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Gov. Strong'^s Calumniator Reproved. 
 
 IN A 
 
 RETIEW 
 
 OF A 
 
 DEMOCRATIC PAMPHLET 
 
 ENTITLED, 
 
 REMARKS ON THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH. 
 
 ^Kv\ Ki^'vy-e^W 
 
 *'Lorsque la ralson, les talens, les inoeurs, He ce jeune hnmme atirout acquis un peu de 
 naaturite, il sentirt I'extreme obligation quil vous aura de I'avou corrige." — VoLTAins. 
 
 When this yc ng man's talents, reason and manners shall have been a littl« more matured, he 
 will acknowledge the obligation he is under to you tor having corrected him. 
 
 BY 
 
 NO BEL-ESPRIT. 
 
 BOSTON: ^^i^^^ 
 
 FROM THE OFFICE OF THE REPERTORY AND DAILY ADVERTISER. 
 
 W. W. CLAFP, FRlJyTER. 
 1814. 
 

 lie 
 
 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 
 
 PRESIDEN'T ADAMS^ in his early and best writings demonstrat- 
 ed^ that the greatest danger to our Republican Institutions, arose 
 from their tendency to DEMOCRACY. The experience of thirty 
 years has shewn, that if he had the frailties of a man, he had the spirit 
 of a Prophet. We have seen in succession some of the best, and 
 wisest men compelled either from disgust, or a want of deserved con- 
 fidence on the part of the people, to quit the care of our public affair s^ 
 and we have seen them pass into the hands of those who have no other 
 Qualification than the despicable art of flattering the people. Power 
 thus obtained has been used fas you would expect it would be J solely 
 for the purpose of its own preservation. The nation has been dis- 
 graced and impoverished, and but for the interference of Divine 
 Providence, would soon have been ruined. Events entirely out of 
 their controul, have compelled our government to abandon their worst 
 measures and to acknowledge the correctness of the opinion of their 
 opponents. The temptation offered by our administration which has 
 made an absolute devotion to its views, the indispensable pre-requis- 
 ite to off.ce, has a strong tendency to debauch the principles of 
 the amhitious, while their measures by impoverishing the country 
 have as it were compelled them to have recourse to the government for 
 their future success. 
 
 In some States, this has bred up a mongrel race who have assumed 
 the character of a third party, because the transition is more easy 
 and less violent from such a party to the ranks of administration. 
 
 In MASSACHUSETTS, we have hitherto succeeded in keeping 
 up the dcfinit lines of distinction betxveen true republicans, and those 
 who under that sacred appellation xvould undermine the foundation of 
 society. 
 
 T n I s has been effected principally by compelling every man to 
 cfwose his side, and by making no compromise with wavering ambition. 
 
 If men find, they must choose between correct principles, and open 
 Democratic doctrines, if by apostatizing they must forfeit the respect, 
 confidence, and friendship of the wise, and good, and associate with 
 the Gerry's, the Austin^s, and the Holmks' — Many of them 
 xvill be deterred from inaking so great a sacrifice. 
 
 These considerations together with a wish to shew, that the 
 assailant of Governor Stiioncj, is not altogether the fittest man to be 
 consulted as a politician have induced us to make the following Re- 
 marks. 
 
 Twv. recent ELECTIONS have shexvn that MASSACHU- 
 SETTS does not furnisn food for a third party. The union of the 
 greatest talents, and the greatest wealth, with great prete?itions 
 'of moderation, could only effect 75 or 80 votes in the capital, A 
 greater number couli easily be bought — in other countries. 
 
A 
 
 4^ 
 
 V3f 
 
 Review J <^c» 
 
 JVo. I. 
 
 *• Locns est et pluribus umbris " .Iuvevai, 
 
 *" There »>i-e places for many hangers on." The 
 i»u/)i7followeth the Muster. 
 
 We sljould not have darefl to sugsiest 
 that a writer of sucli high preteiisious as 
 our author, who settles the character of 
 Governeur Stroug as soon as Lord El- 
 lenborough would fix the fate of a pick- 
 pocket, 
 
 *' Who deals damnation round the land, 
 *' On ull he deems his foes" 
 
 ever had a madei; if he had not told us so 
 himself. We should rather have thought 
 him a heaveri-taugiit, heaven inspired gen- 
 ius, that would have disdained to follow 
 the footsteps of any master any more than 
 in the path of common sense. To vulgar 
 readers we must apologise for introducing 
 a latin motto. The writer with whom we 
 are about to leason, is reputed a scholar, 
 and he would make but little account of 
 a reviewer who did not understand Latin. 
 As our object is to convince, as well as to 
 confute, we thought it best to give some 
 idea of oiix attainments, and with our au- 
 thor a little Latin seems to be deemed a 
 great attainment. We do not, however, 
 aim at rivalling this bel-esprit, for we a- 
 gree with an admirable French saying, 
 " II y a de beaux esprits qui n'ont pas le 
 sens commun." — Your men of wit and 
 learning often have every species of sense 
 bui what is useful. We are persuaded, 
 before w^e have done with our young au- 
 tlwr, that every body will perceive, that 
 he has at least f/i?* claim to the character 
 of a bel-esprit. 
 
 It is always immaterial who the author 
 of a political work is, and where it is 
 pernicious in its tendency, it is best, that 
 we should remain in ignorance. It would 
 seem, however, that the writer had a great 
 desire to be kaowo. A copy hag beeo 
 
 left at the Athenaeum, endorsed " by the, 
 author^'' and tbe following lines together 
 with internal evidence, excite very strong 
 suspicions, ihat it is some young mau 
 whose mind iias been poisoned by the po- 
 litical prf jiidices, and encouraged by the 
 successfid example of his master. 
 
 " Le MaUre, qui jirit soin d'intruirc ma jeuness^ 
 Ne m':i jamais apprisde faire uwe bassesse." 
 
 " The master who took the pains of in- 
 structing my youth, never taught me to 
 commit a base deed." He would have 
 been a very singular master, if he had. — 
 We shall see hereafter what his master 
 did teach him, and that he has been a very 
 apt scholar. Who this master is, we are 
 not told, butfrom the utter contempt which 
 the pupil discovers for the opinions of oth- 
 ers, from the conceited <lisplay of his 
 reading, from the bitter sarcastic spirit 
 which is intimately mingled with every 
 part of this pamphlet, and from the hardi- 
 hood of bold assertion which is te be met 
 with in it, we think it would make a very 
 good match for Mr. J. Q. Adams's re- 
 view of Ai.os's works, from which its 
 worst sentiments secnj to be taken, with 
 the infusion of a little fresh gall to reader 
 the dratight more bitter. 
 
 This writer, it would seem, from his 
 prefatory remarks, is extremely sensible 
 to any censure passed upon Lis essays, 
 which, however well deserved, he consid- 
 ers as abuse. 
 
 What special privilege this gentleraart 
 is entitled to, of shooting his poisoned ar- 
 rows into eveiy crov/d he sees, and even 
 occasionally of taking deliberate aim at 
 the unofFendmg vietims of his spleen, and 
 yet of being free from that just animad- 
 version which ought always to fall on ca- 
 lumuiators, let the public decide. 
 
This we shall not merely say of this 
 panij,>hlei, but prove ; that never perhaps 
 were ihcre found, in any equal number of 
 pages, the marks of gre^^ter conceit, « op- 
 ter.pl for the opinions, anil disregard of 
 the feelings of good and venerable men. 
 It would indeed seem as if the whole ef- 
 fort of the author's mind was, to see Ijow 
 many established principles he could at- 
 tack, how much contempt and sarcasm he 
 could discover, how muny ill-deserved re- 
 proaches he couM brin^ iigainst persons 
 who ceilaiiily have n-^ver iiijiired him, 
 and of whom (the best apology you could 
 make for him would be) he knew nolh- 
 ing ; for this would betheonl> one which 
 could save him from the reputation of 
 wilful cakimtiy. 
 
 It is a painful task to shpw, that a 
 young man of so much promise may, if he 
 perseveres in such writings, prove as great 
 a mischief as he mi<;hl have been a bles- 
 sing to society ; J'hat the genius and 
 learning which might have added to the 
 dignity and secuiitj of the state, may be 
 cmi)loyed in its dcraolilion. But painful 
 as ii is, it must be ptrfornied. It is the 
 only securiiy we have for the preservati«n 
 of the few blessings we have left. W hat ! 
 shnl! t'lie thousand minor moral offences 
 against ihe peace and well being of so- 
 ciety, call forth the eloquence of the 
 moralist and divine, and shall principles 
 •which tend to its utter destruction pass 
 unnoticed ? It is with regret, that we see 
 such a mind, like a fair and healthy flow- 
 er, blasted just before it expanded, by 
 the pernicious and poisonous mildew of a 
 miscalculatifjg ambition. Let us now 
 give one or two examples to shew that 
 our expre;." ions as to this pamphlet are 
 not too strong, When originally publish- 
 ed in the Patriot, the following quotation 
 from Taciius was directly applied to the 
 agpd and venerable Strong: — •' Liberty 
 and other specious names are often used as 
 pretexts ; and every man who desires to 
 obtain tvrannical power affects to do i) 
 under the name of Liberty." 
 
 Again. "^ The projp.ct of separation is 
 openly avowed. The Senate chamber 
 and House l»ave rung with tfiis treasona- 
 ble note. It is even intimated in the 
 Govprnor's Speech.*' As this is untrue 
 we need not say it is cruel and slander- 
 ous. Again, speaking of the Governor's 
 Speech, he says, " It was issued pretty 
 
 soon after the Prince Regent's Manifesto 
 was received here, and was nearly ol the 
 same length. We never took the trouble 
 to compare them, but the impression we 
 received from reading the Governor's 
 was, that a large proportion of it was cofi- 
 led verbatim irom the Prince Regent's." 
 
