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THE BOLTER BOLTED, 
 
 The title at the head of this paper indicates its purpose. It is pre- 
 sented to the Democracy generally, and to the Democrats of the coun- 
 ty of Montgomery in particular, by an association of Democrats who 
 had hoped that yet, for some time to come, they might share in the 
 labors and triumphs of Democracy, in common with their fellow-citi- 
 zens of the party, but who are said to be "indelibly marked," by 
 reason of their preference of one of the candidates for Congress, lor 
 speedy and certain political decapitation. We hope to escape literal 
 stabbing by the bullies who, despairing of carrying the election by 
 reason and argument, resort to the knife. How many, or wheth- 
 er any additional numbers of this paper will be needed during the 
 present canvass, must depend upon what may transpire hereafter. 
 It is not proposed to issue it at any stated periods. The present 
 number is made up chiefly of Judge Holt's address, and the relation 
 of a few occurrences of his political life. The address we commend 
 to the candid consideration of the Democratic reader. The question 
 need not be asked here, who is Judge Holt? He has resided many 
 years in the county, and not in obscurity. He has been among the 
 most liberal contributors to provide means for the advancement of 
 the Democratic cause ; and when off the bench, one of the most active 
 and efficient working men of the party. During several of the last 
 years of his first term on the be'ich, the Democracy of the county 
 had been in a minority of about 200. When he left the bench in the 
 year 1838, he, with his political associates, took the stump in earnest, 
 and carried the election by an average majority of about 200. The 
 next year, 1839, it amounted to over 400. Immediately after this, 
 followed the dark days of embarrassment and distress which pervad- 
 ed the country, until and after the memorable era of 1840. The 
 Whigs, taking advantage of the embarrassed situation of the people, 
 by successful sophistry, persuaded them that their troubles were 
 attributable to the administration, then Democratic ; and the Democ- 
 racy of the country, Montgomery county with it, was reduced to a 
 minority. The Whigs were more successful in this county than in 
 the country at large, in maintaining their advantage, and kept their 
 ascendency until the second term of Judge Holt expired. He was 
 then nominated as a delegate to the Convention which formed the 
 present constitution, and addressing the people in every township, 
 upon the principal questions which divided the parties, he was elect- 
 ed, and the first office, of importance, except Sheriff's, which had 
 been elected by the Democratic party in the county for ten success- 
 ive years. He is not, then, "an old broken down hack," unless he 
 
2 vzHu 
 
 proved himself to be such in that body, where his last and most im- 
 portant public services were rendered. His report as Chairman of 
 the committee on Jurisprudence, on Law Reform, and his speech in 
 support of that report — his plan of a Judiciary system, and his speech 
 in its favor — and his speech upon the subject of banks and currency, 
 as reported in the debates of the Convention — show him to be any- 
 thing else than a broken-down hack. But it is not our purpose to 
 eulogize Judge Holt, nor to disparage any one else ; we therefore 
 give place to his address : 
 
 To the Democratic Electors of the Third Congressional District, 
 more especially of Montgomery County. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens : The political campaign is now fairly open. 
 The candidates for President and Vice President of the United States, 
 on either side, are now before the people. So also the candidates for 
 State, congressional, and county officers. 
 
 The merits of our nominees for President and Vice President, and 
 the remarkable unanimity with which these nominations have been 
 received and indorsed throughout the Union, give us a most cheering 
 prospect — may I not safely say, certainty of success. 
 
 The nominees for State officers are well known, and need no com- 
 mendation. 
 
 The Convention, on Saturday last, presented us a ticket for county 
 officers composed of men who, for attachment to democratic princi- 
 ples, and their ample qualifications, cannot be surpassed. Let us, 
 then, with unity of purpose and energy of action, resolve on success, 
 and the day is ours. 
 
 The congressional nomination — the character of the faction, so far 
 as this county is concerned, by which it was procured — the means 
 employed to that end, and the claims of the nominee, in view of his 
 political conduct since he came among us, in my judgment, demand 
 a fair and dispassionate review. Such a review it is my purpose to 
 give, as soon as I can be released from professional duty on the cir- 
 cuit of the courts. This review will involve the question, how far, 
 and under what circumstances, the action of a Convention is binding 
 upon the party and its individual members. 
 
 I have been taught to believe in, and to be governed by, the action 
 of our Conventions, as a means by which we concentrate our strength 
 and secure the ascendency of our principles, by selecting proper 
 men as our representatives; and when these selections are made, that 
 they are binding upon the party. If it be otherwise — if one indi- 
 vidual can be justified in rebelling against this authority — nay, if it 
 is to be made the highway to preferment, let all have the advantage 
 of it. 
 
 Until within the last few years, we have been, in this county, a 
 harmonious Democracy, dwelling and acting together as brethren in 
 unity. The inquiry is an important one, what has caused the dis- 
 turbing strife and embittered feeling which now prevails ? There 
 was an Achan in the camp of Israel. He was sought out and cut 
 off. There is an Achan in our camp. Let him be sought out and 
 
3 
 
 cm off, whoever he be, that disorganization may be discountenanced 
 and harmony restored. At present, I only request my friends, and 
 the Democracy generally, to suspend their decision until a full inves- 
 tigation shall be had, then to be governed by the dictates cf their 
 own consciences and judgment. 
 
 In pursuing this matter, I shall not act rashly, but take counsel of * 
 the staid, prudent, and long-tried Democrats of the city and country, 
 
 not passing by the young men of the party, whose impulses are 
 
 rio-ht, and who, unhackneyed in intrigue and the clandestine maneu- 
 vering and management of mere party hacks, incline to act from 
 such impulses. 
 
