hfk^^All t- LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. ^P'/rfPy ^-7/ LIFE TV I ANDREW JACKSON. JAMES PARTON, AUTHOR OF "life AND TIMES OF AARON BURR," "LIFE AND TIMES OP BENJAMIN FRANKLIN," ETC. ' Desperate Courage makes One a Majority.' IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. II. BOSTON: FIELDS, OSGOOD, & CO, 1870. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860, bt mason brothers, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New York. CONTENTS. PASS CHAPTER I. NEW ORLEANS 11 CHAPTER 11. ARRIVAL OF GENERAL JACKSON ;... 23 CHAPTER III. RENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET 3? CHAPTER IV. THE AMERICAN TROOPS B6 CHAPTER V. JACKSON GOES TO MEET THE ENEMY. 69 CHAPTER VI. AFTERNOON IN THE BRITISH CAMP 79 CHAPTER VII. DECEMBER TWENTY-THIRD 83 CHAPTER VIII. AFTER THE BATTLE 102 CHAPTER IX. DECEMBER TWENTY-FOURTH 109 CHAPTER X. AN EARNEST CHRISTMAS.... ,. 118 CHAPTER XI. . THE LAST OF THE CAROLINA 129 J ^^^ CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. '*" GENERAL PACKENHAM MAKES A GIUND RECONNOISSANCE 135 CHAPTER XIII. WHAT NEXT ?. . . 148 CHAPTER XIY NEW YEAR'S DAY IK CHAPTER XV. FINAL PREPARATIONS. 166 CHAPTER XVI. THE EIGHTH OF JANUARY.... 186 CHAPTER XVII. THE OTHER SIDE OF THE RIVER CHAPTER XVIII. THE LADIES IN NEW ORLEANS CHAPTER XIX. THE DAY AFTER THE BATTLE 232 CHAPTER XX. THE NEWS AT THE NORTH 241 CHAPTER XXI FLIGHT OF THE ENGLISH.... 259 CHAPTER XXII. EXECUTION OF SIX MILITIAMEN 277 CHAPTER XXIII. THE ARRESTS AT NEW ORLEANS 300 CHAPTER XXIV. HOME IN TRIUMPH 323 CHAPTER XXV. THE GENERAL RETAINS HIS COMMISSION... 213 223 339 CHAPTER XXVI PRESIDENT-MAKING IN 1816. 343 CONTENTS. IX PAQB CHAPTER XXVir. CORRESPONDENCE WITH JAMES MONROE 365 CHAPTER XXVIII. HOSTILE CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT 3T1 CHAPTER XXIX. HOSTILE CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL ADAIR 383 CHAPTER XXX. THE FURTHER EXPLOITS OF COLONEL NICHOLS .. 391 CHAPTER XXXI. A RED-HOT SHOT AT THE NEGRO FORT 397 CHAPTER XXXII. THE SEMINOLES FIND NEW FRIENDS 407 CHAPTER XXXIII. FILLIBUSTERS IN FLORIDA 421 CHAPTER XXXIV. ATTACK UPON FOWLTOWN AND ITS CONSEQUENCES 427 CHAPTER XXXV. "PROMPTITUDE" 439 CHAPTER XXXVI. EXECUTION OF ARBUTHNOT AND AMBRISTER 463 CHAPTER XXXVII. EN COLLISION WITH THE GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA , 483 CHAPTER XXXVIII. GENERAL JACKSON'S SECOND VISIT TO PENSACOLA 498 CHAPTER XXXIX. THE ADMINISTRATION PERPLEXED 806 X CONTENTS. PAoa CHAPTER XL. VERDICT OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 533 CHAPTER XLI. A CHAPTER OP GLORY 65T CHAPTER XLII. GENERAL JACKSON MEETS SILAS DINSMORE 5T6 CHAPTER XLIII. GENERAL JACKSON TAKES LEAVE OP THE ARMY 582 CHAPTER XLIV. THE GOVERNOR TAKES POSSESSION 594 CHAPTER XLV. THE GOVERNOR IS DISAPPOINTED 60T CHAPTER XLVI. COLONEL CALLAVA IN THE CALABOOSE 614 CHAPTER XLVII. THE NEW HERMITAGE AND ITS INMATES 639 CHAPTER XLVni. SIX RICHMONDS IN THE FIELD 662 APPENDIX. THE CESSION OP FLORIDA 671 CHAPTER I- jIEW ORLEANS. T . + finrl the entrance to the great 0.. would have t^^^^ ^^^^.f i^ting than any of onv Valley of the M'^^'^^W J« ^^^^ /ew York havbor Dela- continent's Atlantic Petals sud. ^^^^^ ^^ l,t, ,t ware hay, the Chesapeake theb^ ^^ ^^^ Mrss.ss.ppr least, have been «Pf<=ted,*^* ^"^'^^ ^Hh a certain gi-andeu Uu d have poured rtself rnto te sea ^^ ^^^^^ „ and decision. Onee it f^^^^ltef^ when whales sported years ago, as Sir Charles Lyellconiput-, .^ ^^^^ ^^^ '.here now the aUigator^f tho M ^^^ ^^^^^^^^^ les wet laud, when the line of «" [ ""l^^^^,, ^„„th was near the north of where it now is, »d *he iwe ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ bU of B^^^^^^rur* J— »-^^*ii'"ir: :Xe"f;^;<--^-;:*tran.e^ And thinking it --»;-*t irt ^t of a single indi- lieve so startling -J^tstaTders for confirniation I '^^?i,^: Ttlt?' slid InJof tbeni ; " for U was only lUst I covered during the great hurricane. 12 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814, It is such a dead level throughout the Delta of the Mis- sissippi that the forests, as seen in the distance from the river, look like a line of highlands. In all Louisiana there is not a hill two hundred feet high. The streets of Now Orleans are only nine feet above the level of the Gulf of Mexico. The Mississippi is apparently the most irresolute of rivers; the bed upon which it lies cannot long hold it in its soft em- brace. Wearing away the concave side of its numberless bends, rushing through new channels, slicing off acres in an hour, leaving lakes where it found forests, holding dissolved in its yellow tide land enough for a plantation, and cairying down in one season more trees than the Black Forest can boast, it reaches at last the Delta — that cesspool and general emptying- place for half a continent. Arriving there with its deep, narrow volume of waters — two hundred rivers in one — it can no longer contain itself, but breaks into several' channels, and jjushes its way through the black ooze of its own depositing, in a manner which looks helpless and sprawling, but which is in reality the shortest and directest way by which that pro- digious torrent could find its way to the deep waters of the Gulf. There are so many streams, bayous, lagoons and branches of the great river in the Delta, that it looks on the map like a damaged spider's web, with New Orleans in the midst thereof representing the spider. This dismal and amphibious region, this great Slough of Despond, is the crowning marvel and mystery of the Missis- sippi river. It is a forming world. Nature is there, as at Niagara, caught in the act. That dreary scene of impassable swamp, trembling i:)rairie, firm prairie through which men dig for fish, stagnant bayou, rank reeds, dense forest, and hab- itable land, is geology transacting openly before men's eyes. The materials with which nature works are lying about loose, subject to inspection. Dead level as it is, the mass of de- posited matter is inconceivable. They have bored down int"" the, Delta six hundred feet, without piercing through to th original bottom of the Gulf; finding still the trunks and stumps of forests that once waved their foliage over th | 1814.] NEWOELEANS. 13 stream. Yet nearly the entire mass is as incohesive as when the river first left it on the shore. The explanation of the simple process by which a nanow strip of land along the banks of the main river became, in the progress of ages, firm enough for man's uses, will best de- scribe the scene of the events about to be related. The banks of the Mississippi in the Delta, says Lyell, are higher than the swamps adjacent, because, when the river overflows, the coarser part of the sediment is deposited first where the speed of the current is first checked. " The water usually runs there with a gentle current among herbage, reeds and shrubs; and is nearly filtered of its, earthy ingi'edients before it arrives at the swamps." Thus, the features of the scene along the river are four in number : first, there is the river itself, half a mile wide ; secondly, the levee, or edge of the river banks, now increased in height and breadth by the hand of man ; thirdly, a strip of arable, rich land, a mile wide ; fourthly, he swamp, impassable, though thickly wooded. That long 'p of firm land, pleasant now to look upon, with its plant- 'llas and fields of sugar, is the wealth of the Delta, ocpt where the city interrupts, it was and is a series of plantations, which usually extend from the river to the swamp, and are separated from each other by canals, ditches and fences. Water, water everywhere ; not only on, under, and in the earth, but in the air also. The water of the river, flow- ing down from colder regions, meets in the Delta the south wind from the Gulf. Fog is the instantaneous result. In the winter months, fogs of the densest description frequently overspread the river and the line of plantations, coming and going with the south wind. In a few minutes erery object I is hidden from view. As speedily, when the wind changes or the warm sun rises, the mist breaks away and disappears. 1 all the affairs of man transacted during the winter months .' this singular, unfinished region, whether those affairs be ^aceful or warlike, fog plays an important part. On the last of the great bends of the Mississippi, one hun- 14 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. dred and five miles from its mouth, in a part of the Ime ot habitable land, selected originally by chance, but which proved to be fhe best spot in the Delta for a city, with the Mississippi in front of it, and those two large, shallow bays, called Lake Pontchartrain and Lake Borgne, close behind it, stands the city of New Orleans. It is, necessarily, a crescent city. Though it now extends back in one direction seven miles, yet it can never have a general breadth of more than two until the river has filled in the shores of Lake Borgne. In 1814, when the cotton trade and sugar culture were in their infancy, and when no steamboat had yet ascended the Mississippi, New Orleans was neither a rich nor a populous city. It contained twenty thousand inhabitants. Its mer- chants were but petty traders, compared with the sugar lords and cotton kings of the present day. Nolte, the veracious, declares that not a merchant of New Orleans then possessed an independent caj)ital of an amount sufficient for speculative operations in cotton. The war, moreover, had deprived the city of all its business, and nearly the whole population was reduced to idleness and ill humor. Of money there was so little in the city that dollars were cut into small pieces for change. Yet New Orleans would have been a rich prize to th' enemy. Cotton was then selling in England at two shillinr a pound, and the manufacturing interest was beginning to 1 clamorous for a freer supply and lower prices. At New Oi- lcans were stored one hundred and fifty thousand bales cotton, the product of two years culture, worth in Ent; more than half a million sterling ; all of which, a Loi , ministerial paper informed the manufacturers of Manche? would soon be thrown into the market. And so it was ; not precisely in the manner hinted at in the London nC paper. Besides this vast store of cotton, there were ten thousand hogsheads of sugar in the city, worth a million and a quarter of dollars, and a great number of sea-going vessels lying along the levee, uninhabited, their seams yawning in the Bun. As the attempt to capture New Orleans cost England 1814.] NEW ORLEANS. 16 a million sterling, the expedition might have paid its ex- penses in mere plunder, if the attempt had succeeded. The twenty thousand inhabitants of New Orleans — who and what were they ? Precise information on this point can not be procured at this late day. French Creoles were the basis and majority of the population ; an indolent, pleasure- loving race, devoid of enterprise, and hard to move from the luxurious routine of their existence. Many Spaniards were resident there, the relics of the ancient regime. But the American residents were the life and enterprise of the place ; men of an adventurous cast of character, many of whom had left their native States for reasons which they were not accus- tomed to mention in polite companies. The rascals of all nations were largely represented. For fugitives and adven- turers, it was the Texas of a later day, and the San Francisco of the present. And there was a floating multitude of sailors, merchants, supercargoes, and other miscellaneous individuals, detained in the city by the war, unemployed, restless, discon- tented. It has been asserted a thousand times that the attach- ment of the Louisianians to the United States was neither general nor decided at this period. Governor Claiborne him- self was of that opinion, which he communicated to Greneral Jackson, and through him to history. Not only did the events of the succeeding winter gloriously disprove the charge, but investigation now enables us to show precisely how it arose. Between Governor Claiborne and a majority of the legis- lature there existed a bitter and long-standing feud. It dated as far back as 1806, when the Governor gave deep of- fence to a large number of the people by zealously seconding the measures of General Wilkinson, in crushing the enter- prise of Aaron Burr against Texas and Mexico. In 1812, when Louisiana was admitted into the Union, Claiborne was elected the first governor of the State, but soon found him- self involved in fierce hostility with the legislature. A com- plete history of this difierence would lead us too far from our 16 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. object, and would be alike needless and uninteresting ; but a single occurrence of the spring session of 1814 will suffice to show the state of feeling existing between the executive and legislative powers. The resignation of a judge left a vacancy on the bench of the supreme court, to supply which the gov- ernor sent a respectable nomination to the legislature. That body refused to confirm the nomination. A second name was sent in by the governor with the same result. A third, a fourth, a fifth nomination was made, and still the irate legis- lature refused to confirm. Then the legislature sent a name to the governor, intimating that that was the gentleman, and he only, who would be acceptable. The governor, resenting this interference with his prerogative, declined to nominate the legislative favorite. After a " stormy session of two months," the legislature adjourned, leaving the judgeship vacant, and Governor Claiborne in the worst possible humor.* Each of these hostile powers had, as a matter of course, embittered partisans among the people. To this cause is partly to be attributed an event of which Governor Claiborne complains in one of his letters to Jackson. A requisition of a thousand militia had been made to assist in avenging the massacre of Fort Mims and reducing the Creeks to subjec- tion. The militia refused, point-blank, to leave the State, alleging that the forces of Louisiana were no more than suf- ficient for its own protection. If the State should be invaded, of which there was danger, they would be found prompt to expel the invader, but until that occurred they should remain at home. That the people and their rulers were divided among themselves ; that party spirit ran high ; that personal ani- mosities were numerous and bitter ; that the old population distrusted the new settlers, and the new settlers the old popu- lation, neither believing that the other luould risk life and fortune in defense of their homes and country, is evidently true. But that there was any considerable or respectable * Letter from New Orleans in N. T. Evening Post, summer of 1814. 1814.] NEWORLEANS. ' 17 party in the State ill-affected or disloyal to the United States, will never be asserted by any one who looks closely into the history of the period. Governor Claiborne, a worthy son of Virginia, a man of revolutionary ancestry, was entirely patri- otic in his feelings and well-intentioned in his measures. The Legislature was factious and inefficient. It contained a strong French element, and the French are wanting in the legislative faculty. The people were divided among themselves, fond of their ease, incredulous of the threatened danger, distrust- ful of their rulers and of one another, and in such a temper generally that no power within themselves could reunite or rouse them to exertion. Accordingly, nothing effective was done, or proposed, for the defense of the city as late as the middle of September. The British force that was beaten off and put to flight by the little garrison of Fort Bowyer could have taken New Orleans, if they had known exactly where to land, and by what road to march. They could have gone quietly into the public square of New Orleans and there encamped, without firing a shot or seeing an armed man. The singular effects produced upon the official mind by the arrival of Jean Lafitte's pregnant packet of papers we have seen. The publication of those papers, however, about the 12th of September, had results of a different character. There was a man among the people of New Orleans who knew too well the character of the Barratarian chiefs not to believe implicitly their word, and too intelligent not to com- prehend all the importance of their communications. That man, as before intimated, was Edward Livingston, the legal adviser of the Laiittes. Edward Livingston plays a first part in the career of An- drew Jackson. They met upon the threshold of their public li fe, and it so chanced that at each of the three great crises jf Jack- son's life Edward Livingston was by his side, always his able, his faithful, his eloquent ally. He is a man whose character aeeds elucidation and should have it. He was a much abler md better man than most of the American statesmen whos9 VOL. II. — 2 18 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. names are as familiar in our ears as household words. Touch- mg his moral charactec, some evil things are said— many noble and heroic things are known. To his talents and energy all his contemporaries testify. Born upon one of the hereditary estates of the Livings- tons^ in the State of New York, his early career at the bar and in Congress gave promise of the most splendid results to himself and to his country. Among the young men who be- lieved in Jefferson and democracy there was none whose ser- vices in battling with the reactionary ideas of Hamilton and Adams were more highly valued by Mr. Jefferson than his. His epeech against the Alien Bill was printed on satin, and hung up in thousands of the taverns and parlors of the democratic States. He saw them himself in the western country years after the odious law was repealed. He was one of the inti- mates of Aaron Burr, and I infer, from several particular circumstances, as well as from the general course of his early life, that the showy character of Burr was not without its in- fluence upon him. But this is only inference. Burr's lavish and wrong generosity, his fondness for dashing speculation his skill m the subtleties of the law and the mysteries of politics, his interest in codifying, as evinced by his passionate admiration of Jeremy Bentham, his perfect courage and won- derful tenacity of purpose, I am reminded of in reading of the character and deeds of Edward Livingston I see no credible traces of that laxity of moral principle, partly his own,^ partly belonging to his age, which marred much of Burr's career, and rendered his ruin irremediable. inr ■^^''''''Sston, too, was a ruined man, when Burr fell at Wechawken. Eeturning from Congress in 1801, he was appointed by President Jefferson Attorney for the United States for the State of New York, and by the Governor of tnat State Mayor of the city ; offices which yielded him a large revenue. It was Edward Livingston who, in 1803 as Mayor of the city, laid the foundation stone of our fine City Hall, m the presence of a vast assemblage, and gave, says the old newspapers, a hundred dollars as drink-money to the » 1814.] NEW ORLEANS. 19 workmen. During the prevalence of the yellow fever in New York, in 1803, the conduct of the Mayor was all that it could be of daring and humane. He kept a list of all the infected houses, and visited them every day, saving lives that have not yet all run their course. At length his own turn came. He was prostrated with the fell disease. " Then," he used to' say,* " I received the reward of what I had done for the peo- ple. As soon as it was known that I was in danger, the street in whiqii my house was situated was blocked by the crowd." Young people strove for the privilege of watching by his bed side, and every delicacy the city afibrded was sent in to him. He recovered to find himself a defaulter to the general gov- ernment to the amount of fifty thousand dollars, through the misconduct of his subordinates. He resigned both his offices; gave up his property; left his home and the scene of his early triumphs ; and did what Aaron Burr ought to have done, but had not the moral strength to do ; he went to New Orleans, and began again the practice of the law at the bot- tom of the ladder. It was not difficult for a man of his endowments and celebrity to reach speedily the first position at the bar of the South-west. But he was in search of rapid fortune, and en- gaged in a great land speculation, which embroiled him with Jefferson, involved him in long litigation, and made him un- justly odious to the Creoles of New Orleans. Sympathizing, as it appears, with the schemes of Burr for the conquest of Mexico, he led the American residents in their opposition to the high-handed measures of Wilkinson in crushing that en- terprise, and defended the confederates at the bar. He gave the Lafittes the aid of his legal talents ; and the moral feel- ing of that time does not seem to have revolted at the con- nection between those smugglers and a man who had been a conspicuous member of Congress, and was the leader of the bar and of the society of New Orleans. Nolte, it is true, speaks of Livingston as a man of no principle, and retails * Democratic Review, vol. viiL 20 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 much scandal respecting his alleged sharp and unscrupulous practice of the law. But Nolte, besides being evidently the mere echo of the floating gossip of New Orleans, is a man who is incapable by nature of uttering, because he is incapa- ble by nature of knowing, the unadulterated truth. But if the professional life of Edward Livingston presents him sometimes in a doubtful light, his public actions seem to be altogether great and noble, and worthy of his honorable name. As a defender in arms of his adopted State, as ^ leader ' of the people in the day of peril, as the codifier of their laws, as a wise and humane writer upon penal law, as the potent ally of Jackson, when Jackson was most in the right, he ren- dered such services as neither Louisiana nor the United States can forget. An anecdote, showing the quiet strength of this man's character, will be pardoned here, before we proceed. He had completed his great work on penal law, the result of three years' arduous toil. " Before it was delivered to the printer, anxious that no errors might remain in it, he passed a great part of the night in comparing it himself with the original draught. He went to bed at a late hour, with the pleasing reflection of having finished a most laborious task. Not long afterwards he was awakened by a cry of fire, which was found to proceed from the room where his papers had been left. They were all consumed. Not a note or memorandum was saved. Though stunned at first by the sudden misfortune, his equanimity and industry soon led him to repair it. Be- fore the close of the same day he quietly commenced the task of re-composition ; and, in two years afterward, he pre- sented his work to the Legislature of Louisiana, in a shape more perfect than that in which it originally, was." * Upon reading the papers forwarded by Lafitte, Livingston caused a meeting of the citizens of New Orleans to be con- vened at Tremoulet's coffee-house, to concert measures for de- fense, and to repel the insinuations of Nichol's proclamation. The meeting occurred on the 15th of September. Upon tak- * National Portrait Gallery. 1814.] NEW ORLEANS. 21 ing the chair, Livingston presented a series of spiiited reso- lutions, breathing union and defiance, and supported them by a speech of stirring eloquence. They were passed by accla- mation. A Committee of Public Defense, nine in number, with Edward Livingston at its head, was appointed, and di- rected to prepare an address to the people of the State. The meeting adjourned ; and the spirit that was to save the city began to live in the hearts of the people, The address of the Committee of Public Defense, written by the master-hand of the chairman, was soon promulgated, and contributed power- fully to rouse the apathetic and discordant community. This address, considering the circumstances, was really a masterpiece of composition. With all the requisite swell and animation of style, it was chiefly an artful appeal to self- interest, a play upon the fears of the slow and incredulous Creoles. " Fellow-citizens," began the concluding and clinch- ing paragraph, " tlie navigation of the Mississippi is as ne- cessaiy to two millions of our western brethren as the blood is to the pulsation of the heart. Those brave men, closely attached to the Union, will never suffer, whatever seducing offers may be made to them — they will never suffer the State of Louisiana to be subject to a foreign power, and should the events of war enable the enemy to occupy it, they will make every sacrifice to recover a country so necessary to their exist- ence. A war ruinous to you would be the consequence. The enemy, to whom you would have had the weakness to yield, would subject you to a military despotism, of all others the most dreadful ; your estates, your slaves, your persons would be put in requisition, and you would be forced at the point of the bayonet to fight against those very men whom you have voluntarily chosen for fellow-citizens and brethren." This address was widely circulated throughout the State, and served as a preparer-of-the-way for active operations. More than that it could not do. The publication of the ad- dress, and the gift of a saber to the commandant of Fort Bowyer, were the only acts of the Committee of Public De- fense that I find recorded. It may have induced the forma- 22 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 tion of new uniformed companies of volunteers ; it may have stimulated the militia to a more vigorous drill ; it may have induced the Governor to convene the Legislature ; hut its main effect was upon the feelings and the fears of the people. On the 5th of October the Legislature, in obedience to the summons of Governor Claiborne, assembled at New Or- leans. Factious and incredulous of danger, it did nothing, it attempted nothing for the defense of the city. Disputes of the most trivial character engrossed the minds of the mem- bers. One faction so hated the Governor that it was enough for him to propose or desire a measure for them to vote it down. A committee was named to inquire what was needful to be done for defense, but four weeks passed away before it reported, and then there was no need of its reporting. Thanks were voted to General Jackson for his recent services, and then the vote was reconsidered. It was proposed that the members should take an additional oath of fidelity to the United States ; and after wasting precious days in debate, the question was postponed. No money was appropriated ; no new forces were raised ; no law designed to annoy the enemy or preserve the city was passed. Not that there were not efficient and patriotic men in the Legislature ; but what can a few individuals ejffect in a body whose minds are as lethargic as their ill-temper is chronic, active and bitter ? Louis Louallier well described the state of things, in his Re- port as chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, pre- sented on the 22d of November, after the Legislature had been in session six weeks. " Are we always," he asked, " to see the several departments intrusted with our defense lan- guishing in inactivity, which would be inexcusable even in time of peace ? No proof of patriotism appears but in a disposition to avoid all expense, all fatigue. Nothing has yet been done. No success can be hoped for but by a course the very opposite of that hitherto. If the Legislature superadds its inaction to that of the community, capitulation, like that of Alexandria, must^ before long, be the result of such cul- pable negligence." 