 We lorbear to remark on the coarse- 
 ness and vulgarity of this abuse. We 
 suspect from it the school in which he was 
 brought up. We knew a great foreign 
 minister who went from writing lampoons 
 on a distinguished democrat, to a shamefull 
 libel on the deceased Ames, while his im- 
 n)ortal spirit was still on its flight to hea- 
 ven. AVe ask, did this gentleman believe 
 that one sentence in the Governor's Spee- 
 ch was coped verbatim from the Piince 
 RegcnVs manifesto ? We wish we could 
 charitably view this in any other light 
 than as a gross libel. This writer adds, 
 •* Your Excellency has shewn your?/- 
 sxial judgment in making }our solemn 
 communication to the Legislature the ve- 
 hicle o\' party feelings and opinions." 
 
 It would seem to be unreasonable after 
 these dreadlul examples of an unbridled 
 tongue, il this gentleman should complain 
 of abuse. Yet so consistent is he, as to 
 be so deeply wounded at a suggestion that 
 " he had read tnore than he thought, and 
 that he had entered the road of false am- 
 bition" from which he was kindly advised 
 to turn back, that he has made various at- 
 tacks on a writer who he fancied gave him 
 that friendly advice. 
 
 Among other efforts our young writer, 
 after saying with the modeaty of his sup- 
 posed master, that a man who is not con- 
 vinced by his arguments, must be proof a- 
 gaiast all further attempts in prose, soars 
 into the regions of poetry and wit, and 
 treats us with nearly one hin.dred lines 
 of blank verse, which, from the following 
 specimen, our readers will think too dull 
 if intended to be burlesque, and too bur- 
 lesque if intended to be d'jll. In a deli- 
 cate and very gentlemanly manner they 
 are applied to the pirate, Dalton. 
 
 Joy to ttioe Dalton, tliy re'cRse is come ; 
 I'm glad tlie President had grace cnoiie;h 
 To pardon thee at last. Thy crime. I ween 
 Was isnorance not malicp : head not heart 
 AVas wanting to thee : Thou hadst as good a 
 
 will 
 As any Prince or potentate of them aVI 
 To thieve on other's earnings; but the manner- 
 Failed tliee — Things have chang'd since ShakS? 
 
 peai-e's time. 
 
There's virtue in a name. A Pirat*. Fie «n't, 
 Jielligerentu ii«e name. 
 
 For what tlo you thiuk these and twen- 
 ty equally elegant lines were written ? 
 To ridicule one sentence ia a pamphlet 
 lorjg since lorgotten, entitled Madison's 
 war. The writer however should have 
 said that he mutilated those lines and ap- 
 plied them to poor L ulton. The original 
 verses we may suppose, were in true bur- 
 lesque, and were applied to ^ young schol- 
 ar. 
 
 " Our pity, gentle yoxtli awaits thee ; 
 
 For whether from the Pierian fount, a shallow 
 draught ; 
 
 Or airy hopes dissalv'd, thy reason hath disturh'd. 
 
 We know not. But sure some Gnome malevo- 
 lent 
 
 Hath fir'd thy youthf*! brain : Else why SHch 
 strange 
 
 Mishapen fantasies, such hideous spectres rais'd 
 
 Where to the sound and healthful eye of truth 
 no forms appear ? 
 
 " Much learning makes thee mad" or else per- 
 chance 
 
 Too little; and too great conceit of that thou 
 
 han. 
 Thy fault is vanity not malice, and thy defect 
 In head not heart* 
 
 Thou hast as good a will 
 As any prince or minister of them all 
 To hold a place of note — but the manner- 
 Fails thee. 
 
 There are tliose we know who say 
 "let it alooe. It is too dull to do much 
 mischiet. Austin and Waterhouse with 
 the populace will beat him every day." 
 
 We grant it can do but little mischief 
 with common readers, because they can- 
 not comprehend it, oor with men of ma- 
 ture sense, because they see its sophomo- 
 rical fallacies. But it is calculated to en- 
 trap your ball-fledged scholars, who, not 
 ha\ ing strength or courage to trust their 
 own wings, are willing to be borne along 
 br one v ho takes so lofty, or so Ion a 
 fli-ht, and who exhibits such a satisfied air 
 of his own strength and agility. It is en- 
 tirely adapted to delude weak minds by 
 its iiriposing audacity. 
 
 We mean nut to review it artificially 
 and according to the rides, hut to detect 
 80me of iis fallacies, fo expose the igno- 
 rance of this learned scholar, and so^nie- 
 times to reprove his rashness. 
 
 We shall first see how j.-^ls two friends 
 ■whom he praises, Adams and Dexier are 
 to be reconciled, when the latter denoun- 
 ces the measures of the fornjer as the most 
 base and unprincipled ever adopted. This 
 we shall prove. We hope not to set these 
 geDtlemcB at loggerheads. 
 
 2dly. Make a collection of all his „q, 
 founded assertions and iusinuatieus and 
 mistakes, as to matters of fact. 
 
 3dly. Atiswer his reasoning if we carj 
 lind it out. We almost despair of con- 
 vincing him. His disease seems to be 
 loo deL'[>ly seated, l-nt we are persuad- 
 ed every body who has read his pamphlet 
 will be convinced that he has been nn- 
 giiarde<l and ungrateful towards men to 
 V, h' > ^'f and we are inrlelited for the pre- 
 servation of libcity, religion, and literati r . 
 
 J\o. 2. 
 
 " Le maitre qui a ptis soiii (rinntrinre majeu- 
 " JVf m'ujamai.'i appiix de faiie une bass'esse." 
 
 It is nnt ourdcMgn to prove, that the 
 master of om author ever taught him 
 to comnrjit a biite action, but to ihow 
 what the Hoofiurab e Samuel Dexrer, 
 E-qu're, hai said of one of his mabier's 
 ov^N actions. 
 
 It will not be admitted by our author, 
 that his ma^tet was a weak, ignorant, in- 
 capable man ; that he did not understand 
 the conititution, and the right and in- 
 terests of the people who e'ected him to 
 support those interests. This would be 
 to defend his principles and integrity at 
 the expense of his understanding. 
 
 Upon a question of so vital a nature 
 as that of the right of Congress to inter- 
 dict and destroy all the commercial in- 
 terests of New- England, it is not to be 
 presumed, that Mr. Adams did not ex- 
 ert all the powsrs®f his mind, eniichedg 
 as our author must admit, with much an- 
 cient and modern learning. 
 
 Weaknessor ignorance cannot be im- 
 puted to him, however some of us may 
 doubt the effeqt of his prejudices. 
 
 When the embargo in 1808 was pro- 
 posed, a measure as much worse than 
 the existing one as possible, because it 
 was nvithnui limitavicn, and therefore 
 perpetual, (unless all the three blanches 
 of the government should concur in its 
 repeal,) the Hon John Quincy Adams 
 not only voted for it, but gave it, his 
 most ardent, and slavish support. 
 
 Of this measure, the Hon. Mr. Dexter 
 says, " that it overleaps the constitu- 
 " tion, 13 ineffectual, tends to destroy 
 " the rights and interests of the commer- 
 " cial stales, promotes perjury andvice. 
 
6 
 
 f* and alms a fatal blow at the prospcr- 
 •'ity of the country." 
 
 To such an act Mr. Adams gave his 
 a«.sent, and to him alone probably we 
 owQfsall the evils which have followed 
 from this restrictive system ; for had he 
 supported the rights and interests of the 
 people who elected him, it is very prob- 
 able that act would never have passed. 
 
 It would seem to follow then, either 
 that Mr. Dexter's censures of this act 
 aie unfounded, or that Mr. Adams did 
 not understand the constitution, and the 
 horrible effects ascribed to this act by 
 Mr, Dexter ; or else, that undei standing 
 them, he basely agreed to tke passage of 
 such an act. 
 
 We are indifferent which side of the 
 <juestion our author will take. Either 
 Mr. Adams does not understand the 
 constitution, or Mr. Dexter misapprehend' 
 ed its provisions, or Mr. Adaois acted a 
 base and ivickeil part. 
 
 We do not choose to decide between so 
 great men. Yet our young author recom- 
 mends them both to our confidence and 
 respect. 
 
 If cither of them is mistaken on so 
 fundamental a. point \ if either of them is 
 capable either of violating the constitu- 
 tion, destroying the rights, and aiming 
 a fatal blow at the liberties of the peo- 
 ple,he is unworthy of our confidence,Hnd 
 so is every man brought up in his princi- 
 ples. On the other hand, if these acts 
 are improperly arraigned, if such char- 
 ges against them are unffnrnded, the man 
 who makes them is unworthy of our con- 
 fidence, but the author was wrong in 
 recommending him to our suffrages as 
 he has most explicitly done. 
 
 This however, is not the ivorst side of 
 this picture. Our author himself defends 
 the embargo, as just, consti utional, and 
 legal. Mr Dexter condemns it as the re- 
 sult of folly, and wickedness, and tyran- 
 ny. — Now either Mr. Dexter was honest 
 in this denunciation, or he was not, 
 
 1( honest then he must in the opinion 
 of our author and of Mr. Adams, be weak 
 and unfit to manage public affairs, be- 
 cause they hoth treat the right to lay an 
 Embargo, as unquestionable, and sneer 
 at the opposition to it,as weak and wicked. 
 
 If Mr. Dexter was not sincere in his op- 
 positioa to it, he must be unprincipled. 
 
 Let the author settle this point between 
 his two honorable friends. 
 
 For ourselves t we have no hesitation 
 to say, that we think Mr. Dexter, much 
 the most qualified judge He is a much 
 greater man than our author or his mas- 
 ter-. He is a much more profound law- 
 yer. He may not be so good a judge of 
 a modern novel, or a work of one of the 
 German literati, but he is better acquaint- 
 with our constitution and laws. 
 
 He is a more profound reasoner than 
 either of them, and he has had 20 years 
 more experience and study on queitions 
 of this sort. As to our author, wc 
 doubt whether he knows much about the 
 constitution of our country, and he is 
 one of the last men who would be select- 
 ed to decide upon a great legal and 
 constitutional question. We say this 
 merely from the internal evidence which 
 his pamphlet afford- of the rawness, and 
 superficiality of his knowledge. 
 
