"o, *vV.»* A <^ A % govern whatever it might acquire ; the former is but an incident to the latter. The citizens of Territories acquired do not become entitled to self-government. If possessed of that right, the principal object of acquisition, the right of jurisdiction and dominion, would be' frustrated. In this particular instance, recognise the right of 10 self-government to tlie citizens of these Territories, and they might, and in all probability would, liberate themselves from all obedience and responsibility to tl^is Government. Annexation took place without asking their consent, and without consulting their wishes upon the subject. A union thus effected, by a violation of one of the fundamental principles of republicanism, as avowed in our De- claration of Independence, that all Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. It was an odious act of tyranny, for the perpetration of which no reasonable excuse can be offered. These Territories are not subject to State jurisdiction. A State, by the Constitution, is expressly prohibited from entering into any treaty with a foreign power, or into a compact, or agree- ment, with another State, or to engage in war unless actually in- vaded, or in such imminent danger as will admit of no delay. She acts only in self-defence. Territory, therefore, can neither be gain- ed for a State by conquest, or acquired by treaty. The power and jurisdiction of a State is necessarily confined to her territorial lim- its. Any other arrangement of jurisdiction would produce collisions between the States and the General Government, dangerous to tlie integrity of the Union. Separate legislation for the territory of thirty independent States, with an attempt to enforce their laws within its limits, would have a tendency to cause thirty civil wars. The conflict in the laws of the several States would utterly con- found the judges, and close every avenue to the temple of justice. The General and State Governments are supreme and independent within their respective spheres, and whilst each revolves in its ap- priate and independent orbit, harmony exists between them, but suffer either to move without the circle of its peculiar duties, and strife is the inevitable consequence. Yield this power to the Gen- eral Government where it justly belongs, and no clashing of juris- diction can take place, and justice will be admistered without de- lay or impediment. The Territories must then be under the juris- diction of the General Government or without government at all. In my opinion, the power is conferred on Congress in that clause of the Constitution which declares : " Congress shall have power to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the the power vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States." We have, by the war and treaty-making power, the abil- ity to acquire territory, and by this provision of the Constitution, Congress has the right to legislate for it when acquired, to carry into effect the true and legitimate object of acquisition, the right of jurisdiction and dominion. But there is an express grant of power in the third section of the fourth article of the Constitution, which says: "Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and other property belonging to the United States." This general clause is amply sufficient to authorise Congress to establish Territorial gov- ernments, and in fact to do anything in the Territories not prohibit- ed in the Constitution itself Some persons contend that this clause only gives Congress the power to sell the land, without the power to regulate the municipal affa irs of those who settle upon it. But it is evident a government may hold property in territory without 1.1 United States ; the unappropriated lands were, by the teiSs of he articles of annexation, reserved to the use of the State ' Vattelmtorms us, in his Laws of Nations "fW^T!!' i,, r ) pie to a countrv implies two thinlf Fii^f Th ^'^g^t «f a peo- of .Vhieh the nat Jalone may She c^try tt^^^^^^^^ necessities, may dispose of it as it thinks proper .4d derive fromlf every advantage it is capable of yielding SeVo d Thl ^ acquiring; the empire or sovereignty of it, at thi same ?he with the domain, for smce the nation is free and independent it can ha ve no intention in settling in a country to leave to otheifthe ri<^Tt to com mand, or any of those rights that constitute sovereignty "This au" I fuJ ^ :;"^-rf ^"? '^' P"^'^^«" '^''' P«'^«^«^-» of te ritory livek a full and perfect right to govern and control it. On the subie'^t of the property the nation owns in her terrritory