1814,] NEWOKLEANS. 23 Their leaders thus divided and inert, what could be ex- pected of the people ? It was a time of universal fault-find- ing. The people denounced the Legislature. The Legislature accused the Governor. The Governor divided the blame be- tween the Legislature and the people. The Creoles said the Americans were mere adventurers, who would not fight for the soil they did not love. The Americans had faith neither in the efficiency nor the loyalty of the Creoles. Both Ameri- cans and Creoles distrusted the floating population of Irish and French emigrants. All had some fear of an insurrection of the slaves. Every man had his scheme, or his system of measures, which, he knew, would save the city, if it were adopted. But none could bring any plan to bear, or get all the opportunity he wanted for making it known. In a word, there was no central power or man in New Orleans in whom the people sufficiently confided, or who pos- sessed the requisite lawful authority, to call out the resources of the State and direct them to the single object of defeating the expected invader. There was talent enough, patriotism enough, self-forgetting zeal enough. The uniting man alone was wanting ; a man of renown sufficient to inspire confi- dence — a man unknown to the local animosities, around whom all parties could rally without conceding anything to one another. Precisely such an individual, the very man of all others for such a time and scene, was close at hand. CHAPTEK II. ARKIVAL OF GENERAL JACKSON. Of the mode of General Jackson's entrance into New Or- leans we have a pleasant and picturesque account from the pen of Mr. Alexander Walker, a resident of the Crescent city, and author of the little work, entitled, " Jackson and New Orleans ;" one of the best-executed and most entertaining 24 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 pieces of American history in existence. What Mr. Walker has told so interestingly and well need not be told again in any words but his : — " The Bayou St. John empties into Lake Pontchartrain at a distance of seven miles from the city. Here, at its mouth, may be seen the remains, in an excellent state of preservation, of an old Spanish fort, which was built many years ago by one of the Spanish governors, as a protection of this important point ; for, by glancing at the map of New Orleans and its vicinity, it will be seen that a maritime power could find no easier approach to the city than through the Bayou St. John. This fort was built, as the Spaniards built all their fortifications in this State, where stone could not be procured, of small brick, imported from Europe, cemented with a much more adhesive and permanent material than is now used for building, and with walls of great thickness and solidity. The foundation and walls of the fort still remain, interesting vestiges of the old Spanish dominion. On the mound and within the walls stands a comfortable hotel, where, in the summer season, may be obtained healthful cheer, generous liquors, and a pleasant view of the placid and beautiful lake, over whose gentle bosom the sweet south wind comes with just power enough to raise a gentle ripple on its mirror-like surface, bringing joy and relief to the wearied townsman and debilitated invalid. What a diiferent scene did this fort present forty years ago ! Then there were large cannon looking frowningly through those embrasures, which are now filled up with dirt and rubbish, and around them clustered glittering bayonets and fierce-looking men, full of military ardor and fierce determination. There, too, was much of the reality, if not of ' the pomp and circumstance' of war. High above the fort, from the summit of a lofty staff, floated not the showy banner of old Spain, with its glit- tering and mysterious emblazonry, but that simplest and most beautiful of all national standards, the stars and stripes of the republic of the United States. " From the Fort St. John to the city the distance is six 1814.] ARKIVAL OF GENERAL JACKSON. 25 or seven miles. Along tlie bayou, whicli twists its sinuous course like a huge dark green serpent through the swamp, lies a good road, hardened by a pavement of shells, taken from the bottom of the lake. Hereon city Jehus now exer- cise their fast nags and lovely ladies take their evening air- ings. But at the time our narrative commences it was a very bad road, being low, muddy, and broken. The ride, which now occupies some twenty minutes very delightfully, was then a w^carisome two hours' journey. " It was along this road, early on the morning of the 2d December, 1814, that a party of gentlemen rode at a brisk trot from the lake towards the city. The mist, which during the night broods over the swamp, had not cleared off. The air was chilly, damp and uncomfortable. The travelers, how- ever, were evidently hardy men, accustomed to exposure, and intent upon purposes too absorbing to leave any consciousness of external discomforts. Though devoid of all military dis- play, and even of the ordinary equipments of soldiers, the bearing and appearance of these men betokened their connec- tion with the profession of arms. The chief of the party, which was composed of five or six persons, was a tall, gaunt man, of very erect carriage, with a countenance full of stern decision and fearless energy, but furrowed with care and anxiety. His complexion was sallow and unhealthy ; his hair was iron grey, and his body thin and emaciated, like that of one who had just recovered from a lingering and pain- ful sickness. But the fierce glare of his bright and hawk-like eye betrayed a soul and spirit which triumphed over all the infirmities of the body. His dress was simple and nearly threadbare. A small leather cap protected his head, and a short Spanish blue cloak his body, whilst his feet and legs were encased in high dragoon boots, long ignorant of polish 01 blacking; which reached to the knees. In age he ap- peared to have passed about forty-five winters — the season for which his stern and hardy nature seemed peculiarly adapted. " The others of the party were younger men, whose spirits 26 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. and movements were more elastic and careless, and who re- lieved the weariness of the journey with many a jovial story. " Arriving at the high ground near the junction of the Canal Carondelet with the Bayou St. John, where a bridge spanned the Bayou, and quite a village had grown up, the travelers halted before an old Spanish villa, and throwing their bridles to some grinning negro boys at the gates, dis- mounted and walked into the house. On entering the gal- lery they were received in a very cordial and courteous manner by J. Kilty Smith, Esq., then a leading New Orleans merchant of enterprise and public spirit, and who, a few months ago, still survived, one of the most venerable of that small band of the early American settlers in the great commercial emporium of the South, who, outliving several generations, still linger in green old age amid the scenes of their youthful struggles, and survey, with proud satisfaction, the greatness to which that city has grown, whose tender infancy they witnessed and helped to nurse and rear into a sturdy and robust maturity. On the bayou, in an agreeable suburban retreat, Mr. Smith had established himself. Here he dispensed a liberal hospi- taUty, and lived in such a style as was regarded in those economical days, and by the more frugal Spanish and French populations, as quite extravagant and luxurious. " Ushering them into the marble-paved hall of his old Spanish villa, Mr. Smith soon made his guests comfortable. It was evident that they were not unexpected. Soon the company were all seated at the breakfast table, which fairly groaned with the abundance of generous viands, prepared in that style of incomparable cookery for which the Creoles of Louisiana are so renowned. Of this rich and savory food the younger guests partook quite heartily ; but the elder and leader of the party was more careful and abstemious, confin- ing himself to some boiled hominy, whose whiteness rivaled that of the damask table-cloth. In the midst of the break- fast, and whilst the company were engaged in discussing the news of the day, a servant whispered to the host that he was wanted in the ante-room. . Excusing himself to his guests, 1814.] AKKIVAL OF GENERAL JACKSON. 27 Mr. Smith retired to the ante-room, and there found himself in the presence of an indignant and excited Creole lady, a neighbor, who had kindly consented to superintend the prepa- rations in Mr. Smith's bachelor establishment for the recep- tion of some distinguished strangers, and who in that behalf had imposed upoji herself a severe responsibility and labor. " ' Ah ! Mr. Smith,' exclaimed the deceived lady, in a half reproachful, half indignant style, ' how could you play such a trick upon me ? You asked me to get your house in order to receive a great G-eneral. I did so. I worked myself al- most to death to make your house com7ne il faut, and pre- pared a splendid dtjeCmer, and now I find that all my labor is thrown away upon an ugly, old Kaintuck-flat-boatman, instead of your grand General, with plumes, epaulettes, long sword, and moustache.' " It was in vain that Mr. Smith strove to remove the de- lusion from the mind of the irate lady, and convince her that that plainly-dressed, jaundiced, hard-featured, unshorn man, in the old blue coat and bullet buttons, was that famous warrior, Andrew Jackson. " It was, indeed, Andrew Jackson, who had come fresh from the glories and fatigue of his brilliant Indian campaigns, in this unostentatious manner, to the city which, he had been sent to protect from one of the most formidable perils that ever threatened a community. Cheerfully and happily had he embraced this awful responsibily. He had come to defend a defenseless city, situated in the most remote section of the Union — a city which had neither fleets nor forts, means nor men — a city whose population were comparatively strangers to that of the other States, who sprung from a different na- tional stock, and spoke a different language from that of the overwhelming majority of their countrymen — a language en- tirely unknown to the General — to defend it, too, against a power then victorious over the conqueror of the world, at whose feet the mighty Napoleon lay a prostrate victim and chained captive. " After partaking of then- breakfast, the General, taking 28 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 out his watcli, reminded his companions of the necessity of their early entrance into the city. In a few minutes carriages were procured, and the whole party rode toward the city by the old Bayou road. The General was accompanied by Major Hughes, commander of the Fort St. John, by Major Butler, and Captain Reid, his secretary, who afterwards became one of his biographers, Major Chotard, and other officers of the staff. The cavalcade proceeded to the elegant residence of Daniel Clark, the first representative of Louisiana in the Con- gress of the United States, a gentleman of Irish ■ extraction, who had acquired great influence, popularity, and wealth in the city, and died shortly after the commencement of the war of 1812. Here Jackson and his aids were met by a committee of the State and city authorities and of the people, at the head of whom was the Governor of the State, who, in earnest but rather rhetorical terms, welcomed the General to the city, and proffered him every aid of the authorities and the people, to enable him to justify the title which they were already con- ferring upon him of " Saviour of New Orleans." His Ex- cellency, W. C. C. Claiborne, the first American Governor of Louisiana, a Virginian of good address and fluent elocution, then in the bloom of life, was supported by the leading civil and military, characters of the city. There in the group was that redoubtable naval hero. Commodore Patterson, a stout, compact, gallant-bearing man, in the neat undress naval uni- form. His manner was slightly marked by hauteur, but hi^s movement and expression indicated the energy and boldness of a man of decided action, as well as confident bearing. " Here, too, was the then Mayor of New Orleans, Nicho- las Girod, a rotund, affable, pleasant old French gentleman, of easy, polite manners. There, too, was Edward Livingston, then the leading legal character in the city — a tall, high- shouldered man, of ungraceful figure and homely counte- nance, but whose high brow, and large, thoughtful eyes, indicated a profound and powerful intellect. By his side stood his youthful rival at the ^ar — an elegant, graceful, and showily-dressed gentleman, whose figure combined the com- 1814.] AKKIVAL OF GENEBAL JACKSON. 29 pact dignity and solidity of the soldier with the ease and grace of the man of fashion and taste, and who, as the sole survivor of those named, retained, in a remarkable degree, the elegance and grace which characterized his bearing forty years ago to the day of his very recent and lamented decease. We refer to John R. Grymes, so long the veteran and chief orna- ment of the New Orleans Bar. " Such were the leading personages in the assembly which greeted Jackson's entrance into New Orleans. " The General replied briefly to the welcome of the Gov- ernor. He declared that he had come to protect the city, and he would drive their enemies into the sea, or perish in the effort. He called on all good citizens to rally around him in this emergency, and, ceasing all differences and divisions, to unite with him in the patriotic resolve to save their city from the dishonor and disaster which a presumptuous enemy threatened to inflict upon it. This address was rendered into French by Mr. Livingston. It produced an electric effect upon all present. Their countenances cleared up. Bright and hopeful were, the words and looks of all who heard the thrilling tones and caught the heroic glance of the hawk-eyed General. The General and staff then reentered their car- riages. A cavalcade was formed, and proceeded to the build- ing, 106 ivoyal-street — one of the few brick buildings then existing in New Orleans, which now stands but little changed or affected by the lapse of so many years. A flag unfurled from the third story soon indicated to the population the headquarters of the General who had come so suddenly and quietly to their rescue." Jackson has come ! There was magic in the news. Every witness, living and dead, testifies to the electric effect of the General's quiet and sudden arrival. There was a truce at once to indecision, to indolence, to incredulity, to factious debate, to paltry contentions, to wild alarm. He had come, so worn down with disease and the fatigue of his ten days' ride on horseback that he was more fit for the hospital than the field. But there was that in his manner and aspect which 30 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 revealed the master. That will of his triumphed over the languor and anguish of disease, and every one who approached him felt that the man for the hour was there. He began his work without the loss of one minute. The unavoidable formalities of his reception were no sooner over than he mounted his horse again, and rode out to review the uniformed companies of the city. These companies consisted then of several hundred men, the elite of the city — merchants, lawyers, the sons of planters, clerks and others, who were well equipped, and not a little proud of their appearance and discipline. The General complimented them warmly, ad- dressed the principal officers, inquired respecting the num- bers, history and organization of the companies, and left them captivated with his frank and straight-forward mode of procedure. The new aid-de-camp, Mr. Livingston, as he rode from the parade-ground by the General's side, invited him home to dinner. The General promptly accepted the invitation. It chanced that the beautiful and gay Mrs. Livingston, the leader of society then at New Orleans, both Creole and American, had a little dinner party that day, composed only of ladies, most of whom were young and lively Creole belles. Mr. Liv- ingston had sent home word that General Jackson had arrived, and that he should ask him to dinner ; a piece of news that threw the hospitable lady into consternation. " What shall we do with this wild General from Tennessee ?" whispered the girls to one another; for they had all conceived that Gen- eral Jackson, however becomingly he might comport himself in an Indian fight, would be most distressingly out of place at a fashionable dinner party in the first drawing-room of the most polite city in America. He was announced. The young ladies were seated about the room. Mrs. Livingston sat upon a sofa at the head of the apartment, anxiously awaiting the inroad of the wild fighter into the regions sacred hitherto to elegance and grace. He entered. Erect, composed, bronzed with long exposure to the sun, his hair just beginning to turn grey, clad in his uniform of coarse blue cloth and yellow buck- 1814.] AKRIVAL OF GENERAL JACKSON. 31 skin, his bigli boots flapping loosely about bis slender legs, he looked, as he stood near the door of the drawing-room, the very picture of a war-worn noble warrior and commander. He bowed to the ladies magnificently, who all rose at his en- trance, as much from amazement as from politeness. Mrs. Livingston advanced toward him. With a dignity and grace seldom equaled, never surjDassed, he went forward to meet her, conducted her back to her sofa, and sat by her side. The fair Creoles were dumb with astonishment. In a few minutes dinner was served, and the General continued, during the progress of the meal, to converse in an easy, agreeable manner, in the tone of society, of the sole topic of the time, the coming invasion. He assured the ladies that he felt perfectly confident of defending the city, and begged that they would give them- selves no uneasiness with regard to that matter. He rose soon from the table and left the house with Mr. Livingston. [n one chorus, the young ladies exclaimed to their hostess, " Is this your back woods-man ? Why, madam, he is a prince !"* Eeturuing to his quarters, the General summoned the en- gineers resident in the city ; among others. Major Latour, afterwards the historian of the campaign. The vulnerable points and practicable approaches were explained and dis- cussed, and the readiest mode of defending each was consid- ered and determined upon. Every bayou connecting the city with the adjacent bays, and through them with the Gulf of Mexico, was ordered to be obstructed by earth and sunken logs, and a guard to be posted at its mouth to give warning of an enemy's approach. It was determined that the neigh- boring planters should be invited to aid in the various works by gangs of slaves. Young gentlemen pressed to head quar- ters offering to serve as aids to the General. Edward Liv- ingston, whose services in that capacity had been previously offered and accepted, was with the General from the first, doing duty as aid-de-camp, secretary, translator, confidential * To a lady present at the dinner party the reader ia indebted for thia pretty Btory. 32 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 adviser, and connecting link generally between the Com- mander-in-Chief and the heterogeneous multitude he had come to defend. Never before, in the space of a few hours, did such a change come over the spirit of a threatened and imperiled city. The work to be done was ascertained and distributed during that afternoon and evening ; and it could be said, that before the city slept, every man in it able and willing to assist in preparing for the reception of the enemy, whether by mind or muscle, had his task assigned him, and was eager to enter upon its performance. The demeanor of General Jackson on this occasion was such as to inspire peculiar confidence. It was that of a man entirely resolved, and entirely certain of being able to do what he had come to do. He never admitted a doubt of de- feating the enemy. For his own part, he had but one simple plan to propose, nor would hear of any other ; to make all the preparations possible in the time and circumstances ; to strike the enemy wherever, whenever, in what force soever, he might appear ; and to drive him back headlong into the sea, or bring him prisoner to New Orleans. A spirit of this kind is very contagious, particularly among such a susceptible and imaginative people as the French Creoles — a people not wise in counsel, not gifted with the instinct of legislation, but mighty and terrible when strongly commanded. The new impulse from the General's quarters spread throughout the city. Hope and resolution sat on every countenance. Jackson was up betimes on the following morning, and set out in a barge, accompanied by aids and engineers, to see with his own eyes the lower part of the river. The principal mouth of the Mississippi was naturally but erroneously the first object of his solicitude and he had dispatched Col. A. P. Hayne from Mobile to the Balize, to ascertain whether the old fort there commanded the mouth of the river, and whether it could be made available for preventing the en- trance of a hostile fleet. Colonel Hayne reported it useless. Some miles higher up the river, however, at a point where the navigation was peculiarly difficult, was Fort Philip, which, 1814.] ARKIVAL OF GENERAL JACKSON. 33 it was supposed, and tlie event proved, could be rendered an impassable barrier to the enemy's ships. Thither Jackson repaired. He perceived the immense importance of the posi- tion, and, with the assistance of Major Latour, drew such plans, and suggested such alterations of the works, as made the fort entirely equal to the defense of the river. The stream, as every one knows, is narrow and swift, and presents so many obstacles to the ascent of large vessels, that an enemy unpro- vided with steamboats, would scarcely have attempted to reach New Orleans by the river, even if no fort was to be passed. Jackson returned to the city after six days absence, with little apprehension of danger from that quarter. Desirous of seeing every thing for himself, he proceeded immediately upon a rapid tour of inspection along the bord- ers of Lake Pontchartrain and Lake Borgne, those broad, shallow bays which afford to the commerce of New Orleans so convenient a back gate. He visited every bayou aud for- tification, suggesting additional works, and stimulating the zeal of the people. He had then completed the first survey of his position, and, upon the whole, the result was assuring. He thought well of his situation. At least he had little fear of a surprise. One glance at the lake approaches to the crescent city, before we proceed. Lake Pontchartrain is land-locked, except where a narrow strait connects it with Lake Borgne. That strait was defended by a fortification which, it was hoped, was capable of beating off the enemy. But not by that alone. Lake Borgne, too shallow for the admission of large sea-going vessels, would be crossed by' the enemy, if crossed at all, in small coasting craft or ships' boats. Accordingly, on that lake Commodore Patterson had stationed a fleet of gun-boats, six in number, carrying in all twenty-three guns and one hundred and eighty-two men, the whole under the command of Lieu- tenant Thomas Ap Catesby Jones. Lieutenant Jones was ordered to give prompt notice of the enemy's coming, and if threatened with attack to retire before the enemy, and lead him on to the entrance of the strait that led into Lake Pont- VOL. II. — 3 34 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 cbartrain, and there anchor, and fight to the last extremity. With the peculiar advantages of position which the place af- forded, it was confidently expected that he would be able to defeat ?my force of small craft that the enemy were likely to have at command. It is evident that Lake Pontchartrain was universally re- garded at the time as the most natural and obvious means of reaching the city, and the gun-boats were chiefly relied upon for its defense. Upon them, too, the General mainly relied for the first information of the enemy's arrival. If the gun-boats failed, the fort upon the strait was open to attack. If the gun- boats failed, the vigilance of the pickets at the mouths of the bayous was the sole safegiiard against a surprise. If the gun- boats failed, Lake Borgne offered no obstacle to the approach of an enemy, except its shallowness and its marshy shores. If the gun-boats failed, nothing could hinder the enemy from gaining a foothold within a very few miles of the city, unless the sentinels should descry their approach in time to send ample nc-tice to the General. While the gun-boats continued to cruise in the lake, the city had a certain ground of security, and could sleep without fear of waking to find British regi- ments under its windows. # But where was the army with which General Jackson was to execute his design of hurling into the Gulf of Mexico the invading host ? Let us see what force he had, and what forces he expected. The troops then in or near New Orleans, and its sole de- fenders as late as the middle of December, were these : two half-filled, newly-raised regiments of regular troops, number- ing about eight hundred men ; Major Blanche's high-spirited battalion of uniformed volunteers, about five hundred in number ; two regiments of State militia, badly equipped, some of them armed with fowling pieces, others witn mus- kets, others with rifles, some without arms, all imperfectly disciplined ; a battalion of free men of color ; the whole amounting to about two thousand men. Two vessels-of-war lav at anchor in the river, the immortal little schooner Caro* 1814.] ARRIVAL aF GENERAL JACKSON. 