 Mr. Dexter's opinion, upon the un- 
 constitutionality of the Embargo on 
 which he has thought much,and reason- 
 ed often, is of great weight. It C' nforms 
 to that of all ihe honest men of New- 
 England, who are capable of forming a 
 judgment. 
 
 Our author must therefore either a« 
 gree, that Mr. Adams and himself do not 
 understand the constitution, or that Mr. 
 Dexter, who h»s had so much more 
 time to examine it than they have had, 
 is a weak or a wicked ma.n for uttering 
 such sestiments against that act. 
 
 Again.— Suppose Mr. I'cxter is a poor 
 lawyer, and does not understand the 
 constitution and laws as well as our au- 
 thor and Mr. Adams, who have never 
 had half the opportunity of studying 
 them ; and suppose that inestimable act 
 called the Embargo, is as wise and con- 
 stitutional as the author contends, yet 
 when it wasfrst introduced, as it deep- 
 ly affec'ed our dearest interests, it deserv- 
 ed a discussion ; Mr. Adams,representlng 
 the most commercial slate, was the spe- 
 cial guardian of its interests, and what- 
 ever might h.^ve been his private op'nion, 
 he was bound to deliberate^ and weigh its 
 possible effects. 
 
 Yet we know, that when that act 
 passed through the Senate in 24 hours, 
 Mr. Adams declared, " that at the PiSS' 
 
rbstfT recommended the measure he 
 tuoull not deliberate. 
 
 This sentiment in ancient Rome, even 
 «uder the Caesars, woald have been pro- 
 nounced base. 
 
 He was sent there to deliberate. The 
 opinion of the President ought to have 
 had ni? effect on his judgment. It was 
 a desertion of our rights and interests 
 for which he received an earlyv. tee 
 early compensation. Our author may 
 defend him if he pleases. The number 
 of apost ites may increase so as to dimiri' 
 ish the odium of such conduct. But if 
 our posterity should ever become more 
 pure, or if an independent historian 
 should arise to hand down the events 
 of the present day, to an unlmpassioned 
 race who may succeed us, they will say, 
 that whatever Mr. Adams's instructions 
 to his pupils may have been, his example 
 was most pernicious. 
 
 We have then shewn, that Mr. Dexter, 
 whom our author praises often, and re- 
 commends to our support, condemns as 
 the basest and most wicked acts those 
 very measures which our author ap- 
 proves, and which Mr. Adams not only 
 supported but supported in language 
 unbecoming a ireeman. 
 
 We have one other case to cite a* to 
 the honourable or base manner in which 
 Mr. Adams by example brought up his 
 pupils. We give it no character, let 
 the people decide. 
 
 A certain Hon. John Smith was sup- 
 posed lo be implicated in Burr's con- 
 spiracy. For our argument we shall 
 suppose that he was justly charge<# — 
 We practice, though we do not expect 
 frankness, in return. 
 
 Still by the laws of the land, by Mag*. 
 na Charta, by the principles of eternal 
 justice, every man is to be presumed in- 
 nocent until he h proved guilty. 
 
 It was impossible to convict Smith. — 
 The evidence was weak. A Jury could 
 not be trusted. The President got up a 
 supple committee in the Senate to con- 
 vict him " a la mode de France, par ac- 
 clamation " The Hon. Mr. Adams was 
 on this commirtee. He drew up a re- 
 port declaring this man guilty, and ex- 
 pelling him from the Senate. All men 
 were shocked at the profligacy of this re- 
 port. This common lawyer, this man 
 who had attacked Jefferson and support- 
 
 ed Burke against Paine's rights of man, 
 sneered at the Judiciary," the curtain of 
 artificial forms,and the snail like pace of 
 the common law" — He proposed a rev- 
 olutionary trial and conviction. Even 
 the Senate, then wholly under Presiden- 
 tial influence, so trembled at tke expres- 
 sion of public sentiment, that they re- 
 jected Adams's report. Yet we are 
 now told that this instructor, • ne m'a 
 Jamais appris defaire une bassesse.** 
 
 J\^o. 3. 
 
 " The whole merit of it (the project 
 of separation) belongs to a faction of 
 the Federal party, powerful neither in 
 numbers nor talents, perhaps not more 
 extensive than the exclusive six hundred 
 of Mr. Ames, b ;t who contrive by in- 
 trigue and art, by virtue of former ser- 
 vices, and by keeping the people in igno- 
 rance of their real views, to wield at will 
 the Legislature of Massachusetts. The 
 distinction between the Federalists and 
 the Junto is perfectly well known in 
 town and country." This most dis- 
 graceful passage, as it is the pith of the 
 whole pamphlet, shall engage at this 
 time our exclusive attention. We shall 
 not stop to comment on its puerile in- 
 consistencies. 
 
 That a faction, powerful neither in 
 number or talents, should be able to 
 wield at will the Legislature of Massa- 
 chusetts, would appear to an unlettered 
 mind somewhat stiange. That this fac- 
 tion should do it by concealing their views 
 from ihe Legislature, while it seems the 
 distinction between them znd federalists is 
 PE ;fectly well known both in town 
 and country, is certainly one of those 
 singular cases which would require an- 
 other pamphlet to explain. 
 
 That the Legislature, selected gene- 
 rally fiom the people for their talents 
 and virtues, should be so weak as to be 
 led by any Junto, is somewhat of 
 a reproach on a free form of gov- 
 ernment ; but that knowing the d'n- 
 iiucuon perfectly well between the ?reaC 
 body of Federalists, and these wicked 
 leaders, they should still suffer them to 
 wield them at will, is most assuredly aa 
 anomaly in the history of mankind. 
 Surely such a Legislature cannot boast 
 of their reason as a faculty to dUtia- 
 guiih thsm from the biute. 
 
8 
 
 If the above calumny on some por- 
 tion, indefinite, undcbcribed portion of 
 the Federal party, had ihe merit of nov- 
 elty, we should then only say of it that 
 it was untiue, mean, and malicious ; 
 but as it hai been repeated by Duane 
 and Austin more than five thousand 
 times ; as it formed the whoie web and 
 warp of Sallust, out ^tulhor's im'Ticdi- 
 ate predecessor in Patriot calumny, we 
 inust say that it is also weak. 
 
 The speeches .nd calumnies of Caiu9 
 and Tiberius Gtacchus, of Mark Anto- 
 ny, and Clodiui, are not preserved, but 
 I have no doubt they talked then of a 
 faction, and denounced Cato, Cicero 
 and Atticus, as our author does Strong, 
 Ames and Cabot, as a Junto powerful 
 neither in numbers or talents. 
 
 Our author ha? accused Gov. Stiong 
 of copying the Prince Regent's Manifesto ; 
 we shall now shew that our author made 
 pretty free use of Adams's review of 
 Ames's works. 
 
 " Ii is a melancholy contemplation of 
 human nature (says the tender-hearted 
 John Q. Adams) to see a mind so rich- 
 ly cultiv :ted as that of Mr. Ames, sour 
 ed and exasperated into the very rav- 
 ings of a bedlamite. But the apology 
 that is due to him is not equally the 
 right of others. There axe those who, 
 without believing one word of this po- 
 litical creed, are as eager for its propa- 
 gation as he was ; Verily they expect their 
 REWARD. If they can fill the whole 
 people with madness like that of the 
 royal fox, if they can fill the brains of 
 the whole nation with a fancy that we 
 have all been transformed into the vil- 
 est of the biute creation, save only the 
 choice spirits amounting to at most six 
 hundred, the next step follows of course. 
 Thg porcelain must rule over the earth- 
 em ware. The multitude must put 
 themselves bound hand and foot into 
 the custody of the lynx eyed seraphic souls 
 of the six hundred, and then all must 
 go and squat together for protection un- 
 der the hundred heads of the British 
 Bfiareus." /Jdams. 
 
 We can assure the readers, that the 
 above is not from the pen of Clough, or 
 Austin, or Tom Webb, but of the Hon. 
 JohnQ. Adams, late Professor of Ora- 
 
 tory, "qui re m'a jamais appris a faire 
 une bassesse." 
 
 It is one of the simplest, most tempt- 
 ing, at the same time that it is the basest 
 o^aj of rising to power and place in a 
 free government, to excite the jealousy 
 of thepeople against their best friends. 
 Tht modesty of leal worth, the aversion 
 to the disgraceful contentions ef party, 
 naturally incline the best men to seek 
 retirement. In their domestic circle 
 they find a solace, and some relief from 
 the anxiety which they teel when they 
 see the public affairs ill-administered, 
 and pubiic liberty endangered. 
 
 When a man wishes to excite the pop- 
 ular jealousy, he deals in general crim- 
 inations. The more obscui e and con- 
 fused, the more room for the imagina- 
 tion, and the less liable is the author of 
 such calumnies to be detected. Wc 
 however ask, Who are these artful, in- 
 triguing men of whom Mr. Adams 
 speaks, but of whom his pupil could 
 know nothing but from him ? Personally 
 no pupil of Mr. Adams could have been 
 admitted to the confidence or friendship 
 of every man who loved or revered Mr. 
 /imes. The spectres vanish as soon as 
 you oblige men to name these magicians 
 who direct our public affairs. 
 
 This gentleman's predecessors in cal- 
 umny have, however, named Strong 
 Bnd Cabet, and Ame'- and Pardons. 
 
 Men can hardly be presumed to take 
 an active part in public affairs, without 
 motives. Of the motives of men we 
 must decide solely by theit conduct. 
 
 <ff there were any men, bcioved, es- 
 teemed, re pecied above others in this 
 stare, they were the men I have named- 
 If the e were n-jen who had influen e a- 
 rising from a conviction of their talents 
 and virtties, the^e were the men. If in 
 short there was any foundation for the 
 opinioo, (which we doubt) that any 
 particular men had more influence on 
 public opinion than other able ones, I pre- 
 sume the public would have agreed that 
 those were ef the tinmber, and this mere- 
 ly because if any men deserved public 
 confidence, they did. 
 
