Class h Rj & 5 Book .J.5T PRESENTED BY South America Today Soda! and Religious Movement as observed on a trip to the Southern Continent in 1921 SAMUEL GUY INMAN Executive Secretary ComraiRee on Cooperation in Latin America Committee on Cooperation in Latin America 25 MADISON AVENUE NEW YORK South America Today Social and Religious Movements as observed on a trip to the Southern Continent in 1921 SAMUEL, GUY INMAN Executive Secretary Committee on Cooperation in Latin America Committee on Cooperation in Latin America 25 MADISON AVENUE NEW YORK TABLE OF CONTliN I'S ' INTRODUCTION Page 1 I. THE LABOR MOVEMENT. II. THE, FEMINIST MOVEMENT 22 III. THE TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT 36 IV. THE MOVEMENT TO MODERNIZE EDUCATION 43 V. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS I Rft "ubUelMr API? |0 1923 INTRODUCTION Political revolution in South America is being succeeded by social revolution. This outstanding impression is being borne in upon a present day visitor to that great continent in whatever direction he may turn. Social revloution is expressed in four marked movements, which are ushering in the break from that conservatism of the past, which even yesterday seemed destined to preserve for many years its strong hold. These movements which overlap one another and receive aid from many other less prominent influences are the labor movement, the feminist movement, the temper- ance movement and the movement for modernizing educa- tion. I do not wish to give the impression that these new move- ments have become predominant in the social life of South America. The old conservative customs and modes of thought that have prevailed for centuries cannot be thrown off in a few years. It will be a long time before the great in- ertia of the masses and the strongly organized opposition can be overcome. But certainly all these movements will rapidly take on force, and the opportunity to guide them to a right, instead of a wrong, use presents a great challenge to the friends of South America. In calling attention to their developments, my purpose is not by any means to treat them exhaustively. I desire simply to bring to my readers a few facts and experiences of my trip to South America from March to July of 1921, with the hope that they will impress all interested, as they have me, with the rapidly changing conditions in South America. Most of my readers will be those particularly interested in the religious progress of the Southern continent. Believing, as I do, that these social problems are intimately bound up with the religious situation, it has seemed to me that it would he more helpful at this time to direct attention to the general situation, than to give a survey of Christian work such as has been published following other visits. I. THE LABOR MOVEMENT The new labor movement is the most astounding of all the remarkable social influences now so rapidly transforming South America. The pitiable condition of labor in the past in Latin America is generally well known and need not be treated here. The two words used to describe the laborer are sufficient to indicate his state, "peon," denoting a financial obligation to an employer not possible to shake loose, and "roto," a broken, ragged fellow. Historically, these condi- tions were established when the Spanish hidalgos were given grants of land and allowed to force the Indians to labor for them. Country labor was always kept in debt and town labor consisted largely of the personal servants of rich families. Such public work as was carried on was generally done by prisoners. The relationship between "amo" and "peon" was more or less patriarchal. No such thing as "labor unrest" was ever heard of. Even today in many a country or great region of Latin America the laborer, even when his material state leaves much to be desired from a sanitary or progressive viewpoint, appears to be unaware that there is anything wrong; I have seen the Indian living under conditions into which comfort apparently rarely entered, under which he never owned anything but the barest hut for shelter and the poorest rags as clothes and, with his food limited to the scantest dishes both in quantity and variety, had no per- ceptible pleasure in life except when he took some strong alcoholic drink at a "fiesta." But unrest there was none, since the idea of social revolt and of the securing of better con- ditions through revolt was absent. But sooner or later the industrial age had to invade Latin America. The personal relationship between employer and employee were severed. Workmen began to come together in large numbers in cities where they saw a new life, and began to hear of the outside world and its economic problems. When workmen first heard of the strike as practised by their brothers in Europe and North America, and essayed to invoke it, they were met with a show of military force and compelled to desist. A strike was a revolution. Even when the government did not drive them back to work, they had no idea of sticking to their demands until favorable action was forced. It was often amusing to read the manifestos which they issued as they returned to their jobs, expressing their satis- faction that they had publicly protested against a certain in- justice, and thus had saved their "dignidad." Evidently, they considered their dignity as much more important than the still unsettled injustice, against which they struck. Strangely enough, the cause, not only of these first strikes, but even of some of the most important and far-reaching recent labor struggles, has not been economic but personal. With the in- dividualistic Latin hours and wages are not as important as are questions of the discharge of friends or the employment of enemies. The awakening of the workingman has not been equally marked in all countries of South America. Labor in the tropical part of the continent is still far from any idea of organization for the purpose of forcing better conditions. In countries like Peru, where labor is almost entirely Indian, peonage is still largely the rule. There was a recent uprising of Indian miners, but they were soon forced back to their work. One hears about labor organizations in certain industrial centers near Lima, and in the petroleum, sugar and mining districts. But when investigation is made, it is found that these are merely mutual societies, in which the workmen are associated for insurance and social purposes, but do not pre- tend to work for better contracts with their employers. A more pessimistic group can hardly be found. They are tired of following political revolutionists who promise everything before getting a position, but forget all when victorious. They realize full well that they are powerless before the combina- tion of owner, priest and government. The only friends they seem to recognize are the students of the University, who are doing really sacrifical work in teaching night classes at- tended by hundreds of working people in and around the capital. Faint signs of an approaching awakening are seen how- ever in the little sheets which these organizations are pub- lishing. The following, translated freely from some of the pitiable little labor papers purchased at a newsstand in Lima, show their keen desire for a deliverance of which they have heard something but understand nothing. "Listen, Brother to my notes of red with which my song is vibrating, I sing to life, — death to death ! I go planting roses made of love and truth. Anarchism is my liberating thought I am the Word which rises in humanity's darkest night and scatters all its pain. Lister, Sister, it is time to rise and greet the morning light which kisses our darkest suffering! "Arise ! all the poor of the Universe ! Stand ! Slaves with- out bread ! Shout, all together ! Long live 'la Internacional !* Away with all the impediments that block the proletariat from the enjoyment of our riches ! Down with the parasites of labor, Long live 'la internacional !' " Far different from these incoherent cries, heard in the night in Peru, are the strong voices in some of the other countries threateningly demanding new rights and privileges. In the past year, in the more progressive South American countries the working class has passed definitely from the status of an inert mass of humanity, to be bought as cheaply as pos- sible by foreign and domestic capitalists, and has become a class-conscious body of workingmen, a political force to be reckoned with. There has been a welter of strikes on every hand, accom- panied usually by violence and stressing the recognition of the union to a greater extent than more money or shorter hours. The cost of living has been a source of discontent everywhere. For the South American countries no reliable index numbers exist, but price levels, in a number of coun- tries, are probably slightly above those in the United States. Depreciated currency, fluctuating exchange values and the refusal of the propertied classes to pay their fair share of the taxes have increased the pressure even more. In Paraguay even the storekeepers shut up shop and joined the ranks of the strikers. South America has a large floating population of workers, many of whom, before the war, came and went between Europe and the East Coast countries in a regu- lar seasonal flux. The governments, particularly in Argen- tina and Brazil, have arrested literally hundreds of suspected foreigner leaders, usually Spaniards or Russians, deporting or holding them indefinitely in jail. None of these leaders, however, has become an outstanding figure to which a per- sonality or even a name can be attached. Their success must have been due in large part to a discontent lying everywhere close to the surface, which flared up in the wheatfields and the back reaches of the quebracho forests as easily as along the crowded waterfronts of the cities. Argentina Argentina has been the center of the strongest radical influ- ence." Not only the workmen but the students and professors