censuring Jackson, Vol. II, p. 673; of expunging censure 
 
 of Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 691 to 702. 
 Revolution — opened by battle of the Alamance, Vol. I, p. 24. 
 Rhea, J. — connection with Jackson's instructions in Seminole war, 
 
 Vol. II, pp. 463, 488 to 490, 492, 493, 498, 500, 503. - 
 Richardson, James D. — on Jackson's State papers, Vol. II, p. 612. 
 Right of search — Vol. I, pp. 107, 325 ; denial of refused, Vol. I, p. 186 ; 
 
 cause of war of 1812, Vol. I, p. 246. 
 Ripley, General — ordered by Jackson to disobey the President, Vol. I, 
 
 P- 393- 
 
INDEX. 849 
 
 Rives, Wm. C. — secures consent of France to pay spoliation claims of 
 
 United States, Vol. II, pp. 736, 737. 
 Robards, Captain — jealous of his wife, afterwards Mrs. Jackson, Vol. 
 
 II. pp. 595 to 597- 
 Robertson, historian — Vol. II, p. 781. 
 Robertson, Gen. James — signs oath at Watauga, Vol. 1, p. 26; in Nicka- 
 
 jack campaign, Vol. I. p. 55; raises army against the Indians, 
 
 Vol. I, p. 62. 
 Roderiquez Canal — Vol. I, p. 273. 
 Roosevelt, Theodore — Vol. II, p. 559. 
 Royall, Mrs. — describes Coffee, Vol. I, p. 71. 
 Runnels, Hiram G. — Vol. II, p. 804. 
 Rush, Richard — Minister to England, Vol. II, p. 478; candidate for 
 
 Vice President, 1828, Vol. II, p. 571. 
 Russia — omission of treaty with repaired by Jackson, Vol. II, p. 757. 
 
 St. Augustine — taxes at, Vol. II, p. 515. 
 
 St. Marks— Vol. II, p. 468. 
 
 Salisbury, N. C. — where Jackson studied law, Vol. I, p. 49- 
 
 Sand Mountain — scene of Jackson's march in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 126. 
 
 San Jacinto — battle of, Vol. I, pp. 164, 165, 184. 
 
 Santa Anna — at San Jacinto, Vol. I, pp. 164, 185 ; at the Alamo, Vol. I, 
 
 179- 
 Schurz, Carl — Vol. I, p. 404, et seq.; account of Clay's speech against 
 
 Jackson in the House, Vol. II, pp. 472 to 475. 
 Scotch Irish — discussion as to Jackson's blood, Vol. I, p. 37; as to 
 
 Houston, Vol. I, p. 163. 
 Scott, John — votes for Adams, Vol. II, p. 562. 
 Scott, Gen. W. — controversy of, with Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 392, 394, 
 
 395- 
 
 Seminoles — campaign against, Vol. II, pp. 460 to 482 ; Jackson gives 
 facts of, Vol. II, p. 497, ct seq. 
 
 Sempronius — Vol. II, pp. 445, 446. 
 
 Senate of United States — vacancy filled by Jackson, Vol. I, p. 66; aban- 
 dons report of committee censuring Jackson for acts in the Semi- 
 nole war, Vol. II, p. 481 ; Jackson a candidate for against Col. 
 John Williams, Vol. II, pp. 540, 541 ; impression made by Jackson 
 in the Senate in 1832, Vol. II, pp. 543. 544: famous men of, 1829, 
 Vol. II, p. 610; in 1832, Vol. II, p. 672; refuses to spread on min- 
 utes Jackson's protest against resolution of censure-. Vol. II, 
 p. 681 ; debate in on French spoliation claims. Vol. II, p. 745. 
 
 Sergeant, John — candidate for Vice President, Vol. II, p. 653. 
 
 Severus, Alexander, Roman Emperor — sarcophagus of offered to Jack- 
 son and declined, Vol. II, pp. 808, 809. 
 