 Now let us compare the conduct of 
 these men with Mr, John Quincy Ad- 
 ams's. I do not remember one instance 
 

 
 in which either of them obtained an of- 
 fice for one of his family. One of 
 them, the Governour, has served the 
 public, for 30 years ; for twenty of them 
 he receivefi only the compensation of a 
 legislator, and his whole receipts from 
 the public, are but one sixth of the sum 
 received by John Q Adams. He has 
 never had one foreign mission, one such 
 sinecure of which J. Q Adams has had 
 four. He asked for none. He would 
 have accepted none. Ames and Cabot 
 were dragged, indeed scourged into of- 
 fice. The former sacrificed his life in 
 the public cause, and his reward is, to 
 be abused after his decease, as the pre- 
 tended author of aristocratical senti- 
 ments and opinions. 
 
 The late Chief Justice Parsons could 
 never be persuaded to take any part in 
 public affairs during the last fifteen 
 years of his life. 
 
 Mr. John Q. Adams, who denounces 
 these gentlemen as artful, intriguing 
 men, held an office before he went to Col. 
 /f^<r, for which he received 2410 dollars, 
 3-90, which paid twice the amount of 
 the expenses of his College education. 
 He has since received 110,000 dollars 
 from the public, and what have been his 
 services? a treaty with Prussia, with 
 whom our concerns have not been worth 
 a year's salary. Except that single trea- 
 ty, his offices have been and still are per- 
 fect sinecures. 
 
 Yet these are the men who accuse the 
 most modest, retiring, and disinterested 
 patriots with sinister and wicked designs. 
 
 But if it was necessary for /}ur author 
 to cite examples of men who maintained 
 what they please to call aristocratic opin- 
 ions, why violate the sanctity of the 
 grave ? Could not the works of living 
 men furnish him with sentiments as well 
 suited to stir up the populace against 
 virtue, and learning, and talent, as Mr. 
 ylmes's writings ? 
 
 Let us see what President Adams 
 says : " Aristides, Fabricius, and Cincin- 
 natus are always quoted,as if such char- 
 acters were always to be found in suffi- 
 cient numbers to protect liberty, and a 
 cry and shewof /i^ifr/jf is set up by the 
 profligate and abandoned, such as would sell 
 their Fathers, their Country and their 
 God, ior projity place and power.''' 
 Q 
 
 We know who have. Both, our author 
 and his master have a sneer about Mr. 
 Ames's *^:tx hundretJ." Let us hear old 
 Mr. /Idams on that topic in his leiter to 
 Samuel Adams. " The love of liberty, 
 says President Adams, you say is inter- 
 woven in the soul of man. So it i^ soys 
 La Fontaine in that of the Wolf, and I 
 doubt whether it be much stronger, or 
 more generous or social in one than the 
 other, untij in man it is enlightened by 
 experience, reflection, education and po- 
 litical institutions 'Arhich are first produ- 
 ced and constantly supported by a few, 
 that is the NOBILITY." 
 
 It cannot be reproached to Strong,or 
 his friends, that they were disposed to 
 sell any thing for profit, place or power 
 
 If it would not be really mean, to 
 pursue this subject, and to condemn Mr. 
 Adams with the populace for the hon- 
 est, honourable and well intended en- 
 deavours which he made to introduce 
 correct ideas among the people,we could 
 quote opinions which ought to raise a 
 blush on the cheek of any man who 
 misrepresenting Mr. Ames's views, and 
 the honest design of the federal party, 
 would exhibit them as the enemies of 
 public liberty, of which they were the 
 firmest friends. We shall not express 
 the contempt we feelfor such sentiments 
 as those of J. Q. Adams and our au- 
 thor, as to Mr. Ames's aristocratical 
 ideas. 
 
 We shall set old Mr. Adams to making 
 the reply, because he will do it with more 
 s verity than we should do. 
 
 It will be found in his leiter to S. Ad- 
 amp, jn 1790 : 
 
 " Blind, undistingnishing reproaches a- 
 gainst the aristocratical part of mankind, 
 a division which nature has made and we 
 cannot abolish, are net pious or benevo- 
 lent. They are as pernicious as they 
 are false. They serve only to fomeiit 
 jealousy, envy, animosity and malevo- 
 lence ; They serve no ends but those of 
 sopliistry,/rflttr/ and a S/jirit of parti/.'* 
 Again,—" The miserable stuff they utter 
 against the well-born is as despicable as 
 themselves. Let us be impartial : there 
 is not more family pride on one side than 
 vulgar malignity and popular envy on the 
 other." ^ 
 
 AVe leave our author and Mr. J. Q, 
 
10 
 
 A<lTins to setlle ihis point M'ith the oM want of respect for the Governour, 
 g<'iii|e«!an. Tie gtcal luult f/ity woiiivl Legislature, and people of onr Country 
 iiiiil «itli Ames would be, Uiat he adniiu /owbj which he discovers. Such semi- 
 tc<i isioje thuA tivo iiJ!o the iist of tho able ments, so expressed, need only to be pre- 
 aod debetvifiy. The^ iicvei- did adaiit a sented distinctly, to be repelled with in- 
 greater number ibau tiiat. dignaiion. 
 
 ^ We shall not enter into any laboured 
 
 JK'o. 4. argument to shew, that those opinions 
 
 The opinion which we are about to are subversive of all fredom, a reproach 
 
 examine, in this pamphlet on the Gov- on our revolution, and would tend to 
 
 ernoui's speech, is, with the single ex- reduce the people to a state of abject 
 
 cepjon of the author's justification of slavery. F(.r if it be true,that the com- 
 
 the tyranny of Bonaparte, the most de- mission to the rulers at Washington, 
 
 basing of any which has ever been deprives the people of a right to delib- 
 
 br ached in this country. In tlie foU erate, and express their opinions on the 
 
 lovk'ing i;pinion our author stands ^j/on^. measures of those rulers, it is equally 
 
 Others have veniured to condemn the true that the people of this state, having 
 
 minni'r in which the Federalists !;ave once confided to their own state rulers 
 
 treated he govemment. He alone con- all the residue of their powers, they 
 
 tends, that they have no right to in- cannot inquire into,or express their opin- 
 
 qiiire or investigate, or remark on the ions of the measures of the latter, 
 
 measuies of government. For such a We mean simply to reply to the a- 
 
 [t an our country is too free. S ch doc- hove extraordinary and unique opinions 
 
 trines might be received at Algiers or by facts. 
 
 Constantinople. The bill of rights guarantees to the 
 
 peaking of the Governou.'s speech people the right to assemble and express 
 
 he says, their opinions fieely,on all the measures 
 
 " Pie fastens at once on the very sub- of their rulers, 
 
 ject with which of all others he had no The British nation have always con- 
 
 concern, and institutes an inquiry into the sidered that they had a right to a-sera- 
 
 conduct (f the General Government, ble in their common councils, in their 
 
 The House" imitate this brilliant exam- shires, and even in their small boroughs, 
 
 pie, and with a laudable docility take to express freely their sentiments about 
 
 up the thread of his excellency's argu- the expediency, and justice of wars, or 
 
 ment. The contagion spreads — our concerning any other important meas- 
 
 cou.ury towns receive their messages ures of their government, 
 
 from the Legislature, and echo them la the cases of the impeachment of 
 
 with new mquiries into the conduct of Lord Melville, and of the removal of the 
 
 the General Gnvernment. Now how- Duke of York, some millions o' people 
 
 QMtr hrjnist and %uell meaning may be our did thus assemble in England and Scot- 
 
 brethren in the country^ however sage and land, and express their opinions on these 
 
 eloquent the members of our Legisla- less-important questions, 
 
 ture, however venerable and patriotic ( ur Y;e: our author denies to the State 
 
 Ch'ef Magistrate, and however compe- Legslatures of our country this right, 
 
 tent they may be to arrange the affairs But unhappily for our writer, the pre- 
 
 of dn/ o^/6f/- nation, it seems not ?i little cedents in our country on the side of 
 
 singular they should think proper to ex- the true men, as he would call them, 
 
 crcise their talents precisely on the individ- (lie friends of government, are all against 
 
 uul subject which they with a sober de- him. The first expression of public 
 
 liberate choice, committed to the con- opinion abo it the measures of the Na- 
 
 duct of a diffeient body." tinnal Govern 'cnt was that of the late 
 
 We dare not trust ourselves with the Gov . Hancock. When Congress pass- 
 
 expressi-n of the pity which we feel for ed a law authorizing individuals to sue 
 
 the in-olent, ironical and sarcastic tone the several states, Gov Hancock as- 
 
 in v^'hich the above novel and degrading sembled the Legislature specially to take 
 
 sentiments are conveyed, and the utter that encroachment into coniideralion^ H« 
 
11 
 
 represented It in glowing colours. The litical questions on which the happiness 
 
 ate Gov. Sullivan, then Attorney- and prosperity of the Countiy depend : 
 
 General, supported the Governour by a If they may do it verbally, may they 
 
 popular pamphlet. This State resisted not write about them as our autkor has 
 
 the pretension, and the power was taken done ? He has discussed all the meas- 
 
 away from the National Government, ures of the General Government. To 
 
 It is to be remarked that in that Cfise all be sure he approves them all. But Mr. 
 
 parties admitted the power to exist in Dexter does not. He condemns many. 
 
 Congress. and without mercy. The Embargo and 
 
 We a^k our author, whether a trifling the invasion of Canada are execrable in 
 
 power, like that, which would not be ex- his eyes, 
 
 ercised in one case in a thousand, and Well then ; perrnit a simple man who 
 
 which v!2i^ distinctly given to the Nation- is npt among the literati, to ask, wheth- 
 
 al Government, could be as lawfully er if one man, or ten men, can consult, 
 
 opposed asone of a^/owi^//«/^/j(7raf/fr,like deliberate, discuss and publish their o- 
 
 ihe embargo, resting in inference, and pinions, cannot the Legislature or the 
 
 which Mr. Dexter decl res does not ex- Governm do the same ? Or is their se- 
 
 ist ? an'' whether, if the States have a lection fiom among the wisest and best, 
 
 right todi&cuss some National measures and the confidence of the people repos- 
 
 which afFec; nothing but their prtde.lhey cd in them, a disqualification to do that 
 
 have not an equal or greater right to which Mr. Adam.s s pupil or Mr. Dex- 
 
 discuss those which affect their ''vital ter may lawfully do: We only wish 
 
 interests,"those which ''aim (as the very to have this knotty point of civil rights 
 
 honourable friend of the author, Mr. settled. Pei haps our author ma> think 
 
 Dexter says) a fatal blow at our dear- that " Country towns and our Country 
 
 est interests." brethren" have no right to give their 
 
 Again— Samuel Adams, the succeed- opinions— that ihis only belongs to those 
 
 ing Governour, always addressed the v?ho have been educated by a master. 
 