35 Una and the ship Louisiana, neither of them manned, and no one dreaming of what importance they were to prove, dom- modore Patterson and a few other naval officers were in the city ready when the hour should come, and, indeed, already rendering yeoman's service in many capacities. General Cof- fee, with the army of Pensacola, was approaching the city by slow marches, contending manfully with an inclement season, swollen streams, roads almost impassable, and scant forage. He had three hundred men, nearly a tenth of his force, sick with fever, dysentery, and exhaustion. But he was coming. General Carroll, burning with zeal to join his old friend and commander, had raised a volunteer force in Tennessee early in the autumn, composed of men of substance and respecta- bility, and, after incredible exertions and many vexatious de- lays, had got them afloat upon the Cumberland. The State had been so stripped of arms that Carroll's regiment had not a weapon to every ten men. So many men had gone to the wars from Tennessee, that Peter Cartwright, that valiant son of the Methodist Church militant, found his congregations thin, and his ingatherings of new members far below the average — " So many of our members," he says, " went into the war, and deemed it their duty to defend our common country under General Jackson." An extraordinary rise of the Cumberland, such as seldom occurs in November, enabled General Carroll to make swift progress into the Ohio, and thence into the Mississippi, where another piece of good for- tune befel him, so important that it may almost be said to have saved New Orleans. He overtook a boat load of mus- kets which enabled him to arm his men, and drill them daily in their use on the roofs of his fleet of arks. And thereby hangs a tale, only brought to light within the last year. That priceless load of muskets was one of two boat-loads that left Pittsburgh for New Orleans about the same time. For economy's sake, their captains were per- mitted by the contractor to stop at the river-towns for the purpose of trading. On one of the boats, however, there chanced to take passage a merchant of Natchez, Mr. Thomas 36 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. L. Servoss, who had visited New York on business, and was then on his return home. When he left New York, that city was in a ferment on account of Mr. Gallatin's warning letter, and extensive ^^reparations were in 2:)rogress for the defence of the city against the expected expedition. But Mr. Servoss Lad received letters from the delegate in Congress from the Mississippi territory, which convinced him that New Orleans, not New York, was the enemy's object. Full of this idea, he urged the captain of his boat, by every means in his power, to hasten along without stopping. Captain, crew and pas- sengers, all worked together for this object, and with such success, as to reach the lower Mississippi in time to supply General Carroll's regiment. The other boat, on those days when Jackson would have bought its precious freight with half its weight in gold, was four hundred miles up the river ; and its astonished captain was soon after brought down to the city in irons to answer for his supposed dilatoriness. Two thousand Kentuckians, under General Thomas ana General Adair, were also on their way down the Mississippi ; the worst provided body of men, perhaps, that ever went fif- teen hundred miles from home to help defend a sister State. A few rifles they had among them, but no clothing suitable for the season, no blankets, no tents, no equipage. Besides food, they were furnished with just one article of necessity, namely, a cooking kettle to every eighty men !'* In a flotilla of boats, hastily patched together on the banks of the Ohio, they started on their voyage, carrying provisions enough for exactly half the distance. They were agreeably disappointed, however, in their expectation of living a month on half ra- tions, by overtaking a boat loaded with flour ; and, thus sup- plied, they went on their way, ragged but rejoicing. Such was General Jackson's situation — such the posture of affairs in New Orleans — such the means and prospects of defense — on the fourteenth of December : two or three thou- sand troops in the city ; four thousand more within ten or fif- * Letter of General Adair to General Jackson, in Kentucky Reporter, 1817 1814.] RENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. 37 teen days' march ; six gun-boats on Lake Borgne ; two armed vessels on the river ; a small garrison of regulars at Fort St. Philip ; another at the fort between the two lakes ; the ob- struction of the bayous still in progress ; the citizens hopeful and resolute, most of them at work, every man where he could do most for the cause ; the General returning to his quarters from his tour of inspection. CHAPTEK III. RENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. At the western extremity of the island of Jamaica there are two headlands, eight miles apart, whicb inclose Negril Bay, and render it a safe and convenient anchorage. If the good Creoles of New Orleans could have surveyed, from the summit of one of those headlands, the scene which Negril Bay presented on the twenty-fourth of November, 1814, it is questionable if General Jackson could have given them the slightest confidence in his ability to defend their native city. The spectacle would have given pause even to the General himself It was the rendezvous of the British fleet designed for the capture of New Orleans. The day just named was the one appointed for its final inspection and review, previous to its departure for Lake Borgne. A fleet of fifty armed vessels, many of them of the first magnitude, covered the waters of the bay. There lay the huge Tonnant, of eighty guns, one of Nelson's prizes at the battle of the Nile, now exhibiting the pennant of Sir Alexander Cockrane, the admiral in com- mand of this imposing fleet. Eear-Admiral Sir Edward Cod- rington was also on board the Tonnant, a name of renown in the naval history of England. There was the Royal Oak, a seventy-four, the ship of Rear- Admiral Malcolm. Four otner "N 38 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON. [1814 se-venty-fours, the Norge, the Bedford, the Asia, the Kami- lies, formed part of the fleet ; the last-named in command of Sir Thomas Hardy, the heloved of Nelson, to whom the dying hero gasped those immortal words, " Kiss me, Hardy ; I die 1 ^ content." There, too, were the Dictator, of fifty guns ; the Gorgon, of forty-four ; the Annide, of thirty-eight, com- manded by Sir Thomas Trowbridge, of famous memory ; the Sea-horse, of thirty-five, under Captain James Alexander Gordon, late the terror of the Potomac ; the Belle Poule, of thirty-eight, a ship of fame. Nine other ships, mounting thirty-eight, thirty-six, and thirty-two guns ; five smaller vessels, each carrying sixteen guns ; three bomb craft and eleven transports completed the formidable catalogue. Nor were these all the vessels destined to take part in the enter- prise. A fleet from Bordeaux was still on the ocean to join the expedition at the entrance of Lake Borgne, where, also, Captain Percy's squadron from Pensacola, with Nichols and the brave Captain Lockyer, were to effect a junction. And yet other vessels, direct from England, with the general ap- pointed to command the army, were expected. The decks of the ships in Negril Bay were crowded with red-coated soldiers. The four regiments, numbering, with their sappers and artillerymen, three thousand one hundred men, who had fought the battle of Bladensburg, burnt the public buildings of Washington, and lost their general near Baltimore, the summer before, were on board the fleet. Four regiments, under General Keane, had come from England direct to reinforce this army. Two regiments, composed in part of negro troops, supposed to be peculiarly adapted to the climate of New Orleans, had beea drawn from the West Indies to join the expedition. The fleet could furnish, if required, a body of fifteen hundred marines. General Keane found himself, on his arrival from Plymouth, in com- mand of an army of seven thousand four hundred and fifty men, which the marines of the fleet could swell to eight thousand nine hundred and fifty. The number of sailora could scarcely have been less than ten thousand, of whom 3 1814.] KENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. 39 large proportion could, and did, assist in the operations con- templated. Here was a force of nearly twenty thousand men, a fleet of fifty ships, carrying a thousand guns, and perfectly ap- pointed in every particular, commanded by officers some of whom had grown gray in victory. And this great armament was about to be directed against poor, swamp-environed New Orleans, with its ragged, half-armed defenders floating down the Mississippi, or marching wearily along through the mire and flood of the Gulf shores, commanded by a general who had seen fourteen months' service, and caught one glimpse of a civilized foe. The greater part of General Keane's army were fresh from the fields of the Peninsula, and had been led by victorious "Wellington into France, to behold and share in that final triumph of British arms To these Peninsular heroes were added the ninety- third Highlanders, recently from the Cape of Good Hope ; one of the " praying regiments" of the British army ; as stalwart, as brave, as completely ap- pointed a body of men as had stood in arms since Cromwell's Ironsides gave liberty and greatness to England. Indeed, there was not a regiment of those which had come from Eng- land to form this army which had not won brilliant distinc- tion in strongly-contested fields. The elite of England's army and navy were afloat in Negril Bay on that bright day of November, when the last review took place. The scene can be easily imagined — the great fleet of ships spread far and wide over the bay, gay with flags and alive with throngs of red uniforms ; boats rowed with the even stroke of men-of-war's-men gliding about among the ships, or going rapidly to and from the shore. On board all was ani- mation and movement. The most incorrigible croaker in the fleet could not, as he looked out upon the scene on that bright day of the tropical winter, have felt a doubt that the most easy and complete success awaited the enterprise. As every precaution had been taken to conceal the destination of the expedition, the officers expected to find the city wholly unpre- pared for defense To occupy, not to conquer Louisiana, was 40 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 supposed to be but the preliminary business of the army. From New Orleans, as the basis of operations, they expected to ascend the Mississippi, pushing their conquests to the right and left, and, effecting a junction with the army of Canada, to overawe and hem in the western States. So certain were they of taking New Orleans, that several gentlemen with their families were on board the fleet who had been appointed to civil offices in the city of New Orleans. Among others, a collector for the port, accompanied by his five beautiful daughters. Many wives of officers were on board, anticipating a pleasant winter among the gay Creoles of the Crescent City. Music, dancing, dramatic entertainments, and all the diver- sions of shipboard, were employed to relieve the monotony of the voyage. The day after the review, the Tonnant, the Eamilies, and two of the brigs weighed anchor and put to sea. The next morning the rest of the fleet followed. The voyage to Lake Borgne, the landing of the army on its marshy shores, and indeed every incident of the campaign, so far as the English were concerned, has been graphically described by officers who served in the expedition. These gentlemen evidently had no thought but to tell the unvarn- ished truth. The candor and modesty, the highbred, unaf- fected kindliness of tone which mark all of those personal narratives that I have been able to procure, give the reader many a pang to think that the stupidity or the ambition of cabinets should have made it the duty of such men, so valiant and good-humored, to go to the Delta of the Mississippi for a purpose so unnatural and absurd. It may also be truly said that the English personal nan-atives, both of the revolution- ary war and of the war of 1812, give us a higher idea of American courage and endurance than is always afforded by our own too eulogistic historians. This is partly owing to the fact that we read the English narrative without any sus- picion that the good conduct of Americans is overstated, or their failures concealed, and partly because it belongs to the character of genuine Englishmen to do justice to an enemy 1814.] RENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. 41 that defeats them, as well as to a rival by whom in peaceful pm'suits they are surpassed. In unfolding, therefore, tho wonderful series of events which followed the sailing of the fleet from Negril hay, I shall, as often as possible, let Eng- lish officei-s, who took j)art in them, tell their side of the strange, the almost incredible story. The following is from that singularly interesting work by the " Subaltern," entitled " The British Campaigns at Wash- ington and New Orleans," published at London in the year 1836.* The passage contains some errors, which will be ob- vious to the reader, and omits several important circumstances, which will be supplied hereafter. The fleet was weighing anchor, and standing down Ne- gril Bay : " Tt is impossible," says the Subaltern, " to conceive a finer sea view than this general stir presented. Our fleet amounted now to upwards of fifty sail, many of them vessels-of-war, which, shaking loose their topsails, and lifting their anchors at the same moment, gave to Negril Bay an ap- pearance of bustle such as it has seldom been able to present. In half an hour all the canvass was set, and the ships moved slowly and proudly from their anchorage, till, having cleared the head-lands, and caught the fliir breeze which blew without, they bounded over the water with the speed of eagles, and long before dark the coast of Jamaica had disappeared. " There is something in rapidity of motion, whether it be along a high road, or across the deep, extremely elevating ; nor was its effect unper- ceived on the present occasion. It is true that there were other causes for the high spirits which now pervaded the armament, but I question if any proved more eOicient in their production than the astonishing rate of our Bailing. Whether the business we were about to undertake would prove bloody, or the reverse, entered not into the calculations of a single indi- vidual in the fleet. The sole subject of remark was the speed with which we got over the ground, and the probabiUty that existed of our soon reach- ing the point of debarkation. The change of climate, Ukewise, was not without its effect in producing pleasurable sensations. The further we got fi-om Jamaica, the more cool and agreeable became the atmosphere ; from * The Duke of Wellington, as we learn fi-om Mr. Samuel Rogers' Recollec- tions, had a high opinion of the writings of the Subaltern. " The Subaltern," said the duke, "is excellent, particularly in the American expedition to N.>\r Orleans. He describes all he sees." 42 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. which circnmstance we were led to hope that, in spite of its southern lati- tude, New Orleans would not be found so oppressively hot as we had been taught to expect." " It is not, however, my intention to continue the detail of this voyage longer than may be interesting ; I shall therefore merely state that, the wind and weather having undergone some variations, it was the 10th of December before the shores of America could be discerned. On that day we found ourselves opposite to the Chandeleur Islands, and near the en- trance of Lake Borgne. There the fleet anchored, that the troops might be removed from the heavy ships into Such as drew least water ; and from this and other preparations it appeared that to ascend this lake was the plan determined upon." . . . . " To reduce the forts which command the navigation of the river was regarded as a task too difficult to be attempted ; and for any ships to pass without their reduction seemed impossible. Trusting, there- fore, that the object of the enterprise was unknown to the Americans, Sir Alexander Cochrane and General Keane determined -to effect a land- ing somewhere on the banks of the lake ; and, pushing directly on, to take possession of the town before any effectual preparation could be made for its defense. With this view the troops were removed from the larger into the hghter vessels, and these, under convoy of such gun-brigs as the shal- lowness of the water would float, began on the 13th to enter Lake Borgne. But we had not proceeded far when it was apparent that the Americans were well acquainted with our intentions and ready to -receive us. Five large cutters, armed with six heavy guns each, were seen at anchor in the distance; and, as all endeavors to land, till these were captured, would have been useless, the transports and largest of the gun-brigs cast anchor, whilst the smaller craft gave chase to the enemy. " But these cutters were built purposely to act upon the lake. They accordingly set sail, as soon as the English cruisers arrived within a certain distance, and, running on, were quickly out of sight, leaving the pursuers fast aground. To permit them to remain in the hands of the enemy, how- ever, would be fatal, because, as long as they commanded the navigation of the lake, no boats could venture to cross. It was, therefore, determined at all hazards, and at any expense, to take them ; and since our lightest craft could not float where they sailed, a flotilla of launches and ships' barges was got ready for the purpose. " This flotilla consisted of fifty open boats, most of them armed with a carronade in the bow, and well manned with volunteers from the different ehips-of-war. The command was given to Captain Lockyer, a brave and ekifful officer, who immediately pushed off; and about noon came in sight of the enemy, moored fore and aft, with broadsides pointing towards him. Having pulled a considerable distance he resolved to refresh his men be- 1814] RENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. 43 fore he hurried them into action ; and, accordingly, letting fall grapplings just beyond the reach of the enemy's guns, the crews of the different boats coolly ate their dinner. " As soon as that meal was finished, and an hour spent in resting, the boats again got ready to advance. But, unfortunately, a light breeze which had hitherto favored them now ceased to blow, and they were in conse- quence compelled to make way only with the oar. The tide also ran strong against them, at once increasing their labor and retarding their progress ; but all these difficulties appeared trifling to British sailors ; and, giving a hearty cheer, they moved steadily onward in one extended line. "It was not long before the enemy's guns opened upon them, and a tremendous shower of balls saluted their approach. Some boats were sunk, others disabled, and many men were killed and wounded; but the rest puHing with all their might, and occasionally returning the discharges from their carronades, succeeded, after an hour's labor, in closing with the Americans. The marines now began a deadly fire of musketry ; while the seamen, sword in hand, sprang up the vessels' sides in spite of all oppo- sition ; and sabring every man that stood in their way, hauled down thft American ensign, and hoisted the British flag in its place. " One cutter alone, which bore the commodore's broad pennant, was not so easily subdued. Having noted its preeminence, Captain Lockyer di- rected his own boat against it ; and happening to have placed himself in one of the hghtest and fastest sailing barges in the flotilla, he found himself alongside of his enemy before any of the others were near enough to ren- .der him the smallest support. But nothing dismayed by odds so fear- ful, the gallant crew of this small bark, following their leader, instantly leaped on board the American. A desperate conflict ensued, in which Captain Lockyer received several severe wounds ; but, after fighting fi-om the bow to the stern, the enemy were at length overpowered ; and other barges coming up to the assistance of their commander, the commodore's flag shared the same fate with the others. " Having destroyed all opposition in this quarter, the fleet again weighed anchor and stood up the lake. But we had not been many hours under sail when ship after ship ran aground ; such as still floated were, there- fore, crowded with the troops from those which could go no further, till finally the lightest vessel stuck fast ; and the boats were of necessity hoisted out to carry us a distance of upwards of thirty miles. To be con- fined for so long a time as the prosecution of this voyage would require in one posture was of itself no very agreeeble prospect ; but the confinement was but a trifling misery, when compared with that which arose from the change in the weather. Instead of a constant bracing frost, heavy rains, such as an inhabitant of England cannot dream of, and against which no cloak could furnish protection, began. In the midst of these were the troops 44 LIFE OF ANDREW JAOKSON, [1814. embarked in their new and straitened transports, and each division, aflei an exposure of ten hours, landed upon a small desert spot of earth, called Pine Island, where it was determined to collect the whole army, previous to its crossing over to the main. " Than this spot it is scarcely possible to imagine any place more com- pletely wretched. It was a swamp, containing a spaall space of firm ground at one end, and almost wholly unadorned with trees of any sort or descrip- tion. There were, indeed, a few stunted firs upon tlie very edge of the water, but these were so diminutive in size as hardly to deserve a higher classifica- tion than among the meanest of shrubs. The interior was the resort of wild ducks and other water fowl ; and the pools and creeks with which it was intersected abounded in dormant alligators. " Upon this miserable desert the army was assembled, without tents or huts, or any covering to shelter them from the inclemency of the weather ; and in truth we may fairly affirm that our hardships had here their com- mencement. After having been exposed all day to a cold and pelting rain, we landed upon a barren island, incapable of furnishing even fuel enough to supply our fires. To add to our miseries, as night closed, the rain generally ceased, and severe frosts set in, which, congealing our wet clothes upon our bodies, left Uttle animal warmth to keep the limbs in a state of activity ; and the consequence was that many of the wretched negroes, to whom frost and cold were altogether new, fell fast asleep, and perished before morning. " Por provisions, again, we were entirely dependent upon the fleet. There were here no hving creatures which would suffer themselves to be. caught ; even the water fowl being so timorous that it was impossible to approach them within musket shot. Salt meat and ship biscuit were, there- foi«e, our food, moistened by a small allowance of rum ; fare which, though no doubt very wholsome, was not such as to reconcile us to the cold and wet under which we suffered. " On the part of the navy, again, all these hardships were experienced in a fom-fold degree. Night and day were boats pulling from the fleet to the island, and from the island to the fleet; for it was the 21st before all the troops were got on shore ; and as there was httle time to inquire into men's turns of labor, many seamen were four or five days continually at the oar. Thus, they had not only to bear up against variety of tempera- ture, but against hunger, fatigue, and want of sleep, in addition ; three as fearful burdens as can be laid upon the human frame. Yet, in spite of all this, not a murmur nor a whisper of complaint could be heard throughout the whole expedition. No man appeared to regard the present, whilst every one looked forward to the future. From the general down to the youngest drum-boy, a confident anticipation of success seemed to pervade all ranks J and in the hope of an ample reward in store for them, the toils 1814.] RENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. 45 and grievances of the moment were forgotten. Nor was this anticipation the mere offspring of an overweening confidence in themselves. Several Americans had already deserted, who entertained us with accounts of the alarm experienced at New Orleans. They assured us that there were not at present five thousand soldiers in the State; that the principal inhabit- ants had long ago left the place ; that such as remained were ready to join us as soon as wo should appear among them ; and that, therefore, we might lay our account with a speedy and bloodless conquest. The same persons likewise dilated upon the wealth and importance of the town ; upon the large quantities of government stores there collected ; and the rich booty which would reward its capture ; — subjects well calculated to tickle the fancy of invaders, and to make them unmindful of immediate aflSictions, in the expectation of so great a recompense to come. " It is well known, that at the period to which my narrative refers an alliance, oiFensive and defensive, subsisted between the government of Great Britain and the heads of as many Indian nations, or tribes, as felt the aggressions of the settlers upon their ancient territories, and were dis- posed to resent them. On this side of the continent our principal allies were the Choctaws and Cherokees, two nations whom war and famine had reduced from a state of comparative majesty to the lowest ebb of feeble- ness and distress. Driven from hunting-ground to hunting-ground, and pursued hke wild beasts wherever seen, they were now confined to a nar- row tract of country, lying chiefly along the coast of the G-ulf, and the bor- ders of the lakes which adjoin to it. For some time previous to the arrival of the expedition, the warriors of these tribes put themselves under the command of Colonel Nickolls, of the Royal Marines, and continued to harass the Americans by frequent incursions into the cultivated districts. It so happened, however, that, being persuaded to attempt the reduction of a fort situated upon Mobile Point, and being, as might be expected, repulsed with some loss, their confidence in their leader, and their dependence upon British aid, had begun of late to suffer a serious diminution. Though not very profitable as friends, their local position and desultory mode of war- fare would have rendered them at this period exceedingly annoying to us as enemies ; it was accordingly determined to dispatch an embassy to their settlements, for the purpose of restoring them to good humor, or at least discovering their intentions. " Whilst the troops were assembling upon Pine Island a cutter, having proper officers on board, and carrying presents of clothing, arms, and rum, was dispatched upon this business. It reached its place of destination in safety, and the ambassadors found very little difficulty in bringing back the fickle Indians to their wonted reliance upon British support. Several of the chiefs and warriors, indeed, requested and obtained permission to visit our admiral and general, and to foUow the fortunes of our troops ; and a 46 LIFE OF ANDRE"W JACKSON. [1814 Very grotesque and singular appearance they presented as they stood upon the quarter-deck of the Tonnant. But the costume, habits and customs of these savages have been too frequently and too accurately described elsewhere to render any account of them, on the present occasion, desira- ble. It is sufficient to observe, that whilst they gazed upon everything around them with a look expressive of no astonishment whatever, they were themselves objects of eager curiosity to us; and that they bore our close inspection and somewhat uncourteous deportment with the most per- fect philosophy. But to my tale. " Tlie enemy's cutters having fallen into our hands, at an early hour on the morning of the 16th the disembarkation of the troops began. So de- ficient, however, was the fleet in boats and other small craft fit to navigate the lakes, that it was late on the evening of the 21st before the last divi- sion took up its ground upon Pine Island, and even then the inconveni- ences of our descent were but beginning. The troops had yet to be ar- ranged in corps and brigades ; to each of these its proportion of commis- saries, purveyors and medical attendants, etc., etc., required to be allotted ; and some attempt at establishing depots of provisions and mihtary stores behoved to be made. In adjusting these matters the whole of the 22d was occupied, on which day the general likewise reviewed the whole of the army. This being ended, the force was next distributed into divisions, or corps, and the following is the order it assumed. " Instead of a light brigade, the general resolved to set apart three bat- talions as an advanced guard. The regiments nominated to that service were the 4th, the 8f>th Light Infantry, and the 95th Eifles , and he selected Colonel Thornton of the 85th, as an officer of talent and enterprise, to com- ,mand them. Attached to this corps were a party of rocket-men, with two light three-pounders — a species of gun convenient enough where celerity of movement is alone regarded, but of very little real utility in the field. The rest of the troops were arranged, as before, into two brigades. The first, composed of the 21st, 44th, and one black regiment, was intrusted to Colonel Brook ; and the second, containing the 93d, and the other black corps, to Colonel Hamilton, of the 7th West India regiment. To each of these a certain proportion of artillery and rockets was allotted ; whilst the dragoons, who had brought their harness and other appointments on shore, remained as a sort of body-guard to the general, till they should provide themselves with horses. " The adjustment of these matters having occupied a considerable part of the 22d, it was determined that all things should remain as they were till next morning. Boats, in the meantime, began to assemble from all ouarters, supplies of ammunition were packed so as to prevent the possi- bility of damage by moisture, and stores of various descriptions were got ready. But it appeared that, even now, many serious inconveniences must 1814.] RENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. 