850 INDEX. 
 
 Sevier, John — explains necessity of Watauga association, Vol. I, p. 24; 
 signs oath, Vol. I, p. 26; lineage and life before going to Wa- 
 tauga, Vol. I, p. 29; return from King's Mountain, Vol. I, p. 30; 
 defeats Indians, Vol. 1, pp. 31, 42; defeated as Major General by- 
 Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 46, 96, 194, Vol. II, p. 532 ; expense in fighting 
 Indians, Vol. I, p. 56; his soldiers' claim against the Government, 
 Vol. I, pp. 61, 62 ; letter to Secretary of War, Vol. I, p. 63 ; idol 
 of volunteer soldiers, Vol. I, p. 96; Tennessee's first Governor, 
 Vol. I, p. 194; makes surveys for United States, Vol. I, p. 384; 
 items of his career, Vol. II, p. 533. 
 
 Shackford, John — Vol. II, p. 702. 
 
 Shelby, General — at battle of King's Mountain, Vol. I, p. 30; against 
 Cornwallis, Vol. I, p. 31 ; reports to General Gates, Vol. I, pp. 32, 
 42 ; Governor of Kentucky, Vol. I, p. 296. 
 
 Shepherd, Bezin D. — Vol. I, p. 294. 
 
 Sherill, Catherine, "Bonny Kate," wife of John Sevier, Vol. I, p. 27. 
 
 Sherill, Samuel — sheriff at Watauga, Vol. I, p. 27. 
 
 Simpson, Sam R. — furnishes information about the battle of New 
 Orleans, Vol. II, p. 526. 
 
 Soldiers — of Sevier, claim of, against the government, Vol. I, p. 61 ; 
 claim of advocated by Jackson in Congress, Vol. I, pp. 62 to 65 ; 
 care of by Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 81, 88; suffer at Fort Strother, 
 Vol. I, pp. 131 to 137; character of in Creek war, Vol. I, p. 132; 
 mutiny of, Vol. I, pp. 132 to 137 ; concerning their term of service 
 in Creek war, Vol. I, p. 142 ; Jackson's devotion to, Vol. I, p. 61 ; 
 Mexicans poor soldiers, Vol. I, p. 181 ; character of soldiers of 
 the Southwest, Vol. I, p. 183; good service of at Fort Bowyer, 
 Vol. I, pp. 220, 227; of Jackson at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 239, 
 285 ; praised by Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 321 to 325. 
 
 Sousa, Domingo — assistant of Colonel Callava in Florida, Vol. II, pp. 
 517, 5i8. 
 
 South Carolina — ominous action in election of 1832, Vol. II, p. 654; 
 nullification attitude of, Vol. II, p. 655 ; Jackson's proclamation in 
 regard to nullification, Vol. II, pp. 711 to 723; believed by Jack- 
 son to be his native state, Vol. II, p. 719. 
 
 Spanish — friends of British, Vol. I, pp. 187, 206, 210, 211; Governor 
 at Pensacola organizes for British, Vol. I, pp. 206, 208, 211; 
 troubles with in Florida, Vol. II, p. 464, et seq.; officers of 
 hostile to United States, Vol. II, p. 468; informed by Adams 
 of conditions in Florida, Vol. II, pp. 479, 480; threaten trouble 
 in Florida, Vol. II, p. 499; delay ratification of treaty after Semi- 
 nole War, Vol. II, p. 511; Jackson on Spanish treachery, Vol. 
 II, p. 511; pay indemnity to United States, Vol. II, p. 743; 
 make treaty with United States, Vol. II, pp. 759, 760. 
 
 Speakers of Tennessee — Vol. I, p. 47. 
 
INDEX. -:>l 
 
 Speeches — of Gustavus Henry at Baltimore Convention, i860. Vol. I, 
 p. 166; of Gerard at Baltimore Convention, i860; Vol. I, pp. 
 167, 168; of Jackson, see Jackson, Andrew. 
 
 Stanberry, M. G— assaulted by Sam Houston, Vol. I, p. 164. 
 
 Standing army— disapproved, Vol. I, p. 32, Vol. II, p. 555. 
 
 States' rights— Calhoun's doctrines, Vol. II, pp. 655, 666; Jackson on, 
 Vol. II, pp. 711 to 723; connected with the Indian question, Vol. 
 II. pp. 7''7 to 791. 
 