 Although conscious of acting for what I believe will eventuate in 
 the permanent success of the Democratic party, yet, it would not be 
 true to say that private feeling has no influence in my action. Every 
 man wishes, or ought to wish, to deserve and secure the good opin- 
 ions of his fellow-men. For the last two years, I have been the 
 object of a most virulent political denunciation and of false accusa- 
 tions, by an unscrupulous clique in this city. It has been said that 
 a slander oft repeated and continued, at length gains credence. These 
 attacks I have borne, it not patiently, certainly in silence, until for- 
 bearance ceases to be a virtue. 
 
 For the present, I conclude by again recommending an earnest, 
 energetic, and persevering support of the other parts of the ticket, 
 and in the decision which the Democracy shall finally make of the 
 congressional nomination I shall acquiesce ; promising that, with my 
 old political yoke-fellows, and the young men of our party, who are 
 soon to take our places, to labor for the prevalence of those Demo- 
 cratic principles which I believe to be essential to the prosperity and 
 happiness of the whole people. 
 
 GEO. B. HOLT. 
 
 The foregoing paper I expected to have appeared in the "Empire" 
 on the day on which it was written, which was on the Monday next 
 succeeding the congressional nomination. On that day I handed it 
 to one of the proprietors, but the demands on the columns of that 
 paper seem to have been such, that room was not found for its inser- 
 tion. I now proceed, through the instrumentality of the press, in a 
 manner free to every body, to the review indicated in that article. 
 
 Mr. Vallandigham, the nominee for a seat in Congress from this 
 district, came to reside in Dayton in the year 1847. He was then 
 supposed to be a gentleman, a young man of fair promise, — was 
 kindly and cordially received by the Democratic citizens of the city 
 and county, and by none more so than by the writer of this chapter 
 of his biography. He had expressed a wish, before his arrival among 
 us, to introduce himself to the people of the county in the capacity 
 of an editor of our Democratic paper. I had, at that time, an inter- 
 est in the press by way of lien, for moneys which I had advanced 
 about eleven years before, to relieve it from embarrassment, which, 
 computing annual interest at six per cent., and deducting charges 
 which the press had against me, amounted to about $400. To en 
 
courage Mr. Vallandigham, who professed that his means were very- 
 limited, and also Mr. Munn, his partner, — a young man whom I re- 
 garded, as I still do, with the kindliest feelings, — I disposed to them 
 my interest in the press for $150, giving them their own time for 
 payment. Thus much for the "material aid" which he received' 
 from the hand of a friend, afterward most egregiously betrayed. 
 
 Our relations, social as well as political, became of the most friend- 
 ly, familiar, and, on my part, confiding character, and so continued 
 up to the winter of 1849-50, when my term of office on the bench 
 expired. 
 
 While holding my Courts during the fall anterior to the expiration 
 of my term of office, the vacancy about to occur was often spoken of. 
 A Convention to revise the Constitution was then contemplated, and 
 it was not expected that the incumbent, whoever might be elected, 
 would hold the office more than one, or two years at farthest. Not a 
 member of the bar, that I heard of, was desirous, or even willing, to 
 sacrifice his business for so short a time. Col. Smith was the only 
 member that seemed to hesitate, and he at length declined. I may 
 say further, that it was generally said to me, you now have the 
 place, no professional business to sacrifice, and you had better stand 
 it, at least until the office shall be superseded by the new Constitu- 
 tion. It was under such circumstances that I agreed to be a candi- 
 date for reelection. 
 
 Early — probably the first day of the session — Mr. Vallandigham 
 went to Columbus, whilst I was holding my last term in Dayton,, 
 which continued until the 27th day of December. Before closing 
 the term, we heard in Dayton that Mr. Monfort of Greenville was 
 endeavoring to obtain the office. This gave me no uneasiness, be- 
 cause, in the first place, I did not credit it, he having been among the 
 foremost to urge me to be a candidate for reelection. In the second 
 place, I supposed, from his age and other circumstances, that his 
 claims would not be recognized. And thirdly, I knew that Mr. Val- 
 landigham was there, whom I considered my fast friend, who had 
 told me, as well as Sheriff Clark and others, that he had no aspira- 
 tions for the office. After closing my term, I went to Columbus, 
 and found Mr. Monfort, and Mr. V. also, anxious solicitors for the 
 office. I need not say what was my surprise to find myself thus be- 
 trayed ; not only so, but to find a man, whom I had considered an 
 honorable man, thus clandestinely endeavoring not only to supplant 
 me, but, to obtain office, concealing his movements from the people of 
 the circuit, and even from the bar, who may be considered in some 
 sense the representatives of the people in respect to judicial appoint- 
 ments. 
 
 1 soon found that the two young solicitors for the place, instead of 
 presenting my name, had succeeded in getting almost all the Demo- 
 cratic members committed to their respective interests. The next 
 morning after my arrival, Mr. V. came to my room and informed me 
 that he was a candidate for the judgeship — remarking, with a profes- 
 sion of much candor and fairness, to the effect that he had not an- 
 nounced himself as such, waiting my arrival, that I should have no 
 ground to accuse him of unfairness. Surprised at the information, 
 
and resolving to know how the matter stood, I immediately repaired 
 to the room of a member to whom I had been introduced the evening 
 before ; and mentioning the vacancy, inquired of him if he knew 
 whether I had any opposing candidate. He replied that he had not 
 heard my name, mentioned as a candidate, and inquired if Mr. V. 
 lived in the circuit. On my answering in the affirmative, he said 
 that Mr. V. had said to him that " he was not then, but might be, a 
 candidate, and that, in case he should be, desired my support. Not 
 knowing that you were a candidate, I committed myself to him."" 
 So I found it to be with almost every member whom I conversed with, 
 except those who were committed to Mr. Monfort. This is an in- 
 stance and fair specimen of Mr. V.'s prevarication, and seems to 
 comport with his sense of fairness and honorable competition. 
 