47 be endured, and obstacles surmounted, before the troops could reach the fscene of action. In the first place, from Pine Island to that part of the main towards which prudence directed us to steer was a distance of no less than eighty miles. This of itself was an obstacle, or at least an incon- venience of no slight nature ; for, should the weather prove boisterous, open boats, heavily laden with soldiers, would stand little chance of escap- ing destruction in the course of so long a voyage. In the next place, and what was of infinitely greater importance, it was found that there were not, throughout the whole fleet, a sutficient number of boats to transport above one-third of the army at a time. But to land in divisions would expose our forces to be attacked in detail, by which means one party might be cut to pieces before the others could arrive to its support The undertaking was, therefore, on the whole, extremely dangerous, and such as would have been probably abandoned by more timid leaders. Ours, however, were not so to be alarmed. They had entered upon a hazardous business, in whatever way it should be prosecuted ; and since they could not work miracles, they resolved to lose no time in bringing their army into the field, in the best manner which circumstances would permit. " With this view, the advance, consisting of sixteen hundred men and two pieces of cannon, was next morning embarked. I have already stated that there is a small creek, called the Bayou de Catiline, which runs up from Lake Pontchartrain through the middle of an extensive morass, about ten miles below New Orleans. Towards tliis creek were the boats directed, and here it was resolved to efiect a landing. When we set sail the sky was dark and loAvering, and before long a heavy rain began to fall. Con- tinuing without intermission during the whole of the day, towards night it as usual ceased, and was succeeded by a sharp frost; which, taking effect upon men thoroughly exposed and already cramped by remaining so long in one posture, rendered our limbs completely powerless. Nor was there any means of dispelling the benumbing sensation, or effectually resisting the cold. Fires of charcoal, indeed, being lighted in the sterns of the boats, were permitted to burn as long as daylight lasted ; but as soon as it grew dark they were of necessity extinguished, lest the flame should be seen by row-boats from the shore and an alarm be thus communicated. Our situa- tion was, therefore, the reverse of agreeable ; since even sleep was denied us, from the apprehension of fatal consequences. " Having remained in this uncomfortable state till midnight, the boat3 cast anchor and hoisted awnings. There was a small piquet of the enerr.y stationed at the entrance of the creek by which it was intended to effect our landing. This it was absolutely necessary to surprise ; and while the rest lay at anchor, two or three fast-sailing barges were pushed on to execute the service. Nor did they experience much difficulty in accomphshing their object. Nothing, as it appeared, was less dreamt of by the Ameri- 48 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 cans than an attack from this quarter, consequently, no persons could be less on their guard than the party here stationed. The officer who conducted the force sent against them, found not so much as a single sentinel posted I but haying landed his men at two places, above and below the hut which they inhabited, extended his ranks so as to surround it, and closing gradually in, took them all fast asleep without noise or resistance. " When such time had been allowed as was deemed sufficient for the accomplishment of this undertaking, the flotilla again weighed anchor, and without waiting for intelligence of success pursued their voyage. Hitherto we had been hurried along at a rapid rate by a fair breeze, which enabled us to carry canvass ; but this now left us, and we made way only by row- ing. Our progress was therefore considerably retarded, and the risk of discovery heightened by the noise which that labor necessarily occasions; but in spite of these obstacles we reached the entrance of the creek by dawn, and about nine o'clock were safely on shore. " The place where we landed was as wild as it is possible to imagine. Gaze where we might nothing oould be seen except one huge marsh, covered with taU reeds; not a house nor a vestige of human industry could be discovered ; and even of trees there were but a few growing upon the banks of the creek. Yet it was such a spot as, above all others, favored our operations. No eye could watch us, or report our arrival to the American General. By remaining quietly among the reeds we might efiectually conceal ourselves from notice ; because, from the appearance of all around, it was easy to perceive that the place which we occupied had been seldom, if ever before, marked with a human footstep. Concealment, however, was the thing of all others which we required ; for be it remembered that there were now only sixteen hundred men on the main land. The rest were still at Pine Island, where they must remain till the boats which had transported us should return from their conveyance, consequently many hours must elapse before this small corps could be either reinforced or sup- ported. If, therefore, we had sought for a point where a descent might be made in secrecy and safety, we could not have found one better calcu- lated for that purpose than the present, because it affijrded every means of concealment to one part of our force, until the others should be able to come up. " For these reasons, it was confidently expected that no movement would be made previous to the arrival of the other brigades; but, in our expectations of quiet, we were deceived. The deserters who had come in, and accompanied us as guides, assured the general that he had only to show himself, when the whole district would submit. They repeated that there •were not five thousand men in arms throughout the State ; that of these not more than twelve hundred were regular soldiers, and that the whole force was at present several miles on the opposite side of the town, expect 1814.J KENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. 49 ing an attack on that quarter, and apprehending no danger on this. These arguments, together with the nature of the ground on which we stood, so ill calculated for a proper distribution of troops in case of attack, and so well calculated to hide the movements of an army acquainted with all the passes and tracks which, for aught we knew, intersected the morass, in- duced our leader to push forward at once into the open country. As soon, therefore, as the advance was formed, and the boats had departed, we be- gan our march, following an indistinct path along the edge of the ditch or canal. But it was not without many checks that we were able to proceed. Other ditches, similar to that whose course we pursued, frequently stopped us by running in a cross direction, and falling into it at right angles. These were too wide to be leaped, and too deep to be forded ; consequently, on all such occasions, the troops were obhged to halt, till bridges were liastily constructed of such materials as could be procured and thrown across. " Having advanced in this manner for several hours, we at length found ourselves approaching a more cultivated region. The marsh became grad- ually less and less continued, being intersected by wider spots of firm ground ; the reeds gave place by degrees to wood, and the wood to inclosed fields. Upon these, however, nothing grew, harvest having long ago ended. They accordingly presented but a melancholy appearance, being covered with the stubble of sugar cane, which resembled the reeds which we had just quitted in every thing except altitude. Nor as yet was any house or cot- tage to be seen. Though we knew, therefore, that human habitations could not be far off, it was impossible to guess where they lay, or how- numerous they might prove ; and as we could not- tell whether our guides might not be deceiving us, and whether ambuscades might not be laid for our destruction, as soon as we should arrive where troops could conveni- ently act, our march was insensibly conducted with increased caution and regularity. " But in a htcle while some groves of orange-trees presented them- selves, on passing which two or three farm-houses appeared. Towards these our advanced companies immediately hastened, with the hope of surprising the inhabitants, and preventing any alarm from being raised. Hurrying on at double-quick time, they surrounded the buildings, suc- ceeded in securing the inmates, and capturing several horses ; but, becom- ing rather careless in watching their prisoners, one man contrived to effect his escape. Now, then, all hope of eluding observation might be laid aside. The rumor of our landing would, we knew, spread, faster than we could march, and it only remained to make that rumor as terrible as possible. " With this view the column was commanded to widen its files, and to present as formidable an appearance as could be assumed. Changing our order, in obedience to these directions, we marched, not in sections of eight or ten abreast, but in pairs, and thus contrived to cover with our small VOL. II. — 4 50 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 division as large a tract of ground as if we had mustered thrice our pres- ent numbers. Our steps were likewise quickened, that we might gain, if possible, some advantageous position, where we might be able to cope with any Ibrce that might attack us ; and, thus hastening on, wc soon arrived at the main road, which leads directly to New Orleans. Turning to the right, we then advanced in the direction of that town for about a mile, when, having reached a spot where it was considered that we might encamp in comparative safety, our little column halted, the men piled their arms, and a regular bivouac was formed. " The country where we had now established ourselves answered, iu every respect, the description which I have already given of the neck of land on which New Orleans is built. It was a narrow plain of about a mile in width, bounded on one side by the Mississippi, and on the other by the marsh from which we had just emerged. Towards the open ground, this marsh was covered with dwarf- wood, having the semblance of a for- est, rather than of a swamp ; but on trying the bottom it was found that both characters were united, and that it was impossible for a man to make his way among the trees, so boggy was the soil upon which they grew. In no other quarter, however, was there a single hedge-row, or plantation of any kind, excepting a few apple and other fruit-trees in the gardens of such houses as were scattered over the plain, the whole being laid out in large fields for the growth of sugar-cane, a plant which seems as abundant in this part of the world as in Jamaica. " Looking up towards the town, which we at this time faced, the marsh is upon your right, and the river upon your left. Close to the latter runs the main road, following the course of the stream all the way to New Or- leans. Between the road and the water is tnrowu up a lofty and strong embankment, resembhng the dykes in Holland, and meant to serve a simi- lar purpose ; by means of which the Mississippi is prevented from over- flowing its banks, and the entire flat is preserved from inundation. But the attention of a stranger is irresistibly drawn away from every other ob- ject to contemplate the magnificence of this noble river. Pouring along at the prodigious rate of four miles an hour, an immense body of water is spread out before you, measuring a full mile across, and nearly a hundred fathoms in depth. What this mighty stream must be near its mouth I can hardly imagine, for we were here upwards of a hundred miles from the ocean. " Such was the general aspect of the country which we had entered ; — our own position, again, was this. The three regiments, turning ofl" frorp the road into one extensive green field, formed three close columns within pistol-shot of the river. Upon our right, but so much in advance as to bo of no service to us, was a large house, surrounded by about twenty wooden huta, probably intended for the accommodation of slaves. Towards this 1814.] RENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. 51 house there was a slight rise in the ground, and between it and the camp was a small pond of no great depth. As far to the rear again as the first was to the front^ stood another house, inferior in point of appearance, and skirted by no out-buildings: this was also upon the right; and here Gen- eral Keaue, who accompanied us, fixed his head-quarters; but neither the one nor the other could be emplo3'ed as a covering redoubt, the flank of the division extending, as it were, between them. A little way in advance, again, where the ou I posts were stationed, ran a dry ditch and a row of lofly palings, affording some cover to the front of our line, should it be formed diagonally with the main road. The left likewise was well secured by the river ; but the right and the rear were wholly unprotected. Though in occupying this field, therefore, we might have looked very well had the country around us been friendly, it must be confessed that our situation hardly deserved the title of a military position." Two questions occur to the reader during the perusal of this narrative : First, why did Lieutenant Jones, instead of returning to the pass leading into Lake Pontchartrain, give battle elsewhere, and so lose his gun-boats ? Secondly, how- was it that an army could land twelve miles below New Or- leans, at the mouth of such an important stream as the Bayou Bienvenue, without opposition from a general so vigi- *lant as General Jackson ? With regard to the battle of the gun-boats, the official dispatch of Lieutenant Jones, which does justice to every cir- cumstance except his own gallantry, supplies the requisite explanation. "About 1, a.m., on the 14th," says Lieutenant Jones, in his sailor-like and straight-forward dispatch, dic- tated as soon as he was sufficiently recovered from his wound, "^/ie wind liaving entirely died away, and our vessels become unmanageable, came to anchor in the west end of Malheureux island's passage. At daylight next morning, still a perfect calm, the enemy's flotilla was about nine miles from us, at anchor, but soon got in motion and rapidly advanced on us. The want of wind, and the strong ebb-tide which was setting through the pass, left me but one alternative, which was, to put myself in the most advantageous position to give the enemy as warm a reception as possible. The commanders were all called on board and made acquainted with my inten- 52- LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1814, tions, and the position which each vessel was to take, the whole to form a close line abreast across the channel, an- chored by the stern, with springs on the cable, etc., etc. Thus we remained anxiously awaiting an attack from the advancing foe, whose forces I now clearly distinguished to be composed of forty-two heavy launches and gun-barges, with three light gigs, manned with upward of one thousand men and officers. About 9 30, the Alligator (tender) which was to the south- ward and eastward, and endeavoring to join the division, was captured by several of the enemy's barges, when the whole flo- tilla came to, with their grapnels, a little out of reach of our shot, apparently making arrangements for the attack. At 10 30, the enemy weighed, forming a line abreast in open or- der, and steering direct for our line, which was unfortunately in some degree broken by the force of the current, driving Nos. 156 and 163 about one hundred yards in advance. As soon as the enemy came within reach of our shot, a deliberate fire from our long guns was opened upon him, but without much effect, the objects being of so small a size. At ten minutes before eleven, the enemy opened a fire from the whole of his line, when the action became general and de- structive on both sides. '•'•■ * "'■'■■ * The action con- tinued with unabating severity until forty minutes past twelve o'clock, when it terminated with the surrender of No. 23, all the other vessels having previously fallen into the hands of the enemy." Captain Lockyer's dispatch coincides with that of Lieu- tenant Jones in all essential particulars. He reports his loss at seventeen killed and seventy-seven wounded. The Ameri- can loss, in killed and wounded, was about sixty ; all the commanders of gun-boats being wounded except one. The combat over, the Americans were taken on board of one of the enemy's ships, where the wounded were cared for with the assiduity and tenderness which their situation required. For many a day of agonizing suspense they lay in their hammocks, listening to every sound, and scanning the faces of their at- i8141 EENDEZVOUS OF THE BRITISH FLEET. 53 tendants to read in their ever deepening seriousness the his- tory of what was passing on shore. The mouth of the Bayou Bienvenue, where the British so easily and secretly landed, had early attracted the attention of General Jackson. It was, and is, a lonely, desolate place, resorted to only by fishermen and tourists. A little colony of Spanish fishermen had built a few rude huts there for their accommodation during the fishing season. A picket, consist- ing: of a sercreant, eight white men and three mulattoes, had been stationed in the village by General Villere, a planter of the neighborhood, to whom Jackson had assigned the duty of guarding the spot. No one anticipating danger in that quarter, the picket gradually relaxed their vigilance. Two British officers. Captain Spencer of the Carron and Lieuten- ant Peddie of the army, disguised in blue shirts and old tar- paulins, landed without exciting suspicion, bought over the Spanish fishermen and their boats, rowed up the bayou, reached the firm land along the banks of the gi'eat river, and drank of its waters. Having carefully noted all the features of the scene, questioning the negroes and others whom they met, they returned to Pine Island, whence they guided the advance of the British army to the fatal plain. It is denied by all American writers that the picket at the fisherman's village was surprised in the manner stated by the '' Subaltern." Mr. Alexander Walker, who collected his in- formation from the men themselves, gives this account of what transpired on the night of the landing : "Nothing occurred to attract the notice of this picket until about mid- night on the 22d, when the sentinel on duty in the village called his com- rade, and informed him that some boats were coming up the bayou. It was no false alarm. These boats composed the advanced party of the Brit- ish, which had been sent forward from the main body of the flotilla, under Captain Spencer, to reconnoitre and secure the village. " The Americans, perceiving the hopelessness of defending themselves against so superior a force, retired for concealment behind the ca.bia, where they remained until the barges had passed them. They then ran out and endeavored to reach a boat by which they might escape. But they were observed by the British, who advanced towards them, seized the boat be- 54 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON, [1814. fore it could be dragged into the water, and captured four of the picket Four others were afterwards taken on land. Of the four remaining, three ran into the cane-brake, thence into the prairie, where they wandered about all day, untQ, worn down with fatigue and suflFering, they returned to the village, happy to surrender themselves prisoners. One only escaped, and after three days of terrible hardships and constant perils, wandering over trembling prairies, through almost impervious cane-brakes, swimming bayous and lagoons, and hving on reptiles and roots, got safely into the American camp. " The prisoners were shut up in one of the huts and closely guarded. One of them, a native Louisianian (Mr. Ducros), was separated from his companions and placed in a boat, in which were Captain Spencer and other British officers. The boat returned to the lake, and near the mouth of the bayou was met by the main body of the British flotilla, when Captain Spencer introduced his prisoner to a tall, black- whiskered, youthful man, in military undress, as General Keane, and to another rough and stern-look- ing, white-haired old gentleman, in plain and much worn clothes, as Sir Alexander Cochrane. These two distinguished officers then proceeded to interrogate Mr. Ducros very closely. But with the prompt Irish wit of the one, and the deep Scotch calculation of the other, they did not succeed in extracting any very valuable or pleasing intelligence from the shrewd Creole. " Valuable the information was not to the British, but as the sequel will show, invaluable to the Americans was one item of news which Mr. Ducros succeeded in passing off upon the inquisitive British. It was the state- ment that Jackson had from twelve to fifteen thousand armed men to de- fedd the city, and four thousand at the English Turn. By a preconcert the other prisoners confirmed this estimate. It greatly surprised the gen- eral and admiral, and led them to doubt the character and veracity of the fishermen, who had made so light of the defenses of the city, and rendered it necessary that the greatest caution and prudence should be observed in their movements. Thus it is that traitors and renegades are distrusted, even when they have truth on their side. The timely fiction of the pris- oners proved a shield for the city." Major Latour, however, gives a different account of the origin of the timely fiction. He intimates that, during the evening of the twenty-second, the pickets, when assembled in one of the huts, fell into conversation respecting the number of men under Jackson's command. As General Jackson was not the man, in such circumstances, to understate his resources, the number of his troops, arrived and coming, was 1814.] THE AMERICAN TROOPS. 55 really supposed by the people to be three times as great as it was. The picket, adopting the rumored numbers of the vari- ous corps, honestly computed the army at fifteen or twenty thousand men, and so stated it to the British officers. This version is less romantic, but more probable, than tliat of Mr. Walker, and has the additional merit of being thirty years older ; Major Latour having published in 1816, Mr. Walker in 1856. Be that as it may — there the British were, sixteen hun- dred of them, within eight miles of New Orleans, and not a man in the city suspecting their arrival. CHAPTER IV. THE AMERICAN TROOPS. While Lieutenant Jones and Captain Lockyer were bat- tling so fiercely for the mastery of Lake Borgne at midday, on the fourteenth of December, General Jackson was return- ing to New Orleans from his tour of inspection, not ill-con- tent with what he had seen. Bad news traveled fast that day. Before he reached the city he had heard that the gun- boats were lost ; that the enemy were masters of the lake ; that a fleet such as the Gulf of Mexico had never borne before covered the deep waters nearest New Orleans ; and that the city was panic-stricken at the intelligence. It was at such moments that General Jackson appeared to most striking advantage. Comprehending the full extent of the disaster, he was neither dismayed nor discouraged. All the warrior was aroused, and the " light of battle" shone in his worn and meager countenance. With that calm im- petuosity, that composed intensity, which belonged to him at such times, he began at once, and there, on the spot where the iU news met him, to adjust his plans to the altered cir- 56 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON. [1814 ciimstances. Orders were issued on the instant, and conveyed awa,y as soon as issued, to strengthen with men and cannon the fort which guarded the access to Lake Pontchartrain, and that which defended the Chef-Menteur, a bayou emptying into Lake Borgne. The substance of his swift orders to Cap- tain Newman, who commanded in the pass between the lakes, was, " Defend the post to the last extremity. At the last extremity, spike guns, blow up fort, retire to the Chef-Men- teur, and fight again '/' Now, Forward, gentlemen ! Before night-fall the Gren- eral reached the frightened city, reassuring it in some degree by his presence. The pen first, the sword afterwards, was invariably the way with this indomitable son of Mars. There was rapid writing that night at head-quarters, and eloquent writing, too, that can not now be read without a stirring of the blood. The next day, more writing, and a hurried dis- patching of expresses to all the points of the compass. The letters written and dictated by the General on this occasion are alive in every line with the high- wrought feeling of the hour. To the ofiicer in command of Fort Philip he wrote, ac- quainting him with the arrival of the enemy, and ordering him to hold the fort while a man remained alive to point a gun. To General Coffee : " You must not sleep until you reach me, or arrive within striking distance. Your accustomed activity is looked for. Innumerable defiles present themselves where your services and riflemen will be all important. An oppor- tunity is at hand to reap for yourself and brigade the appro- bation of your country." To General Winchester, who com- manded at Mobile : "The enemy will attempt, through Pass Huron, to reach you ; watch, nor suffer yourself to be sur- prised ; haste, and throw sufiicient supplies into Fort Bow- yer, and guard vigilantly the communication from Fort Jackson, lest it be destroyed. Mobile Point must be sup- ported and defended at every hazard. The enemy has given us a large coast to guard ; but I trust, with the smiles of heaven, to be able to meet and defeat him at every point ho 1814.] THE AMERICAN TROOPS. 