of the universities seem to have largely gone over to the soviet position. The most important labor organization of the country is the "Federacion Obrera Regional Argentina," or as it is popular^ known by its initials, The "F. O. R. A." Dr. Alfredo Palacios, professor of sociology in the University of Buenos Aires, in an address before the university has given a full account of this remarkable organization, which now has some 300,000 members. The following facts about the or- ganization are taken from that lecture : The investigation of the organization of the F. O. R. A. affords a real surprise to those who have claimed that the labor movement in Argentina is purely a matter of profes- sional agitators. The F. O. R. A. was organized on the 25th of May, 1901. In 1915 there were 51 federations in its mem- bership, with $20,521 collected as dues. In 1919 there were 530 federations, whose membership amounted to over 300,000 and paid in as dues the sum of $488,549. At the beginning of the organization in 1905 it was decided to propagate anarchi- cal communism. The following resolution was passed: "The Fifth Congress of the F. O. R. A., recognizing the philosoph- ical principles which have been the basis for the organization of workmen's federations, declares : It approves and recom- mends to all its adherents the inculcation among the work- men of the philosophical and economic doctrine of anarchicaL communism. This education prohibiting satisfaction in the mere obtaining of the rule of eight hours will complete eman- cipation and bring about the social evolution which is de- sired." The Congress of 1915, however, changed the basic rule of the organization, abandoning syndicalism. The reso- lution which changed the basis of the F. O. R. A. in 1915 pro- vided that : "The F. O. R. A. will not pronounce itself offi- cially on the side of any philosophical system or determined theories whose propaganda according to the autonomy of the individual is not directed nor limited, but on the contrary the most tolerant discussion of scientific and philosophical themes according to the different modes of thought of fed- erated workmen is permitted. The F. O. R. A. recognizes that the present economic system is characterized by the ex- istence of two classes, the capitalists, the possessors of the means of work, and workmen, who create social riches ; that that state is a tangible and coercive expression of the social domination which capital exercises, and therefore that the federations propose to make accessible to the workmen all the scientific and social contributions toward production." The F. O. R. A. is made up only of the syndicated organiza- tions of salaried workmen who accept the class struggle and have as their object the organization of the working classes in order to effect their moral, economic and intellectual bet- terment. The F. O. R. A. membership is kept from being padded by a requirement that each member of every federated organization pay a certain definite amount of dues. The port strike of 1916 marks the definite beginning of the F. O. R. A.'s strength. The intervention of the federated so- cieties in that strike was decisive. Inspector Nicholson points out the conditions of longshoremen in Buenos Aires as fol- lows : "Men worked without fixed hours. The twelve hours of other times had been increased to sixteen, which in some places, as at Montevideo, was increased until men began at 4.30 a. m. and quit at 11 p. m. On the steamboats, firemen were paid 55 pesos, seamen 45, with overtime at 25 cents an hour." When the Department of Public Works offered medi- ation, the shipping companies rejected it, but the seamen's federation accepted. Later the arbitration of the president of the. Republic, who appointed as his personal representative the chief of police of Buenos Aires, was accepted. The de- cision of the arbitrator gave to the workmen 90 to 95 per cent, of their demands. The F. O. R. A. has recently occupied itself with the cost of living. Its report says that the ways to reduce the cost of living are, first, by workmen demanding the raising of their salaries, and, second, by their using every possible means to agitate this raising of salary. In the nation-wide railroad strike the F. O. R. A. also took an important part. When Buenos Aires was threatened with starvation, because of the strike, the Minister of Public Works petitioned the officials of this organization to allow food trains to be run, and this was granted under certain conditions. The F. O. R. A. thus reports the settlement of this strike, the greatest strike in the history of the proletariat settled favorably through the workmen. It was important because of the num- ber of workmen involved, because of the principles at stake and because of its significance in class struggle. The rail- road workmen had, during the twenty-four days of the con- flict, the most intense sympathy of all the working classes. They realized, in this conflict between capital and labor, that the patient work of many years given to organization was foeing tested and they were resolved to offer every assistance. This was not necessary, for the railroad workers co-operated closely and came out of the struggle stronger than ever. From now on the owners will feel deeply troubled by this new organization which is destined to control the railroads at no distant date. The strike of stevedores in the northern city of Posadas in 1918 gave opportunity for the intervention of the F. O. R. A. in the district of the Alto Parana. There the workmen are really slaves, since they can never repay the amounts that are first advanced to them on salary account. If they demand liberty, they are chastized. If they flee to the forest, they are hunted like animals. A copy of the contract with these labor- ers provides that: "Each peon who abandons work without per- mission of the patron, absenting himself from the establish- ment, incurs a responsibility for damages, in which case he will be considered as a fugitive and the patron is authorized to pursue him and to compel him to comply with his contract. If the peon loses his time-book, he must submit himself to the data contained in the firm's books. The peon must work every day that the patron designates, Sundays, holidays, or rainy days not excepted, as also he must work at night, if the inclemency of the weather has not permitted him to do so during the day. If, for lack of desire, he pretends sickness in order not to work, especially on Sunday, he will pay 50 cents a day for his meals, besides losing his salary." In 1918, when the workmen of Posadas finally declared a strike, the F. O. R. A. sent a commissioner to study the sit- uation, aided in the better organization of the workmen, and ultimately secured better wages and better treatment all around. After ten years of work under conditions as above described, the peons are physically deformed and their bodies wasted, according to the commissioner, who reports that it is very common for those who return from the Alto Parana to have tuberculosis, which progresses very rapidly and is generally without cure, causing death before the individual is 30 years of age. The F. O. R. A. has also made interesting studies concern- ing the laborers on the great estancieros of Argentina, assist- ing in the organization of these workmen. Another part of their program has been the investigation of the condition of renters of country lands, where they have found great abuses. The F. O. R. A. has sustained a continuous fight against legis- lation unfavorable to workingmen and has advocated in sea- son and out of season the right of labor to strike, which right is now fully recognized by the law. Immigration The question of immigration has attracted the attention of the organization and it has pronounced against the fomenting of an artificial immigration by "capital which considers the country as a factory." It proposes to maintain relationships with European workmen by which proper arrangements for immigration may be made. Organic relationships are maintained with the "Inter- nacional." The strikes referred to in this account of the F. O. R. A. are only a few of those which have caused Buenos Aires to suffer more from labor troubles in the last two years than probably any other city in the world. At certain times, all business has been suspended for days and only armed men and machine guns have been seen on the streets. The biggest labor fight of the year in South America, and the most important one internationally, was the year-long strike of the Argentine maritime workers, the "Federacion Obrera Maritima." This strike tied up completely for a whole year all the Mihanovich fleet, twenty or more ships owned by the Argentina Navigation Company. From this company the strike spread to the boats of the towing company and the ships that served the central products market of Buenos Aires. This paralyzed traffic on the River Plate between Ar- gentina, Uruguay and Paraguay, and all Argentine coastal traffic. The president of Argentina charged the company with "intransigency" and the company issued in September a long defense, saying in part: "We must place it upon record that this company has never made any question as to whether its personnel belongs or does 8 not belong to a trades union, and it has always selected its employees solely on their qualifications. . . . your Excellency will perceive that it would be monstrous for us to expel the present crews of the Uruguayan ships (the ships registered under the Uruguayan flag) in order to replace them by fed- erated crews. We have no other questions at issue with our personnel on strike; no requests for higher salaries, nor any complaints as to working hours or conditions, meals, or any other point. We have borne with patience the lack of dis- cipline on board and also the boycott against cargoes as or- dained by the F. O. Maritima and as at present practiced in the port of Buenos Aires. We are aware of no other cause