 The consequences of all this were, that he defeated me, defeated 
 himself, and brought about the election of a Whig ; and the further 
 •consequence, that the Legislature, at the next session, found it neces- 
 sary, in order to get the business done, to make two circuits out of 
 my old circuit, and to appoint an additional Circuit Judge ; so that 
 the people had to pay the expenses of two circuits and two President 
 Judges instead of one, and all brought about by the clandestine ma- 
 neuvering of an ambitious stripling, whose pin-feathers were but just 
 shooting through the skin. The treachery of Mr. V. toward me, 
 and my exposure of that treachery, put an end to our social inter- 
 course. 
 
 Immediately after finding Mr. V. a candidate, I addressed notes of 
 inquiry to several prominent Democrats in different counties in the 
 circuit, and received their answers. Unused to personal electioneer- 
 ing, and unwilling to importune members for their support, I pre- 
 pared a short address and abstract, to be read in the meeting of the 
 members to nominate the various officers to be elected, gave it to a 
 member, and before the nomination was made returned home. Com- 
 munications of the kind had previously been read in such meetings, 
 and I preferred it to personal electioneering. I give the substance 
 of it from a rough draft, the revised one never having been returned 
 to me. In substance it is as follows: 
 
 " Columbus, January 25th, 1850. 
 "To the Democratic Members of the Ohio Legislature : 
 
 "Gentlemen: I have prepared an abstract of several letters writ- 
 ten by prominent men -of our party, who, from their situation, may 
 be presumed to be best acquainted with the wishes of the Democracy, 
 and with public opinion, in the circuit in which I reside. This ab- 
 stract, with a short commentary, I herewith communicate for your 
 consideration. 
 
 "The Democratic party have for years been contending, with 
 much earnestness, for a feature in the Constitution securing to the 
 people, by direct vote, the election of their judicial as well as other 
 officers. If the evidence which will be read in your meeting shows 
 that the Democratic citizens of the circuit desire my reeelection, the 
 
fundamental principle of our Democratic faith requires that wish to 
 be respected. In their behalf, not my own, I ask for the nomination. 
 " With due respect, &c, 
 
 "GEO. B. HOLT." 
 
 "Mr. Sampson, Sheriff of Preble county, with several of his De- 
 mocratic friends, writes thus: 
 
 " ' We, as humble individuals of the Democratic party of this coun- 
 ty (Preble), have no hesitation in stating that, as far as we know or 
 believe, you are the first choice of the Democracy in this judicial 
 circuit for President Judge of the same.' 
 
 " Mr. Pearson, Sheriff of Miami county, as follows : 
 
 " '1 think I can safely say that they [the Democracy] are almost 
 unanimously in favor of your reelection. When it was understood 
 that Mr. Smith was a candidate, a portion of them would probably 
 have preferred him, owing, I presume, to his long residence in this 
 county, and his favorable standing among us as a man and a Demo- 
 crat. But since it is understood that he is not a candidate, there 
 seems to be but one opinion in regard to the matter, and that is, that 
 you are the person who should be selected.' 
 
 "Mr. Clark, Sheriff of Montgomery, returns the following an- 
 swer : 
 
 "' Mr. Vallandigham certainly has not consulted any, or at least 
 but a small portion of the Democracy of this county, or certainly he 
 would not be a candidate. jcyHe certainly gave the most promi- 
 nent Democrats here the assurance that he was not an aspirant for 
 that station JoaOl and I have toid your numerous friends through the 
 county, that if the Legislature organized, there was no doubt of your 
 reelection. Mr. V. is a talented, honorable young man, but I know 
 if the question was submitted to the Democracy of this county, or 
 the bar, or the citizens generally, you could beat him two to one. 
 
 "'If you want a petition circulated, I can get every Democrat in 
 the county, and I believe every Democrat in the city (with one or 
 two exceptions.) * * * 
 
 " 'I hope you will not leave Columbus until you secure the judge- 
 ship, for I know that any other will not satisfy the Democracy of this 
 county. ***** 
 
 "'If you regard the interest of the Democratic party in this coun- 
 ty, do not give up your claims to any one.' 
 
 " Mr. Cunningham, Clerk of the Court in Preble county, writing 
 to two members of the General Assembly, in relation to the Presi- 
 dent Judgeship, writes thus : 
 
 "'We want no change — we want Judge Holt reelected. We 
 have no other choice. If you give us any other man, you cause us 
 to take that which we do not want.' 
 
" Mr. John Wharry, now and for many years past a magistrate, 
 and county surveyor, residing in Greenville, Darke county, writes : 
 
 " « I am firmly persuaded that nine-tenths of the Democratic voters 
 in this county would select you as their first choice, for the post 
 which you have occupied for the last seven years.' [For the char- 
 acter and standing of Esq. Wharry, Mr. Lipps is reierred to.] 
 
 " In the foregoing extracts I have endeavored to omit everything 
 merely complimentary, as well a? comparison of the merits of candi- 
 dates/it having been my purpose to obtain evidence of the popular 
 wish in my circuit." 
 
 Mr. Vallandigham, or one of his supporters in the meeting, had 
 the adroitness to cause this communication and abstract to be sup- 
 pressed. 
 
 Having just closed a term on the bench, to be superseded by a very 
 young man, who had but just come into the district, would have fur- 
 nished ground for an unfavorable inference. But for this, I should 
 have nad no solicitude for reelection. 
 
 I am aware that there is nothing in all this, however reprehensible 
 his conduct may be in the minds of honorable men, that would justify 
 me in thus making it public, or in opposing him now, were it not 
 connected with his political conduct since ; which has been in direct 
 contravention of the usages of the party. 
 