67 may venture his foot upon the land." To General Carroll he sent a steamboat, to hasten his descent of the river, and a dispatch, concluding, " I am resolved, feeble as my force is, to assail the enemy on his first landing, and perish sooner than he shall reach the city." General Thomas, who com- manded the expected Kentuckians, and 'Colonel Hinds, of the coming Mississippi dragoons, were addressed in a similar strain. The Secretary of War was promptly advised of the new posture of affairs. " But," said the General to him, " the country shall be defended, if in the power of the physi- cal force it contains, with the auxiliary force ordered. There are no arms here. Will the government order a supply ? If it will, let it be speedily." From these last words, it is evi- dent the General anticipated a long campaign — certainly did not anticipate a single event of the next twenty-four days. The consternation that prevailed in the city, and that was fast spreading into the country, was not forgotten amid the labors of the busy and exciting night that followed the Gen- eral's return. The wildest rumors were abroad. The enemy's fleet was generally believed to consist of three hundred ves- sels. Treason was said to be working in the city. The old fear of an insurrection of the slaves was revived. To allay apprehensions and to strike terror to traitors, if traitors there were in the town, a proclamation was published on the morn- ing of the 15th, which was eminently Jacksonian in spirit, though probably penned by Edward Livingston : — " To THE Citizens of New Orleans : The Major General commanding has, with astonishment and regret, learned that great consternation and alarm pervade your city. It is true the enemy is on our coast, and threatens an invasion of our territory ; but it is equally true, with union, energy, and the approbation of heaven, we will beat him at every point his temerity may induce him to set foot upon our soil. The Greneral, with still greater astonishment, has heard that British emissaries have been permitted to propagate seditious reports among you, that the threatened invasion is with a view of restoring the country to Spain, from a supposition that some of you would be willing to return to your an- cient government. BeUeve not such incredible tales — ^your government ia at peace with Spain — it is the vital enemy of your country, the common // 58 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1811 enemy of mankind, the highway robber of the world that threatens you, and has sent his hirelings among you with this false report to put you ofif your guard, that you may fall an easy prey to him ; — then look to your Hberties, your property, the chastity of your wives and daughters — take a retrospect of the conduct of the British army at Hampton and other places, where it has entered our country, and every bosom which glows with pat- riotism and vu-tue will be^ inspired with indignation, and pant for the arri- val of the hour when we shall meet and revenge those outrages against the laws of civilization and humanity. The General calls upon the inhabitants of the city to trace this un- founded report to its source, and bring the propagator to condign punish- ment. The rules and articles of war annex the punishment of death to any person holding secret correspondence with the enemy, creating false alarms, or supplying liim Avith provisions ; and the General announces his unalter- able determination rigidly to execute the martial law in all cases which may come within his province. The safety of the district intrusted to the protection of the General, must and will be maintained with the best blood of the country ; and he is confident that all good citizens will be found at their posts, with their arms in their hands, determined to dispute every inch of ground with the enemy ; that unanimity will pervade the country generally ; but should the General be disappointed in this expectation, he will separate our enemies from our friends — those who are not for us are against us, and will be dealt with accordingly. ' Events now follow one another with a rapidity that puz- zles and distracts the narrator. Later in the day on which this ominous proclamation ajjpeared, the measure was con- cluded upon which was hinted at in its closing sentences. The General determined to place the city under martial law. This important stej) was not the act of a moment, though the final decision to venture it was sudden. Nor does it ap- pear to have been suggested by General Jackson. Before Jackson arrived, it was the general expectation among the leading men, that the coming of General Jackson and the proclamation of martial law would be events nearly simulta- neous. The subject was daily talked of at head-quarters. The measure was recommended at a meeting of judges and members of the bar. The opinion was general among the American residents, that nothing short of the' possession of 1814] THEAMERICAN TROOPS. 59 absolute power would enable tlie General to wield the entire resources of the town, and direct them undiminished against the foe. The written opinion given by Edward Livingston pi'obably expressed the feeling of the bar upon the subject : " Martial law can only be justified by the necessity of the case. The General proclaims it at his risk, and under his responsibility, not only to the government, but to individuals ; because it is a measure unknown to the Constitution and laws of the United States. The effect of its proclamation is to bring all persons in the district comprised by it within the purview of such law, so that all those in that district capable of defending the country are subject to such law by virtue of the proclamation, and may be tried by it during its contin- uance." That is to say, the measure is utterly unlawful ; but if the General adopts it, the people must be made to sub- mit. The opinion was not calculated to hasten the measure, and the General hesitated. Meanwhile, the British fleet an-ived, the gun-boats were captured, the people were in alarm, rumors of disaffection and treason pervaded the city. Sailors abounded in the streets, but Commodore Patterson could procure no sufficient force to man his two armed vessels, the Carolina and Louisiana, the possible importance of which to the defense of the city was beginning to be conjectured. The Commodore, at length, despairing of milder measures, proposed to Governor Clai- borne, and Governor Claiborne to the Legislature, that the habeas corpus act be suspended, in order that sailors might be impressed. The Legislature refused to comply with the Governor's recommendation, but proceeded, instead, to pass an act offering twenty-four dollars a month to any sailors that might engage in the public service. This act appeared to the General totally inadequate to a crisis in which the delay of an hour might prove fatal. In a moment of disgust at the apparent lukewarmness and inefficiency of the Legis- lature, General Jackson determined to take all power into his own hands. In conversing with Major Eaton upon this desperate 60 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON, [1814. measure, General Jackson once expressed himself in terms like these : " I very well knew the extent of my powers, and that it was far short of that which necessity and my situation required. I determined, therefore, to venture boldly forth, and pursue a course correspondent to the difficulties that pressed upon me. I had an anxious solicitude to wipe off the stigma cast upon my country by the destruction of the Capitol. If New Orleans were taken, I well knew that new difficulties would arise, and every effort be made to retain it ; and that, if regained, blood and treasure would be the sacri- fice. My determination, therefore, was formed not to halt at trifles, but to lose the city only at the boldest sacrifice ; and to omit nothing that could assure success. I was well aware that calculating politicians, ignorant of the difficulties that surrounded me, would condemn my course ; but this was not material. What became of me was of no consequence. If disaster did come, I expected not to survive it ; but if a suc- cessful defense could be made, I felt assured that my coun- try, in the objects attained, would lose sight of and forget the means that had been employed." Martial law was proclaimed on the sixteenth of Decem- ber, converting the city of New Orleans into a camp, and all its citizens into soldiers. The proclamation was in the words following : " Major-G-eneral Andrew Jackson, commanding the seventh United States mihtary district, declares the city and environs of New Orleans under strict martial law, and orders that in future the following rules be rigidly enforced, viz. : " Every individual entering the city will report to the adjutant-gene- ral's ofl&ce, and, on failure, to be arrested and held for examination. " No persons shall be permitted to leave the city without a permission in writing, signed by the General or one of his staff. " No vessels, boats, or other craft will be permitted to leave New Or- leans or Bayou St. John without a passport in writing from the General or one of his staff, or the commander of the naval forces of the United States on this station. " The street lamps shall be extinguished at the hour of nine at night, after which time persons of every description found in the streets, or not 1814.] THE AMERICAN TROOPS. 61 at their respective homes, without permission in writing, as aforesaid, and not having the countersign, shall be apprehended as spies and held for ex- amination." In a word, all the inhabitants of New Orleans were sub- jected to the rules and restrictions which govern soldiers in presence of the enemy. All able-bodied men, of whatever race, color, rank or condition, were also compelled to serve either as soldiers or sailors. The old men and the infirm were formed into a veteran guard for the police of the town and the occupation of its forts, a venerable body, including in its rolls many men of the highest social and political distinction. Men of English birth were alone exempt from service. The proclamation of martial law was wholly, greatly, and immediately beneficial. The panic subsided. Confidence re- turned. Cheerfulness was restored. Faction was rendered powerless ; treason, on any considerable scale, impossible. While the danger lasted, not a voice was raised against a measure which united the people as one man against the in- vaders of their soil. It was felt to be a measure that grew inevitably out of the necessities of the crisis, and one which alone was adequate to it. It seemed to have a good effect even upon the Legislature, for, soon after, they passed an act suspending the legal en- forcement of debts for four months. The judges closed their courts, and discharged without bail some of the prisoners awaiting trial. Criminals, even, whose term of imprisonment was within two months of expiring, were set at liberty and enrolled among the volunteers. The governor recommended the Legislature to adjourn for fifteen or twenty days, as the times were unpropitious for deliberation. That sapient body replied that it would cost them more to go home and return than it would to remain, and therefore they remained, passing their time in the most ordinary and frivolous legislation. Their doorkeeper expressed his sense of their conduct by re- questing leave of absence that he might shoulder a musket and go against the enemy, and the Legislature, without taking the hint or suspecting the satire, granted leave. 62 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1814 Oa one of these stirring and eventful days it was that Jean Lafitte reappeared upon the scene. A large number of his band were in prison ; others were concealed in the city and its vicinity to avoid arrest. Forgetting in the excitement of those hours that Jackson had stigmatized the Barratarians as a " hellish banditti," and was thus publicly committed to their exclusion from the ranks of honor, Lafitte sought an interview with the General, and offered him his services and those of his companions. The General was, at first, disin- clined to receive them. But the judge before whom they had been arraigned, a committee of the Legislature,- the district attorney who was to try them, Edward Livingston, and a large number of the American residents, all uniting in re- commending the acceptance of Lafitte's offer, the General consented, and the whole band was formed into two most efficient companies of artillery-men, who rendered more es- sential service in the defense than any other companies of equal number. So destitute at this time was the city of the munitions of war, that the very flints of these privateers' pistols were received as a precious prize, and transferred to muskets. On Sunday, the 18th of December, one of those balmy, brilliant days that are the glory of a southern winter, General Jackson reviewed the troops then assembled in the city. Though the presence of the General had pervaded New Or- leans, and his name had been the theme of every tongue, he had shown himself but seldom to the people. Partly from curiosity to see a chief so renowned, and partly to behold the military spectacle, the entire population thronged the public square where the review was to take place. The uniformed companies, the State militia, the veteran guard, the new vol- unteers, a company of marines, the bronzed and stalwart Bar- ratarians, were drawn up under the walls of the ancient Spanish cathedral, clad in their best attire, and decorated with bouquets ; while from the windows, piazzas, and roofa around, bright eyes and gay costumes gave memorable bril- liancy to the scene. The evolutions and exercises were per- 1814,] THE AMEKIOAN TROOPS. 63 tormed with an accuracy and promptness wliicli surpris<;d and delighted the vast concourse, and elicited from the General the warmest commendations. At the close of the review, Ed- ward Livingston advanced from the group that surrounded the General, and read in fine, sonorous tones, and with an en- ergy and emphasis worthy of the impassioned words he spoke, that famous address to the troops which contributed so power- fully to enhance their enthusiasm, and of which the survivors, to this hour, have the most vivid recollection. This address, like that previously quoted, was Jackson's spirit in Living- ston's language ; * To THE Embodied Militia. — "Fellow Citizens and Soldiers : The General commanding in chief would not do justice to the noble ardor that has ani- mated you in the hour of danger, he would not do justice to his own feeling, if he suffered the example you have shown to pass without public notice. Inhabitants of an opulent and commercial town, you have, by a spontaneous effort, shaken off the habits which are created by wealth, and shown that you are resolved to deserve the blessings of fortune by bravely defending them. Long strangers to the perils of war, you have embodied yourselves to face them with the cool countenance of veterans; and with motives of disunion that might operate on weak minds, you have forgotten the difference of lan- guage and the prejudices of national pride, and united with a cordiahty that does honor to your understandings as well as to your patriotism. Natives of the United States ! They are the op^jressors of your infant political existence with whom you are to contend ; they are the men your fathers conquered whom you are to oppose. Descendants of Frenchmen ! natives of France I *,hey are English, the hereditary, the eternal enemies of your ancient country, the invaders of that you have adopted, who are your foes. Span- iards ! remember the conduct of your aUies at St. Sebastians, and recently at Pensacola, and rejoice that you have an opportunity of avenging the brutal injuries inflicted by men wh(? dishonor the human race. " Fellow-citizens, of every description, remember for what and against whom you contend. For all that can render life desirable — for a country blessed with every gifl of nature — ^for property, for life — for those dearer than either, your wives and children — and for liberty, without which, coun- try, life, property, are no longer worth possessing ; as even the embraces of wives and children become a reproach to the wretch who would deprive them by his cowardice of those invaluable blessings. You are to * The manuscript, in the handwriting of Edward Livingston, still exists. 64 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1814. contend for all tliis against an enemy whose continued eflforc is to deprive you of the least of these blessings ; who avows a war of vengeance and desolation, carried on and marked by cruelty, lust, and horrors unknown to civilized nations. "Citizens of Louisiana! the General commanding in cliief rejoices to see the spirit that animates you, not only for your honor but for your safety ; for whatever had been your conduct or wishes, his duty would have led, and will now lead him to confound the citizen unmindful of his rights with the enemy he ceases to oppose. Now, leading men who know their rights, who are determined to defend them, he salutes you, brave Louisianians, as brethren in arms, and has now a new motive to exert all his faculties, which shall be strained to the utmost in your defense. Continue with the energy you have begun, and he promises you not only safety, but victory over the insolent enemy who insulted you by an affected doubt of your attachment to the Constitution of your country. To THE Battalion of Uniform Companies. — " When I first looked at you on the day of my arrival I was satisfied with your appearance, and every day's inspection since has confirmed the opinion I then formed. Your numbers have increased with the increase of danger, and your ardor has augmented since it was known that your post would be one of peril and honor. This is the true love of country I You have added to it an exact discipline, and a skill in evolutions rarely attained by veterans ; the state of your corps does equal honor to the skill of the ofiScers and the attention of the men. With such defenders our country has nothing to fear. Every thing I have said to the body of militia applies equally to you — you have made the same sacrifices — you have the same country to defend, the same motive for exertion — but I should have been unjust had I not noticed, as it deserved, the excellence of your discipline and the martial appearance of your corps. To THE Men of Color. — "Soldiers! .From the shores of Mobile I col- lected you to arms — I invited you to share in the perils and to divide the glory of your white countrymen. I expected much from you, for I was not uninformed of those qualities. which must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew that you could endure hunger and thirst and all the hardships of war. I knew that you loved the land of your nativity, and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all that is most dear to man. But you surpass my hopes. I have found in you, united to these quahties, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds. " Soldiers I The President of the United States shall be informed of your conduct on the present occasion, and the voice of the Kepresentatives of the American nation shall applaud your valor, as your General now 1814.] THE AMERICAN TROOPS. 65 praises your ardor. The enemy is near. His sails cover the lakes. But the brave are united; and if he finds us contending among ourselves, it will be for tlie prize of valor, and fame its noblest reward." The troops, all glowing with the fervor of this address, were dismissed to their several quarters and homes, to resume in the evening or on the morrow their military duties. The people slowly dispersed, cheerful and confident, as though the spectacle they had seen and the words they had heard had given them assurance of safety and triumph. The next day came the joyful tidings of General Coffee's approach, with his mounted sharpshooters. Jackson's dis- patch found him near Baton Rouge, one hundred and twenty- nine miles above the city, whither he had wandered in search of forage and subsistence. Late on the evening of the seven- teenth he received the General's urgent commands. The greater part of his horses were worn down with fatigue and scarcity ; three hundred of his men were sick ; all were weak- ened by long exposure and incessant marching ; his force was scattered over a compass of several miles. He spent the night in preparation. Early on the morning of the eighteenth, leaving his sick and his worst-mounted troops at Baton Rouge, he started on his march to the city, with a body of twelve hundred and fifty men. Before the close of the day lie found it necessary again to divide his little army. Leav- ing behind four or five hundred, who could not keep uj) the ])rodigious pace at which he marched, he pushed on with eight hundred, whose horses were in better condition. The th'st day he marched fifty miles ; the second day seventy, ar- riving within a few miles of New Orleans ; on the morning of the third day he encamped within four miles of the city, and rode forward to grasp his general by the hand, and re- ceive his orders. The arrival of General Coffee and his huntsmen raised still further the spirits of the people. " Coffee," says the author of "Jackson and New Orleans," " was a man of noble aspect, tall and herculean in frame, yet not destitute of a cer- tain natural dignity and ease of manner. Though of great VOL. II.— c 66 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. height and weight, his appearance on horsehack, mounted on a fine Tennessee thorough-bred, was striking and impressive. Coffee brought with him less than eight hundred men. They were, however, admirable soldiers, who had been hardened by long service, possessed remarkable endurance, and that useful quality of soldiers of taking care of themselves in any emer- gency. They were all practiced marksmen, who thought nothing of bringing down a squirrel from the top of the loftiest tree with their rifles. Their appearance, however, was not very military. In their woolen hunting-shirts, of dark or dingy color, and copperas-dyed pantaloons, made, both cloth and garments, at home, by their wives, mothers and sisters, with slouching wool hats, some composed of the skins of raccoons and foxes, the spoils of the chase, to which they were addicted almost from infancy — with belts of untanned deer-skin, in which were stuck hunting-knives and tomahawks — with their long unkempt hair and unshorn faces. Coffee's men were not calculated to please the eyes of the martinet, of one accus- tomed to regard neatness and primness as essential virtues of the good soldier. The British were not far wrong when they spoke of them as ' a posse comitatus, wearing broad beavers, armed with long duck guns.' But the sagacious judge of human nature could not fail to perceive beneath their rude exterior those qualities which, in defensive warfare at least, are far more formidable than the practiced skill and discipline of regulars." About the same time came in Colonel Hinds, with his regiment of Mississippi dragoons, who had marched two hun- dred and thirty miles in four days ! On the twenty-second, the flotilla of General Carroll arrived, with another regiment of Tennesseeans, and what was even more important, a sup- j)ly of muskets, .the want of which was secretly racking the General with anxiety. The streets were thronged with armed men, conveying to the inexperienced mind the impression that a great army was present. Major Latour gives us a lively French picture of New Orleans, as it appeared during the few last days of waiting 1814.] THE AMERICAN Tit OOPS, 07 for the landing of the enemy : " Such was the universal confidence inspired by the activity and decision of the Com- mander-in-chief, added to the detestation in which the enemy was held, and the desire to punish his audacity, should he presume to land, that not a single warehouse or shop was shut, nor were any goods or valuable effects removed from the city. At that period, New Orleans presented a very affect- ing picture to the eyes of the patriot, and of all those whose bosoms glow with the feelings of national honor, which raise the mind far above the vulgar apprehension of personal dan- ger. The citizens were preparing for battle as cheerfully as if it had been a party of pleasure, each in his vernacular tongue singing songs of victory. The streets resounded with Yankee Doodle, the Marseilles Hymn, the Chant du Depart, and other martial airs, while those who had been long unaccustomed to military duty were furbishing their arms and accouterments. Beauty applauded valor, and promised with her smiles to re- ward the toils of the brave. Though inhabiting an open town, not above ten leagues from the enemy, and never till now ex- posed to war's alarms, the fair sex of New Orleans Avere ani- mated with the ardor of their defenders, and with cheerful serenity at the sound of the drum presented themselves at the windows and balconies to applaud the troops going through their evolutions, and to encourage their husbands, sons, fathers, and brothers, to protect them from the insults of our ferocious enemies, and prevent a repetition of the horrors of Hampton." To this Major Latour adds an incident, which, though it escaped official notice at the time, he regarded as "worthy to be compared, as an example of patriotism, with the most bril- liant instance of the same kind recorded in ancient histories." "Madame Devance Bienvenu," he says, "a respectable wido\<', and rich inhabitant of Atakapas, after sending her four sons to the defense of their country, in Captain Dubu- clay's company of dragoons, wrote to Governor Claiborne that she sincerely regretted having no other sons to offer to her country, but that if her own services, in the duty of taking 68 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814, care of the wounded, should be thought useful, notwithstand- ing her advanced age, and the great distance of her residence, she would hasten to New Orleans for that purpose." The letters written by Americans at New Orleans, during this week of excitement and suspense, and published in the northern newspapers, confirm the statements of Major La- tour. One letter, written on the 16th, two days after the gun- boat battle, thus concludes : " We are weak here at present— ■ say twelve hundred regulars and two thousand militia. We expect Coffee, with two thousand more, in a day or two, and ere long the Kentucky and Tennessee drafts. When they all arrive we are ready to stand against any number the British may send. As we are, they may outnumber us, but even if my Lord Wellington trained them they are not better sol- diers. We will weather the storm like honest fellows, and if our weakness is taken advantage of, they shall at least havt; a fight in miniature. Our old General stands it nobly, and is full of fight. The French turn out handsomely." Another letter, also written on the 16th, says : " It would be presumptuous to predict the result of an invasion, but ap- pearances justify the expectation of its not being ineflectually resisted." A letter of the 17th contains the following : " If they effect a landing, a battle must decide the fate of the city. All here have full confidence in General Jackson, and calcu- late on a favorable result." ..." General Jackson has established the most perfect order and police. He is confident he can defend the place." A letter of the 22d says : " All this, you may consider, has produced a great deal of alarm and some little confusion — but custom is a great thing, and by degrees it will become familiar ; but I hope the British will not continue long here, for they can not expect to be successful unless they have a very strong force, and every inch of ground will be contested." 