-2/5 Ccrf2A^ / ;E 215 9 B85 Copy 1 yn^P>**^rap"H^^„ ^>'" I© %. ^^ DELIVERED AT ^r^c ^entenniaf ficfcBralloii MECKLENBURG DECLARATION OF INTDKFENDENTCE, Chmrhtte, Nf. C\, May ^Q, iS^S^- Hon. JOHIS^ M. BRIGHT, Of Tennessee. •J" Wa NASHVILLE, TENN.: ROBERTS & PURVIS, BOOK AND JOB PRINTERS. fci,-^^^ 1875. =%c«- p<.*m((W>*''-^ V. .V-*-' , Speech of Hon. Jno. M. Bright, delivered at Charlotte, N. C, on the 20th of May, 1875, in honor of the Meck- lenburg Declaration of Independence, one Hundred Years Before. My Countrymen : Being a descendant, on one side of the house, from the "Old North State," and having spent several years of my boy- hood under her classic oaks in old Orange, my feelings kindle with more than ordinary interest on this proud occasion. Thousands of hearts, familiar with the cradle songs of Carolina, far beyond the blue mountains in the "West, now pulsate in unison with your own. Gladly have I come from the "Great Daughter, Tennessee," to bear her kindly greetings, and to mingle her voice in your rejoicing. The voice of her Legislature and Historical Society was but the voice of the State, in the expression of her interest in this celebra- tion. Children of Carolina ! Sons of Freedom ! Patriots of our Common Country! This celebration is the festival of the heart upon the glorious memories of the past. That people have far sunk in degeneracy, and have become as the dry bones in the valley, when they feel no stir of inspiration, as the images of their illustrious fathers are passing before their eyes. The heart, not the head of a nation, is the fountain of patriotism, bravery and virtue. The emotional nature of a people, like the fiea, contains the saline virtues which purify and preserve the State. The living age is but a pensioner on the works and wisdom of the past. It has been the custom of all civilized nations to celebrate the ancestral deeds and virtues to stimulate the rivalry of the future generations. The ancient Greeks erected monuments and statues, instituted games and festivals, and awarded apotheosis to her heroes and benefactors. Her Poets swept their country's lyre in their praise, and her most renowned orators were chosen to extol their -deeds at the national celebrations. Pericles pronounced the oration in honor of the brave sons who fell in the first Peloponnesian war, . and Demosthenes pronounced a similar oration in honor of those who fell in the battle of Chseronaea. The whole line of Jewish history was marked with memorial stones and altars, and with sacrifices and jubilees. All their rivers, lakes, seas, mountains, villages and cities became monumental. This day Ebal and Geri- jzim, Sinai and Calvary, Bethlehem and Jerusalem, all rise fresh before our memories. Even the floods of praise which dashed from the harp of David were but the memorial songs of his nation. Then this celebration has a far nobler aim than the mere pastime of an hour. And while we have gathered around these old altars of freedom, and hoisted the flood-gates of our joys, we should not fail to be inspired with the sublime virtues of our fathers. The "Old North State" has treasures of history which, to the outer world, have long been embedded in her own bosom, like the rich ores of her mountains. And, while her historians have not been idle in garnering up many of her deeds, yet they have not been emblazoned to the world, nor the generations imbued with their teaching. All the nurseries of the land ought to be made vocal with Carolina's songs, and our juvenile orators ought to make them ring in scholastic declamation, in the one hundred and forty thousand schools and colleges in the land. It is too true that all our Southern States have indulged in a literary stupefaction, while other States have furnished our school and nursery literature, in which, with excusable vanity, they have painted the thrilling incidents of their own history. It is time we were tearing the poppies from our brows, and adorning them with the bays and the laurels. We have deeds and heroes that are worthy the tongue of a Demosthenes, and the harp of a Homer. But I did not come to chide you, whose patriotism and gratitude have risen to ecstasy on this occasion. Your sympathies are now in electric communication with the past, and your hearts are warm with its inspiration. You are yearning to hear and will not be wearied with even a repetition of some of the deeds of your fathers. The news of the passage of the Stamp Act fell upon North Caro- lina like a spark into a powder magazine. The explosion of indig- nation shook the Colony to its center, while John Ashe, the Speaker of the General Assembly, rang the articulate echo into the ear of Governor Tryon, "this law will be resisted to blood AND death." When the sloop of war. Diligence, anchored in the Cape Fear, with stamped paper for the use of the Colony, the brave men of Hanover and Brunswick, headed by the heroic Ashe and Waddell, prohibited the terrified Captain from landing the cargo. From thence they marched to Wilmington, besieged the Governor's palace, and extorted from him a pledge, and swore his Stamp Mas- ter, not to attempt the execution of the law. Here the King, Par- liament and Viceroy were all defied. Here we have an act far transcending in daring the Boston Tea Party, who were disguised as Indians to escape identity; while here the act was performed in open day, the parties were without dis- guise and known, and it was because they were known that the Governor capitulated in his castle. And yet the feat of tumbling the tea into Boston harbor is knowii to every school boy in the land, and the last celebration of the event was held in the rotunda of the National Capitol. All the histories of North Carolina concur in the fact that it suffered more from the insults, extortions and