 Legislature against the measures of the "Qui ne iD'ajamicis appris a faire une bassesse." 
 
 National Government. Mr. Sullivan, If this be really so, it will follow, that 
 
 Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Gerry, Mr Piumer, as three quarters of our citizens are from 
 
 Gov Tompkins, Gov. Snyder, have Ji I- the Country, three quarters of them are 
 
 /f^ their speeches entirely with National disfranchised and foi bidden to express 
 
 affairs. They undertook to decide on their opinions. 
 
 the Chesapeake aflFair, on the controver- We call this a slavish and most im- 
 
 sy with Rose, with .fackson, on the re- pertinent doctrine, and we defy our 
 
 peal of the Berlin decree on impress- author to defend it. 
 
 ment and the orders in Council. The The last authority we s-hall cite oa 
 
 several State Legislatures in the interest of this question is a book written by John 
 
 \.\\t National government gave their o- Jay, James Madison and Alexander 
 
 pinions on these measures. Will our Hamilton, and if I was not afraid of of- 
 
 learned author and jurist, the pupil of fending our author's master, I should 
 
 an unblem.ished master, say, that you say they were among the ablest men in 
 
 may discuss provided you fl/'/tiro-yf, but America. I allude to the Federalist.^ 
 
 if you cannor^nf/ cause to approve you This book was written to induce the 
 
 must uot discuss P Is this his theory ? — people to accept the constitution. In 
 
 Were those republican governours not as answer to an objection that the Govern- 
 
 liable to error in approving, as Governour ment was too distant, and that the peo- 
 
 Strong the friend of Washington, the pie could not know their measures, they 
 
 framer of the Constitution and its most made the following reply, "The imped- 
 
 zealous supporter, in condemning meas- iments to a prompt communicatioa 
 
 ures as violations of the Constitution ? v/hKh distance may be supposed to ere- 
 
 Further. Does our pamphleteer deny ate, will be overbalaiiced by the effects 
 
 the right of the citizens in their little of the vigilance of the State Govern- 
 
 literary clubs, and by their fire sides, to mcnts. 
 
 inquire into and examine the great po- " The executive and legislaWYfi bodies 
 
12 
 
 of the state will be so many sentinels 
 over the perbons employed in every 
 branch of the general government and 
 as it will be in their power to adopt and 
 pursue a regular course or system of inteU'r 
 gence they can never be at a loss to know 
 the behaviour of those who represent 
 their constituents in the national coun- 
 oils, and can TtAAWj communicate \.\\t same 
 i nowleJoe to their c$nstUuents. 
 
 " We may conclude with the fullest 
 assurance that the people will through 
 that channel be better informed of the con- 
 duct of their National rulers tlian ihey 
 now are of that of their state representa- 
 tives." 
 
 Here our author will perceive these 
 j»reat men who fiamed the constitution, 
 went so far as to suppose the state gov- 
 ernments vvrjuld appoint agents to watch 
 themeasures of the national government; 
 such as we had in England before the 
 war, and that they would regularly 
 communicate all their knowledge lo the 
 people ; not only when danger was fore- 
 seen, but in a common course of proce- 
 duie. Such were the hopes they held 
 out to the people, and ©n these hopes 
 the Coustitution was adopted" 
 
 JVb. 5. 
 
 One would have supposed that it 
 would have satisfied any laan ofmoder- 
 Ute ambilioi), that he had devoted fifty 
 pages to caliimnies against G/tv. Strong, 
 written in a strain ol' invective, as hitler 
 as that of Junius, without his wit ; that 
 he had attacked the rights of the state, 
 rulers asid people, that he had defended 
 the most atrocious measures under which 
 his native state is now bleeding, and 
 that he would not have thought it nec- 
 essary precisely at the moment, when all 
 the world is deserting Bonaparte, to 
 have come out with an apology for him. 
 At the end of a chaptei , in which he en- 
 deavours to wipe away the stain of 
 French injluence he attacks the Gov. 
 for having pronounced an opinion that 
 the conduct of the late rulers of France 
 was unexampled. 
 
 Whether this was done to shew how 
 much more he knew than the Gov. or 
 that he was a friend to tyrannical doct- 
 liaes an'l conduct in Europe as well as 
 
 America, or tha< he had all the qualiA- 
 cations requisite to recommend him to 
 the favor of administration, we know 
 not. This we do know, that he could 
 not have offered up incense more 
 acceptable to the rulers of this happy 
 nation. 
 
 The Governor had said, that previous- 
 ly to the French revolution " there was 
 '' seldom an instance among civilized 
 " nations, in which a Prince or govern- 
 " ment engaging in a war without alles^- 
 " ing reasons to justify the measure, and 
 " though in some cases the motives were 
 " unjust, the reasons assigned were spe- 
 " ciou<f, and in pretence at least were 
 " founded in necessity. But the French 
 " Em])eror has thought fit to dispense 
 " with these forms, and to wage war 
 " without even a pretence of injury." 
 
 We should have supposed no man in 
 Europe or America not in the service 
 the Emperor would have quarrelled 
 with these opinions. 
 
 The Governor is not only one of the 
 most discriminating, but one of the most 
 guarded and cautious writers. He does 
 not say there was no instances of a like 
 kind before the revolution, hut that they 
 rarely occurred. He admits the motives 
 of other kbus were sometimes unjust, 
 but tJiat they had, so much respect for 
 the opinions of the world, that ihey as- 
 signed sjjecioMs reasons for their conduct. 
 How does our author treat this opinion .^^ 
 Directly under the quotation itself, he 
 goes on to assume that the Governor had 
 said that the monarchs before the revo- 
 lution w ho waged war, were • always on 
 the side ofjustce,^'' and then proceeds to 
 blow away this airy image of his own 
 creation. We quote the passage to shew 
 that such a man cannot be reasoned, 
 with. He not only is perpetually wrong 
 in his facts, but even when he cites, he 
 instantly perverts them. " We cannot 
 " help observing in relation to this opin- 
 " ion, says our author, that in every 
 " quarrel there must be two sides, and 
 " that both cannot possibly be right ; so 
 " that if the aggressor* before the French 
 " revolution were abvays on the side of 
 ^^ justice, the party attacked must have 
 " been guilty of some proportionable in- 
 "justice, and we really do not see that 
 " this singular fact if strictly correct, 
 " would have lessened the sum total of 
 " political injustise. We however, ques- 
 
13 
 
 " tion the correctness of the fact.'' Now representation or what is most charita- 
 whalis the /«cf of which he speaks? b!e, an utter ignorance of the tacts which 
 That the aggressors before the revohi- are necessary to form a political judg- 
 tion were always on the side of jjistice. nient. Our autlior says, 
 Did the governor sav this, or even imi- ^'Why was England, it is sometimes 
 late it ? No. He strnnglv intimates the sagaciously inquired, selected as our 
 
 enemy ? We answer because the in- 
 
 were immediate, 
 
 England 
 
 country. Nay he admits that the mo 
 fives were sometimes iinjvst and the jnries of _ 
 
 reasons specious. Our author having operative and ita/, those ni 1 ranee con- 
 thiis adroitly perverted the Governor's 
 language, and made out such a ease as 
 he should like to answer, goes on to dis- 
 play his learning by proving what no- 
 body denied, that many wars have been 
 commenced without justifiable cause. 
 Before he gets tbrougli, his disposition 
 
 sisted in empty menace or contemptuous 
 lancjuage." 
 
 Now if this was intended for poetry, 
 it is mighty well. It certainly has one 
 quality which would make us believe it: 
 it is a.\\ fiction. 
 
 ^v-.^.v. ..^ _ We mHSf presume, and we do in truth 
 
 t^'^m'isrppresentation'''enf"i"relv "gets' the presume that our ;>'ithor knows nothing 
 advantage of his memorv, anil he repre- of the facts. Shut up n his sludy, des- 
 seats the Governor's words as direcfh/ l'isi"S t'l^ common dull men ot the Ex- 
 opposite to what thev reallv were. He change, unacquainted with the osses 
 savs, "without pretending to doubt the and sufferings of the merchants, he is 
 Governor's authority, we cannot but probably perfectly ignorant ot the tacts, 
 think it rather a specious than solirf rea- He iinds nothing about l^rench depreda- 
 son why 500 Spanish soldiers should put t^^r^s in Chatt-aubriand, Kant or Kotze- 
 to death as many millions of Americans. h"e and he has read the Patriot, and 
 that thev were entitled to do so bv tl^e Madison's speeches, and Monroe s let- 
 right of discovery." Here the Govern- ters. and he really believes, that the 
 our is bv implication represented as French decrees were a dead letter. 11 
 Laving said, that the reasons of former he had descended from the Parnassian 
 wars were solid and not specious. It is mo'mt to the dull purlieus ot trading 
 a very easv thing much more easv than men. if he had had the misfortune as 
 honourable, to answer any speech in ^^e have had, but which we certainly do 
 such a manner; to make the speech not whh him of oivmn^ a iew thousand 
 what you please, and then reply to it. dollars insurance stock, his theory might 
 
 But the most degrading part of this '^a^ «" yielded to his experience. 
 answer to the Gov. on this topic is. that I-^^ ^e tell this gentleman, that even 
 it is an indirect, and not rery indirect Armstrong admitted that the seizures 
 agology for the greatest monsterthat the ""''^'r the Rambouillet decree amounted 
 world"4ver produced. "We shouW en- «'o"^ *" seventeen millions ot dollars ; 
 tertain, savs he. a lurking suspicion, <I"it the sum was so great, that he 
 thatthe passions of men are similar in all thought that consideration ow^^ would 
 ages, and that kings and subjects were prevent, as it has j.revented, the repay- 
 pretty much the same sort of animals vcyeni of it. But perhaps our author 
 before the French revolution as they wilh reply, will Mr. Madison, ' that 
 have been since.'' This appears to be property was seized under a mere mum- 
 intended as an apology for the horrors <^«"F'^ regulation, and not under the 
 of the French revolution and of the haughty decrees f that was a box ou 
 tyranny of Napoleon. the ear, and not an application to the 
 
 If such an author had lived at Rome, seat of honour ; or perhaps (as he is so 
 he would not have perished at Utica f""<l of Bonaparte) he may adopt his 
 with Cato, but yyould like Anthony have language, that it was a reprisal f«)r seiz- 
 followed at the heels of Cfesar:* Tf in "res which we might have made but rfirf 
 Greece he would have praised Philip, ?2of, under our non-intercourse act. fhat 
 rather than have hazarded his liberty is .vo»r true French ground, which our 
 and life with Demosthenes. author's master would probably take. 
 