 In the Spring following, an election was had for Delegates to a 
 Convention to revise the Constitution of the Slate. Without a re- 
 quest or intimation on my part, my name was announced as a candi- 
 date for one of the Delegates from this county, to be considered by 
 the nominating convention afterwards to be holden. On the day of 
 the convention he made an agonizing struggle to prevent my nomi- 
 nation. Of this, I had no right to complain, unless his threat, made 
 to some of the delegates, that he would bolt the nomination if I should 
 be nominated, furnishes just ground of complaint. But after the no- 
 mination was made, and with great unanimity, 116 to 7 on the first 
 ballot, it became his duty, according to the usages of the party up to 
 that time, to submit. Instead of this, however, he carried his threat 
 into execution, bolted the nomination, procured the name of the no- 
 minee scratched wherever he could, and boasted of it afterwards. 
 This election was, unquestionably, the most important one which had 
 been held for fifty years. Fundamental principles of great moment 
 were to be adopted, which would control, not only the legislation, but 
 the action of every department of the government probably for twen- 
 ty rears, perhaps" for half a century ; and yet, from sheer spite and 
 personal animosity, and that, too, engendered by his own delinquen- 
 cy and disappointed ambition, he was willing to compromit, so far 
 as his influence would go, the permanent interests of the Democratic 
 party ! 
 
 I have been asked, whether in opposing Mr. V., I am not con- 
 demned out of my own mouth ? No, my Democratic friends, not so. 
 I admit that two wrongs do not make a right. But if the Convention 
 were fairly elected and organized, and in nominating Mr. V., a known 
 
8 
 
 BOLTER, it fairly represented the Democracy of the District, then 
 they have licensed bolting and abrogated the binding force of the ac- 
 tion of Conventions. 
 
 Every Democrat, therefore, is at liberty to support or reject the no- 
 mination. If, on the other hand, the Convention were a packed one, 
 gotten up and the nomination made by bargain, intrigue, and manage- 
 ment, and in their action did not represent the will of the Democratic 
 party, then the nomination is not binding, and every Democrat may 
 vote for the nominee, or scratch his name, or vote for any one else 
 whom he may prefer. It will not do to say that A. B. may bolt a 
 nomination and that it shall place him in the highway to preferment, 
 and that C. D. and the rest of the alphabet, shall be read out of the 
 party for the same thing. 
 
 It may be asked, what shall we do then — how get outof the dilemma 
 in which we are placed ? The way is easy. The Democratic vo- 
 ters should reject the nomination, and say to their delegates, you have 
 not represented us truly in nominating a bolter. By voting for him 
 we shall encourage disorganization, and render worthless the instru- 
 mentality of Conventions, by which alone we concentrate our strength. 
 One decision of the kind, my Democratic friends, made by the un- 
 ambitious voters of the county will put this bolting matter at rest. 
 Without such a decision, we shall continue divided, distracted, de- 
 feated. Much better lose one election and thus get the Achan out of 
 our camp, than be defeated for the next ten years. It is positively 
 certain that the staid, sober-minded Democracy of this county and 
 district will not submit to the dictation of a reckless, unprincipled, 
 bolting faction. 
 
 I may as well here as elsewhere, meet the charge which Mr. V., 
 and his right-bower, James Brooks, (a chapter of whose biography 
 will be subjoined,) have made and repeated a thousand times, that is, 
 that I bolted his nomination for President Judge of this circuit. This 
 he pleads in justification of his own bolting. My answer to this, is 
 a flat, prompt denial. And he is lawyer enough to know that this 
 puts him upon the proof of his assertion by competent evidence. 
 
 I am informed that he charges the manner of my bolting his nomi- 
 nation to be, that I procured the Freesoilers here to write to the Free- 
 soil members of the General Assembly to oppose his election. The 
 charge is utterly untrue. I understand and believe that the Free- 
 soilers here did write to that effect ; but it was without my request or 
 procurement. 
 
 It was well known when I arrived at Columbus, as also when I 
 left, that without the Freesoil votes no Democrat could be elected to 
 any office. And it was equally well understood, that in no event, 
 could Mr. V. obtain their votes. I stated this fact to my friends on 
 my return. I remember stating it especially to Mr. Forsyth, a wor- 
 thy and deserving member of our bar, and offered to give him a let- 
 ter of recommendation to my friends in Columbus for the place, if the 
 Democratic members should find themselves obliged to drop Mr. V. 
 and give their support to another. I do not deny that I spoke of the 
 manner of his nomination in terms of disapprobation and censure. 
 This is all the bolting he can charge me with, which, in any sense con- 
 
9 
 
 sists with truth. Notwithstanding Mr. V. may have since spurned 
 the Freesoil influence, no death struggle was ever more severe than 
 that which he then made to obtain their votes. Connected with, or 
 perhaps in addition to the foregoing charge, is another, which has 
 been rung on a thousand changes by Mr. V. and his bosom friend 
 who flourishes a sword-cane, — that of abolitionism. His scurvy sat- 
 elites, Master Brooks at the head, have made the charge, in all man- 
 ner of shapes, often applying to me the epithet — " D d old Abo- 
 litionist." 
 
 The accusation is false : I have uniformly opposed that doctrine. 
 
 True, I regard slavery as a moral, social, and political evil. True, 
 also, I am opposed to its extension, and to its introduction where it 
 does not exist. But I hold that it belongs exclusively to the States 
 where it does exist, to regulate it in their own way, to retain, or abo- 
 lish it, at their own will. 
 
 I hold, also, that ample provision should be made under the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, for the re-capture and return to the own- 
 er, of slaves escaping into the Free States and Territories. Thus 
 far I go, because I feel myself religiously bound to support the Con- 
 stitution of the government under which I live. But no human pow- 
 er, no denunciations of political declaimers, nor anathemas of politi- 
 cal demagogues can carry me a hairbreadth further. And 1 am per- 
 fectly satisfied that any attempt to carry it further is doing violence 
 to the feelings and opinions of nineteen-twentieths of the people of 
 the Free States, as well as multitudes of the intelligent citizens of the 
 States where slavery exists. Any such attempt, therefore, must, in 
 the end, (I know not when that end shall come,) prove abortive. But 
 it may not be out of place to inquire, how stand my accusers on the 
 record in regard to what some of them call the " nigger question." 
 