 Stevenson, Andrew— Vol. II, p. 689. 
 
 Subaltern— tells of British forces. Vol. I, pp. 235 to 237, 238, 267; on 
 battle of Villere's plantation Vol. I, pp. 271, 275; on harassing 
 of British, Vol. I, pp. 276, 277, 283; tells of battle of December 
 28, Vol. I, pp. 278 to 281; on movements of the British, Vol. 
 I. pp. 283, 288, 289; on battle of January 1, Vol. I, p. 290; on 
 Packenham's new scheme, Vol. I, pp. 300, 301 ; his connection 
 with British army, Vol. II, pp. 526, 527; writes James Grant 
 Wilson about battle of New Orleans, Vol. II, pp. 527, 528. 
 
 Suffering at Fort Strother— Vol. I, pp. 131. 137. 
 
 Sumatra— Malays of punished by Jackson. Vol. II, p. 729. 
 
 Sumner, Prof. W. G— unjust to Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 18, 33, Vol. II, 
 P- 579; compares Jefferson's theory of government with the 
 Hartford Convention, Vol. I, p. 19; concerning Jefferson's 
 diplomacy, Vol. 1. pp. 34, 35; says Jackson was little knowi, 
 Vol. I, p. 35; asperses Tennessee pioneers, Vol. I, p. 36. 
 
 Supplies— ordered for soldiers against Creeks, Vol. I, p. 118; non- 
 arrival of, Vol. I, p. 123, et seq.; ordered from Nashville, Vol. 
 I, p. 125; received from General White, Vol. I, p. 129; lacking at 
 Fort Strother, Vol. I, p. 131; received from Fort Deposit, Vol. 
 
 I, pp. 134, 135; for new army, Vol. I, p. 144. 
 
 Supreme Court of United States— personnel of under Marshall, Vol. 
 
 II, p. 770; the supreme arbiter, Vol. II, p. 777. 
 
 Talladega— friendly Indians at, Vol. I, pp. 128 to 130; battle of, Vol. 
 
 I, pp. 129, 130, 187. 
 Tallapoosa River — Vol. I, pp. 145, 161. 
 Talleesehatchie — battle of. Vol. I. pp. 127 to 131. 
 Taney, Roger B— Jackson's attorney general, Vol. II. p. 627; Secretary 
 
 of the Treasury, Vol. II, p. 673. 
 Tappan, Judge — Vol. I, 369. 
 Tariff— Jackson's views on, 1824, Vol. II, p. 547; high tariff beaten in 
 
 1828, Vol. II, p. 572; South Carolina's ordinance on. Vol. II, pp. 
 
 711 to 723. 
 Tarleton, Colonel — Vol. I. pp. 41, 4-'. 45. 
 Tassels, Indian — case of in Georgia, Vol. II, pp. 775, 776. 
 
852 INDEX. 
 
 Tecumseh — moving spirit of the Indians, Vol. I, p. 171 ; characteris- 
 tics of, Vol. I, p. 112; urges Creeks to war, Vol. I, po. 114, 115, 
 190; ally of British, Vol. I, pp. 115, 199; pledge to, Vol. I, p. 162. 
 Ten Islands— in Creek War, Vol. I, pp. 126, 127. 
 
 Tennessee — name suggested for State by Jackson, Vol. I, p. 56, Vol. 
 II, p. 560; neglects Jackson, Vol. I, p. 307; duty of to Jackson, 
 Vol. I, pp. 371, 372; called the "Volunteer State," Vol. II, p. 560; 
 opposed to Federal Government on the Indian question, Vol. 
 II, pp. 767, 777 ; Foreman vs. State of Tennessee, Vol. II, p. 770. 
 Tennesseans — character of, Vol. I, pp. 45 to 47; aroused by massacre 
 at Fort Minims, Vol. I, pp. 116, 117; aroused to help Jackson in 
 Creek War, Vol. I, p. 144; in war for Texas independence, Vol. 
 I, P- 179; proof of their soldierly qualities, Vol. I, pp. 184, 193, 
 377; ask Jackson's appointment as brigadier general, Vol. I, p. 
 196; part taken by at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 244, et seq., 287, 
 Vol. II, p. 428; numbers of at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 245; 
 Jackson's dependence at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 255, 260, 305 
 to 307- 
 Tennessee Historical Society — Vol. I, p. 168. 
 