 We shall now give another example But if he meets us with ihe^e replies, 
 shewing a disposition to agologize for "^ have another ground on which he 
 France, or a strange propensity to mis- cannot meet us : The French captures 
 
1^ 
 
 AT SEA under the decrees, and even after 
 their pretended repeal, were greiUer 
 than those of Britain under her orders, 
 though the former only sloleonl of port 
 hy one or two vessels at a (inie, and the 
 other liad live hundred ships al sea. 
 
 We do not, like our auth.or, deal in 
 generals ; France has captiirod at ska 
 iVoni the people of Jlnssac'msptts (ilonc, 
 under the Beilin iind M'iVaw decrees, and 
 condenined. more than one million of 
 dollars, and iive hundred thousand, siiiee 
 their pretended repeal, whitdi our auilior 
 has proved to his own satisfaction to he 
 a real one. 
 
 AVe would advise «t!ir literary friend 
 to turn out of his study and condeseetid 
 to visit the Morld before he states facts, 
 and builds splemlid theories upon them. 
 Let hiin walk up to the Messrs. Curtis's 
 at the South End, and ask theui about 
 their vessel and valuable earso burnt 
 under the decrees at a period after our 
 author thought them repealed. Let hitn 
 ask John Parker, Esq. and others, tlie 
 owners of a valuable sijip, the Catharine, 
 Ockington, master, condemned by the 
 Emperor iu persini under tlie decrees, 13 
 months after their })retended repeal. 
 JjCt him go to the North American, 
 Madisonian Insuiance Office, and s fe 
 the sums that have been paid for French 
 captures, and then repeat if he can. tliat 
 these injuries w ere only "empty nienac( s 
 or contem[)tuo!is language." — It is nec- 
 t'ssary sometiuies to let one's self dovn 
 to the level of human nature. '1 he 
 plodders, and industrious men m ho do 
 not k; ow Latin and Greek, who are un- 
 acquainted with Cicero, and never had 
 any intercourse with Isocrate? and Aris- 
 totle, can sometimes give us information 
 which cannot be found even in Stehpens' 
 Thesaurus, or in any Gf'rinan poems. 
 For this world r.s it is. and ba<l as it is, 
 it is expedieut to know s<tmf'thiag of 
 affairs, as well i^s books. We know 
 ItoM ever that our author despises tliese 
 aiaxiius of common sense. 
 
 .,\f>. fi. 
 l! wns our in'.ciitiori at fus-t, to have 
 rn crci! the fu'Ui o!' roiHifiV^rpy with oi'.r 
 aM!l).-r. Slid to havp (>x:iiuiiied liis leasoii- 
 Jita. i>ui on a okner iiiPDccli '■) we loucd 
 «> OKiny ca-^rs of :!S-itu!ed r:)Cls, which 
 hnd no rot;iid;itioii, so runny in whidi iherp 
 was a ptiilio piintipi', to use our learncvl 
 
 Ruthor's soil of phraseoiopy, that it wag 
 vain to attempt to reason widi such a wri- 
 ter. All correct rcasoniuj; on public 
 nieai'ures rcqjiiviiif: a strict adherence to 
 :icknoAvl((l«-cd huts, the moment a wiiicr 
 sets evidence al d( fiance, aiul supplies it 
 by round absertion, there is nu end to ar- 
 guniciit. 
 
 We bliall however in the present ar!i- 
 ch , present to our readers a fair spe< i- 
 n>eii o! (11! author's manner and pow<MS. 
 If it shall be thought hidirr.ms it iniiet not 
 be imputed to us, "^V*,- c;ive it in his own 
 lanmsaire. Alter stating very prudenilv, 
 and it is almost tbt only prudent l!nr>^ 
 wliicli we can observe ii> las pamphlet, 
 that the qi:es-tion of expatriation is loti«», 
 and dijjicult at:d intricntr, runl therefore 
 the auilnM does not entei into it, he says 
 that \'.e fiilij ajjrees with the fjovernment 
 on lliifs snhji'ct; thai is, he liPs made up 
 his mind on this long and intricate and 
 difficu t nuesliori. 
 
 Ilavitig; said tliis, in order to knock 
 down with a sturdy blow tbc contuma- 
 cio!!s mm vhodiftYr from him on fiiis 
 difTic'dt qtifsiior', he adds, " It is not 
 '• huvever o'^e of the least of the many 
 '' nhj-nidilies coi tinnidly brouobt forward 
 "• by \\\ft vt overs of in.svrrcctioti (by whom 
 " he i 'trn<ls Strong and others) that one 
 '' of theii pjincipal a)£;unieM!s io favour of 
 " tbrowins olTalie^iai're, is, that the sub. 
 " ject has no ri«:ht to throw off allegiance 
 " in any case whatever. They threaten 
 " to rehii a};;n(!st the government, for fon- 
 " tendino; that the citizen has in certain 
 " cafics a rifiiht to rebel ; for most certain.. 
 " !y the riulu to rebel includes the minor 
 " ri:i!it \o wiik'lraw. and the citizen must 
 '' be his own juHje in one case as well as 
 •■ the otbcr. Thus they reduce ihem- 
 '*sei\e- to a mosi p'^r|ilexiitg dilemma, 
 '• for if they aie rislit in their dcclrinCf 
 " they are wroii<: in tbeir/KflcZ/cf. because 
 " on their own principles ibfy have no 
 " n^]i\ of resisfnnce'w ffl»i/case wbatsoev- 
 " er." 'litis is what in the schools they 
 Cai! ??'/■', we {.('.prose. 
 
 We did not dare to trust this laugha- 
 l»le argument to our own representation 
 of it ; infleed we could not have expres- 
 sed it anv icrnis of double the extent 
 that would have been so happily ludi- 
 crous. It follows (hen from our learned 
 auihoi's leasonino-. tbat tbe United Slates 
 people iiave no right to resist oppietsioo, 
 
15 
 
 without adiiitttiiio; t!i:\t every nna in the 
 state .las an equal right to shoot his gwv- 
 eruour ami blow ii\) the Legislature. Ii 
 follows, oi' couisc, that m hen Congress le- 
 belled in 177(J, aj^airist Great Britain, e v. 
 ery Tory had a iis:ht to resist theni, and 
 h a nglU, ail jjunisliuient ot him was an 
 act ol lyiannj. This doctrine would s;o 
 to piove either thai there can im no le- 
 gitimate resistance to arbitrary usurpation 
 or tyranny, or else that universal anarchy 
 must be the iawlul consequence. 
 
 We put other cases. Socictij claims 
 the right to piuiish the highway robber, 
 the burglar, the murderer — therefore it 
 follows, says our author, thai every sin- 
 gle man has an equal riglit to judge for 
 hinaseif, and take away the life of every 
 man wliood'cnds him or violates his righis. 
 
 Because a nation or a state (sovereign 
 for certain purposes) claims the right to in- 
 qiiire whether its delegates have perform- 
 ed their duty, or liave been guilty ol u- 
 surpation, and if they find they have, to 
 refuse obedience to tiie usurped power, 
 it follows, says our author, that every man 
 has an equal right to throw off his alle- 
 giance at pleasure. Wat Tyler, and ihe 
 parliament ot 1688, were eqtially justifia- 
 ble. So were the Congress of 1776, and 
 Daniel Shays, or the German insurgent 
 Fries. 
 
 Will any man censure us for laughing 
 at such a writer, or for rehising to reason 
 soberly with him ? Let those reason so- 
 berly who can: we must be excused from 
 such a waste of time. 
 
 Another specimen of the high reason- 
 ing powers of our auliior, will be met 
 with in his arijumpnt on the embargo. 
 
 lie contends tliat because Congress 
 have the greater power of regulating For- 
 eign commerce, a fortiori, they must have 
 the minor one of lorbidding the coasting 
 trad(!. 
 
 We cannot do liim justice without quot- 
 ing his very expressiofis. " None but 
 himself can be Ids parallel.'' 
 