oppressions of the government officials than any other one of the American Colonies. With but few exceptions, all the Governors, from Sir Wm. Berkley to Josiah Martin, seem to regard the Colony but as a royal planta- tion, the people but as serfs, the true object of government but a source of thrift to its officials, and the "sword but a sceptre." The clerks of the interior courts plundered the people by extor- tion, while the tax-gatherers, in some instances, stripped the farms of the work beasts, and the people of their apparel. Smarting under such misrule, the people sought redress from the courts ; but there they were met with mockery. They indicted Edmund Fanning for extortion, but he being one of the minions of the Governor, and through the over-awing presence of the Governor at the trial, was fined only six cents, though convicted of the infamous offense. The insult rolled like a burning wave over the people. All their efforts had been baffled, all their expedients exhausted, save the God given right to defend themselves. They were familiar with the hereditary teachings, that the King and Parliament were the sources of power; but they now resolved to begin at the other end, and assert that the people were the true sources of power. To meet the aggressions of the Governor and his subalterns, according to the distinguished historian of North Caro- lina, Mr. Wheeler, in April, 1768, a formidable body of the people organized themselves into an association for regulating public grievances, and the abuse of power. Hence the name was given to them of "Regulators." Clearly distinguishing between liberty and licentiousness, they resolved "to pay only sifch taxes as were agreeable to law, and to pay no officer more Jhan his legal fees." After three years of aggression on the one side, and of resistance on the other, Governor Tryon marched with 1,100 men, with artillery and banners, to meet the Regulators, about 2,000 of whom had hastily collected on the banks of the Alamance. And here was the first battle shock on the soil of an American Colony, in resistance to British oj)pression. The Regulators were beaten, after exhausting their ammunition, leaving twenty dead and several wounded on the field. Of the royal troops, sixty-one were killed, wounded and missing. The Governor marched his victorious army through the country, confis- cating property, burning houses, and administering forced oaths of loyalty to the people. For this ignoble triumph of tyranny over liberty, the Governor was applauded by the home government, and he was rewarded by his promotion to the Governorship of New York. Some of the Regulators were executed, some were pardoned upon taking the oath, while others crossed the mountain, bearing with them the unconquered love of liberty, and the undying hatred of tyranny — destined to reappear upon another field and to exchange the odium of the outlaw for the glory of the patriot. Fortunate it was that they were defeated. Success then would have drifted them into the horrors of civil war. Many good men and patriots who did not comprehend the magnitude of their grievances, fought against them. Besides, the other colonies were not then ripe for revolution. Nevertheless, the fact is immortal, that theirs icas the * first battle — theirs was the first libation of blood — theirs was the first vicarious sacrifice offered on the altar of American liberty. Let not a breath soil the fame of the patiots of Alamance. Their battle stood upon as high ground of merit as the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, and all other battles before the 4th July, 1776 — resist- ance to oppression. They were the Hampdens and Sidneys of America, and they deserve a monument heaven-high to their memory. Let no one despise the day of small things. The pebble in the brook may change the course of the river, which afterwards bursts through mountain barriers and floats a nation's commerce. So one bold resolve may change the course of empire. In a few years all the Colonies were caught in the draught and were borne along on the rushing tide of revolution. I shall not offend your intelligence by going into the general details of the American Revolution. The most of them are consecrated by song, tradition and history. Passing over the discussion of the stamp act, the fishery act, the tea duty and the Boston port bill, I 5. pause only to remark that, according to Mr. Bancroft, "American independence, like the great rivers of the country, had many sources, but the head spring M^hich colored all the rest, was the navigation act." Amidst the reigning discord preceding the revolution, the colo- nial statesmen and patriots were too sagacious to be deceived by the devices of the British Parliament and machinations of the Tory Ministry of George the III. George the III., with an obstinacy only equalled by his tyranny, persisted in a policy which, according to James Otis, "cost one King of England his head and another his throne," and, it may be added, which cost George the III. his American Colonies. The ground texts of the American Colonies were, "No taxation without EEPRESENTATION." " RESISTANCE TO TYRANNY IS OBEDIENCE TO God." All the Colonies were now burning with resistance. The news of the battle of Lexington resounded from Nova Scotia to Florida. It was borne by relays of heralds, day and night, all along the coast of the Atlantic, and from the coast to the mountains; the Alleghanies shouted it to the Cumberland, awakening the set- lers on the Watauga, and sending echoes far beyond to the hunters of Kentucky, who on receiving the news, named their camping ground Lexington, now the site of a flourishing city, in memory of the battle-ground which had been consecrated by the blood of the patriots. Upon receiving the news the patriots