1814.] JACKSON GOES TO MEET THE ENEMY. 69 CHAPTEK V. JACKSON GOES TO MEET THE ENEMY. " One man contrived to effect Ms escape," says the Subal- tern in that part of his narrative which describes the sur- rounding of a planter's house near the banks of the Missis- sippi, and the seizure of its inmates. How many a gallant life hung upon the chances of that one man's capture ! How many a wife, mother, sweetheart, over the sea, had been spared the desolation of their lives had one of the shower of bullets, amid which he fled, have stopped his flight ! How differently it might have fared with New Orleans, with General Jackson, with the invading army, if the news from the Villere plantation had been delayed but a few hours ! The individual invested with such sudden and extreme importance was young Major Gabriel Villere, the son of Gen- eral Villere, a Creole planter of ancient lineage, upon whose plantation the British were then halting. Major Villere it was who had stationed the picket at the mouth of the bayou by which the English troops had gained the banks of the Mis- sissippi, and stood now upon the high road leading to the prize they were in search of, and within a few miles of it. The adventures of this young man upon that eventful day, as gathered from his own lips, have been affectingly told by the admirable author of " Jackson and New Orleans." " Secure in his outposts," says the author referred to, " the major was sitting on the front gallery of the house, looking toward the river, and quietly enjoying his cigar, wliilst his brother Celestin was engaged in clean- ing a fowling-piece. Suddenly the major observed some men in red coats running toward the river. Immediately he leaped from his chair and rushed into the hall, with a view of escaping by the rear of the house. What were his hprior and dismay to encounter at the back door several armed men. One of these was Colonel Thornton, who with drawn sword 70 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 called to the major to surrender. There were no braver men than the Vil- leres; their heritage was one of dauntless courage and chivalry — but re- sistance under such circumstances would have been madness. With in- finite mortification the young creole surrendered. Cclestin had already been arrested in the yard. The two young men were then confined in one of the rooms, closely gULij'ded. until General Keane could come up. These events occurred at half-past ten o'clock, on the morning of the 23d of Do cember. Surrounded and vigilantly guarded by his captors, Major Vil- lere watched eagerly for an opportunity to escape. He felt that if he should remain imprisoned, the calumniators of his race would find in the circumstance some color for the aspersions of the patriotism and fidelity of the Creoles of Louisiana. To repel so base an inference, he determined to incur every peril. Springing suddenly from the group of soldiers, he leaped through the window of the room in which he was confined, and throwing down several of the British, who stood in his way, ran toward a high picket fence which inclosed the yard ; clearing this at a bound, in the presence of some fifty British soldiers, several of whom discharged their arms at him, he made for tlie woods with that celerity and agility for which the young Creole hunter is so cUstinguished. The British immedi- ately started in hot pursuit, scattering themselves over the field so as to surround the fugitive. ' Catch or kill him,' was Thornton's order. " Traversing the field behind the house, Villere plunged into the cypress forest which girts the swamp, and ran until the boggy nature of the soil began to impede his progress. He could distinctly hear the voices of his pursuers rallying one another and pointing out the course which he had taken. His recapture now seemed inevitable, when it occurred to him to climb a large live-oak, and conceal himself in its thick evergreen branches. As he was about to execute this design his attention was attracted by a low whine or cry at his feet. He looked down and beheld his favorite setter crouched piteously on the ground, by her mournful look and action expressing more strongly than could the human face or form her sympathy for the perils of her master, and her desire to share his fate. The faithful creature had followed her master in his flight. What could Villere do with the poor animal ? Her presence near the tree would inevitably betray him. There was no other hope of escape. His own life might not be of so much value, but then the honor of his family, of a proud lineage, the safety of the city of his birth, with whose fortunes those of his family had been so' con- spicuously associated, the imminent peril in which Jackson and his soldiers would be placed by the surprise of the city — these and other considera- tions, such as should influence and control a gallant and honorable man, suppressed and overwhelmed all tender emotions of pity and affection. The sacrifice had to be made. With a deep sigh and eyes fuU of tears, the young Creole seized a large stick, and striking the poor, fawning, faithful dog as 1814.] JACKSON GOES TO MEET THE ENEMY. 71 f5lie cowered at bis feet, soon dispatched her. CoucoaUng the dead body, he? ascended the tree, where he remained until the Bi'itish had returned to tlieir camp, and the pursuit was relinquished. He then slipped stealthily down, and stealing along the edge of the woods hurried to a plantation below, where he found his neighbor. Colonel de la Eonde, who, hearing of the approach of the British, was hurrying up from Terre aux Boeufs to join Jackson. Obtaining a boat, Villere and De la Eonde rowed across th ' river, and reached in safety the plantation on the right bank of the Mississippi of P. S. Dussau de la Croix, one of the Committee of Public Safety of New Orleans. Horses were quickly saddled, and Villere, De la Eonde, and De la Croix leaping upon them, put spurs to their animals, and rode towards the city as rapidly as the swift little Creole ponies could bear them. " Thirty-seven years had passed, and the gallant young Creole hero of this adventure, emaciated by long sickness and prematurely old, surrounded by a family of gallant sons and lovely daughters, sat in that very gallery, and on the very spot on which he was surprised by the British, and related with graphic distinctness, with kindling eye and voice, hoarse with emo- tion, the painful sensation, the agonizing remorse which agitated his soul, when compelled to "sacrifice his faithful dog to prevent the surprise of his native city and save his own honor. A few weeks after, his worn frame was consigned to the mausoleum which incloses the mortal remains of many otlier members of a family whose name is so highly honored in the annals of Louisiana." ■' During all the exciting events of this campaign Jackson had barely the strength to stand erect without support ; his body was sustained alone by the spirit within. Ordinary men would have shrunk into feeble imbe- ciles or useless invalids under such a pressure. The disease contracted in the swamps of Alabama still clung to him. Eeduced to a mere skeleton, unable to digest his food, and unrefreshed by sleep, his life seemed to be preserved by some miraculous agency. There, in the parlor of his head quarters in Eoyal street, surrounded by his faithful and efficient aids, he worked day and night, organizing his forces, dispatching orders, receiving reports, and making all the necessary arrangements for the defense of the city. " Jackson was thus engaged at half past one o'clock, p. m., on the 23cl of December, 1814, when his attention was drawn from certain documents he was carefully reading by the sound of horses galloping down the streets with more rapidity than comported with the order of a city under martial law. The sounds ceased at the door of his headquarters, and the sentinel on duty announced the arrival of three gentlemen who desired to see the general immediately, having important intelligence to communicate. " ' Show them in,' ordered the General. 72 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 " The visitors proved to be Mr. Dussau de la Croix, Major Gabriel Vil- lere,. and Colonel de la Ronde. They were stained with mud and nearly breathless with the rapidity of their ride. " ' What news do you bring, gentlemen ?' eagerly asked the General '" Important ! highly important!' responded Mr.de la Croix. 'The British liave arrived at Viller^'s plantation, nine miles below the city, and are there encamped. Here is Major Villere, who was captured by them, has escaped, and will now relate his story.' " The Major accordingly detailed in a clear and perspicuous manner the occurrences we have related, employing his mother tongue, the French language, which de la Croix translated to the General. At the close of Major ViUere's narrative, the General drew up his figure, bowed with dis- ease and weakness, to its full height, and with an eye of fire and an em- phatic blow upon the table with his clenched fist, exclaimed, " 'By the Eternal, they shall not sleep on our soil!' " Then courteously inviting his visitors to refresh themselves, and sip • ping a glass of wine in comphment to tliem, he turned to his secretary and aids and remarked, " ' Gentlemen, the British are below, we must fight them to-night.' " It was not quite a surprise. The evening before, Jackson had received information from Colonel De la Ronde that some strange-looking vessels had been seen in Lake Borgne, below the city, and he had dispatched Major Latour and Major Tatum to ascertain if the report were true. " We left town," says Major Latour, in his historical memoir, " at eleven o'clock in the forenoon of the 23d, and when we ar- rived at the boundary of Bienvenu's and la Ronde's plan- tations we met several persons flying toward town, who told us that the British had got to General Villere's house by the canal, and had taken prisoner Major Villere, the general's son. It being of the utmost importance to inform General Jackson of an event no longer doubtful. Major Tatum imme- diatr'ly returned to town, and I proceeded forward as fiir as over th3 boundary of Lacoste's and Villere's plantations, wKence I discovered British troops occupying the ground from the commencement of the angle made by the road in that place to the head of the canal. I approached withic. rifle-shot of those troops, and judged that their number must 1814.] JACKSON GOES TO MEET THE ENEMY. 73 amount to sixteen or eighteen hundred men. It was then half past 1, p. M." Jackson was, therefore, not wholly unprepared to hear of the landing. He proceeded to act as though every thing had occurred exactly as he had anticipated. His troops were widely scattered at the moment. General Coffee's brigade was still encamped near the spot where they had first halted, four or five miles above the city. Major Planche's battalion was at the Bayou St. John, two miles from headquarters. The State militia, under Governor Claiborne, were on the Gen- tilly road, three miles away ; the regulars were in the city, but variously disposed. General Carroll, with his Tennes- seans, appear to have been still in the boats that brought them down the river. Commodore Patterson, too, was some distance off. In a manner perfectly quiet and composed. General Jackson dispatched a messenger to each of the corps under his command, ordering them with all haste to break up their camp and march to positions assigned them : Gen- eral Carroll to the head of the upper branch of the Bienvenu ; Governor Claiborne to a point further up the Gentilly road, which road leads from the Chef-Menteur to New Orleans ; the rest of the troops to a plantation just below the city. Commodore Patterson was also sent for, and requested to prepare the Carolina for weighing anchor and dropping down the river. These orders issued, the General sat down to dinner and ate a little rice, which alone his system could then endure.* He then lay down upon a sofa in his office and dosed for a short time. It was the last sleep the General was to enjoy for seventy hours or more — for five days and nights, one writer positively asserts. Who else could have slept at such a time ? Before three o'clock he mounted his horse and rode to the lower part of the city, where then stood Fort St. Charles, on ground now occupied by the Branch Mint build- * The General mentioned this to the Rev. Dr. Edgar, of Nashville. His only food that day was taken at this meal. It consisted of three or four table-spoona full of rice and half a cup of coffee. .'^i 74 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. ing. Before the gates of the fort he took his station, wait- ing to see the troops pass on their way to the vicinity of the enemy's position, and to give his final orders to the various commanders. Drawn up near him, in imposing array, was one of the two regiments of regulars, the 44th infantry. Col- onel Ross, mustering three hundred and thirty-one muskets. Around the General were gathered his six aids, Captain But- ler, Captain Raid, Captain Chotard, Edward Livingston, Mr. Davezac, Mr. Duplessis. The other regiment of regulars, the 7th infantry, Major Peire, four hundred and sixty-five mus- kets, had already marched down the road, to guard it against the enemy's advance. With them were sixty-six marines, twenty-two artillerymen and two six-pounders, under Col- onel McRea and Lieutenant Spotts, of the regular artillery. Captain Beal's famous company of New Orleans riflemen, composed of merchants and lawyers of the city, were also below, defending the high road, A cloud of dust on the levee, and the thunder of horses' feet, soon announced to the expectant General the approach of cavalry. Colonel Hinds, of the Mississippi dragoons, emerged from the dust-cloud, galloping at the head of his troop, whom he led swiftly by to their designated post. Coflfee, with his Tennesseans, was not far behind. Halting at the General's side, he conversed with him for a few minutes, and then, rejoining his men, gave the word, " Forward at a gallop," and the long line of back- woodsmen swept rapidly past. Next came into view a parti- colored host on foot, at a run, which proved to be Major Planch d's fine battalion of uniformed companies. " Ah !" cried Jackson to his aid Davezac, " Here come the brave Creoles." They had run all the way from the Fort St. John, and came breathless into the General's presence. In a mo- ment they too had received their orders, and were again in motion. A battalion of colored freemen, under Major Dac- quin, and a small body of Choctaw Indians, under Captain Jugeant, arrived, halted, passed on, and the General had seen his available force go by. The number of troops that went that afternoon to meet the enemy was two thousand one hun- 1814.] JACKSON GOES TO MEET THE ENEMY. 75 dred and thirty-one,* of whom considerably more than half had never been in action. The commanders of the different corps had all received the same simple orders : to advance as far as the Rodriguez Canal, six miles below the city, and two miles above the Villere plantation ; there to halt, take positions, and wait for orders to close with the enemy. The Eodriguez Canal Avas no more than a wide, shallow ditch, which extended across the firm ground from the river to the swamp. During the bustle attending the departure of the troops the city seemed still confident and cheerful. As the men hur- * The exact enumeration, according to Major Latour, was as follows : Detachment of marines, under the command of Lieutenant Bel- levue, . . 66 meu strong. A detachment of artillery, with two six-pounders, under the immediate command of Colonel M'Rea and Lieutenant Spott, 22 tth Regiment, Major Peire, 465 44th, commanded by Captain Baker, 331 884 Major PlancM's Battalion. Carabiniers, Captain Roche, 86 Dismounted Dragoons, Major St. Geme, ... "JS Louisiana Blues, Captain White, 31 Francs, Captain Hudry, 33 Chasseurs, Captain Guibert, 59 —287 The battalion of St. Domingo men of color, Major Dacquin, . 210 Choctaws. Captain Pierre Jugeant, 18 228 The left, commanded by General Coffee, was composed as follows : Tennessee Volunteer Mounted Riflemen, forming General Coffee's Brigade, . . • 563 Orleans Rifle Company, Captain Beale, . . . . 62 Mississippi Dragoons, Major Hinds, . • J^rll^, . • lOT 732 In all 2131. Eaton states the total to have been 2167, and adds that he derived the state* ment from Colonel R Butler, Adjutant-General. 76 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. ried along the levee the windows were crowded with ladies waving their handkerchiefs, and hiding with smiles the anx- iety that rent their hearts. Husbands, fathers, brothers,, nephews, friends, were recognized in the moving masses of soldiers. Wives, mothers, sisters, were discerned at the fam- iliar windows. The salutations then hurriedly given were the last that were ever exchanged between some of those panting soldiers and those they loved. Nolte relates an incident of his departure that shows us something of the feeling of the hour : "Just as I had put on my uniform and taken my musket, a broker ran after me to offer me a lot which must be sold that day, because the owner feared that they would fall into the hands of the English. ' Offer something, Mr. Nolte,' said the broker. I had not the heart to offer fifty per cent, lower than the price, and, there- fore, offered seven cents, more with the view of getting rid of the broker than of speculating. In a few moments he came back, notes in hand, and said, ' Mr. Nolte, the cotton is yours.' There was no time to deliver it, however, for we were obliged to march. This little affair was spoken of at Jackson's head- quarters as a proof of my trust in a fortunate result of the hostilities." " On that very day," says Mr. Walker, " a number of the ladies of the city met at the residence of Mrs. Cenas, at present the consort of Colonel William Christy, himself a veteran of 1814-'15, for the purpose of plying their needles in the noble task of preparing clothing for the soldiers of Jack- son's army, many of whom arrived on the levee in a very ragged and destitute condition. While they were thus busily engaged, the news was brought into the room that the enemy had just landed and were marching on the city. Of course, the ladies were a little nervous at first when the alarming intelligence was communicated, but Mrs. Cenas remarked that they need be under no fear as long as they had Jackson to defend them. At the suggestion, however, of one of the party, a message was despatched by the ladies to the General, inquiring 'what they were to do in case the city was attacked ?' 1814.J JACKSON GOES TO MEET THE ENEMY. 77 " ' Say to the ladies/ Jackson promptly replied, ' not to be uneasy. No British soldier shall enter the city as an enemy unless over my dead body.' " This was, perhaps, the origin of the story, so often re- peated, of the women and children running out into the streets in consternation, and gathering round the General's horse, Nolte says : "Jackson's resolution was now taken. ' We will/ said he, ' now give them a little taste of what they have to expect. They shall find out whom they have to deal with.' When he heard the women and children crying for terror in the streets, he ordered Livingston to tell them that he was there, and that the British should never get into the city so long as he held the command." Again, says Nolte : " The General was burning with impatience to come to close quar- ters with the red coats, as he called them. He wanted to fght. There wds no computation of relative force, and not much idea of tact or plan. Jackson had bent all the strength of his will on one single point, and that was to meet and drive off the red coats. ' I will smash them/ he would ex- claim, 'so help me God !' " The General's message to the ladies might have been re- assuring for the moment. But when, at last, the town was emptied of the armed men, who for so many days had thronged its streets, and given a feeling of security to its inhabitants, a strange and horrible stillness fell upon the place. No accustomed tramp of passing troops ; no dashing by of mounted officers ; no exercising in the public grounds ; no sound of bugle, drum, or martial band. It was a town of anxious women and old men, who could do nothing but listen for the expected cannonade, and speculate upon the chances of the night. Colonel Napier had not then so elo- quently written of the brutal and diabolic excesses of the British soldiery at the sack of the Spanish towns. But noth- ing was thought too monstrous for them to attempt if Jack- son should be unable to preserve the city from their despoil- ing hands. Many of the ladies of New Orleans, we are told, had provided themsf^lves with daggers, which they wore in 78 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 their belts that niglit instead of the domestic and congenial scissors.'-'" The last corps of the army had disappeared in the distance, and still the General lingered before the gates of Fort St. Charles, looking, with a slight expression of impatience on his countenance, toward that part of the river where the Carolina was anchored. He saw her, at length, weigh her anchor, and move slowly down the stream. She had been manned within the last few days, and well manned, as it proved, though some of her crew only learned their duty by doing it. Captain Henly commanded the little vessel. Com- modore Patterson, however, was in no mood to stay in New Orleans on such a night, and so went in her to the scene of action. The Greneral had no sooner seen the Carolina under way, than he put spurs to his horse, and gallopefl down the road by which the troops had gone, followed by all of his staff, except Captain Butler. Much against his will. Captain But- ler was appointed to command in the city that night. It * And then was revived that vague and horrible terror of an insurrection of the slaves. Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, says : — " It was reported, and believed in camp, that a British officer visited the city in disguise, and danced at one of the balls. The highways were covered with the British Colonel NichoU's proclamation from Pensacola, inviting the slaves to insurrection. So intense was the dread of the inhabitants of that fearful revolt, that Judge Martin represents the old inhabitants, during the anxious night of the 23d December, when General Jackson led his small disposable force to attack the British at their first landing on Villere's planta- tion, as painfully excited by a mere report that Jackson, before his departure, had taken measures, and given orders, for blowing up the magazine, and setting fire to various parts of the city, in case the British succeeded in forcing his ranks. While frequent explosions of musketry and artillery reminded them that their sons were facing warlike soldiers, they grieved, says this historian, that their com- mander's inexperience appeared demonstrated by the rash step imputed to him. Apprehension was entertained that British emissaries would be ready to induce the slaves to begin the conflagration of their ov;ners' houses, and march towards the city, spreading terror, dismay, fire, and slaughter — Jackson's firing it being taken for the signal to begin the havoc. The idea of thus finding themselves, with their wives, children, and old men, driven by the flames of their houses to- wards a black enemy bringing down devastation, harrowed up the minds of tha mhabitantg." — General Jackson's Fine, p. 12. 1814.] JACKSON GOES TO MEET THE ENEMY. 79 was four o'clock in the afternoon when the Carolina left her anchorage, and General Jackson rode away from before the gates of Fort St. Charles. The day was Friday. CHAPTER VI. AFTERNOON IN THE BRITISH CAMP. That halt of the English troops, when a two hours' march would have given them at least temporary possession of New Orleans, has subjected General Keane to animadversion from friend and foe. But is the criticism just which condemns that unfortunate officer .^ I think not. A very slight exam- ination of the situation, as it must have appeared to him, is sufficient to show that to 'have acted otherwise he must have been a Napoleon or a fool. He was neither of those charac- ters. Major-General John Keane was an Irishman, who, begin- ning the career of arms in Egypt under Sir Ealph Abercrom- bie, advanced rapidly and deservedly in his profession during the French wars, and held now this important independent command while he was still in the prime of life. He was a handsome, dashing officer. At the head of his regiment of impetuous Irishmen, he had led the assault on many a hotly- contested field, and never v/ithout winning for himself and his command an ample share of the honors of the fight. In this campaign, too, up to the moment of the halt, his conduct was equally bold and skillful. To have gained the threshold of New Orleans in the face of obstacles so numerous and so novel, landing where alone an unobstructed landing was probable, and pushing forward to a point so near the prize with such suddenness and secrecy, was a proof of generalship which only needed a few hours more of good fortune to have won the applause of the whole world. 