 " Is it to be supposed for a moment, 
 that when those interesls, so much ?norc 
 important in themselves tlian the coasting 
 trade between parts of the same state, 
 were implicitly committed to Congress, 
 that the latter was reserved as a thing 
 too sacred to be placed at their disposal i' 
 Is all this commerce (the India trade <i-c.) 
 %i their mercy to suspend and modify at 
 
 pleasure, and are Hingham packets and 
 Eistern coasters, tlu: only things ttjat lloat 
 thesea too important to be coiiimilted to 
 our delegated rulers ? too momentous to 
 be intrusted to any hands but our own ?" 
 We shall only answer this by some i- 
 ronical questions in our turn ; We may 
 use a litlle irony now, and then, as well as 
 ou.' author. Have Congress aright to 
 regidale your ])assage over the ocean, ami 
 have they not the lesser right oJ prevent- 
 ing your pasting by land from state to 
 slate 1' II from stale to state, is it not 
 ridiculous to conteiul, that they cannot 
 inler<liclyou from p:ii^sinu from your hoHse 
 to your barn or oulhouses ? If then it be 
 clear, that Congress can forbid your pass- 
 ing from your lionse to your outhouses, is 
 the right to pass from your chamber to 
 your pailouror your kitchen "loo momen- 
 tous to be intiusled to any hands butyour 
 own ? ' Again, Congress have power to 
 regidale conunerce. They may forbid 
 ihe sale or e\en imporlalion of nhole car- 
 goes of valuable goods. Have they not 
 the meaner aiid more trivial right of for- 
 uiddiiii^ the sale of butter and eggF,and tom- 
 cods ? Or " are these rights too momen- 
 tous lo be entrusted to asiy hands but our 
 own ? ' 
 
 VV^e are sensilile, that this is very hum- 
 ble writing, but in truth, we cannot think 
 any other mode of reply suited to such ar- 
 guments. 
 
 We shall close the present remarks, by 
 citing one or two examples of the liberty 
 our author takes with what the world 
 calls fads. 
 
 " We are not aware of any claim made 
 by our Government to exempt British 
 acamen from their allegiance to their 
 own country. We presiuiie your Excel- 
 lency has some private dorunients on this 
 head, that may be the subject of a future 
 message.*' 
 
 If this is a merf equivoque, if the term 
 British seamen means to exclude all that 
 we are pleased to christen American, it is 
 a pun, truly worthy of the arguments we 
 have above cited. 
 
 But if it is meant to deny, that our 
 Government cLims to exempt from their 
 allegiance, native born Englishmen, it is I 
 had almost srtj.7,an unblushing untruth. — 
 We are at war on this very point. Tlie 
 very last statute passed by Congress on 
 this sul'lcct. claims the right to protect all 
 
16 
 
 naturalized seamen of Greai Biitaiii agninst 
 their lawful and leige soveifci<ii). 'J'lie 
 British olliceis arrested aad held as host- 
 ages are lor E;)j;ii-)liriieii, taken in our ser- 
 vice. nerernalurali::td ; we say this he- 
 cause the President tloes not dare to say 
 iheij were. 
 
 Mr. Hay, tlie son in law of Monroe, 
 has MTiiten a idausibie p.imphlet to prove 
 our right to exempt British subjects from 
 their alle<;;iaiice. This pamphlel was sent 
 to Goi'cniour Strong- by the .'^seirelary of 
 stale ; and yet we are told that it did not 
 appear that our Government dai.ncd this 
 right. 
 
 Otir author lias cited a letter of Gen. 
 Hamilton s at large, to prove two points; 
 first, ihe existence of a plan (or a se[)ara- 
 lion of the states, secondly liis disapproba- 
 tion, /;oJ/if<^/ <iisupproba'iion ol it. 
 
 We have notliins to do wiih the man- 
 ner in which tiiis private corrc'spt.ndcnce 
 is laid helore the public. From the hon- 
 ourable feelings oi Jul;i;e S'dgwick. we 
 know he could not ha;e °iven it. Fioai 
 our knowledge and hi'ifi respfct for his 
 chiltiren, we are coMvinced they would 
 not have jriven a copy to be usrid tor such 
 a pxirpose. It is an unfair and incorrect 
 application of the letter. But ii is the 
 inscrutable course of Providence to hrii** 
 good out of evil. This letitu' howcnr 
 procured, and published with whnte.cr de- 
 signs, is a complete exculpation of the 
 Federal party. 
 
 In his life, Hamilton was its leader 
 
 We were justly proud of him. He was 
 the man representeil ambitious by eilher 
 Adams. Yet tliie ambitious man, frowned 
 oil liie idea of separation. The letlrr 
 does not intimate, ijiat am) man had seri- 
 ously contcmjjl dcd a separalion. It 
 woul, I rather seem that Judjre Se<l2:wick 
 must have written to him lor his opinion 
 on that subjict. What is liis reply ? — 
 " I will here express, says he, but one scn- 
 tiioenf, which \?,, \.\\7i\. -^Msmemhermenl of 
 our Empire will be a clear sacrifice of 
 great positive advantn^es, widiout any 
 counterbalancins good.' 'J'hit sentiment 
 we know to have been uniformh) and still 
 to be that of every able and distinguished 
 fedird:siin Massachusetts, the calumnies 
 of this author to the contraiy notwith- 
 standing. We have something more to 
 say to him on this topic. 
 
 As we have abandoned the idea of reas- 
 oning with our author, as an useless and 
 idle task, we hat! proposed to conclude 
 our remarks at this lime w iih some explaii* 
 atioM of the manner in which we have 
 taken tiie liberty to treat his essays. But 
 tliere are one or two jjaragraphs out of 
 an hundred most extraordinary ones, 
 which deserve a little attention. It costs 
 us so little labour, and as it nay do some 
 good by deterring others from writing on 
 subjects Uiey do not comprehend, and 
 from publisliing pamphlets witliout a due 
 compaiisofi of the gross inconsistencies 
 whic!) they may contain, we think we 
 owe it to those who may have a strong 
 desire for premature fame, to exhibit one 
 cr two otJier examples of the weakness of 
 our author. 
 
 The subject of the separation of the 
 stat( s is one on which he loves to dwell. 
 It is [uobably owing to the authority and 
 weight of his patron, from whose wrilino-s 
 our author has mide most liberal quota- 
 tions, at least as to sentiments and opin- 
 ions. 'This sui\ject is n;ituially a 'favour- 
 ite one, because it awakens nopniar preju- 
 dicr's, and as it involves ereat niysterv, 
 and is obscured by a very dense mist, (fie 
 imagiualioii has more room for display. 
 
 " What then, s;iys our author, is the 
 motive oi the opposition that now agitates 
 the Legislature of Massachusetts ? AVe 
 must look for it in the settled, long-medi- 
 tated intention of (he lending federalists of 
 this elate to separate the Union and es- 
 tablish in New-F,ngland an iidenendent 
 sovereignty. Ever since they found it 
 imj;ossible to govern the United States, 
 their dai^y and nightly labours have been 
 devoted to this favourite object. Tliis 
 has lieen the subject o\ secret meetings uud 
 SI cret corresj,ondi'7icics. " 
 
 Ii an honorable man had really sought 
 with upright views for the motives ol the 
 measures of the ferler;) lists, and the causes 
 ol th.; great disgust at the course of our 
 National policy, It does seem to lis, that 
 if he had hafi had ar)y love for that best 
 portion of the Union, the place of his na- 
 tivity ; if he had possessed in due force 
 those inueniious feelings which form the 
 charm of youth, he would readily have 
 found these motives and causes, without 
 
ir 
 
 giving Way to that suspicious temper 
 which appears to have produced the a- 
 bove quoted remarks. He might have 
 fouad them io the utter contempt expres- 
 sed for tlie People of Nevv-Eugland, the 
 disregard of their repeated peliiious aud 
 remoostrance ; in the destruction of their 
 trade, in the promotion of their most des- 
 perate, despicable, abandoned men, lo of- 
 fices of place aud power ; in the entire 
 ruin of all the small seaport towns on the 
 extended coast of Massachusetts, in the 
 defenceless state in which they have been 
 left ; in the sarcasms uttered against this 
 portion of the country by menjbers of 
 Congress. These causes would have 
 ■warmed any generous mind, and carried 
 it far above the selfish feelings of ambilien. 
 
 But our author prefers to attribute the 
 moderated, and regulated expressions of 
 discontent which have a[)pearcd in Mas 
 sachusetts to the darkest aud basest mo* 
 lives ; and he adds that these were the 
 objects of secret meetings au.i secret cor- 
 respondencies. If they were sccrtf, pray 
 how has our author arrived at the knoivl' 
 edge of them ? Was he privy to them, and 
 has he betrayed the confidecce ? If this 
 be tlie case, we challenge him and we in- 
 vite him to name the place, the actors and 
 the counsels proposed and adopted in such 
 meetings. We defy him to do it, and if 
 he does not meet the defiance, he is at 
 least chargeable with rashness. Or has 
 he had the audacity to make the definite 
 charge as of a fact within his own knowl- 
 edge without any evideace ? lie is not 
 here speaking of newspaper paragraphs 
 er speeches in the legislature, but he af- 
 firms, as of his oivn knonkdge that such 
 have been the objects of secret meetings 
 and secret correspondence. 
 
 We know it to be utterly untrue. 
 The leading federalists of Massachusetts, 
 if there are any men who can be so con- 
 sidered, must include the men most distin- 
 guished for their talents, virtues, property 
 and influence. Is it credible that such 
 men, many of whom have either abandon- 
 ed all public employment, and have 
 sought to pass their days in retirement, are 
 willing to hazard the result of revolution, 
 and civil commotion in order to obtain 
 what ? Thankless and bootless offices in 
 a reduced republic, where it is much more 
 
 probable from its diminished siie that 
 democratic principles and measures would 
 obtain. 
 
 The Hod. Mr. Quincy is the oi)Iy 
 person whom our awtlior has been pleased 
 to honour by name^ as among the leading 
 fedeialists. Tlife author must have heard 
 of, aud known the history, if he had not the 
 happiness of a personal acquaintance with 
 this gentleman. 
 
 Does he believe, that a mnn who has 
 devoted his life to letters, and to the best 
 Interests of his country, a man upon whom 
 descended such a noble inheritance in 
 the fame of his father, as the great 
 champion of liberty ; a man of afflu- 
 ence most honourably acquired, a 
 man beloved and respected by every man 
 whose love aud respect would be nu ob- 
 ect of desire ; a man surroundtd by such 
 rising hopes in a numerous offspring, 
 would put at hazard all these blessings, 
 would play the part of Burr, Sliays ot 
 Wat Tyler, in order to run his one line 
 dredih chance of b^^ing an olllcer in a 
 New England confederacy ? 
 
 No man whose mind was not already 
 excited by inordinate and incorrect 
 ambition, would have dreamed of such 
 a suggestion. 
 