of Mecklenburg swarmed from the "Hornet's Nest." They met in convention on the 19th, and continued their session into the 20th of May, 1775; on which day they gave to the world the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. This declaration was not the child of a patriotic frenzy, which was not expected to outlive the paroxysm which gave it birth. It was the result of profound wisdom, sagacity and states- manship. Casting their reflection beyond the irritating causes of the hour, we can imagine some of the grave questions which pressed upon their consideration. For example : That the American Colonies were firmly planted, as political governments, in a territory as large as the whole of Europe, and that England could not fill up the territorial vacuum in ages with her disposable population ; that there was ample room for all the tides of immigration pouring in from England, Ireland, Scotland, France and Germany ; that they all would be needed for strength and protection, and such were their affinities of race, that when run through a common hopper, "they would come out Ameri- cans in the grist ;" that the three thousand miles of Atlantic waves that rolled Ibetween them and the Mother Country would prove an impassable gulf to their equal rights as Englishmen ; that Europe had been a battle-field for a century, and that those wars which turned kingdoms upside down, drenched them with blood, and impoverished the people, frequently extended their sweep to the dis- tant colonies of the contending parties, and made them objects of plunder and conquest. And fresh before their eyes was the bloody history of the Spanish and Austrian succession, the war between Peter the Great and Charles XII, and the seven years war instigated by Maria Theresa, for the recovery of Silesia, involving Austria, Russia, France, Sweden and Poland on the one side, and Prussia and England on the other, and catching in the outer circle of the vortex the colonial dependencies on the coast of Africa, in the East and West Indies, and the Colonies in North America. The frontiers of the American Colonies were still bleeding with what was known as the French and Indian war, (being part of European war,) which ra^-ed from the heights of Abraham to the Ohio. In the line of the same reflection, they saw, as an outgrowth of this European policy, which required so much blood and treasure to support the royal felons in their diversions "with human heads and cannon balls," that it would recoil on their respective gevernments and culminate in oppressive taxation. They saw that they were already pursued with the fierce avarice of the Mother Country, and that the fruits of all their labor were subsidized to support the extravagance of the home government, with one hand reaching to her East India possessions and with the other reaching to her American Colonies, for revenues, and by her navigation act asserting absolute control over the commerce of the Colonies. And when they looked into the breast of their own Colony, they saw it lacerated and torn with the rugged harrow of extortion and taxation; and in Governor Tryon they saw a scourge and a tyrant, who had his counterpart in Warren Hastings, the rapacious Governor of British India. Following the logical drift of reflection to the end, they saw that if they stood still they would for- ever remain provincial tributaries to the Mother Country, doomed to political slavery, perhaps like Sepoys, farmed out to the rapacity of an East India company. If they resisted without dissolving their political bands, they M'ould be regarded by the nations of the earth as in rebellion against the English government, and while they might enlist their sympathies, they could not gain their alli- ance. Thus cut off from a national future — without guaranties for life, liberty, property or domestic happiness — with no assurance of foreign aid — with no star of hope, with no bow of promise painted on the lowering future — they turned their eyes from this picture of appalling gloom. With faith in God, they saw no path of escape except that which was illumined by the light which flashes from the patriot's sword. They saw no sovereign remedy for their direful woes, except in absolute and unconditional independence. And they were the PiEST to reach the height of this great conclusion, and the first to embody it in a high eesolve upon the American continent. In full view of the gibbets of Alamance — with a full conviction that they would have to toil up a path, slippery with blood, to the grandeur of independence, yet their patroism and courage towered and expanded before the danger, and burning the bridge behind them, "they hung their banners on the outer walls." All honor to the twenty-seven noble signers of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence ! Eulogy can not over-draw their praise, nor admiration surpass their merit. Let each name be con- secrated to Freedom, and each find a sanctuary in every patriot's heart. But some would make the disparaging insinuation that their Declaration was but the expression of a prevailing sentiment at the time. The facts of history do not sustain the position. Washing- ton "abhorred the idea of independence" when he took command of the army, and he rolled the tide of war about one year before he was committed to the idea. Mr. Jefferson, in a letter dated 25th August, 1775, said he ''would rather be in dependence on Great Britian, properly limited, than on any other nation upon earth," but added, "rather than sub- mit to the right of legislating for us assumed by the British Parlia- ment, would lend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean." Joseph Galloway, at one time Speaker of the House of Pennsyl- vania, on his examination before the House of Commons, in a