80 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814. Why halt, then ? Chiefly because a train of concurring circumstances had fixed in his mind the conviction that New Orleans was full of troops. He knew, also, that they were commanded by " Andrew Jackson, Esquire," as one of the British narrators styles the General ; and, in all probability, Colonel Nichols and his comrades had conveyed some impres- sion of Jackson's quality to the minds of the British officers in command. General Keane had with him a body of six- teen hundred men ; in twelve hours his force would be doubled ; in twenty-four, trebled ; in forty-eight, quadru- pled. It was, moreover, a tradition, nay, a settled article of faith, in the English army, that the Americans never at- tacked, but waited to be attacked ; happy if they could but hold their ground against a disciplined foe. The men of the advance, too, besides being debilitated by ten weeks of ship- board, were extremely fatigued by the labors and exposures, day and night, of the last week. How natural, therefore, — how inevitable the determination of the British general to give his troops a night's rest on the first ground that afforded facilities for it ; and the next morning, with renewed strength and doubled numbers, to march upon the town. It was not alone the representations of the captured picket that deceived General Keane as to ackson's numbers. The day after the loss of the gun -boats, Mr. Shields, a purser of the United States navy, and Dr. Murrell, had been sent with a flag of truce to the admiral of the British fleet ; the doctor to attend the wounded Americans, the purser to pro- cure the liberation of the captured officers on parole. The admiral, suspecting that the real object of these gentlemen was to ascertain the strength of the expedition, thought pro- per to detain them on board his ship, and there they remained till the campaign was over. They were closely questioned by the admiral as to the condition of the city, and the number of troops under Jackson's command ; but, of course, no informa- tion could be elicited from them. " Shields," says Major Eaton, who is the authority for this story, " was perceived to be quite deaf, and calculating on some advantage to be de- JS14.] AFTERNOON IN THE BRITISH CAMP. 81 rived from this circumstance, he and the doctor were placed at night in the green room, where any conversation which occurred between them could readily be heard. Suspecting, perhaps, something of the kind, after having retired, and every thing was seemingly still, they began to speak of their situation, the circumstance of their being detained, and of the prudent caution with which they had guarded themselves against communicating any information to the British ad- miral. " ' But,' continued Shields, ' How greatly these gentle- men will be disappointed in their expectations, for Jackson, with the twenty thousand troops he now has, and the rein- forcements from Kentucky, which must speedily reach him, will be able to destroy any force that can be landed from these ships.' "Every word was heard, and treasured, and not supposing there was any design, or that he presumed himself overheard, they were beguiled by it, and at once concluded our force to be as great as it was represented ; and hence, no doubt, arose the reason of that prudent care and caution with which the enemy afterwards proceeded ; for, as it was remarked by a British officer, the actual strength of General Jackson's army, though repeatedly sought after, could never be procured ; it was a desideratum not to be obtained." Add to these circumstances the fact that General Keane was only in temporary command of this army. General Sir Edward Pakenham, a connection of the Duke of Wel- lington, and a favorite of the English ministry, was the person for whom the command and the credit of the expedi- tion were designed. He had not yet arrived, but was hourly expected. In accordance with the plan previously pursued in these pages, the reader shall be afforded an opportunity of survey- ing the occurrences of this decisive day and night as they appeared to English actors in them, and as they seemed to American participants. The " Subaltern" resumes his naiTative : " Noon had VOL. II. 6 82 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1814. just passed, when the word was j^iven to halt, by which means every facility was aiforded of posting the piquets with leisure and attention. Nor was this deemed enough to secure tranquility : parties were sent out in all directions to recon- noitre, who returned with an account that no enemy nor any trace of an enemy could be discerned. The troops were ac- cordingly suffered to light fires, and to make themselves com- fortable ; only their accouterments were not taken off, and the arms were piled in such form as to be within reach at a moment's notice. " As soon as these agreeable orders were issued, the sol- diers proceeded to obey them both in letter and in spirit. Tearing up a number of strong palings, large fires were lighted in a moment ; water was brought from the river, and provi- sions were cooked. But their bare rations did not content them. Spreading themselves over the country as far as a regard to safety would permit, they entered every house, and brought away quantities of hams, fowls, and wines of various descriptions ; which being divided among them, all fared well, and none received too large a quantity. In this division of good things they were not unmindful of their officers ; for upon active warfare the officers are considered by the privates as comrades, to whom respect and obedience are due, rather than as masters. " It was now about three o'clock in the afternoon, and all had as yet remained quiet. The troops, having finished their meal, lay stretched beside their fires, or refreshed themselves by bathing, for to-day the heat was such as to render this latter employment extremely agreeable, when suddenly a bugle from the advanced posts sounded the alarm, which was echoed back from all in the army. Starting up, we stood to our arms and prepared for battle, the alarm being now suc- ceeded by some firing ; but we were scarcely in order when intelligence arrived from the front that there was no danger, only a few horse having made their appearance, who were checked and put to flight at the first discharge. Upon this iuformation our wonted confidence returned, and we again 1814.] THENIGHTBATTLE. 83 betook ourselves to our former occupations, remarking that, as the Americans had never yet dared to attack, there was no great probability of their doing so on the present occasion. "In this manner the day passed without any further alarm ; and darkness having set in, the fires were made to blaze with increased splendor, our evening meal was eaten, and we prepared to sleep." CHAPTER VII. DECEMBER T W E N T Y- T H I E D. Four o'clock in the afternoon. — Mo-st of the American troops have reached the Rodriguez Canal ; others are coming up every moment. They are all on, or near the high road, which runs along the river's bank. The second division of the British army, consisting of the 21st, the 44tli, and the 93d Highlanders, is nearing the fisherman's village, at the mouth of the Bayou Bienvenu. The party in advance is quiescent and unsuspecting on and about the Villere planta- tion. General Keane and Colonel Thornton are pacing the piazza of the Villere mansion, Keane satisfied with his posi- tion, Thornton distrusting it. Half-past four. — The first American scouting party, con- sisting of five mounted riflemen, advance toward the British camp to reconnoiter. They advance too far, and retire with the loss of one horse killed and two men wounded. The first blood of the land campaign is shed ; Thomas Scott, the name of the first wounded man. Major Planche's battalion of Creole volunteers are now beginning to arrive. Our friend Nolte was serving in one of the companies. If Nolte were on,y as reliable as he is interesting, he would be a valuable aid to us at this moment. Of the march from the city to tny rendezvous he gives us this record : " Our major, Planche, 84 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON, [1814. was very much agitated. He turned round to me and said, in almost piteous tones, " ' Alas ! I scarcely feel that I have courage enough to lead fathers of families to battle !' " But our captain, Roche, who was ' made of sterner Btuff,' and might be called a practical soldier, rejoined, "'Don't talk in that way, major! Come now! that's not the kind of tone to use at this time !' " With these words, he wheeled about to us and shouted, " ' Come, lads ! forward ! Do your duty like brave fel- lows !' " The Villere plantation was about eight or nine miles from the city. We hurried toward it with a zeal which, for inexperienced militia, who had not yet smelt powder, might have been called almost heroic, had not Jackson's own ex- ample spurred us on, or had not many remained in careless iirnorance of what awaited them. With our silent band of musicians in front, almost at a running pace, we reached Vil- lere's plantation within about two hours, just as twDight was drawing on, and in profound silence." Five o'clock. — The Greneral is with his little army, serene, determined, confident. He believes he is about to capture or destroy those red-coats in his front, and he communicates some portion of his own assurance of faith to those around him. First, Colonel Hayne, inspector-general of the army, shall go forward with Colonel Hind's hundred horsemen, to see what he can see of the enemy's position and numbers. The hundred horsemen advance ; dash into the British pick- ets ; halt while Colonel Hayne takes a survey of the scene before him ; wheel, and gallop back. Colonel Hayne reports the enemy's strength at two thousand. But what are these printed bills stuck upon the plantation fences ? " LouisiANiANS ! Remain quiet in your houses. Your SLAVES shall BE PRESERVED TO YOU, AND YOUR PROPERTY RESPECTED. We MAKE WAR ONLY AGAINST AMERICANS !" Signed by General Keane and Admiral Cochrane. A negro was overtaken by the returning reconnoiterers, with 1814] THE NIGHT BATTLE. 85 printed copies of this proclamation upon his person, in Span- ish and French.* Twilight deepens into darkness. It is the shortest day of the year but four. The moon rises hazy and dim, yet bright enough for that night's work, if it will only last. The Ameri- can host is very silent ; silent, because such is the order ; silent, because they are in no mood to chatter. The more provident and lucky of the men eat and drink what they have, but most of them neither eat nor hunger. As the night drew on the British watch-fires, numerous and brilliant, became visible, disclosing completely their position, -and lighting the Americans the way they were to go. Six o'clock. — The General-in-Chief has completed his scheme, and part of it is in course of execution. It was the simple old backwoods plan of cornering the enemy ; the best possible for the time and place. Coffee, with his own rifle- men, with Beale's New Orleans sharpshooters, with Hinds' dragoons, was to leave the river's side, march across the plain to the cypress swamp, turn down toward the enemy, wheel again, attack them in the flank, and crowd them to the river. With General Coffee, as guide and aid, went Colonel De la Konde, the proprietor of one of the plantations embraced in the circle of operations. A circuitous march of five miles over moist, rough, obstructed ground, lay before General Cof- fee, and he was already in motion. Jackson, with the main fighting strength of the army, was to keep closer to the river, and open an attack directly upon the enemy's position ; the artillery and marines upon the high road ; the two regiments of regulars to the left of the road ; Blanche's battalion, Dac- quin's colored freemen, Jugeant's Choctaws, still further to the left, so as to complete the line of attack across the plain. The Carolina was to anchor opposite the enemy's camp, close in shore, and pour broadsides of grape and round shot into their midst. From the Carolina was to come the signal of attack. Not a shot to be fired, not a sound uttered, till the schooner's guns were heard. Then — Coffee, Blanche, regu- *Latour, 90. 86 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1814, lars, marines, Indians, negroes, artillery, Jackson, all advance at once, and girdle the foe with fire ! Half-past six. — The Carolina arrives opposite General Jackson's position. Edward Livingston goes on board of her, explains the plan of attackj communicates the Greneral's orders to Commodore Patterson, and returns to his place at the General's side. " It continuing calm," says the Com- modore in his official dispatch, " got out sweeps, and, a few minutes after, having been frequently hailed by the enemy's sentinels, anchored, veered out a long scope of cable, and sheered close in shore abreast of their camp." The Com- modore's " few minutes" was three quarters of an hour, at least, according to the other accounts. He had more than two miles to go before reaching the spot where he " veered out the long reach of cable" — itself an operation not done in a moment. Seven o'clock. — The night has grown darker than was hoped. Cofiee has made his way across the plain. Behind a ditch separating two plantations he is dismounting his men. Cavalry could not be employed uj^on such ground in the dark. Leaving the horses in charge of a hundred of his rifle- men, he is about to march with the rest to find and charge the enemy. He has still a long way to go, and wants a full hour, at least, to come up with them. General Cofiee, a man of few words, and intent on the business of the hour, delivers an oration, in something like these words : " Men, you have often said you could fight ; now is the time to prove it. Don't waste powder. Be sm'e of your mark before firing." Jackson is nearly ready to advance. The susceptible Cre- oles, of course, could not fall in on such a night for such a purpose without enacting a scene or two. "At this mo- ment," says Nolte, " Captain Roche stepped in front, and commanded — " ' Sergeant Eoche !' " This was his brother. The latter advanced, and was met by the Captain, who said, 1814.] THENIGHT BATTLE. 87 " ' Let US embrace, brother ; it may be for the last time.' " The request was complied with. Then came a second word of command : " ' Sergeant Roche, to your post !' " There is still a wide gap between General Jackson's divi- sion and that under command of Greneral Coffee. Colonel Ross, who is acting to-night as brigadier-general (for Jack- son had no brigadier), has been ordered, as soon as the fire opens, to close that gap with the uniformed com2)anies and the colored freemen. Half-past seven. — The first gun from the Carolina booms over the plain, followed in quick succession by seven others — the schooner's first broadside. It lays low upon the moist delta a hundred British soldiers, as some compute or guess.* Jackson hears it, and yet withholds the expected word of command. Coffee hears it, too soon, but he makes haste to respond. The English division then landing at the fisher- man's village hear it, and hurry tumultuously toward the scene of action, and the boats go madly back to Pine Island with the news. New Orleans hears it. A great crowd of women, children, old men and slaves, assembled in the square before the state-house, see the flash and listen to the roar of the guns, with emotions that can be imagined, not described. Other broadsides follow, as fast as men can load. And yet, strange to say, the people on board the terrible schooner knew nothing all that night of the effect their fire produced ; knew not whether they had contributed anything or nothing to the final issue of the strife. Commodore Patterson simply says : " Commenced a heavy (and as I have since learned, most destructive) fire from our starboard battery and small arms, which was returned most spiritedly by the enemy with congreve rockets and musketry from their whole force, when, after about forty minutes of most incessant fire, the enemy * General Kcane, in his official report, (which is full of errors,) says that only one man fell at the first fire, Captain Cooke, in his " Narrative,'' says, many fell. Mr. "Walker thinks, one hundred. The Subaltern says, " it swept down numlers." Pity a poor biographer, dear reader. 88 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1814. was silenced. The fire from our battery was continned till nine o'clock upon the enemy's flank while engaged in the field with our army, at which hour ceased firing, supposing, from the distance of the enemy's fire (for it was too dark to see anything on shore), that they had retreated beyond the range of our guns. Weighed and swept across the river, in hopes of a breeze the next morning, to enable me to renew the attack upon the enemy, should they be returned to their en- campment." So much for the Carolina. What she did, we know. But I defy any living being to say with positiveness, and in detail, what occurred on shore. The contradictions between the British and American accounts, and between the various American narratives, are so flat and irreconcilable, that the narrator who cares only for the truth pauses bewildered, and knows not what to believe. But exactness of detail is not important in describing this unique battle. A more suc- cessful night attack, or one that more completely gained, not the object proposed, but the objects most necessary to be gained, was never made. That fact alone might suffice. Yet let us peer into the thickening darkness, and see what we can discern of the credible, the probable, and the certain, borrow- ing other people's eyes when our own fail. Jackson opened his attack with curious deliberation. He waited patiently for the Carolina's guns. And when the thunder of her broadside broke the silence of the night, he still waited. For ten minutes, which seemed thirty, he let the little schooner wage the combat alone, hoping to fix the attention of the enemy exclusively upon her. Then — Fokwakd ! A mistake occurred at the very start. So, at least, avers Major Eaton, whose work was written under Jackson's own eye. The troojjs were ordered to march toward the enemy in columns, and those nearest the General's person did so. But the larger number, instead of moving in columns and starting ofi" to the left, so as to fill the gap betwen Jackson's and Coffee's divisions, marched in line. For a few minutes 1814.] THE NIGHT BATTLE. 89 all went wellj and the whole division was rapidly nearing the enemy, full of courage and enthusiasm. But soon, by the turn of the river, the ground was found to he too narrow for the line, which first became compressed, then confused ; and, finally, Planche's battalion was forced out of the line, and compelled to form in the rear. Jackson saw nothing of this, however ;.no one saw it except those whom it immediately concerned. Major Planche himself scarcely comprehended it — so dark was the night, so broken the ground. Down the high road, close to the river, with the seventh regiment, the artillery and the marines, Jackson advanced. A light breeze from the river blew over the plain the smoke of the Carolina's incessant fire, to which was added a fog then beginning to rise from the river. Lighted only by the flash of the guns and the answering musketry and rockets, the General pushed on, and had approached within less than a mile of the British headquarters, when the company in ad- vance, under Lieutenant McLelland, received a brisk fire from a British outpost lying in a ditch behind a fence near the road. Colonel Piatt, quartermaster-general, who was with this company, ran to the front, and seeing the red- coats, by the flash of their own guns, cried out — " Come out, and fight like men on open ground." Without giving them time to comply with this invita- tion, he poured a volley into their midst, and kept up an ac- tive fire for four or five minutes. The British picket gave way, and over the fence leaj^ed Piatt's company, and occu- pied the post they had abandoned. This was the first suc- cess of the battle, but it was very short. In a few minutes, a large party of British, two hundred, it is said, came up to regain their lost position, and opened a fire upon the victorious company. Its gallant commander. Lieutenant McLelland, fell dead; Colonel Piatt was wounded; a sergeant was killed; several of the men were wounded ; and it was going hardly with the little band. In the nick of time, however, the two pieces of cannon were placed in position on the road, and began a most vigorous fire, relieving the advanced company, and com- 90 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON. [1814. pelling the enemy to keep his distance. A second time the Americans were successful, for a moment. Soon a formidable force of British came up the road, and opened a tremendous fire upon the artillerymen and marines, evidently designing to take the guns. The marines recoiled before the leaden tempest. The horses attached to the cannon, wounded by the tire, reared, plunged, became unmanageable, and one of the pieces was overturned into the ditch by the side of the road. It was a moment of frightful and nearly fatal confu- sion. Jackson dashed into the fire, accompanied by two of his aids, and roared out with that startling voice of his — " Save the guns, my boys, at every sacrifice." The electric presence of the General restored and rallied the marines as another company of the seventh came up, and the guns were " protected," says Major Eaton, which proba- bly means drawn out of danger. All this was the work of a very few minutes. The other companies of the seventh, and the whole of the forty-fourth, were meanwhile engaged in that miscellaneous, desultory, indescribable manner, of which the Subaltern's narrative will in a moment give us some idea. Major Planche was not long in the rear. He marched his battallion to the left to find an opening for attack. Unfor- tunately he did not march far enough to the left ; but ad- vancing toward the enemy before he had gone beyond the forty-fourth, one of his companies mistook that regiment for one of the enemy's, and opened fire upon it, wounding several men. Planche gallantly atoned for the deplorable error, led his battalion against the enemy, and gave them several effec- tive volleys. Our acquaintance, Nolte, now catches his first glimpse of the red coats. He desires us to understand that he surveyed the scene with the composure of a veteran. " It was by the flash of the muskets," he says, " that we, for the first time, got a sight of the red coats of the English, who were posted on a small acclivity in front of us, about a gun- shot distant. I noted this circumstance, and at the same moment observed the j^eculiar method of firing by the English, 1814,] THE NIGHT BATTLE. 91 who still kept up the old custom of three deep ; one row of men half kneeling, and two other ranks firing over their shoul- ders. This style of firing, along with the darkness of the evening, explained to me the reason why the enemy's balls, which we heard whistling by, mostly flew over our heads, and only seven men were wounded, five of them belonging to our own company. After the lapse of about twenty minutes, the word was passed to cease firing. On the English side only a few retreating discharges were dropped in from time to time. We saw about sixty English captured by the Tennessee rifle- men, and led off towards the road, and at the same time learned that about one half of our sharpshooters from the city had fallen into the hands of the English." Before these simultaneous attacks the English gradually gave way. Not at every point, however. But, upon the whole, the Americans gained upon them, and got nearer and nearer the British headquarters. General Coffee, though the signal came a little too early for him, was in the thick of the fight sooner than he had ex- pected. Having reached the Villere plantation, he wheeled toward the river, and marched in a widely extended line, each man to fight, in the Indian fashion, on his own account. He expected to come up with the enemy near the river's bank, and would have done so if the Carolina had begun her fij-e half an hour later. The enemy, however, had then had time to recover from their confusion, to abandon the river, and to form in various positions across the plain. General Cofiee had not advanced a hundred yards from the swamp before he was astonished to find himself in the presence of the British eighty-fifth. "A war of duels and detachments" ensued, with varying fortune. But the deadly and unerring fire of Coffee's cool riflemen, accustomed from of old to night war- fare with Indians, acquainted with all the arts of covert and approach, was too much for the British infantry.* From * " The short rifle of the English service was not equal to the long and deadly instrument of the •western hunter and Indian, fighter. For many years after the liuts of Lacoste bore striking proofs of the accuracy of the aim of the Tennes- 92 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814 orange grove, frora behind negro huts, the eighty-fifth slowly retired toward the rivel", until, at length, they took post be- hind an old levee, near the high road. Bayonets alone could dislodge them thence, and the Tennesseans had no bayonets. Coffee, too, retired to cover, and sent to the General for orders. Captain J. N. Cooke, a British officer, who wrote a nar- rative of this unexampled campaign, gives a lively picture of the battle at the time when Coffee was fighting his way across the plain : " Lumps and crowds of American militia, who were armed with rifles and long hunting knives for close quarters, now crossed the country ; and by degrees getting nearer to the headquarters of the British, they were met by some companies of the rifle corps and the eighty-fifth light infantry ; and here again such confusion took place as seldom occurs in war — the bayonet of the British and the knife of the American were in active opposition at close quarters during this eventful night, and, as pronounced by the Ameri- cans, it was ' rough and tumble.' " The darkness was partially dispelled for a few moments now and then by the flashes of fire-arms ; and whenever the outlines of men were distinguishable, the Americans called out, ' don't fire, we are your friends !" Prispners were taken and retaken. The Americans were litigating and wrangling, and protesting that they were not taken fairly, and were hug- ging their fire-arms, and bewailing their separation from a favorite rifle that they wished to retain as their lawful prop- erty. seans, and of the severity of the combat in this part of the field. Concealing themselves behind the huts, the British waited until the Tennesseans got into the midst of them. Then they rushed forward and engaged with them hand to hand. Neither party having bayonets, they were forced to club their guns, and thus many fine rifles were ruined. But the more cautious of the Tennesseans preferred their long knives and tomahawks to thus endangering that arm which is their chief reliance in war, their inseparable companion in peace and war. Many a British soldier who was found dead on the field, with heavy gashes on his forehead, or deep stabs in his bosom, was buried under the conviction that he came to his death by that military and chivalric weapon, the sword."— Jackson and Ofew Orleans. 1814.] THE NIGHT BATTLE. 