 Our author then either knows these 
 men and their secret views, or he does 
 not. If he knows them let him come 
 out, and do justice to the public by de- 
 nouncing them by name. If he dare not, 
 let him not shoot his arrows indiscrim- 
 inately among the virtuous and upright 
 part of society. 
 
 Our author, after deciding, as if he 
 had been a Mansfield or a Marshall, on 
 the constUut'ionality of the Embargo^ says, 
 
 " If a measure be unconstitutional ive 
 are justified in resisting it — if distressing 
 only, we can only solicit relief. Since 
 then they (the federalists) must know it 
 is unconsliiu.'ienal" he infers they ought 
 not to oppose it. 
 
 We thank our author for this conces- 
 sion, though it is opposed to Mr. Dexter. 
 Our author is the first democrat who has 
 admitted the right of resistance in case 
 the embargo is unconstitutional. 
 
 Wc stop here aad ask, if the Federal 
 party really believe, universally, that the 
 embargo i% net only unconstitutional, 
 
18 
 
 but the worst breach of the constitution conduct of the Romans : Such, to quote 
 ever commiited or which could be com- an example much more seducing to our ad- 
 mined, how are they to act ? How are versanes, is the noble conduct of mod- 
 they to be governed, by their own opin- ern Britons." A sneer on British influ- 
 ioiis, honestly formed, or by that of o'lr ence among his fricsdsand connections. 
 author ? U ihey lock to the late Chief Now when such a man, fresh from his 
 Justice Parsons, they find him decidedly books states a fact, it would natiirally ap- 
 of opinion that the first embargo was a pal an unlearned reviewer like our- 
 gross and f.igrant violation oi i\it constilU' selves. But so far from this being a 
 tion. If ihey turn their eyes downwards most trite maxim, we doubt whether it can 
 upon Mr. Dexter, they fiid him as clear- be found in any but the basest and most 
 \y and strongly of the same opinion. — slavish writers. It was not the conduct 
 Every lawyer in the state, that we have of the Ramans; and mi/f^ less is it the 
 converied with, except the few demo- conduct of the modern Britons. In a war 
 cratic ones, are of the same opinion. which a whole nation think just, they are 
 
 If men then must act according to of course agreed, and in /^a< war united. 
 tlie light which it has pleased God to That is the case in Britain as to our 
 give them, and if exercising a conscicn- war. They are on the defensive, the 
 tious discretion, they still entertain an whole nation (clamorous as the opposi- 
 opinion opposite to that of our learned tion was before) are of opinion against 
 author, will he not admit that they have us. But neither in the revolutionary A- 
 a light to rcibt according to his own merican war, nor in the French war, of 
 conces ion ? 1793, were they united. Theyopposed 
 
 To what praise ihen, instead of cen- it more bitterly than ive do ours ; they 
 sure, are these men entitled, who having, opposed the loans; they opposed the 
 according to our author, a right to re- raising armies, they opposed the ways 
 bisc, have moderated their passions, re- and means. They forced the King to 
 strained their feelings, and instead of peace. 
 
 proceeding to resistance have simply ut- To be a little more precise.we v^ould 
 teicu .heir objections in the style of re- refer our author to the debates in the 
 monstrance ai'.d complaint ? British Parliament in Dec. 1718, after 
 
 Reco.iect that Mr. De.uer's opinions war was declared with Spain. Mr Ship- 
 are ours on this subject ; and of Mr Dex- pen Heclaied he did not see the necesii- 
 ter our author says, " he is a man in ty of involving the «a//o« t« war,and op- 
 vvhom fedeiali ts can place implicit ccnji posed the addresses to the King. Hor- 
 Jence. This ihey could not do unless ace Walpole also attacked the war, and 
 they could -put implicit confidence in his it is added by the historian,that thib war 
 opinions. We wish our author, in the wsis not a favorite of tht people. In the 
 vial of wra h, which he will douWtless course of that same Parliament, Earl 
 pour out on oui unlettered heads would Strafford declared the \yar had beenun- 
 be gracious enmi^uk to answer ih\s par- dertaken without necessity or just prov- 
 tiiuhr point, bomeiUrat distinctly ij be can, •cation ; and even in the war of 1738, 
 vi/. : Ifin folluwing Mr. Dexter'sopin- into which Sir Robert Walpole was 
 ions iwplicitl]', which he advises us to do, forced by the people, the Earl of Ches- 
 vve find the embargo unconstitutional, terfield, Mr. Pitt and others, often at- 
 we may not resist, and li fortiori scold ? tacked the war itself, and finally drove 
 ^ . As we l}ave only room on our paper the minister who declared the war,.rom 
 to notice one more unhappy mistake of office. This was equivalent to our turn- 
 out author, we shuil advert to his re- ing the President out for the same cause, 
 ma'ks on the duty of a loyal people to As to the Romans, about whom oar au- 
 be silent an'i united in 0// wi<r/ in which thor has advanced a round asseition, 
 their country may be engaged. we have not their debates, but we know 
 
 " No political maxim is more trite, there were great heats in the Senate 
 than that f.weign hostilities should be concerning the expediency of prosecut- 
 the signal for internal parties to cease ing existing wars. We will quote one 
 theli contentions. Such was the noble strong case. When Crassus, m the 
 
19 
 
 Parthian war, defiled with his legions 
 through the gates of Rome, the war was 
 so unpopular, that Atteius the Augurs, 
 attended in his sacred habiliments, and 
 denounced in the name of the God, a 
 cursty on the tuar and on the arms of the 
 legions. Several wi iters say that this 
 denunciation produced a dreadful ef 
 feet on the spirits of the cogamon sol- 
 diers. There is no other remedy for an 
 abused and injured peop'e when plung- 
 ed into wars by corrupt, wicked ambi- 
 tious ministers, than to oppose its pro- 
 gress, to withhold their aid, to pray to 
 heaven, that their projects may be de- 
 feated, and that they may be forced to 
 make peace. Would our wicked ad- 
 ministration, if flushed with unjust con- 
 quests, be more inclined to peace ? cer- 
 tainly not ; and yet on them, and on them 
 alone depends the question whether any 
 peace shall be made. If they demand 
 only what a just God has given us, and 
 do not desire to infringe the rights of 
 others, they may have peace at any hour. 
 They never would have had war. 
 
 JVo. 8. 
 
 There is a characteristic bitterness and 
 ^MspositioD to detraction which is observ- 
 able throughout this pamphlet. In giv- 
 iDo; an history of the repeal ©f the orders 
 in council, he devotes four pages to a di- 
 gression, on purpose to shew us that lie 
 spent several weeks in England ; that he 
 has weighed all the British ministry in 
 the hollow of his hand and found them de- 
 ficient, that the Piiace Regent had an a- 
 dulterous connection with the Marchio- 
 ness of Hertford ; that our aiH^hor feels 
 for the poor Catliolic " clanking his 
 chains," that he thinks monarch- 
 ical governments a folly and a curse, but 
 pricipally toutter a sneering expression 
 at Goveroour Strong, whicl' l»as been re- 
 peated onlu once a week by BiiiDs anfl 
 Duane and the Patriot, viz. that the 
 Prince Regent was first magistrate of the 
 " bulwark of our Religion." So foreign 
 was it to his subject, that when he had 
 finished he was compelled to say " We 
 come now to the point which connects (his 
 narrative with the repeal of tlie orders in 
 Council." Let any body who has curi- 
 osity read this discussion about the orders 
 in ceuncil and he will see that from the 
 
 20th to 25th page, all might have been 
 comprised ill ttiis sin'ple tlioiiglil '• Tlie 
 death of the Prime ftJiuister, and llie di - 
 ficulties in forming a new minislry delaj - 
 ed the decision on the orders in Council.' 
 All the rest is irrtlevant, disconnecied, 
 and aflbrds a proot of a strong |ai>|)t nsiiy 
 to backbiting and reproa«:h. Ouiolijii- 
 tions to this mode ot conduct towards ilie 
 Governments ol foreign nations, are, that 
 it is not courlpous, or catlulic or gtnh- 
 mauly ; our being at war with Bril:*iu 
 does not render it more justifiable ; let it 
 be true or not tjiat (he Piince Regf iil is 
 immoral, it is a subject wiUi uhith we 
 have nothing to do : To assail the M:ii- 
 chioness of iieiiford by nanie, is a proof 
 tliat learning does "oi always make nieu 
 gallant or ddicate : We agree w'nh Yol- 
 taire,that it is not probable Princes call in 
 witnesses to their amotfrs,nt\<\ tiiongh our 
 author makes the round assertion that ev. 
 ery indmdiial in London knew it was a 
 matter ol notoriety, yet we feel assured 
 he never had tliis fact from any body, 
 that had ever sefu the Prince or Mar- 
 chioness nearer than through an opera 
 glass at Dniry-laiie. What a flame our 
 author would be in if Mr. Malihus oi Mr. 
 Stephen or any of the British schol- 
 ars should on a question, which had noth 
 ing t) do with it, adopt the suggestions of 
 the scandalous Chronicle r f our capital, 
 should assail the virtue of Mrs. lVla<lison, 
 and attribute the Freiich war to an in- 
 trigue with Mr. Serrurier! ! Ptiil more 
 angry would he be il such a writer should 
 interfere Avith cur local disputes as he 
 does with the Catholic question. Anoth- 
 er remark we would make, and that is, 
 that for a young man, resident so short a 
 time in England, it does serm to be a lit- 
 tle prcsumptLsous and unguarded and weak 
 to speak of Mr. Perceval as being res- 
 pectable* merely because he was among 
 pygmies, and as inleiiour to the lawyers 
 of Massachusetts. A man who had any 
 desire to preserve a character for sound 
 judgment would not have repeated the 
 siil^ tales of opposition as facts. What- 
 ever men may say cf the talents ot Liv- 
 erpool, Castlereagh and Perceval, the 
 world will recollect, that they managed 
 the affairs of the greatest nation in Eu- 
 rope, in such a manner, that even their 
 personal enemies, men almost as learned 
 and great as our author, the Lords Graa^ 
 
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