of conflict than those stated." The main strike began February, 1920, though there had been trouble since the port strikes of the year before, over the refusal of the company to discharge from its shipyard work- men who continued to work during the strikes at shipyards in Buenos Aires. The struggle meant the tying up of many foreign vessels that were loading with grain for export. The government endeavored to settle the port difficulties by fiscal- izing the port, taking over the boats and operating them prac- tically as navy tugs. But fiscalization was really a victory for the workmen. They established a practical soviet at the ports, controlled shipping conditions and levied a tax for the support of their federation on every article handled by them. The Mihano- vich Company, after tying up their boats for a year, had to finally give in and accept practically all the demands of the Federation. When a difficulty arose among the crew of the United States steamer "Martha Washington," as she lay in the harbor of Buenos Aires, resulting in the discharge of several men, the Federation took up their cause with such persistency that the steamship was held in port for tw r o months. It was only after the matter threatened a diplomatic break between the governments of the two countries that the Argentina gov- ernment exercised sufficient force to compel the Federation to permit the loading and sailing of the ship. In May of 1921 the situation reached a climax. A cordon of soldiers was thrown around the wharfs and even the cap- tain of a ship had to have a permit in order to return from land to his ship. All foreign traffic was tied up for weeks. The writer was able to get out of the city only by taking a river boat to Montevideo, pulling his own trunk on board, as no workmen were allowed to touch baggage. When, in des- peration, the business men threatened to close all wholesale houses and the steamship agents threatened to have Buenos Aires eliminated as a port of call for their vessels, the gov- ernment forced a break in the strike. Some six hundred rad- icals were arrested in a few days. As a protest, a strike of all affiliated unions was called, but failed to materialize. Normal conditions, after more than two years of terrific in- dustrial war, are now gradually being restored in the city of Buenos Aires. (September, 1921.) Another important group that shared in the general dis- turbance was that of the railroad workers. After several strikes an agreement was reached between the managers of all the important railway companies and the representatives of the operatives. The agreement was comprehensive, includ- ing forty articles that cover every possible question of wages and working conditions. It is the first important collective contract in the country and was signed by representatives ot the two sides after twenty meetings held under the auspices of the Minister of Public Works. On the following Monday after the agreement was signed, a committee, speaking for the managements of the various roads, called on the Minister of Public Works to inform him that they had voluntarily ac- corded increases in wages to all employes, but more especially to the lower-paid classes, on the ground that present wages, though much above pre-war levels, could not adequately meet increased living costs. The contemplated increases would total about $10,000,000 for all companies concerned. The strikes most interesting in their implications, perhaps, were those that took place among the agricultural workers against some of the big land companies. The agricultural strikes were accompanied by strikes among the stevedores at the grain ter- minals and among the railway men. They then spread to all classes of labor in the up-river and interior cities. In Rosario In the middle of March, stevedores, carters, chauffeurs, bagmen and milkmen were all out at the same time. The workers in the state oil fields at Comodore Rivadavia also went out, partly on a sympathly strike, partly for better working conditions. The Forestal Land Company's annual report describes the strike of their workers for recognition of the union : "On December 12 a telegram was received from the workmen 10 I at the various factories giving us twenty-four hours in which to reinstate certain men who had been dismissed. On Sunday, December 14, strikes broke out at all the factories, but it was only at Tartagal that conditions assumed a revolutionary aspect. Some damage was done to our property, and a considerable amount of logs and extract was burned. A detachment of police guards arrived upon the scene, to be reinforced later on by a considerable body of troops. Telegraph lines were cut and re- mained cut for a long period ; a large number of our cattle were rounded up and slaughtered. The losses incurred have been written off. The strike came to an end on January 11, 1921. Since that time labor has been very unsettled throughout the Argentine, and as recently as April 21 last, sudden further trouble occurred at our Guillermina factory, when the local manager was killed by workmen." The strike was officially ended after four weeks of negotiations and a property loss of $550,000. The company refused through- out to treat with "outside elements," but consented to the election of committees of the workingmen at each factory to treat with the local managers on all matters pertaining to wages and work- ing conditions. Buenos Aires, a city of more than 1,500,000 inhabitants and with more than thirty daily newspapers in many languages was recently without newspapers or even bulletins for six days, bring- ing back the pioneer days when the population awaited the arrival of sailing ships to learn what was going on elsewhere. The people appeared to accept the situation complacently as merely another phase of the many labor troubles which had beset the city in past months. Fifteen of the principal publishers decided to close down their plants indefinitely after the refusal of union printers to set the advertisement of a boycotted department store. The smaller papers were forced to suspend publication because they could no longer use the presses of the larger papers. Determined that they should not be the only sufferers, the publishers stopped posting news dispatches on the bulletin boards. The boards were covered with this notice : "This paper suspended indefinitely because of the united fight for liberty of the press." The strike of street car employes, which was in progress for a week, appar- ently caused more inconvenience than the lack of newspapers. The lack of disorder in spite of the unusual situation was very notice- able. Public officials and the newspaper publishers made a special 11 effort to suppress incendiary news. Business was greatly un- settled. Two hundred firms were at the same time laced with differences with their employes. In the midst of all this disturbance, with wholesale arrests by the police and the activities of local "patriotic" societies, general elections for Congress were held in Argentina. They resulted in a very decided victory for the Radical party, whose head, Irygoyen, is now President of the Republic, with Socialists in second place. Of 150,000 straight party votes cast in the city of Buenos Aires, 55,000 were Radical, 49,000 were Socialist, and only 33,000 Progressive-Democrat, the conservative party that has ruled so long. Immediately following the elections the government raided certain suspected centers of Radical activity in Buenos Aires and the suburbs, arrested 150 "anarchists," and doubled the guards about the city, alleging that they had frustrated a communist conspiracy to set up a soviet in South America. Had they taken measures to break the river strike, they would doubtless have re- ceived more thanks from the business men of the city, and the outside world to whom they must look for financial aid. Chile Chile has had almost as many labor difficulties as Argentina. The development in Chile does not show, however, anything like as much foreign influence. Being on the west coast, it is more removed from Europe. Chile has always been one of the most homogeneous of Latin American lands. It has developed its own national life, which is probably more marked than that of any other country on the continent. Since the beginning of the repub- lic there have been very few revolutions. The country has been ruled largely by an oligarchy of about a hundred families who have been both the owners of the land and the directors of the political and commercial life of the country. The Chilean "roto" has been showing a great deal of restlessness for the last decade. Many people have expected the laboring classes to lead in a revolution which would overthrow the capitalistic regime. The shedding of blood has happily been averted by a recent political uprising which is a most remarkable demonstration of the power of Latin Ameri- cans to accomplish reforms by civic means. Due to the unsettled financial conditions throughout the world and the resulting unsteadiness of the business situation, the labor- 12 ing classes joined the Liberal Party in its nomination last April, of Arturo Alessandri for presidential candidate. Their platform advocated currency reform, the income tax, protection of national industries from foreign aggression, various solutions for social evils, the education of women and children, prohibition, parlia- mentary reforms, and the separation of Church and State. The Conservatives, made up chiefly of the landowners and property holders, fought hard to prevent the election of the Liberal candi- date. After a hot contest, in which the workingmen of the large cities gave many "demonstrations" for xMessandri and made it quite evident that there would be trouble should there be an attempt to inaugurate the opposing candidate, the election of Mr. Alessandri was confirmed by Congress. The power to awaken a popular, interest in politics and draw the ardent support of his party must be attributed first of all to the