VatVel savs " wJ have already explained how a nation takes pLeSon of TcounSy rlf tl^ ' «^^me time gains possession of the domain and goveiS ment thereof. That government, with everything included in ft becomes the property of the nation in general." In this passa^^^^^ ^rSlSHid r;f /" ^'^--d-• --- than mere lamHiSSS jurisdic.ion and full legislative power over it. Then the United States Government, upon obtaining possession of these Ten-itoTef stSfnn " '"^r?" "^^^' "^ ^^^^^^'^^^°^ «^-^ them, unlei the Coi' stitution expressly hmits it. The only limit to the exercise of this power isto be found inthesound discretion and presumed in'egr^ of the Congress. This opinion is confirmed by the decisions of" thI Supreme Coivt of the United States. Cr^'^.rt^ T^^ ^^''^f «oner Exchange vs. McFaddon and others, (7th Cranch,) Judge Marshal says: "The jurisdiction of a nation T.JT ruT^ ,t^"'^t,«^y '^ necessarily exclusive and absolute. It IS susceptible of no limitations not imposed by itself All excep- tions, therefore, to the full and complete power within its own ter- ritories, niust be traced up to the consent of the nation itself They can flow from no other legitimate source," Again, in the case of th^ American Insurance Company vs. Canter, (1st Peters,) the Court saj's: " untit.Florida shall become a State, she continues to be a 1 erritory of the United States, governed by that clause in the l^onstitution which empowers Congress 'to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and property of the United .states. Again, m the case of the Cherokee Nation vs. the State Qi l^eorgia, the Court says : "The power given in this clause is of tne most plenary kind. Rules and regulations respecting the terri- tory ot the United States ; they necessarily confer complete juris- diction. It was necessary to confer it without limitation, to enable the Uovernmeht to redeem the pledge given to the old in relatioino the formation and powers of the new States." The same doctrines are, reiterated in the case of Gratiot and others (14th Peters, 537) 12 I will briefly recite the acts of Congress ratifying this construc- tion of the Constitution, and having the force of legislative precedent. 1st. The ordinance of 1787 was recognised at the first session of the first Congress. The precedent is coeval with the birth of the Government. Many of those persons who sat in the Convention which framed the Constitution were members of the first Congress, and it may be almost denominated the work of the framers of that instrument. This ordinance prohibited slavery or involuntary ser- vitude in the territory northwest of the Ohio river. The act was signed by Gen. Washington. 2d. On the 7th April, 1798, an act was passed authorising the establishment of a Government for the Territory of Mississippi. That act authorized the President to establish a government there- in, in all respects similar to that in the northwest of the Ohio river, except the article prohibiting slavery ; it then forbid the impor- tation of slaves into the Territory from anj"- place without the limits of the United States. This act was passed some consid- erable time before Congress was authorised by the Constitution to prohibit the importation of slaves into the States which were originally parties to the federal compact. This provision of the Constitution applied only to the existing States ; it did not ex- tend to the States thereafter to be formed, nor to the Territories of the United States, the exercise of jurisdiction in the organization of this Territory over matters of domestic concern to the inhabi- tants, and especially over the subject of slavery, without opposi- tion, shows the undisputed interpretation put, at that day, on the Constitution in respect to the power of Congress upon the subjects There was a direct exercise of legislative power in the Territories w^hich was positively prohibited in respect to the States existing at the adoption of the Constitution. 3d. In the year 1800, Congress passed an act to divide the terri^ tories belonging to the United Slates northwest of the Ohio river, into two separate governments. This act gave to the Territory of Indiana a government similar to that provided by the ordinance of 1787 for the ?>rorthwest Territory. 