 Territory — acquired by Jackson's treaty with the Creeks, Vol. I, p. 199- 
 Thanksgiving— for victory at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 327 to 333, 342. 
 Thomas, General — Vol. I, p. 296. 
 
 Timberlak" ._ JL >ano. of Mrs. Eaton, Vol. II, p. 603. 
 Tories— Vol. I, p. 41. 
 Touro, Judah— Vol. I, p. 294. 
 Travis, Colonel— Vol. I, pp. 180 to 182, 184. 
 
 Treaty— of Ghent, Vol. I, pp. 186, 309, 325; "Jackson's Treaty" with 
 Creeks, Vol. I, pp. 198 to 201, 207; effect of British defeat at 
 Fort Bowyer, Vol. I, 230; views of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 350; with 
 Chickasaw Indians, Vol. I, p. 385 ; advantage of Jackson's treaties 
 with the Indians, Vol. II, p. 438 ; with Spain after Seminole War, 
 Vol. II, pp. 511, 512; with France in 1800, Vol. II, p. 736; with 
 Russia, omission of supplied by Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 757, 758; 
 with Spain, Vol. II, p. 759; with Turkey, Vol. II, pp. 762 to 765; 
 with Morocco, Vol. II, pp. 764, 765; with Indians. Vol. II, p. 
 767 ; cost of Jackson's treaties with the Indians, Vol. II, p. 778. 
 Trion, Governor of North Carolina— wins battle of the Alamance, Vol. 
 
 I, PP- 23, 45- 
 Turkey— makes treaty with United States, Vol. II, pp. 762 to 7°5- 
 Twelve Mile Creek, N. C— Vol. I, pp. 39, 40. 
 Tyler — biographer of Patrick Henry, Vol. I, p. 51. 
 
 u 
 
 Union Convention at Baltimore, i860— Vol. I, pp. 166 to 168. 
 
INDEX 853 
 
 V 
 
 Van Burcn, John — eulogizes Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 797 to 799. 
 
 Van Buren, Martin — Vol. I, p. 47; in Jackson's cabinet, 1829, Vol. II, 
 p. 611; resigns, Vol. II, p. 625; appointed Minister to England, 
 Vol. II, p. 626; opposition to his confirmation, Vol. II, pp. 651, 
 671, 756; elected Vice President, Vol. II, pp. 653, 654, 671; 
 elected President, 1836, Vol. II, p. 689; his opinion of legality 
 of expunging Senate's resolution censuring Jackson, Vol. II, p. 
 696; gives instructions on trade relations with England, Vol. II, 
 p. 756. 
 
 Van Ness — Jackson's envov to Spain, Vol. II, p. 760. 
 
 Van Pelt, Dr. — interview of with Jackson, Vol. I, p. 104. 
 
 Victory — of Jackson over Creek Indians, Vol. I, pp. 127, 129, 152, 159 
 to 163, 172; of Houston at San Jacinto, Vol. I, pp. 164, 165, 184; 
 unparalled victory at New Orleans, Vol. I, p. 202 ; of British in 
 North, war of 1812, Vol. I, p. 204; at Fort Bowyer, Vol. I, pp. 
 219 to 225 ; importance of victory at Fort Bowyer, Vol. I, pp. 
 220, 221 ; at Pensacola, Vol. I, pp. 233, 234; at New Orleans the 
 turning point in American history, Vol. I, p. 245 ; over British 
 at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 264, 266, 278 to 281, 289 to 291, 314, 
 315, 321 to 324, 326, 334 to 346; cause of victory at New Or- 
 leans, Vol. I, pp. 326, 328; of New Orleans a world sensation, 
 Vol. II, p. 543 ; of New Orleans disparaged by De Toqueville, 
 Vol. II, pp. 573, 576 to 578; of Jackson over his enemies in elec- 
 tion of 1832, Vol. II, pp. 651, 658. 
 