personality of Alessandri himself. He is "fearless and resolute, generous and eloquent." From his first successful appearance in reform movement in Iquique, when he was chosen to lead the attempt to wipe out its local "Tammany," Mr. Alessandri has been marked for the great opportunity which now looms before him. Of the reform in international politics for which the Chileans are calling, and which Alessandri has already promised to comply with, are the following: "Decentralization of the administrative power of the government, giving to the provinces the right to select their own officials and dispose of their public revenue; the stabilizing of exchange ; the enfranchisement of women ; the sep- aration of Church and State ; extending and perfecting the pro- tection of labor ; the creation of portfolios of labor and agriculture in the Cabinet ; the introduction of vocational education. Ales- sandri believes that the European war has taught that the nations of the American continent have now one more reason to unify their effort toward progress, and to draw closer those moral and cultural ties which count even more than material intercourse. President Alessandri is encountering great opposition from the oligarchy which has been accustomed to exploit the laboring classes and is now going as far as it dares in checking the president's pro- posed reforms. A test of strength between the president and the senate was made during my recent visit to Santiago. When the senate refused to approve the recommendation of one of the presi- dent's 'cabinet, the cabinet, following custom, resigned. The presi- dent refused to accept the resignation saying that the senate must 13 give a definite vote of censure before he would accept such resig- nations. The laboring men immediately staged a large demonstra- tion in favor of the president, not only marching through the streets but standing before his home in relays for some two days in a continuous demonstration of friendship, while some of the party made sortes to the homes of certain senators which they attacked as indicative of their dissatisfaction with the senate's tying the hands of the president. The situation was very tense and if the president, who is a very popular man with the common people, had given them any encouragement whatever, they would have treated the reactionary element very roughly. There is probably no other country in the world where the daily press is giving so much space to labor movements as in Chile at present. Most of the large dailies (and the Chilean press is par- ticularly progressive) give a whole page to labor every day and often items under this heading are continued on other pages. Entering the country by steamer from the North, one lands in the midst of this labor trouble in cities like Iquique and Antofa- gasta, centers of the nitrate region. The nitrate business has gone all to pieces since the close of the war. There is a great deal of unemployment and an attempt to greatly reduce wages has been made. Some foreign agitators have come to this district to assist the laboring men in their organized protests. Strikes are the order of the day. Twelve separate walk-outs were reported in Antofogasta during my visit in June. For two years labor troubles have been particularly keen. In Santiago and the vicinity a general strike was called in sympathy with thirty-eight striking brewery drivers. A longshoremen's strike at Valparaiso and Antofogasta tied up coastal services badly. The railroad men in the north walked out, but were given a raise in pay. The native workmen at the Braden copper mines struck for recognition of their union. It is reported that out of 6,000 men 2,000 were put on special trains and shipped half south and half north. The strikes in the coal mines have been the most serious. The miners asked for an average increase of 40 per cent. The coal barons of Chile are barons in the feudal sense of the word, making what even North American capitalists call "unconscionable pro- fits." The large majority of the miners live in company houses and trade at company stores. The representative of the Chilean Department of Labor who investigated conditions reported that the men made the equivalent of $1.60 to $2.20 a day. They are 14 paid, however, not in currency but in company values that are liquidated only about five times a year. The working day is from six to six and children of from eight to sixteen years are employed for 34 to 80 cents a day. These/men asked for an eight-hour day, payments in currency, recognition of the union and better police regulations. The owners were obdurate. President Alessandri finally took the matter in hand and the question has probably been settled by this time. Brazil In Brazil labor disturbances have not been as general as in Argentina and Chile, but they have by no means been absent. The most violent troubles recently occurred in the State of S. Paulo . A detailed report was made at the end of last September by Police Delegate Tyrso Martins, to the Secretary of Justice and Public Safety. The document evidences much prejudice against the strikers, but contains a continuous account of those long, com- plicated disturbances. The document gives a resume of the dis- turbances which began as far back as a year ago last May. The movement was originally based, the Delegate states, "upon a genuine labor grievance, and sought an object undoubtedly rea- sonable," but gradually losing sight of its worthy object degener- ated into grave disturbances of public order. Everything seems to have begun with a strike of part of the operatives of the Crespi cotton mill. For several days "the strikers maintained order, the police, on their part, complying scrupulously with their duty," pre- serving for the strikers (gra vistas) their right to hold meetings, while on the other hand they guaranteed the property of the own- ers and the right of the non-striking employees to go on working. But soon, instigated "by a group of conscienceless anarchists" the strikers began to abandon pacific resistance, to interfere violently with the workers and even to assail the police when attempts were made to prevent street conflicts between the strikers and workers. Senhor Martins reminds the Secretary that at this point "your Excellency spontaneously offered to receive the strikers and the masters, trying to reconcile the interests of both." But efforts came to nothing. "Against the simplest preventive acts of the police, such as the arrest of hysterical persons, the operatives rushed to the doors of the police headquarters, and, insulting the authorities, loudly demanded the freedom of those whom they called their companions." 15 On a certain day the crowd shot at a sub-delegate of police; a violent scene took place, and in the fray one of the leaders of the strikers, who had recently been expelled from the Argentine for anarchistic propaganda, was killed. The strikers laid his death to the door of the police and on the day of his funeral a great crowd of workmen, in, whose midst the coffin was carried, came to lay it at the door of the police headquarters. The mob that formed soon got out of control, began to sack property, "profes- sional agitators inciting the workmen to 'expropriation'." Ware- houses and freight cars were attacked and rioting and robbery became the order of the day. In three awful days it was reported that nearly a thousand people were killed by machine guns of the police. The Governor of the state then undertook to ameliorate conditions of the workers. He also requested the S. Paulo repre- sentatives in the Federal Congress to seek the passage of measures to remedy the evils affecting the laboring classes. An increase of wages was granted and strikers returned to work. But the spirit continued ugly. The pretext for another strike was found when a workman employed in a machinery house damaged a valuable piece of mechanism and was dismissed. His companions struck and labor in other departments was forcibly prevented. The com- pany tried to replace the striking men with native-born Brazilians, but these were violently prevented from working. About the same time a strike began in an embroidery factory, because some of the employees refused to join the union. This "Centro" secured the adhesion of 1,400 workers in a weav- mill of Ypirango, who, as one of their demands, requested the abrogation of the long-standing regulation that no one must smoke in the factory! The directors naturally refused and the strikers destroyed the notice exhibiting the rule in the workshops. Next the "Centro" tried to secure their principal object, the adhesion of the employees of the S. Paulo and Sorocabana railways. When, a little later, the company dismissed half a score of men, a threat of a strike was made if the company refused to take back the dis- missed men. The officials then inquired of the state police whether the safety of the railroad property could be guaranteed. "From me the gentlemen received the only reply which, as Delegate of your Excellency, in a state whose progress is the; pride of Brazil, I could give : 'The government of the State of S. Paulo is prepared not only to guarantee property, but to repress, at the first sign, any attempt to disturb public order !' " Measures were at once taken ; a contingent of Brazilian marines 16 was called and the military police guarded the railroad shops and line. The railroad company then announced that they would abide by their decision of dismissal. To appreciate the difficult situation it should be added that one- third of the population of the State of S. Paulo are Italians, numbering one million ; that there are small colonies of at least a dozen different nationalities besides the native Brazilian popula- tion, including Russians, Icelanders and Japanese; and that the state has during the last fifty years developed with extraordinary swiftness not only in her agriculture, but also manufacturing. With a proportionally vast alien population, speaking