 No one will accuse me of carrying my anti- slavery opinions beyond 
 the platform laid down by the Democratic Convention of this county 
 in the year 1849. I was not a member of that Convention. Mr. 
 V.'s sword-cane man was a member, and used all his influence to car- 
 ry those resolutions. 
 
 The following are copied from the official proceedings of that Con- 
 vention : 
 
 " The following gentleman were appointed a Committee to draft 
 resolutions : 
 
 " Dr. E. Smith, of Dayton : George dinger, of Jefferson ; Samuel 
 Mays, of Miami; Col. J. BookWalion, of Jefferson; and Dr. C. G. 
 Espieh, of Germantown. 
 
 "The Committee on Resolutions reported the following, which 
 were adopted : 
 
 *' Resolved, That while we recognize no power in Congress to in- 
 terfere with slavery in the several States where it is established, we 
 are yet uncompromisingly opposed to its extension wherever the Fed- 
 eral Government has jurisdiction over that subject, and i.o the ad- 
 mission of any new Slave State into the Federal Union. 
 
 " Resolved, That as slavery does not now exist, either in law or 
 in fact, in our recently acquired Territories of New Mexico and Cali- 
 
: 10 
 
 fornia, it becomes the imperative duty of Congress to shield them 
 from its malign influences, by preventing its introduction within its 
 limits. 
 
 " Resolved, That it is with mortification not un mingled with in- 
 dignation, that we have been compelled for years, to witness the 
 shameful conversion cf the Capital of our glorious Confederation in- 
 to a great slave market, — that the evil is one of such magnitude as to 
 demand from Congress pft^npt and vigorous measures for ks speedy 
 termination." 
 
 How is it with Mr. V. himself, whose pride it is to entertain Cal- 
 houn opinions upon this and other subjects — maintaining that slavery 
 is a divine institution ? How does he stand upon the record ? 
 
 In the session of 1846-7, he was a member of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives from Columbiana county. A bill was introduced into 
 the House at that session, abolishing the black laws, as they were 
 called, subject to a vote of the people of the State. The abolitionists 
 being too weak to carry any measure in the Legislature, desired to 
 have the law passed and submitted to the people. 
 
 By such a law, they hoped and expected, by joining with the 
 Whigs, with whom they have voted for many years, that they might 
 succeed in repealing the laws which required the negro, on coming 
 to reside in this State, to give bond, with security, for his good 
 behavior, and which prohibi'.ed him from giving evidence in our 
 Courts of justice, where white men were parties. How stood the 
 Democratic party, and how stood Mr. V. on this question? 
 
 If the bill should pass, and a combination of Whigs and Abolition- 
 ists should obtain for it a major vote, then it opened wide the door 
 for all negroes, the worthless as well as the better kind, to come into 
 the State without giving bond for their good behavior, and conferred 
 on the most degraded woolly head, the privilege of coming upon the 
 witness stand in our Courts, beside and on an equality with the white 
 man. The question recurs, How did Mr. V., and how did the Dem- 
 ocratic party vote on this proposition ? You are now probably 
 inquiring with yourselves, Is it possible that this rank pro-slavery 
 man, who now affects to scorn and contemn the Free Soil influence, 
 voted for such a measure ? Aye, verily ; it is not only possible, but 
 it is even so. Thus would he have placed on the witness's stand, 
 beside and on par with the white man, the degraded negro whom 
 he maintains God made only for a slave. Lew. Campbell himself, 
 never truckled thus to the Aboliticfcists.. If the reader has a desire 
 to see Mr. V.'s equivocation and shuffling during the progress of that 
 bill, he may turn to the journals of that session, wheih will give him 
 the information. The bill is designated "H. No. 204." Among a 
 score of votes to stave off' and delay, he will find, on page 450, Mr. 
 Kaln moved to postpone the bill until the first Monday of December 
 next. Yeas 33, nays 30 — Mr. V. voting "nay." Page 451 — Mr. 
 Bloomhuff moved to postpone the bill indefinitely. Yeas 33, nays 
 34 — Mr. V. voting "nay." His vote for this mqtioju would have 
 killed the bill. On the same, page 552 — upon" the question on or- 
 dering the bill to be engrossed in order to its third reading — yeas 31, 
 nays 37; so the bill was lost, but Mr. V. voting "aye." On page 
 
11 
 
 498 on motion to reconsider the vote postponing the bill indefinitely, 
 
 Mr. V. voted "nay." This was a vote against the bill. On page 
 520 — the question bring on the engrossment of the bill, yeas 32, 
 nays 31— Mr. V. voting "nay," against the bill. On page 523— 
 the question was, "shall the bill pass?" yeas 34, nays 30— Mr. V. 
 voting "aye;" so the bill was passed, every Democrat except Mr. 
 V. and Mr. Russell, from the Reserve, called a Free Soil Democrat, 
 voting " nay." _ , 
 