 Villere, Maj. Gabriel — Vol. I, pp. 264, 265. 
 
 Virginia — refuses to obey mandate of United States Supreme Court, 
 Vol. II, p. 777- 
 
 Volunteers — service of approved, Vol. I, pp. 32. 33, 245, 246; value 
 of exemplified by Jackson's record, Vol. I, p. 34; for war of 
 1812, Vol. I, pp. 79 to 8i, 261 ; in Creek War, Vol. I, pp. 99, 132; 
 Value of at New Orleans, Vol. II, p. 427. 
 
 Vote — Jackson's against indorsing Washington's administration, Vol. 
 
 I, p. 65; vote for Jackson against Sevier, Vol. I, p. 194; Jack- 
 son's in election of 1824, Vol. II, p. 557; in election of 1828, Vol. 
 
 II. P- 57 1 I on resolution to expunge Senate's resolution of cen- 
 sure of Jackson, Vol. II, p. 701. 
 
 Voyage — of Jackson's army to Natchez, 1812, Vol. I, p. 84; of Carroll's 
 army to New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 261, 2(>j. 
 
 w 
 
 Waldo, Putnam — quotation from concerning Coffee, Vol. I, pp. 69. 70; 
 value of his Life of Jackson, Vol. I, p. 146; on Jackson's situa- 
 tion after battle of Talladega, Vol. I, p. 147; on battles of 
 
S54 IXDEX. 
 
 Emuckfau and Encctachopoc, Vol. I, p. 152; on conditions at 
 New Orleans before the battle, Vol. I, pp. 240, 248; on loss and 
 intended vandalism of British, Vol. I, p. 304: tells of rejoicing 
 :.: New Orleans after the battle, Vol. I, pp. 329 to 332. 
 
 Walker, Alexander — on battle of December 23d before New Orleans, 
 Vol. I, p. 264; on harassing of British, Vol. I, pp. 286, 287; on 
 battle of January 1, Vol. I, pp. 289, 290 ; describes Coffee and his 
 command, Vol. I, p. 306. 
 
 Valker, John — Vol. II, p. 7S0. 
 
 Walker, Richard — Vol. I, p. 163. 
 
 Walkup, Gen. S. E. — Vol. I, p. 40. 
 
 War— 
 
 Of 1S12, Vol. I, p. 75; Jickson ordered to New Orleans, Vol. I, 
 p. 80; notable assembly of troops, Vol. I, p. 81; delay at Nash- 
 ville, Vol. I, p. 82; at Natchez, Vol. I, pp. 85 to 88; operations 
 at New Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 239 to 3S2; cause of war of 1812, 
 Vol. I, pp. 2^6, 269, 270, 309; history of generally unknown, Vol. 
 I- P- 3°9; circumstances of, Vol. I, p. 317. 
 Creek — Vol. I, p. in, et seq.; delay of supplies, Vol. I, p. 123, et 
 
 seq.; cause of, Vol. I, pp. 189, 190. 
 Seminole — Vol. II, pp. 460 to 46S ; cause of. Vol. II, p. 461 ; Ten- 
 nesseans in, Vol. II, p. 462; Jackson ordered to Florida, Vol. 
 II, p. 462. 
 
 War Department of United States — responsibility of for inaction at 
 Natchez, 1813, Vol. I, pp. 85 to 88: orders disbanding of the 
 army, Vol. I, p. 86; Jackson's letter to, 1814, Vol. I, p. 208; on 
 conduct of Spanish, 1814, Vol. I, p. 209 ; criticized by Eaton, Vol. 
 I, p. 210; denied the right to issue orders direct to Jackson's 
 officers. Vol. I, pp. 390, 391. 
 -'..:::gton, George — opinion of King's Mountain, Vol. I, p. 29; Jack- 
 son's alleged dishonor of, Vol. I, p. 65 ; sympathy with England, 
 Vol. I, pp. 65, 66; name on map, Vol. I, p. 73; dealings with 
 Creek Indians, Vol. I, p. 189; action on French spoliation claims, 
 Vol. II, p. 735; appeals to England for privilege of trade with 
 her colony, Vol. II, p. 756. 
 