their own tongues and publishing newspapers in those tongues, S. Paulo has her problems in the midst of a wonderful material success. A really free country, conciliatory, offering a genuine welcome to newcomers, Brazil in general and S. Paulo in particular, faces the question of getting the best from the immigrant without antagon- izing or coercing him. Uruguay Uruguay has had her share of labor troubles but has escaped some of the violence experienced by her sister republic across the river, because she has adopted liberal economic legislation. Dur- ing the past several years she has made many experiments along the lines of socialism. She even passed a law providing for the payment of workmen while they were out on strike. One of her most recent pieces of legislation is a workmen's accident law, whose liberal provisions I give here as an illustration of the way that Uruguay is leading in labor legislation. The law provides that the manager of an industry or various sorts of work mentioned shall be held responsible for all accidents to workmen when on duty. Workmen suffering from accidents during work have the right to indemnity. Workmen under the present law shall not have further rights against the industrial manager than those provided by this law. Workmen who receive a salary in excess of 750 pesos a year may not obtain an indemnity rated upon a greater salary than this sum, which is fixed as the maximum for the calcu- lation of disability pensions. To have the right to indemnification the workman must have been incapacitated for work for more than seven days. The workman shall have the right to indemnifi- cation even when the accident occurred due to his carelessness in greater or less degree, or when it is caused by chance or superior 17 force, unless these be outside the work itself. Beside the action against the manager, the victim of the accident, or his heirs, has the right of damages against other persons responsible for the accident. The indemnification from the third parties relieves the manager of his obligation for an equal sum. In case the accident has caused the death or permanent disability of the workman the indemnity will be paid as a pension. All contracts for work, which free the manager from responsibility for accidents to workmen are null and void. In case of temporary disability the workman will be entitled to half the salary being paid him at the time of the accident (provided that his incapacity lasts over seven days), to count from the eighth day after the accident. When the disability lasts over 30 days the indemnification shall be paid from the day of the accident. In the case of permanent disability the workman shall have the right to a life pension and in the case of death to an indemnification fixed in proportion to his salary. Paraguay Paraguayan labor, as far as it is connected with the shipping and packing business at least, has taken its cue from Argentina and has therefore been quite arbitrary and violent. For a year Asuncion was practically without passenger steamship service. One large steamship, which was about to be operated, in defiance of the labor union, was slipped out of the Asuncion harbor, right under the guns of the government gun boats and sunk. The danger run by the "innocent bystander" when one of the frequent "labor riots" is staged, was brought home to the writer during a recent street car strike in Asuncion. Walking with friends, as the only means of getting to a dinner party, about dusk one evening the rapid fire of something less than a thousand rifles was heard, seemingly just on the other side of the wall behind which we took protection. After five minutes the firing ceased and we went on to our friend's house. Curiously enough, the firing had appeared to be as close to them as it was to us and with great difficulty they calmed the native servants sufficiently for them to serve dinner. On returning later to the American, School, the teachers were sure that it had been an attack on the school, and friends at a nearby hotel were equally sure that it was in the front patio. We learned finally that it was a case of a tramway full of soldiers who were fired on by strikers, and who, dismounting, had chased the strikers, 18 firing promiscuously into the darkness with the hopes they might hit someone — presumably a striker. The host of the dinner party that evening, the manager of a twenty-million dollar North American packing adventure in Para- guay, which has since gone into bankruptcy, told us, among stories of other labor difficulties, about having had a beautiful yacht, built especially for the manager's inspection trips, tied up since the first week after its arrival because labor which knew nothing of the machinery, insisted on their exclusive right to run the boat. Ecuador Even in backward Ecuador a certain theoretic attention to indus- trial questions seems to be developing here and there. The follow- ing quotations from an address by a "son of the soil,"before a group of intellectuals, is an interesting side-light both on the interests of the group and on the oratorical ability, not seldom found, among the less favored classes of Latin America : "Courteously invited by the 'Sociedad Artistica e Industrial del Pichincha' to deliver this lecture, I was inclined to excuse myself, as I might have done, counseled by the belief that I have of the deficiency of my intellectual and oratorical ability but, in my anxiety to promote honorably the betterment of my country, and above all. desiring to remove baseless prejudices in respect of what has to do with certain conceptions of international economics, I did not hesitate at this moment of great universal expectation, to accept the invitation, in order to say to the great laboring masses that the hour has arrived for thinking seriously regarding the future destiny of the Ecuadorian people. "If you consider that my ideas are merely the result of a pro- found conviction that both the great political and the economic evolutions are usually initiated by the popular mass, it being from their bosom whence spring the broad movements and the most transcendent reforms, I doubt not you will give your benevolent attention to the words of a son of the soil. "There are two reasons that have had weight in impelling me to study the effects of commercial interchange between the United States and Latin America : first, the extraordinary growth which the former country's trade has achieved during the last four years, thanks to the gigantic and horrible war, and, second, the prospect 19 that is to be presented to the Hispano-American republics when the immense struggle shall have been ended, by whatever means. "I do not come gentlemen, to make apology for a great people. A people that has produced liebrators like Washington, economists like Franklin, poets like Longfellow, statesmen like Jefferson and Monroe, needs not the apology that can be made for it by the most obscure of its admirers. Its apology is its history ; its apology is in its works ; its apology is its own greatness. I do not come, more- over, to excuse it for the mistakes it may have made in the realm of its international relations, which have hindered the loyal and sincere approximation of the Hispano-American nations to con- stitute the great Pan American union that should guarantee the progress and sovereignty of all the Americas. These mistakes, however hurtful to the American cause, have been recognized and chivalrously repaired, as far as possible." The Pan American Federation of Labor, organized some three years ago, shows the endeavor of the American Federation of Labor to extend its help to the workmen of Latin America. This pan american organization has now held three important confer- ences, two in the United States and one in Mexico. Meeting thus in the North its influence has been limited largely to the North American continent. The American Federation of Labor has sent several deputations to South America, but I find that labor leaders in that continent are not very closely related with the leaders in the United States or Mexico. Delegates from Peru and other South American countries that have attended some of these Pan American Conferences have not been very representative of the labor organizations. The organizations in the less progressive countries, as has already been pointed out, are not yet developed to a point where they can appreciate the program of the American Federation of Labor. On the other hand, labor leaders in Argen- tina have no patience with the program of the federation in the United States, regarding it as entirely too conservative and accus- ing Mr. Gompers and his associates of being the tools of the capitalists. If the Pan American Federation of Labor is to really become a force in South America, it will have to give a great deal more time to the cultivation of the laboring men of that continent. There is undoubtedly a large field for the American Federation in help- ing the workmen of less advanced countries in organizing to secure their just rights and in providing a program for labor in countries 20 like Argentina, that will be much less radical and of more real benefit. In this brief narrative, no effort is made to cover the entire labor situation of South America, but only to show, by a few illustrations that the old days are rapidly passing and that South Americans and their friends must recognize that the labor question is destined to be for some time one of the continent's most important and pressing problems. II. THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT Five years ago, a gentleman of South America wrote in answer .to a query : "The new woman's movement has in many ways, happily enough, not touched the women of South America." He would surely not make such a statement today. The first cause of the awakening of the women of South Am- erica is found in the growing interest in the outside world, which all people on the southern continent have so remarkably developed