4th. On the 26th March, 1804^ an act passed dividing Louisiana into two Territories. The 10th section of the act had three provi- sions in respect to the subject of slavery. First, the importation of slaves from any place without the limit of the United States was prohibited. Second, the importation from any place within the limits of the United States of slaves imported since the 1st of May, 17&8, was prohibited; and third, the importation of slaves except by a citizen of the United States removing into said Territory for actual settlement, and being at the time of such removal bona fide owner of such slaves, Avas prohibited. Congress, by these prohi- bitions, imposed restrictions upon its extension even within Terri- tories in which It existed. It was a direct prohibition of the do- mestic slave trade — it was an act of power in respect to the Terri- tories w^hich Congress did not possess in respect to the States. This act w^as signed by Mr. Jefferson. 5th. On the 11th January, 1805, an act was passed establishing the Territory of Michigan with a government including the sixth article of the ordinance of 1787. 13 6th. On the 3d February, 1809, a similar government was estab- 7th. On the 4th June, 1812, an act was passed providing for the government ot the Territory of Missouri, and the laws and re'ula 'Th" OnT M £eh f8 1 r r ^"^ "^" ^^^^^^"^^^ "^P-^^^^^^^ oin. un tne Jcl Maich 1817, a government was formed for the Territoiy of Alabama, and the laws then in force within it as a part of Mississippi, were continued in operation. ^ it as a part 9th. On the 2d March, 1819, the Territorv of A^i.o formed from the Territory of Missouri, rnrj^v^eit^r ^^^^^^^ 10th. On the 30th March, 1822, an act was passed for the terri- torial government ol Florida, containing provisions makint it "' lawful to import or bring within the said Territory from anv nln^l without the Territory of the United States, any^lavToT^sl'aves These acts were passed under Mr. Monroe's Administration 1 1th. On the 20th April, 1836, an act was passed eSin^ the territorial government of Wisconsin, securing to the h Snts the rights, privileges and advantages" secured to thp ^^-.^i ^ the Northwest Territory by the ordinance of 1787 This^ac^ was signed by Gen. Jackson. On the 12th June, 1838, a territorial ^v ernment tor towa was established, and the laws of the Unit Jd Stltls extended over it. This act was signed by Mr. Van Buren 12th. Near the close of the last session of this Congres.* a ^ov ernment was established for the Territory of Oregon extendin/th^ ordmance of 1787, or in other words, the Wilmot pVov o o^e/u The act was approved by Mr. Polk. These legislative p^^cedents commenced during the first Congress holden unlr our present form pLSiUimr ' ' " ""''""'^ "''^"^' interrup^tion to tlS The acts referred to, recognize, regulate and prohibit slavery and m fact embrace a AiU and complete exercise of legislative pCr over the whole subject. Many of them were passed bv the consent of those very patriots and statesmen who aided in the^formatTn of TJZTmT- 7)^"^ '' '' reasonable to presume, best unde stood the extent ol legislative power conferred by that instrument These acts have been approved by all the Presidents who were* incm^ bents of the Executive chair at the time of their several enactments from Washington to Polk. They have been invariably ^usSd by the decisions of the Supreme Court, a co-ordinate department of our Government, authorized to decide all constitutional questions and Irom whose opinions no appeals are known by the laws of the land. The writers on our constitutional laws admit the existence of the power. The Constitution expressly grants it, in my opinion but. If a doubt lingered on my mind, it would be remov'cd bv thp concurrent weight of evidence adduced. I again repeat, I am con- strained to believe Congress has the power, under the Constitution, to admit slavery into or exclude it from the Territories The tes* timony and authorities referred to clearly demonstrate the non- existence of negro slavery within New Mexico and California and the impracticability of its being carried there, except by the asaent 14 of Congress. Can that be obtained ? A considerable majority of all the members of this branch of Congress are from the free States. The people whom they represent are opposed to slavery, and i:egard it as a moral and political evil. Shortly after the adoption of om' present form of Government, the States of the North, in which slavery then existed, gave an in- dubitable proof of their attachment to the principles of universal freedom and abhorrance of human bondage, by commencing a course of legislation for its gradual extinction, which has long since been accomplished. The frequent agitation of the subject of slavery, and the acrimonious and vindictive discussions emanating from it» has considerably increased the enmity of the Northern people to the institution, and settled the public mind . against