93 "The British soldiers, likewise, hearing their mother tongue spoken, were captured by this deception ; when such mistakes being detected, the nearest American received a knock-down blow ; and in this manner prisoners on both sides, having escaped, again joined in the fray, calling out lustily for their respective friends. Here was fighting, and straggling flashes of fire darting through the gloom, like the tails of so many comets. "At this most remarkable night-encounter the British were fighting on two sides of a ragged triangle, their left face pounded by the fire from the sloop, and theh right face en- gaged with the American land forces. Hallenwas still fight- ing in front at the apex. " At one time the Americans pushed round Hallen's right, and got possession of the high road behind him, where they took Major Mitchell and thirty riflemen going to his assist- ance. But Hallen was inexorable, and at no time had more than one hundred men at his disposal ; the riflemen coming up from the rear by twos and threes to his assistance, when he had lost nearly half his picket in killed and wounded. And behind him was such confusion that an English artillery officer declared that the flying illumination encircling him was so unaccountably strange that had he not pointed his brass cannon to the front at the beginning of the fight he could not have told which was the proper front of battle (as the English soldiers were often firing one upon the other, as well as the Americans), except by looking towards the muzzle of his three pounder, which he dared not tire, from the fear of bring- ing down friends and foes by the same discharge ; seeing, as he did, the darkness suddenly illuminated across the country by the flashing of muskets at every point of the compass." The incidents attending the capture of Major Mitchell are amusingly related by the author of " Jackson and New Orleans." " As the 93d Highlanders," says this diligent writer, " were expected every moment to reach the camp, Major Mitchell was strongly impressed with the belief that Coffee's men, who wore hunting-shirts, which, in the dark, 94 LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON. [1814:. were not unlike the Highland frock, were the men of the 93d, and greatly needing their aid, he eagerly advanced, calling out, ' Are those the 93d T ' Of course,' shouted the Ten- nesseans, who had no particular number. Mitchell thereupon pushed boldly forward within a few feet of the men, when Cap- tain Donaldson stepped in front, and slapping the astounded Briton on the shoulder, called out, ' You are my prisoner,' aiid requested the Major's sword. This request was enforced by half a dozen long rifles, which covered his body at every assailable point. With infinite mortification the gallant Major surrendered,* and with several other prisoners was borne off by the Tennesseans. Though at the moment of his capture, and subsequently, Major Mitchell was treated with the kindness and generosity due to a gallant foe, he never recovered his good humor, and embraced every oppor- tunity of exhibiting his spleen and disgust. The oblique movement of Coffee's brigade to the right produced some dis- asters which were sorely lamented by the Americans." The Subaltern's narrative of this fearful and glorious night is singularly interesting. He says truly that no man could know much of what passed except the events that oc- curred in his immediate presence, and therefore he confines his narrative to what he himself did and saw : " My friend Grey and myself had been supplied by our soldiers with a couple of fowls taken from a neighboring hen-roost, and a few bottles of excellent claret, borrowed from the cellar of one of the houses near. We had built ourselves a sort of hut, by piling together in a conical form a num- ber of large stakes and broad rails torn up from one of the fences ; and a bright wooden fire was blazing at the door of it. In the Avantonness of triumph, too, we had lighted some six or eight wax-candles, a vast quan- tity of which had been found in the store-rooms of the chateaux hard by ; and having done ample justice to our luxurious supper, we were sitting in great splendor, and in high spirits, at the entrance of our hut, when the alarm of the approaching schooner was communicated to us. With the sagacity of a veteran, Grey instantly guessed how matters stood : he was the first to hail the suspicious stranger, and, on receiving no answer to hia challenge, he was the first to fire a musket in the direction of her anchor age. But he had scarcely done so when she opened her broadside, causing 1814.] THE NIGHT-BATTLE. 95 'Jio instantaneous abandonment of fires, viands, and mirth, throughout the bivouac. " As we contrived to get our men tolerably well around us, Grey and myself were among the first who rushed forth to support the pickets, and check the advance of the enemy upon the right. Passing as rapidly as might be through the ground of encampment, amidst a sh:wer of grape- shot from the vessel, we soon arrived at the pond, which, being forded, we found ourselves in front of the farm-house, of which I have already spoken as composing the headquarters of General Keane. Here we were met by a few stragglers from the outposts, who reported that the advanced com- panies were all driven in, and that a numerous division of Americans was approaching. Having attached these fugitives to our Httle corps, we pushed on, and in a few seconds reached the lower extremity of a sloping stubble- field, at the otlier end of which we could discei'n a long line of men, but whether they were friends or foes the darkness would not permit us to determine. We called aloud, for the purpose of satisfying our doubts; but the signal being disregarded, we advanced. A heavy fire of musketry instantly opened upon us, but so fearful was Grey of doing injury to onr own troops, that he would not permit it to be returned. "We accordingly pressed on, our men dropping by ones and twos on every side of us, till, having arrived within twenty or thirty yards of the object of our curiosity, it became to me evident enough that we were in front of the enemy. But Grey's humane caution still prevailed ; he was not convinced, and till he should be convinced it was but natural that he should not alter his plans. There chanced to be near the spot where we were standing a huge dung- heap, or rather, a long, sohd stack of stubble, behind which we directed the men to take shelter, whilst one of us should creep forward alone, for the purpose of more completely ascertaining a fact of which all, except my brave and noble-minded comrade, were satisfied. The event proved that my sight had not deceived me ; I approached within saber's length of the line, and having ascertained, beyond the possibility of doubt, that the line was composed of American soldiers, I returned to my friend, and again urged him to charge. But there was an infatuation upon him that night, for which I have ever been unable to account. He insisted that I must be mistaken ; he spoke of the improbability which existed that any part of the enemy's army should have succeeded in taking up a position in rear of the station of one of our outposts, and he could not be persuaded that the troops now before him were not the 95th rifle corps. At last it was agreed betv/een us that we should separate ; that Grey, with one half of the party, should remain where he was, whilst I, with the other half, should make a short detour to the right, and come down upon the flank of the hne from whose fire we had suffered so severely. The plan was carried into imme- diate execution. Taking with me about a dozen or fourteen men, I quitted Qrey, and we never met again. m B6 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON. [1814. " How or when he fell I know not ; but, judging from the spot and atti- tude in which I afterwards found his body, I conceive that my back could have been barely turned upon him, when the fatal ball pierced his brain. He was as brave a soldier and as good a man as the British army can boast of, beloved by his brother officers and adored by his men. To me he was as a brother; nor have I ceased even now to feel, as often as the 23d of December returns, that on that night a tie was broken, than which the progress of human life will hardly furnish one more tender or more strong. But to my tale. " Leaving Grey — careless, as he ever was in battle, of his own person, and anxious, as far as might be, to secure the safety of his folloAvers — I led my little party in the direction agreed upon, and fortunately falling in with about an equal number of English riflemen, I caused them to take post beside my own men, and turned up to tlie front. Springing over the paling, we found ourselves almost at once upon the left flank of the enemy, and we lost not a moment in attacking it. But one volley was poured in, and then bayonets, musket-butts, sabers, and even fists came instantly into play. In the whole course of my military career, I remember no scene at all resembling this. We fought with the savage ferocity of bull-dogs, and many a blade, which till to-night had not drank blood, became in a few minutes crimsoned enough. " Such a contest could not, in the nature of things, be of very long con- tinuance. The enemy, astonished at the vigor of our assault, soon began to waver, and their wavering was speedily converted into flight. Nor did we give them a moment's time to recover from their panic. With loud shouts we continued to press upon them, and, amidst the most horrible din and desperate carnage, drove them over the field and through the little village of huts, of which notice has already been taken as surrounding the mansion on our .advanced right. Here we found a number of our own people prisoners and under a guard of Americans. But the guard fled as we approached, and our countrymen, catching up such weapons as came first to hand, joined in the pursuit. " In this spot I halted my party, increased, by the late additions, to the number of forty ; among whom were two gallant young ofliicers of the 95tb. We had not yet been joined, as I expected to be joined, by Grey, and feeUng that we were at least far enough in advance of our own line, we determined to attempt nothing further, except to keep possession of the village should it be attacked. But whilst placing the men in convenient eituations, another dark line was pointed out to us, considerably to the left of our position. That we might ascertain at once of what troops it was composed, I left my brother officers to complete the arrangements wliich we had begun, and walking down the field, demanded, in a loud voice, to be informed who they were that kept post in so retired a situation. A 1814.] THE NIGHT BATTLE. 97 voice from the throng made answer that they were Americans, and begged of mc not to fire upon my friends^. Willing to deceive them still further, I asked to what corps they belonged ; the speaker replied that they were the second battalion of the first regiment, and inquired what had become of the first battalion. I told him that it was upon my right, and assuming a tone of authority, commanded him not to move from his present situation till I should jpin him with a party of which I was at the head. " The conversation ended here, and I returned to the village, when, communicating the result of my inquiries to my comrades, we formed our brave little band into Une, and determined to attack. The men were cau- » tioned to preserve a strict silence, and not to fire a shot till orders were given, and they observed these injunctions, and with fixed bayonets and cautious tread advanced along the field. As we drew near, I called aloud for the commanding officer of the second regiment to step forward, upon which an elderly man, armed with a heavy dragoon saber, stepped out of the ranks. When he discovered by our dress that we were English, tliis redoubtable warrior lost aU self-command ; he resigned his sword to me without a murmur, and consented at once to- believe that his battalion was surrounded, and that to offer any resistance would but occasion a needless loss of blood. Nor was he singular in these respects : his followers, placing implicit reliance in our assurances that they were hemmed in on every side by a very superior force, had actually begun to lay down their arms, and would have surrendered, in all probability, at discretion, but for the supe- rior gallantry of one man. An American officer, whose sword I demanded, instead of giving it up, as his commander had done, made a cut at my head, which with some difficulty I managed to ward off", and a few soldiers near him, catching ardor from his example, discharged their pieces among our troops. The sound of firing was no sooner heard than it became general, and as all hope of success by stratagem might now be laid aside, we were of necessity compelled to try the effect of violence. Again we rushed into the middle of the throng, and again was the contest that of man to man, in close and desperate strife, till a panic arising among the Americans they dispersed in all directions and left us masters of the field. " In giving a detail so minute of my own adventures this night I beg to repeat Avhat has been stated already, that I have no wish whatever to persuade my readers that I was one whit more cool or more daring than my companions. Like them I was driven to depend, from first to last, uj)on my own energies ; and I believe the energies of few men fail them when they are satisfied that on them alone they must depend. Nor was the case different with my comrades. Attacked unexpectedly, and in the dark, — surrounded, too, by a numerous enemy, and one who spoke the same language with ourselves, — it is not to be wondered at if the order and routine of civilized warfare were everywhere set at nought. Each VOL. II, 7 I 98 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON, [1814. man who felt disposed to command was obeyed by those who stood near him, without any question being asked as to his authority ; and more feats of individual gallantry were performed in this single night than many reg- ular campaigns might furnish an opportunity to perform. " The night was far spent, and the sound of firing had begun to wax faint, when, checking the ardor of our brave follower?, we collected them once more together, and fell back into the village. Here, likewise, consid- erable numbers from other detachments assembled, and here we learned that the Americans were repulsed on every side. The combat had been long and obstinately contested • it began at eight o'clock in the evening and continued till three in the morning — but the victory was ours. True, it was the reverse of a bloodless one, not fewer than two hundred and fifty of our best men having fallen in the struggle : but even at the expense of such a loss, we could not but account ourselves fortunate in escaping from the snare in which we had confessedly been taken. " To me, however, the announcement of the victory brought no rejoic- ing, for it was accompanied with the intelligence that my friend was among the killed. I well recollect the circumstances under which these sad news reached me. I was standing with a sword in each hand — my own and that of the officer who had surrendered to me, and, as the reader may imagine, in no bad humor with myself or with the brave fellows about me, when a brother officer, stepping forward, abruptly told the tale. It came upon me like a thunderbolt ; and casting aside my trophy, I thought only of the loss which I had sustained. Eegardless of every other matter, I ran to the rear, and found Grey lying behind the dung-heap, motionless and cold. A little pool of blood, which had coagulated under his head, pointed out the spot where the ball had entered, and the position of hia limbs gave proof that he must have died without a struggle. I can not pretend to describe what were then my sensations, but of whatever na- ture they might be, little time was given for their indulgence ; for the bugle sounding the alarm, I was compelled to leave him as he lay, and to join my corps. Though the alarm proved to be a false one, it had the good efiFect of bringing all the troops together, by which means a regular line was now, for the first time since the commencement of the action, formed. In this order, having defiled considerably to the left, so as to command the highway, we stood in front of our bivouac till dawn began to appear when, to avoid the fire of the schooner, we once more moved to the nver's bank, and lay down. Here, during the whole of the succeeding day, the troops were kept shivering in the cold, frosty air, witliout fires, without provisions, and exhausted by fatigue; nor was it till the return of night that anj' attempt to extricate them from their comfortless situation could be made. " Whilst others were thus reposing, I stole away, with two or three 1814.] THE NIGHT BATTLE. 99 men, for the purpose of performing the last sad act of affection which it was possible for me to perform for my friend Grey. As we had com- pletely changed our ground, it was not possible for me at once to discover the spot where he lay ; indeed, I traversed a large portion of the field before I hit upon it. Whilst thus wandering over the arena of last night's contest, the most shocking and most disgusting spectacles everywhere met my eyes. I have frequently beheld a greater number of dead bodiea within as narrow a compass, though these, to speak the truth, were nu- merous enough, but wounds more disfiguring, or more horrible, I certainly never witnessed. A man shot through the head or heart hes as if he were in a deep slumber; insomuch, that when you gaze upon him you experience little else than pity. But of these many had met their deaths from bayonet wounds, saber cuts, or heavy blows from the butt ends of muskets ; and the consequence was, that not only were the wounds them- selves exceedingly frightful, but the very countenances of the dead exhib- ited the most savage and ghastly expressions. Friends and foes lay to- gether in small groups of four or six, nor was it difficult to tell almost the very hand by which some of them had fallen. Nay, such had been the deadly closeness of tiie strife, that in one or two places an English and American soldier might be seen with the bayonet of each fastened in the other's body. " Having searched for some time in vain, I at length discovered my friend lying where, during the action, we had separated, and where, when the action came to a close, I had at first found him ; shot through the tem- ples by a rifle bullet so remarkably small as scarcely to leave any trace of its progress. I am well aware that this is no fit place to introduce the work- ing of my own personal feeUngs, but he was my friend, and such a friend as few men are happy enough to possess. We had known and loved each other for years ; our regard had been cemented by a long participation in the same hardships and dangers ; and it can not therefore surprise if even now I pay that tribute to his worth and our friendship which, however unavailing it may be, they both deserve. " When in the act of looking for him I had flattered myself that I should be able to bear his loss with something like philosophy, but when I beheld him pale and bloody I found all my resolution evaporate. I threw myself on the ground beside him, and wept like a child. But this was no time for the indulgence of useless sorrow. Like the royal bard, I knew that I should go to him, but he could not return to me, and I knew not whether an hour would pass before my summons might arrive. Lifting him, therefore, upon a cart, I had him carried down to headquarter house, now converted into an hospital, and having dug for him a grave at tlie bot- tom of the garden, I laid him there as a soldier should be laid, arrayed, not in a shroud, but in his uniform. Even tlie privates whom I brought with 100 LIFE OF ANDEEW JACKSON, [1814. me to assist at his funeral mingled their tears with mine, nor are many so fortunate as to return to the parent dust more deeply or more sincerely la- mented. " Retiring from the performance of this melancholy duty, I strolled into th e nospital and visited the wounded. It is here that war loses it grandeur and show, and presents only a real picture of its effects. Every room in the house was crowded with wretches mangled, and apparently in the most excruciating agonies. Prayers, groans, and, I grieve to add, the most horrid exclamations, smote upon the ear wherever I turned. Some lay at length upon straw, with eyes half closed, and Hmbs motionless ; some en- deavored to start up, shrieking with pain, while the wandering eye and incoherent speech of others indicated the loss of reason, and usually fore- told the approach of death. But there was one among the rest whose ap- pearance was too horrible ever to be forgotten. He had been shot through the windpipe, and the breath making its way between the skin and the flesh had dilated him to a size absolutely terrific. His head and face were particularly shocking. Every feature was enlarged beyond what can well be imagined ; whilst his eyes were so completely hidden by the cheeks and forehead as to destroy aU resemblance to a human countenance. " Passing through the apartments where the private soldiers lay I next came to those occupied by officers. Of these there were five or six in one small room, to whom Uttle better accommodation could be provided than to their inferiors. It was a sight peculiarly distressing, because all of them chanced to be personal acquaintances of my own. One had been shot in the head, and lay ga'sping and insensible ; another had received a musket ball in the belly, which had pierced through and lodged in the back-bone. The former appeared to suffer but little, giving no signs of life, except what a heavy breathing produced ; the latter was in the most dreadful agony, screaming out, and gnawing the covering under which he lay. There were many besides these, some severely and others slightly hurt; but as I have already dwelt at sufficient length upon a painful subject, I shall only observe, that to all was afforded every assistance which circumstances would allow; and that the exertions of their medical attendants were such as deserved and obtained the grateful thanks of even the most afflicted among the sufferers themselves." General CoiFee's own nan-ative of tlie night battle, as con- tained in a hasty letter to his father-in-law, is before me. " My brigade," he says, " met the enemy's line near four hun- dred yards from the river. The fire on both sides was kept up mostly very brisk until we drove them to the river bank, where they gave a long and heavy fire, and finally the enemy 1814.] THE NIGHT ATTACK. 101 fell behind tlie levee or river bank that is thrown up. The battle had now lasted near two and a half hours. The regu- lars had ceased firing near one hour before I drew my men back." That is all this modest hero had to say of his exploits io-night. His young relative, John Donelson, was more full with regard to his general's deeds aad his own. " I came/' he wrote to his father, " very nigh falling into the hands of the enemy with the whole of my company, on the night of the 23d. Some minutes after the action had commenced. General Cof- fee ordered a charge. I immediately, as soon as I understood the order, moved on to the charge with my company. The enemy gave way both to my right and left. I charged on near Lord Pakenham's quarters, made several prisoners and killed several of the enemy. I passed on to the end of a large garden and halted, discovering none of the enemy in front, and intended waiting until the men who charged on my left came uj), but they were met and repulsed by the enemy. The enemy having discovered the position that I had taken, fell immediately in my rear, and marched directly towards me. I hailed them as they advanced, thinking that they were the men that had charged on my left. They answered that they were General Coffee's men, having by some means learned the General's name. They advanced within about ten steps, ordered us for d d Yankee rebels to lay down our arms. Discovering my mistake, I answered them, they be d d, and ordered my men to open a fire upon them, which they done, and brought them to a halt, which enabled us to make good our retreat to the right, and fell in with Colonel Williamson's regiment. They advanced upon us at port arms, and as soon as they discovered that we did not intend to surrender, they were ready at once to fire. Never did I experience such a shower of shot in all the engagements that I have been in heretofore. Three of my men fell dead. Three surrendered; the balance I got off safe. Major Cavannough, who had 102 LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON. [1814, fallen in with me in the charge, likewise surrendered. I have enjoyed my health tolerably well since I have been here. " Uncle Jackson, I am afraid, will not be able to stand this climate long. He looks very badly at present, and haa broken very much." * CHAPTER VIII. AFTER THE BATTLE. Such were the scenes enacted on the plains of the Delta in the evening of December the 23d, 1814, for about the space of an hour and a half. Nine o'clock. — The Carolina, as we have seen, ceases her deadly fire. The second division of English troops have arrived, and mingled in the battle, more than repairing the casualties of the night in the English army. The fog, rising from the river, has spread densely over the field, first envel- oping Jackson's division, which was nearest the river, then rolling over the entire plain. The General has heard nothing of General Coffee since he parted with him at six o'clock. He concludes now to suspend all operations till the dawn of day. Coffee's messenger finds the General, at length, and departs with an order for General Coffee to withdraw his men from the field, and rejoin the right wing with all despatch. Ten o'clock. — The American troops have retired, and are spread over the plain a mile or more from the scene of con- flict. The wounded, all of them that can be found, are brought in and conveyed toward the city. The inhabitants of New Orleans have learned enough of the issue of the fight to allay their apprehensions of immediate danger; but women still sit at home or flit about the streets in an agony of sus- pense, to learn something of the fate of fathers, husbands ann, afterwards famous as Cora Livingston, the belle of Washington in President Jackson's day. It is pleasant to know that the grim and steadfast warrior, amid all the hurly-burly of the siege, found time to love and caress this little girl, and win her heart. She sat in his lap and played around his high splashed boots, at headquarters, while he was busied in the affairs of his great charge. All children . loved this man, and liked to get very close to him, and be noticed and fondled by him ; but none loved him better than this fair child, who saw him first when he was in his fiercest mood, worn with war, disease and care. Nothing could ex- ceed his tenderness to her. For her sake, and for the sake of those who loved her, he allowed one poor nag to repose in his stable, while every other serviceable quadruped was hard at work in the soft mire and cold mist of the delta. There was no exemption for men, however. Even those fathers of families whom Major Planche commanded found it hard to get permission to go to toAvn for an hour or two. Some of them were a whole week at the lines without seeincr their families. Nay, the gentlemen volunteers who surrounded the General's person, and over whom he had no military au- thority, discovered that he had taken them at their word very literally, and ex})ected them to set an example of endurance tlio duly fittcstod Jnckson's sagacity. Slirove invented apparatus adapted to the prosecution of the work, and completed it to the satisfaction of all interested; and at a late day succeeded in removing the great Red river raft, which had been considered impracticable. This raft was over thirty miles in length, and for years had blocked up tbo entire river." 1814.] AN EARNEST CHEISTMAS. 121 and diligence. It may have been on this Christmas day that a pretty scene occurred between the General and Louis Liv- ingston (a fine, gallant youth of sixteen, the son of Edward Livingston), which shows at once the delicacy and the firm- ness of Jacl