in the last few years. The woman's movement first took form in a simple coming together of the higher class women for charitable purposes under the auspices of the state Church. In countries like Argentina, Uruguay and Chile, where the woman's movement is the strongest, they have been gradually developing independence from the Church and are now found to be working out their own problems. These are more largely concerned with social better- ment, community service, the education of the poor, etc., than they are in the securing of the vote for women, although the latter is the principal platform in the organization of several feminist societies. Dr. Jonghi, a well-known woman physician of Argen- tina and a leader in the feminist movement, thus describes the situation of women, inherited from Spain: "Spain has left her seal on everything. Her religion, her lan- guage, her customs, her social beliefs, are found in all lands south of the Rio Grande. Women have lived in this atmosphere and conservative spirit, bound to the old' traditions which have not per- mitted some of the South American countries to introduce any new ideas. However, the desire for betterment has broken this con- servative spirit in other South American countries, and feminism as a social rebellion, with all of its exaggerations, desires that it have a place assigned to it in the home, in the university, in busi- ness and in the professions, sciences and politics. The South American woman is a beautiful type of consecrated maternity, but her education is not sufficient to prepare her as a future citizen. Her devotion to her children is admirable and worthy of all praise, but she needs an education which will enable her to confront the problems of life. Let us take as an example the education that women receive in the Argentine Republic, since that is a country 22 which is working toward a new life and an interchange of intel- lectual ideas with the rest of the world. "Education is obligatory from the sixth to the fourteenth year, girls taking the same courses as boys. After that age the girl sel- dom attends school. Her parents are contented to complete her education with a few courses in music, painting, elocution and languages. Courses on domestic economy, if given, are short and impractical. She enters society at a very early age. She is ab- sorbed by light conversation and an ambition to make a favorable impression, and is sometimes attracted to philanthropic organiza- tions, generally of religious origin, and is surrounded by an entirely artificial atmosphere. The middle class of girls quite often con- tinue their studies by attending the national colleges, commercial and normal high schools, etc. The majority of these become teachers, dedicating themselves most completely to this profession. Others, with greater ambitions, enter the universities, and with a perseverance worthy of all praise, fight through their courses until they have become Doctors in Philosophy, in Letters, in Chemistry or in Pharmacy. A number of such women become physicians, attorneys and engineers. These are not natural ambitions, but are based on the desire to meet the exigencies of daily life. The work- ing woman ends her intellectual education in the primary school. At fourteen she is initiated into the factories or commercial houses. The Government has recently established night schools in order to help them continue their education. "Physical education is by no means satisfactory. Sport has become popular among a small circle of the cultured classes, but women of the middle and working classes have only enough spare time to secure the needed rest. There is to be noted, however, an attempt to secure playgrounds and parks, and some commercial houses are making worthyi endeavors to awaken among the women interest in sports. There are beginning to appear in the few public playgrounds some of the braver women. Excursions to the coun- try are not frequent. The Argentine woman lacks the liberty which the North American woman enjoys. She must have her parents or some member of the family always with her, which naturally is a detriment to her independent development. "When physical education is deficient, moral education needs special attention. The restrictions of liberty, an exaggerated pru- dence, the strict religious morality, the absence of friendship between men and women, the excessive vigilance of parents in 23 every detail of life, unfit the girl for the development of individual capacities and the meeting of the problems of life. The conse- quences of this education are easily seen. If woman is to be com- panion to man, this lack of equality ought to be eliminated." Let it be remembered that these observations on education apply to the advanced, not by any means to all South America. The women of the various countries are so different in their social status and in the amount of freedom they are allowed, that it is difficult to generalize, so it will be better to speak of the situation in each of the countries recently visited by the writer of these lines. Peru Peru is one of the most conservative countries in South America. It has retained more of the Spanish spirit than any other in America. If it were not for some half dozen brave women of Peru, one might say that there is no feminist movement in that country. Fortunately, there are these brave spirits who have con- tributed greatly, in spite of persecution, to the development of the Woman's Movement. A decade ago no one ever spoke of femin- ism in Lima except to poke fun at the English suffragettes. This the press did quite often. In 1910 the Feminist Congress met in Buenos Aires, and a young woman from Peru, Miss Maria J. Alvarado Rivera, contributed a paper which was published in one of the Lima dailies. This almost caused a scandal among the more conservative elements in the community. In 1912 Miss Alvarado was invited to deliver a lecture on this subject before the Geo- graphical Society. This brought to her aid a number of the most distinguished liberals of the city and resulted in the organization of a society known as "Evolution Femenina." The principles established by this society were the following : (a) An ample culture which will enable women to carry out efficaciously their mission. (b) Since the first need of a state is to develop motherhood, domestic sciences should constitute the basis of feminine education. (c) The dignifying of work for women. (d) The defense of her rights. 24 {e) Equality of man and woman before the courts and in matrimony. <(f ) Campaign against all social vices, (g) Stimulating the performance of social and altruistic service, (h) Adhesion to movements for peace and idealism. A remarkable evidence that a new day is dawning for Peruvian women is shown in the recent passing of a divorce law which rec- ognizes a number of rights which must be granted to women. The passing of this law was made a test of strength by both con- servatives and liberals, and the victory of the latter evidently means that in the next few years the women will be called upon to take a much larger part in determining what role Peru is to play in the modern world. Chile The most compactly organized feminist movement in South America is in Chile. There are three large organizations which represent three different classes of people — the "Club de Senoras" of Santiago represents the women of the higher classes ; the "Con- sejo Nacional de Mujeres" represents the school teacher class. The laboring women have recently organized a very active society which is taking part in the bettering of their own conditions and improvement of general educational and social conditions. While Chile has been very conservative socially and ecclesi- astically, yet she opened her educational institutions to women nearly fifty years ago. When Sarmiento as an exile was living in Santiago, he recommended a liberal treatment of women and their entrance into the university. This latter privilege was granted while Miguel Luis Amugettui was Minister of Education. In 1859, when a former Minister of Education opened a contest for the best paper on popular education, Amugettui received the prize. Among the things which he advocated in that paper was the per- mitting of women to enter the university, an idea which he had gotten from Sarmiento. The development of woman's education was greatly delayed by the war between Chile, Peru and Bolivia. President Balmaceda was a great friend of popular education. Under him the first national high school or "liceo" for girls was opened, about 1890. There are now forty-nine national "liceos" for girls, all directed by women. Besides this, there are two pro- fessional schools for girls in Santiago and one in each province. 