 His speeches were as inconsistent as his votes. He is reported in 
 the Ohio Statesman as beginning a speech on this bill thus: "Should 
 the constitution authorize the enactment of such a law, he hardly 
 knew how to vote upon it, under the circumstances." So it seems ; 
 for he voted for it and against it, and all around it, as the fear of pro- 
 slavery men and Abolitionists alternated. After calling in question 
 the consistency of other members, he concluded his speech as follows : 
 "Mr. V. believed that the passage of this bill would result in the 
 most effectual putting down of this vexed question for perhaps twenty 
 years to corne. It would probably fall out as the question of negro 
 suffrage did in New York, where the people had given a vote of 50,- 
 000 majority against it." This was on the 2d day of February. On 
 the 4th day of the same month, the bill being under consideration, 
 after censuring the House, "in a vein of irony," as the Statesman 
 has it, for "the haste with which the bill was sought to be passed," 
 the Statesman again reports him as having concluded his speech as 
 follows: "And "it is nothing less than a proposition to repeal the 
 established course of legislation— to repeal statutes that have been 
 in operation since 1804, only two years from the date of the consti- 
 tution itself. It was monstrous," &c. But when brought up to vote 
 on the final question, "shall the bill pass?" he quailed before the 
 ghosts of the Abolition quakers of Columbiana, (it was a night ses- 
 sion,) and voted for its passage. After all these votes and speeches, 
 the pretence that he so voted that he might have the privilege of 
 moving to reconsider, (a motion, by the bye, which he never made,) 
 is more than ridiculous. The Prince of prevaricators, himself, can 
 make nothing better of it than a miserable shift to accommodate him- 
 self to any latitude where his lot might be cast. So stands this brace 
 of brothers, James Brooks and C. L. Vallandigham, on the record, 
 who, trumpet-tongued, and until they are hoarse, have denounced 
 me as an Abolitionist, never having voted an Abolition or Free Soil 
 ticket, nor any part of such tickets, in my life. 
 
 I now invite the sober-minded Democracy of Montgomery, to the 
 present position of our party, and our prospects ; premising that, 
 with the exception of the disorganizers, James Brooks and one Dela- 
 zon Smith, a personage of some notoriety, we have been a united and 
 harmonious Democracy until the advent of Mr. Vallandigham. How 
 is it now? How is our front divided, and our column in disorder? 
 What has become of the unity of feeling which used to pervade our 
 ranks, and how are our energies paralyzed by discord ? and what has 
 produced it all ? I leave these questions to be answered by the De- 
 mocracy of the county. 
 
 But acrain : how is it proposed by this new faction, to allay this 
 
I '2 
 
 embittered feeling, and restore unity of purpose and harmony in ac- 
 tion ? Intoxicated with their success in obtaining- the nomination, 
 they have already proscribed a large number of the most able, faith- 
 ful, and reliable Democrats, old and young, and proclaimed that they 
 are marked, " indelibly marked," for the political guillotine. Next 
 to Vallandigham, or side by side with him, Brooks leads the faction. 
 And who is Jas. Brooks, that he should lead the Democracy, the true 
 Democracy of the county ? A chapter of his biography may answer. 
 During the administration of Capt. Tyler, a small faction grew up 
 in this city, consisting of the Heltenstein family, James Brooks, and 
 one Delazon Smith, with a few adherents. Of all associations of sheer 
 office seekers this clique s'ood pre-eminent until the recent establish- 
 ment of the firm, Vallandigham, Brooks & Co. Delazon wanted an 
 appointment to do something or other, at some place or other, and for 
 all time to come, at Congress wages. Brooks wanted the Post-office 
 in this city, and the Helfensteins all the remaining offices within the 
 gift of the President. Delazon was then the editor of our Democratic 
 paper. To effect their object, it was proposed that Delazon should 
 doff the Democratic banner which floated at the head of the paper, 
 and in its place hoist the Tyler flag. No sooner said than done; and 
 Delazon commenced his editorials with the most fulsome panegyrics 
 on the Tyler administration. The chagrin and indignation of the 
 Democracy is remembered. Being then Chairman of the Executive 
 Committee, I have not forgotten the trouble and difficulty which we 
 encountered to restore our Organ to the true faith. Delazon, the 
 first, like Delazon the second, was vain, conceited, ambitious and 
 stubborn, and Brooks stood at his back holding him to the Tyler flag. 
 We had meeting after meeting, but could make but little impression 
 upon either, until we procured the efforts of Col. Sawyer, to whom 
 the Democracy is much indebted for his efficient aid in getting 
 Brooks silenced, Delazon ousted, and the Press restored. So high- 
 ly, however, were the services of the faction appreciated by the Cap- 
 tain, that Delazon got an appointment for undefined services, for an 
 indefinite period, at $8 per day, and Brooks got the Post-office. The 
 public feeling in regard to that appointment, as expressed in public 
 meeting and by a popular vote, is taken from the "Empire " of that 
 day: 
 
 "DAYTON POST-OFFICE. 
 " A public meeting of the citizens of Dayton is requested to be 
 held at the Court House, this evening, Saturday, April 1st, 1843, at 
 candle light, without distinction of parties, to take into consideration 
 the recent appointment of James Brooks as Postmaster in the city of 
 Dayton, and to express their opinion of the propriety of that appoint- 
 ment." (Signed by) 
 
 J. W. M'Corkle, Jacob Coblints, 
 Peter P. Lowe, Fielding Laury, 
 
 Benjamin Hall, Nathaniel Wilson, 
 
 L. Kinney, Daniel Richmond, 
 
 E. A. King, Ephraim Lindly, 
 
 S. B. Cain, and many others. 
 Dayton, April 1st, 1843. 
 
13 
 
 " In pursuance of the above call, the citizens of Dayton, en masse, 
 met in the Court House, on Saturday night, April 1st. On motion, 
 Alex. Grimes and Nathaniel Wilson were appointed Chairmen, and 
 J. W. M'Corkle and Samuel T. Harker chosen Secretaries. 
 
 » On motion, a Committee, consisting of the following persons : 
 Geo. Owen, Dr. Chambers, Daniel Richmond, and J. W. Van Cleve, 
 were appointed by the Chair to draft resolutions in accordance with 
 the object of this meeting, who reported the following, which were 
 adopted with but one dissenting voice : 
 
 "Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, the standing of 
 James Brooks in this community is such, as should have forbidden 
 his appointment to the important office which has recently been con- 
 ferred upon him, and should forbid his continuance therein. 
 