 Washington County, Tenn. — Vol. I, p. 21. 
 
 Watauga — settlers of natural soldiers, Vol. I, p. 22; Haywood on 
 association of, Vol. I, p. 24; oath for judicial system of, Vol. I, 
 p. 25 ; examples of Watauga procedure, Vol. I, pp. 26, 27 ; 
 troubles of with the Indians, Vol. I, p. 61. 
 
 Waxaw, N. C — burial place of Jackson's father, Vol. I, pp. 17, 39, 40, 
 
 43, 45- 
 Weatherford, William — alleged connection with massacre at Fort 
 Mimms, Vol. I. p. 172: at the "Holy Ground," Vol. I. p. 173; 
 family of, Vol. I, pp. 173, 174: address to Jackson, Vol. I, p. 
 175 ; asks Jackson for peace, Vol. I, pp. 176, 177. 
 
INDEX. S55 
 
 Webster, Daniel — statement of against Jackson, Vol. I, p. 67 ; name on 
 
 map, Vol. I, p. 412: on Jackson's manners. Vol. II, pp. 545. 5S4; 
 
 on speculation as to what Jackson would do about the offices, 
 
 1829, Vol. II, pp. 599, 600; on people's desire to see Jackson, 
 
 II, p. 601 ; on French spoliation claims. Vol. II, pp. 746, 
 
 74S to : 
 
 Wellington, Lord — opinion about Jackson's Creek campaign, Vol. I, 
 
 pp. 121, 158, Vol. II, p. 724: his troops at New Orleans, Vol. I, 
 
 p. - - 
 West Tennessee — acquired. Vol. I. p. 
 Whig — Vol. I. p. 41 : cause of organization of party, Vol. I, p. ~ 
 
 party carries Tennessee, [844 Vol. I, p. 48; last convention of 
 
 party. Vol. I. pp. 166 to 168. 
 White. General — in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 129; ordered back by General 
 
 Cocke. Vol. I, p. 130. 
 White, Hugh L. — Vol. I, p. 47 ; asks compensation for services against 
 
 Indians, Vol. I, pp. 62 to 64; influence of in raising soldiers, Vol. 
 
 I, p. 161. 
 Wilkin?. William— Vol. II, pp. 654, 671. 
 Wilkinson, General — Vol. I, p. 52; at New Orleans, 1S12, Vol. I. p. 80; 
 
 letter to Jackson. Vol. I. p. 87; suspected by Jackson, Vol. I, p. 
 
 83; removed to Northwest, Vol. I. p. 197; on defense of New 
 
 Orleans, Vol. I, pp. 206, 310. 
 Williams, Col. John — under Jackson in Creek War, Vol. I, p. 161; 
 
 opposed to Jackson for President, Vol. II, pp. 539 to 541. 
 liams, Col. Willoughby— Vol. I, p. 165. 
 Wirt, historian — on Patrick Henry, Vol. I, p. 50. 
 Wirt, William — Vol. II, p. 655 ; defends Indian case before the Supreme 
 
 Court of United States, Vol. II, pp. 770, 781 ; in George Tassels 
 
 (Indian) case, Vol. II, p. 775 
 Woodbine, Captain — organizes negroes and Indians in Florida, Vol. II, 
 
 p. 479- 
 Woodbury, Levi — Jackson's Secretary of the Navy, Vol. II, p. 627; 
 
 eulogizes Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 793 to 795. 
 Woods, John — executed for mutiny. Vol. I, pp. 160, i6r. 
 
 eester, Indian missionary — Vol. II. pp. 770, 780. 
 Wright, Silas — on French spoliation claims, Vol. II, pp. 750 to 753. 
 
 Y 
 
 Verger, George S. — Vol. II, p. 780. 
 Young, Captain — Vol. II, p. 468. 
 
IffMC 
 
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