25 The "Consejo Nacional de Mujeres" maintains a home for girls attending the university in Santiago, and does a good deal in var- ious ways toward helping the women students in the capital city. There are nearly a thousand young women attending the Univer- sity of Chile at the present time. A more wide-awake company of students will not be found in any of the world's capitals. The President of the "Consejo Nacional" is Sra. Labarca Hubertson. She and her husband both are Directors of public schools in Santiago. Sra. Hubertson was sent to the United States by her Government in 1914, to study the educational system. She then became very much interested in the feminist movement here and on returning home was called to direct the Woman's Reading Club of Santiago. The conservative element of this club, not caring to engage in community activities, but desiring only the intellectual work of a woman's club, the new "Consejo Nacionar* was formed by the more progressive women. Sra. Hubertson has written several interesting volumes — one on women's activities in the United States and another on the secondary schools of the United States. She is accompanied in her work by a fine circle of women, most of whom are connected with the educational work in Chile. Several women's periodicals are published in Chile, one of the most interest being "El Penica," directed byl Senorita Elvira Santa Cruz. In an address recently given before the "Club de Sefioras" of Santiago, the well-known Chilean publisher, Ricardo Salas Ed- wards stated the following: "There have been manifested, during the last twenty-five years, phenomena of importance that have bettered woman's general culture and the development of her independence. Among them were the spread of establishments for the primary and secondary- education of woman; the occupations themselves that she has found as the teacher of the present generations, which can no- longer entertain a doubt of her intellectual capacity ; the establish- ment of great factories and selling houses, which have already given her lucrative employment, independent of the home; the organization of societies and clubs ; and, finally, artistic and liter- ary activities, or the Catholic social action of the highest female- classes, which has been developed as a stimulus to the entire sex during recent years. * * * * * "Simultaneously with this victory which woman has achieved' 26 outside of our territory, a natural force is again enlarging the field of representative government in Chile by increasing more and more the proportion of the inhabitants who participate in the election of public authorities, and, consequently, in determining the policies of the government." An illustration of the way Chilean women can develop when opportunity is given is found in the case of Sefiorita Mandujano. As a student, knowing very little English, she came to New York some five years ago. She made her own living while here and in a little while was delivering lectures concerning South America before women's clubs. After three years' residence in this country she became editor of a well-known magazine published in English. She has now returned to Chile and is giving her best to the educa- tion of girls and the development of the feminist movement. The women of Chile are doing all kind of- work to help improve the social conditions of women and children. In the address of Sr. Edwards, previously referred to, he makes the following appeal, which is really a description of what the women of Chile are now doing in their various organizations : "Who are better acquainted than you with the miserable habita- tions of the majority of the laboring people ; who know better than you that the scarcity of food and the slight desire to constitute a family, with the aid .of tuberculosis and the social evil, are at- tacking the traditional vigor of the working classes ; that alcohol and gambling wrest from the hands of innumerable laborers their children's bread ; and that, as a consequence of all this, the number of those whom natural evolution ought to select as the best fitted to rise from the class is very limited ; while it should be the current to replenish the higher classes, as in the great democracies, this being a phenomenon which in itself reveals the gravity of our social ills? "How, without the co-operation of the public authorities, can we foster the rapid improvement of dwellings and the general health, and how can we honestly apply the existing restrictions upon alcohol, which our mayors do not enforce, if there be not felt in our municipalities, as in other countries, the direct action of the woman citizen who keeps guard over the family and the race ; and how shall we succeed in securing, without decided political activity, the just regulation of labor and the establishment of a system for the participation of the working man in the benefits 27 of industry, which is the true and only solution of this artificial antagonism of interests ? "The hour for doing something presses, although the political leaders of the present day are not aware of its passing. You, who feel and comprehend the sufferings of this people, are the ones who can best contribute to this undertaking, before the Chilean masses give themselves up in desperation to the agitators, and before the industrials, beaten by exorbitant demands, close their work-shops. "If your activity can be useful in contributing to internal social peace, you are also well aware that the great thinker, President Wilson, has sought to found upon the sentiments of women the future international tranquillity, and that, in order to remove the threatening dangers of a new armed peace, he solicited, in the conferences at Versailles, the universal recognition of the right of, woman to vote. "In the dead Argentine-Chilean question, the attitude of the women of the two countries was a noble summons to harmony, which it was impossible to neglect and which caused things to be viewed with calmness. "It may be that in the old question of the Pacific, which is now a stumbling-block in the way of the progress and confederation of America, there may fall to you, with greater right, a similar role." Argentina The feminist movement of Argentina is more complicated and varied than in any other South American country. Buenos Aires is such a large city and there are so many different national and social elements, that movements cannot be analyzed here in the simple way that they can be for other South American centers. The Socialist Party has had considerable strength in Buenos Aires for a number of years. During the last three or four years the Soviet movement has developed rapidly, and there are now some 280,000 paid members in the Soviet movement among the laboring classes. Many of these are women, and they are taking a very active part in the propagation of all Socialist doctrines, often going to the extremes of Bolshevism. The "Consejo Nacional de Mujeres" is one of the most dignified and progressive of the women's organizations. It makes a careful study of women's movements in different parts of the world and invites distinguished lecturers to appear before it. One of the 28 most important lectures delivered before this body recently is that by Dr. Ernesto Quesada, the distinguished Argentine sociolo- gist. Those wishing a careful and conservative though sympathetic presentation of the feminist movement in Argentina would do well to read this lecture. Dr. Quesada advises the women of Argen- tina to work first on an educational program and after they have attained equality before the law, then to take up the matter of political equality. One of the most active of all Argentine women's organizations is the "Club de Madres" of Buenos Aires. They recently held their fourth annual "Baby Week" in Buenos Aires. They had the co- operation of the best people of the city, including merchants, physicians and, government officials. A large building in the heart of the city was placed at their disposal for their most recent ex- hibit. They had worked out all kinds of charts, showing the death rate of babies, the proper way for nourishment and taking care of the child, and gave out all kinds of information along these lines to the visitors, interesting them in carrying out the purposes of this organization. One of the charts showed that more babies under two years of age died in 1914 in Buenos Aires than there were persons between the ages of two and thirty. They an- nounced the movement as a campaign of education — not an ex- hibit for charity. Inasmuch as in Argentina out of every eight children who are born, one does not live to be two years of age, or, in other words, since 43,800 children less than two years of age died every year, they proposed to greatly reduce this death rate. The competent president of this organization, known in all parts of Argentina for her interest in social development, is Doctora Ernestina de Nelson, the wife of Professor Ernesto Nel- son, who is well-known to North American educationalists. Buenos Aires has been, with Rio de Janeiro, one of the worst centers for white slave trade. Probably for that reason the best women of the city have become particularly interested in the move- ment of a white life for two. A distinguished Anglo-Argentine lady, Senora Blanca C. de Hume, has made important contri- butions by her writings toward the solution of this problem. As early as 1912, we find that some of the far-seeing women of Buenos Aires were making scientific studies of the condition of women workers. Senorita Carolina Muzilli published such an investigation for an Exposition on Social Service in Gante, Bel- gium. Her work was highly commended by the government 29 officials of her city. This most interesting survey shows that even inl912 there was a large number of women working in shoe factories, garment factories and many other kinds of small fac- tories in Argentina. As far as statistics were available, there were shown to be at that time 205,851 women wage-earners in factories and commercial houses of Buenos Aires. Women were terribly underpaid, had to work long hours with no privileges whatever, and were always receiving less wages than men. When Miss Muzilli began her investigations she found prejudice was so great that it was impossible to obtain data until she had gotten work in, one of the factories. For several months she persevered, until she got the data for this remarkable survey of the conditions of women, one of the very few scientific studies of industrial conditions ever made in Latin America. Argentine law establishes a difference between the sexes to the disadvantage of women. The law excludes her from the manage- ment of family property, which, without condition, must be given into the hands of the husband. If the husband wastes the common property, the wife may solicit separation of their properties, if she has not, as is usually the custom on being married, assigned to her husband all property rights. The woman participates in the increase in value of the family property, but where there is a separation of this property she receives her personal property again and half of the increase. Laws grant divorce, which sig- nifies only the separation of man and wife, but incapacitates them for marrying again. The following are the demands of the "Woman's Rights Asso- ciation of Buenos Aires" : 1. The repeal of all laws which establish a difference between the two sexes and against woman, in order that the latter be no longer the weakling which she is today, before the law. 2. The right of women to hold public office and especially to be members of the National and Regional Councils on Edu- cation. 