 "Resolved, That for the purpose of expressing the feelings of the 
 citizens of Dayton on the subject of the appointment of Mr. Brooks, 
 they be requested to vote at the township election on Monday next, 
 whether they are " satisfied " or " dissatisfied " with the said ap- 
 pointment ; and that the trustees of the several wards be requested to 
 hold a poll for that purpose. 
 
 "On motion, it was ordered that the proceedings of this meeting 
 be published in the Journals of the city. 
 
 "On motion, the meeting andjourned." 
 
 Alex. Grimes, > p res \i ts 
 J. W. M'Corkle,? a , Nath. Wilson, 5 
 
 o m u f ^ec VS. 
 
 S. T. Harker, ^ 
 
 "TOWNSHIP ELECTION. 
 
 " The following are the official returns. (The list of township offi- 
 cers is omitted.) 
 
 Postmaster. 1st ward; 2d ward. 3d ward. 4th ward. Total. 
 
 For Brooks, 31 4 10 12 59 
 
 Against Brooks, 49 52 123 211 531 
 
 Deducting the 31 votes for Brooks given in the first ward, where 
 the Helfenstein, Brooks and Tyler faction chiefly resided, the vote 
 stood 29 for, and 531 against this pet of Capt. Tyler, and he was 
 obliged to retire. 
 
 If any one wishes lo know how he came by this character, they 
 can have it in part, by turning to a chapter of his biography, written 
 by himself, and published in the "Empire" about the same period. 
 
 His bolting the nomination of Daniel Richmond, his going into the 
 "Journal" office, the head quarters of Whiggery, on the evening of 
 the election, and claiming the credit of defeating the Democratic no- 
 minee, is well known in this city, probably in the country. Birds of 
 a feather, &c. 
 
 Such is the man with whom Mr. V. has associated himself, being 
 with him cheek by jowl, by day and by night, at home and abroad, 
 at his downsitting and his uprising, at his going out and his coming 
 in. Such the man who is to mark victims for political decapitation ; 
 and such the brace of brothers who arrogate to themselves the lead- 
 ership, nay, the dictatorship of the Democracy of old Montgomery. 
 To give character and dignity to his worthy associate, Mr. V. has 
 
14 
 
 been in the habit of introducing him to strangers as Judge Brooks, 
 until he is supposed abroad to be entitled to that appellation, and is 
 usually so addressed. A specimen by way of relaxation : 
 
 Four days after the ratification of the Constitution by a vote of the 
 people, General Blackburn, of Allen county, formerly of Columbiana, 
 arrived in the city and stopped at the Montgomery House. He had 
 been but a short time there, before the two brothers called on him, 
 and Mr. V., after introducing the General to JUDGE Brooks, made 
 mention of a business call and retired. The Judge at once made 
 known his errand, remarking that there seemed to be a strong ex- 
 pression of public opinion in favor of Mr. Valh'ngdigem for Lieuten- 
 ant Governor ; adding, that he had seen more than forty letters writ- 
 ten to him urging him to be a candidate. The General dryly replied 
 to about this effect : that, at that rate, the people must be very quick 
 on the trigger, as it had been but four days since the office was cre- 
 ated by the ratification of the Constitution. The Judge's name was 
 Haines, and he vcmwsed. 
 
 Really, what are Mr. V.'s claims to the favor of the Democratic 
 party in this county ? What has he done since he came here but 
 clamor for office ! office ! office ! and oppose and contend with many 
 prominent Democrats, who have for many years been faithful labor- 
 ers in this part of the Democratic vineyard ? One case out of many 
 deserves to be mentioned : 
 
 When going to Columbus to attend the State Convention, which 
 was to nominate a candidate for the Board of Public Works, Dr. 
 Smith of this city being a candidate whom he determined to oppose, 
 he was remonstrated with by one of the then delegates, and told that 
 Dr. Smith was an old resident, favorably regarded by the party, and 
 by his opposition to him he might injure himself at home. His reply 
 was, "/ look beyond Montgomery for my support" What say you, 
 Democrats of Montgomery, to an insult like this ? Independent of 
 you, eh ! Looks elsewhere, does he ? How do you respond to this ? 
 Self-respect dictates the answer, and the only answer: Go, sir, and 
 get your support where you look for it; you can't have our votes. 
 I ask again, what has he done for us since he resided here, but act 
 the disorganizer and clamor for office ? He has been with us five 
 years. During this period he has aspired to the office of President 
 Judge — a seat in the Convention which formed the Constitution — to 
 the office of Lieut. Governor — a place in the commission to provide 
 a code of practice for the judicial courts — twice at least, if not three 
 times, to be President of the State Conventions, that he might rule 
 into order the grey-headed veterans of half a century and three score 
 years — and to a seat in Congress ; in all of which, except the last, 
 he has been beaten, and the last remains to be decided ; — his right 
 bower, with a letter of credit as Judge Brooks, on all these occasions 
 urging his claims with a pertinacity and impudence equaled only by 
 that of his venerable master. In respect to the present canvass, 
 Brooks says that all the rebels are whipped in; that 1 he has no more 
 to do. It may be that the farmers of the country, and the mechanics 
 of the city, with the professional and mercantile men, have been 
 whipped in by the political hack-drivers, James Brooks & Co. ! We 
 shall see. 
 
15 
 
 I do not deny to Mr. V. a respectable order of talents ; not pro- 
 found, but respectable. He makes a shallow dive ad swims smooth- 
 ly ; but if he dives deep, he is in danger of drowning:. Conceding 
 to him respectable talents, it is most manifest and palpable, that he is 
 controlled by a selfish, unrestricted, unchastened ambition, overriding 
 all friendships, recognizing no claims of gratitude or demands of 
 honor, if these come in the way to the goal of that unhallowed am- 
 bition. 
 