Com- mittee on American Papers, on the 16th June, 1779, said, "I do not believe, from the best knowledge I have of the state of America at that time, (the time when the people took up arms) that one fifth of the people had independence in view." In the Provincial Congress, AVatertown, Massachusetts, on the 26th of April, 1775, seven days after the battle of Lexington, "an address to the inhabitants of Great Britain" was adopted, contain- ing the following passage : "They (the British Ministry) have not detached us from our Royal Sovereign ; we profess to be his loyal and dutiful subjects ; and so hardly dealt with as we have been, are still ready, with our lives and fortunes, to defend his person, family, crown and dignity; nevertheless, to the persecution and tyranny of his cruel Ministry, we will not tamely submit." On the 8th of July, 1775, every member of the Provisional Con- gress signed a petition to the King, stating that they "have not raised armies with the ambitious design of separating from Great Britain and establishing independence." Other evidences might be multiplied to the same effect. None of these had the ring of the old Mecklenburg Declaration ; but they show the fact, that up to 4th of July, 1776, the continental war was waged for the redress of grievances, and not for independence. Thus it is clear, that the morning star of American independence first rose upon the field of Mecklenburg. But some have gone so far as to doubt the main fact of the Mecklenburg Declaration. The origin of this historical skepticism is, perhaps, traceable to the letter of Mr. Jefferson, of July 9, 1819, in reply to a letter of Mr. John Adams, in which he says, "I believe it is spurious." Mr. Jefferson did not deny the fact, but he did not believe it. However great his fame for states- manship and knowledge, his incredulity should not be substituted for fact. The same remark is applicable to Mr. Adams, who said in his letter to Mr. Jefferson, "If I had possessed it I would have made the halls of Congress echo and re-echo with it fifteen months before your declaration of independence." But while Mr. Adams would thus have "sung the glories of ISIecklenburg," his own Pro- vincial Congress, as shown before, would have been singing loyalty to the British King. With but poor facilities for collecting and preserving the treas- ures of our revolutionary history, no doubt many important facts did not come to the knowledge of either Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Adams. Mr. Adams, being a witness himself, in a note dated "Quincy, January 3, 1817," addressed to the editor of Niles Register, said, "In plain English, and in a few words, I consider the true history of the American Revolution, and of the establishment of our present constitutions, as lost forever." While this was his opinion, it was also true, that facts buried to one generation, may be disinterred to another. Archteologists are now recovering, from the detritus of ages, the missing links in the chain of history. But some, in the face of evidence, will doubt the facts of history^ Lord Byron said : "I've stood upon Achilles' tomb, And heard Troy doubted ; time will doubt of Eome." If Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams could have seen the mass of tes- timony which lay concealed below the crust of nearly a half century, but since accumulated, they never would have doubted the Meck- lenburg Declaration. Without going into elaborate details, it may be stated that any doubt, as to the fact of the Mecklenburg Declara- tion, is fully met and overwhelmed by the tradition of a century; by the official testimony of Governor Wright, of the Province of Georgia, and of Governor Martin, of North Carolina, copied from the British archives under the supervision of Mr. Bancroft ; by a contemporary publication in the Cape Fear Mercury; by the testi- mony of Captain Jack, who bore a copy to the Continental Con- gress ; by proof of copies of the original resolutions ; by the proceed- ings of the Mecklenburg committee, on the 31st of May,. 1775, which evidently derived their authority to act from the resolutions of May 20th; by proof of witnesses, taken by authority of the Legislature of North Carolina, who were present at the reading of the resolutions, and heard the shouts of the enthusiastic multitude ; by the able lectures of Dr. Hawks and Governor Swain ; by the indorsement of the historians of North Carolina, Martin, Jones, Caruthers, Williamson, Foote and Wheeler; by Ramsey and Put- nam, historians of Tennessee ; by the historians, Holmes and Alex- ander H. Stevens, in their histories of the United States ; by Gov- ernor George R. Gilmer, in his book called the " Georgians ;" by Dillon, the historian of Indiana, in his " Historical Evidence of the Government of the United States," copying from the "Ameri- can Archives;" by Chief Justice Nicholson, of Tennessee, in his eulogy on the late President Polk ; by the Legislature of the State of Tennessee ; by the great historian, Washington Irving, in his life of Washington ; by the masterly array of incontrovertible facts by Governor William A. Graham ; by the celebrations of a half century; by the centennial celebration of this day, with the one hundred rounds of the booming cannon and the tens of thousands- present who give credence to the immortal fact. With the expiring moments of the present century, let every whisper of incredulity be hushed, and let the door of controversy be forever shut on the subject. 10 Let your lingering monument to their memory, under a new im- pulse, soar to the overarching blue, and let it stand until it grows gray with the centuries. The patriots of Mecklenburg made absolute and unconditional renunciation of allegiance to the King. They restricted their allegi- ance "