the further enlargement of the area of slavery. If there is one sentiment Com- mon to the people of the North it is a fixed and unalterable deter- mination to resist, by all lawful and constitutional means, the in- troduction of negro slavery into these Territories. Is there a mem- ber in this chamber from the free States, who will truly reflect the wishes of his constituents by voting to extend it beyond its present limits ? No gentleman can be elected from any one of all the Con- gressional districts of the free States, who is not pledged or known to be opposed to it. The Governments cannot be organized unless the principle of slavery be excluded. Upon this subject the people of the North w'ill neither be influenced by persuasion nor intimidg-ted by tlireats. They know their rights and are determined to maintain them by the use of all lawful means. It is unnecessary for me to decide upon the justice of their resolve. I only speak of it as an existing and unquestionable fact. Can the interest of the slave States be promoted by a failure at this f«essiou to organize Governments for the Territories ? Are the probabilities increased oi" slavery being established there by such delay? I cannot perceive upon what foundation such a hope can be reared. The people of the North argue that to admit slavery is, hi eftect, to exclude free labor; that experience has tested that free labor and slave labor will not fra- ternize,; that it never has and never will exist to any extent to- gether ; that free labor is necessarily degraded by an association with slave labor; and consequently the; people of tbe North are virtually excluded from these Territories if negro slavery is admit- ted. They further state that of all the territory acquired by.pur- chase of France and Spain, now including the States of Louisiana^ Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, and Florida, four out of the five have been admitted into the Union as slave States, and Texas, by the articles of annexation, canie in as a slave State; that, heretpfore' if slavery existed in the Territories at the time of its acquisition, it wp-s recognized in the Territorial Goverimient furnished them by Congress ; that this Territory came into the Union free, and they only demand it may be kept so by a law of Congress ; but the South, selfish and exacting, refuse this reasonable request, after having heretofore appropriated, fi\'ie-sixths of the States previous- ly acquired to the uses of slavery, They believe slavery to be an exclusive and aristocraticajl institution, elevating the slaveholder above all stimulus to labor, and sinking the other part of the com- 15 munity below it. That it is the duty ol^ Coii-ress to shnn. it-^ i O? f>,n7 .^^«^!^a^^ popuhition it is well known are opposed to it ineir treedom. 1 wo-tlurds ot the emigrants will be from the free Sv^ieTo ,T""'"" "''" " ''' ™' ^^™»'"-''. -"^ -lire; Siuali: not suffer i, The Constitution of tht Un ,?d Stkte^fr "^f tne Union shall depend upon the wi 1 of Congress T am ««f Lfi i both natural causes and ^litical causes exS^Xh vXver pt vent slaver,' betng established in these Territories. should con rf /ov^inrmT'xrtr' ""p"";"/" "r^« '^« -'abhshm^t ui governments where the necessity for them is so urgent hv si aavil upon a matter of mere moonshine It is exolu.iv^v I' ^ ^' Uon of expediency and of justice. Tak ng i^ o eotiS^^^^ the circumstances of the controversv T h^lT^xrlif ^^n^ijeration af ent in the members of C^^^T^^'SZe ^^^^ ^^^t tte establishment of a government with a clause pmhW^^^^^^ 27kJ', '" ^"^"^- l^^^y ^^«"fi-e no interest^concede no SiSe" ?akett ''"^'r^^''^ belonging to the slive States.^It 3d taketh6 principal element from the question of the abo lion of ^avery. the agitation of which can do no good to tW Sou h ahd may be pi-oductive of much mischief and evil to thrwho'e Unfon ril?. ^;tr^^^ interference by the abolitionists with the vested rights of the people of the slave States, guarantied to them In the fayTtrsettlf'^^'.^rf •*"*""' ^^^ ^''^''y embarrassed and de! iayed the settlement oi this controversy by exciting sectional ieal Tpr^ok S\"r"-"^- • ^"'^^^ ^'^^'^^^ ^^- C entirely unprovoked and highly injurious to the owners of slaves. Slavery Sem It TT''> ^l^f^'y l'''^'' ^^^^^ -"^ ^-1 -^ --age- Knro r ^'"t^^'^^^d «^ abolished at its supreme will and pleasure. Congress has no power over, or right to interfere with It m any shape whatever. The State Governments, i the rr^^u ien^to^Z ''' ""^T' ""'^r^y responsible to thei'r own cons!il ^r^ iiiiiliii iilli!iii|liiiipi|3i^^^^^ liiiiisiiiiiiiriiiiliiiiiiili iiis:iiii!B^