 In conclusion, fellow-citizens, let me request you to take your lati- 
 tude with deliberation. Consult your reason, and decide what is 
 right, what is prudent, what is duty ; having especially in view the 
 permanent success of our party. If you concur with me in opinion, 
 that a faction has grown up in this city, contemptible without your 
 countenance, but potent for evil if you encourage it, and that its suc- 
 cess in the coming election will entail distraction and defeat upon us, 
 reject the nominee who heads this faction, and whose motto is, at 
 least in action, " rule or ruin." 
 
 To the young Democracy especially I have a word of advice. 
 Upon you rests strongly the good cause of Progress and Reform. 
 Let me then say to you, live and labor for the prosperity of your 
 country. Her prosperity, we believe, depends much upon the pre- 
 valence of our political principles and the ascendency of our party. 
 Labor, therefore, for its permanent success. Be not prematurely 
 anxious for office. Keep your aspirations in subordination to the 
 public welfare. This will by no means retard the realization of the 
 bright hopes which you have a right to entertain, and which you 
 ought to cherish. Popular favor will find you, without a mendacious 
 seeking after it. It is a mistake to suppose that the people will not 
 find and appreciate true merit. 
 
 With respect to the present canvass and the nominee for Congress, 
 you all now know my opinion. Many of you have known it before, 
 and it gives me pleasure to know that you concur in it. I also know 
 the disgust with which you regard the man and his horseleech cry 
 for office; but especially his coarse and shameless abuse of all, both 
 old and young, who have not recognized his claims. 
 
 We are satisfied that there is no probability of his election ; but 
 any considerable vote for him in this county, will stimulate the dis- 
 organizing cabal to efforts in future. A strong expression of disap- 
 probation of his political course, will relieve us from the embarrass- 
 ment which he has brought upon us. He will probably carry into 
 execution his angry threat, on not being elected a delegate to the last 
 State Convention : — Ij f my merits are not appreciated in this county, 
 1 know of others where they can be. Let him go ; with God's bles- 
 sing we can do without him. He is altogether mistaken in his con- 
 viction, that nothing can be well done in old Montgomery, which is 
 not projected and executed by himself. 
 
 "An old broken-down hack" as I may be, yet, sustained as I have 
 been, through twenty years of public service — the last, recent, and 
 most important act of my public life fully indorsed by my constitu- 
 ents, the Democracy of this county — I have ventured to assume the 
 responsibility of an adviser; conceding to every Democrat the right 
 tt)' receive; or >rejfect the counsel. 
 
16 
 
 I have delayed this address that I might learn the feelings and 
 wishes of my old friends, with whom I have labored in the Demo- 
 cratic cause for a very long time ; and until I have again, and a^ain, 
 and again been asked, why do you rest quietly under the imputations 
 and slanders which a cabal are constantly and everywhere heapincr 
 upon you ? Why do you not expose them, and defend yourself? 
 You owe it not only to yourself, but to the party which bas so lono- 
 sustained you. Some are almost inclined to construe my forbearance 
 into a timid silence. Although I can bear, with a good deal of equa- 
 nimity, the slang and slanders of ambitious political defamers, yet, a 
 suspicion on the part of my friends that in observing this silence I 
 cousult my fears, cannot be endured. Having now responded to 
 their wishes, I, in my turn, invite them, and all who concur with me 
 in opinion, to confer with me freely, and cooperate in arresting the 
 progress of a faction, whose only end and aim is self-exaltation and 
 self-aggrandizement, regardless of all other men and all other interests. 
 As this is probably the last time that I shall address my Demo- 
 cratic fellow-citizens, unless it may be from the stump in behalf of 
 others, I conclude by returning them my thanks for the confidence 
 which, from time to time, they have reposed in me in many import- 
 ant public trusts ; solaced with a consciousness of having endeavored 
 honestly to discharge my duty. Your fellow-citizen,° 
 
 September 20th, 1852. GEO. B. HOLT. 
 
 NEW AND INTERESTING PUBLICATIONS. 
 This association propose to publish, if sufficient encouragement be 
 given, the celebrated speeches of James Brooks and C. L. Vallandig- 
 ham ; those of the latter in addition to his speeches on the repeal 
 of the "black laws." Specimens follow. 
 
 On the evening of the election of delegates, the Vallandigham 
 delegates having, with the aid of Whigs, been elected in the second 
 ward by a majority of two votes, it is said Master Brooks called his 
 followers around him, and delivered himself, in substance, of the 
 following SPEECH. 
 
 "Gentlemen: I have had a hard tussle of it to-day, but I am 
 crowned with victory. Gentlemen, I am going to tell you something 
 the like of which you never heard. Gentlemen, you have all heard 
 of Dave Clark; do you know his history? Gentlemen, I will tell 
 you what he was, what he has been, and what he is. 7 took him 
 up a dirty blacksmith ; that's what he was. 1 twice made him Hicrh 
 Sheriff ; that's what he has been. By MY influence he was made 
 treasurer of the county ; that's what he is. Now, gentlemen, be- 
 lieve me and be astonished ! Don't you think that oudacious man, 
 who but for ME had never been nothin' else but a vulgar blacksmith, 
 WILL < 1'' ,mpudence t0 come inl ° MY own ward and oppose MY 
 
 MR. VALLANDIGHAM'S SPEECH AFTER THE NOMINATION. 
 
 I long since announced that the Democrats of Montgomery had 
 got to choose between me and Judge Holt for their leader!* I have 
 now triumphed over all the envious tribe. I have got the old Judo- e 
 down in the du st, my foot on his neck; and there I meantp keep him 
 
 * We are informed by Judge Holt that he never aspired tW) 
 Democracy; that he was always content to be an humble follower 
 
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