3. The establishment of special courts for children and women. 4. The passing of laws for the protection of maternity and for making legitimate all the children that are born. 30 5. The abolition of all legal prostitution and the establishment of the white life for both. 6. An equality of wages. 7. Equal political rights. The Young Women's Christian Association which has been organized in Buenos Aires for a number of years, has done much toward awaking women to new interests in life. While suffering from small quarters, they have gathered round them a number of the prominent women of Argentina, who are helping them in the conducting of night classes, gymnasium, cafeteria and other services for girls working in stores and offices, and in studying the general means of improving the womanhood of that progressive country. The "National League of Evangelical Women" has recently become such a live organization that the daily press gives attention to its program. Among the many activities which engage the attention of the women of Buenos Aires is that of temperance. This has come to be such an important work that they are now planning, with the aid of some North American societies, to erect a temperance building in Buenos Aires which shall house the various activities along these lines. One can, therefore, look forward with confidence to the devel- opment of woman's work for woman in the great city of Buenos Aires. The Argentine women have always shown themselves to be full of ideas. It was a woman who suggested in the first place that the peace pact between Chile and Argentina be cele- brated by the erection of a statue of Christ on the boundary line between the two countries ; thus the wonderful statue of "The Christ of the Andes," made out of the very cannon which were to have been used by these countries in destroying one another, now stands in its impressive isolation on the lofty Andes Mountain as one of the most impressive monuments in the world. Lest the picture be left too roseate, however, the following quotation is here given from a thoughtful article recently appear- ing in "The River Plate Observer," an English paper of Buenos Aires : "One of the 1 signs of the times in Buenos Aires is most certainly the spread of Feminism among Argentine women. It has planted its standard, which one feels convinced will never be hauled down, but its adherents are still few and far between, with the great 31 mass of the women, gentle and simple, indifferent or hostile to their would be redeemers. One felt this very conclusively at the meeting wherein Dra. Lanteri de Renshaw enunciated her par- liamentary programme. That her election would be of marked benefit to the state and forward the cause of social reform is on the other hand quite indisputable. Read the statistics of infant mortality in the up-country provinces of Argentina, study some of the customs of the peasants even in the Queen Province of Buenos Aires, go into the question of social assistance and pro- tection for the poor in the Federal Capital, and then, with the picture vividly before your eyes, ask yourself whether a qualified woman doctor able and willing to touch unpleasant themes with her gloves off, not for political ends but in order that they may be reformed out of existence, cannot be of use to the Republic. "Unfortunately few foreigners realize how unwarranted is the description of "civilized" as applied to things Argentine outside the immediate pale of the upper strata of city life. Illiteracy and witchcraft, two complementary crimes, are not small stigma to apply to a country that prides itself on its modernity. Yet forty per cent, of the population of Argentina comes under the first head, while only the other day a "witch" was scarified with knives in Santiago del Estero in order that a plaster of the blood might cure a victim of her sorceries ! "Infant protection and due regard to the bare prerogatives of the female sex are two of Argentina's most crying needs today, the twentieth century notwithstanding. And seeing that the present deputies, who are masculine, have never yet found time or oppor- tunity to tackle the obvious social problems that lie before their eyes despite the fact that many of them are medical men and hail from the provinces — a woman, acting under strong convictions and able to convince people of her sincerity, may have better fortune. "Dr. Julieta Lanteri de Renshaw offers a programme that should appeal not only to the members of her sex, but that demands the support of every person of commonsense who has studied, ever so superficially, the present needs of Argentina. Without a sound system of morality Argentina can never become a truly great nation, and one is almost inclined to go so far as to predict that until the women of Argentina have a share in the making and the executing of their country's laws that desirable soundness will be 32 still to seek. Must one explain that "morality" is here written in its widest sense, the greater including the less ? "The road before the Argentine feminists is not an easy one to travel ; as was said by another great Reformer some 2,000 years ago, their foes will be of their own households. Yet sooner or later the triumph will be theirs." Uruguay Uruguay is probably the most liberal of all the South American countries, most willing to try new ideas. It is, therefore, not surprising to find a very large circle of women in Montevido who are active in all kind of movements for the betterment of their people. Uruguay is the only country in South America that has a woman's university. One of the best woman's magazines has long been published there. The headquarters of the "Continental Temperance Society," which was organized by Urguayan women, is located in Montevideo. It would not be surprising to see this pro- gressive little country become the first of South America to grant votes to women. President Baltazar Brum, himself a young pro- gressive of a marked character, in discussing this question, recently said : "With very little understanding of the matter, it has been affirmed that the triumph of feminism will destroy the funda- mental morality of the family and of society. To contradict such an assertion it is only necessary to remember that this has not happened in any of the countries which have decided in favor of the political equality of both sexes. Women vote in England, Germany, Denmark, Austria. Switzerland, Australia, the United States, Canada, etc., without having originated the calamities announced by the pessimist. In regard to this matter it would be well to study the situation of women in Catholic societies and in Protestant societies. In the latter women are surrounded with the greatest respect and consideration. They participate actively, on an equality with men, in all subjects of general interest. Their homes lose nothing in the matter of comfort, morality and whole- some joy in comparison with Catholic homes, and their children are cared for with no less love and solicitude and certainly with more provision than Catholic children. The political activities of the Protestant women have not therefore broken the funda- mental morality of society nor have they disturbed the happiness of the family. 33 "The Catholic woman, on the contrary, is placed on a plane of evident inferiority in her relationship to men. The laws which men in these countries dictate are full of irritating injustice, giving the man a specially privileged place. The woman only occupies herself with the home and social activities. She is kept in com- plete indifference and isolation in regard to questions of general interest. She is about the same as a piece of furniture in the house, ornamental furniture in some cases and in others simply a matter of utility, instead of being a person of clear thought and of disciplined will. And it is natural that exactly these same societies, where the erroneous conceptions and prejudices against feminine dignity prevail, are the very ones which resist most strongly the recognition of woman's political rights." Brazil The remarkable development of the desire among the women of Brazil to get away from their old restrictions and to be of real service to their country, may be seen in the development of the Young Women's Christian Association of Rio de Janeiro. It was established in 1920. In the celebration of its first anniversary a few weeks ago, it was able to report 1,200 members. The press of Brazil often carries important articles concerning women. Recently a bill was proposed in the National Senate, to give women the vote. In a recent number of the "Journal do Com- mercio," the most important daily in Brazil, an article covering a page was given over to an argument for women's rights. As is there said, "Only one little Latin American country, Costa Rica in Central America, has given the vote to women. In no South American country has she gained this right. Brazil ought to lead in doing this thing which most of the progressive countries of the world have already done." Dr. Ruy Barbosa, recently elected a judge of the World Court of the League of Nations, referred as follows to the need of Brazilian women enlarging their sphere : "The world moves toward other laws, toward other goals, toward a future of illimitable extent. Crowns have disappeared, democracy seems to be extending its vast dominion over the whole world. All human relations are changed, transformed, recast, even those between the sexes. The older conditions of life are being swept away in a revolution that may have incalculable re- sults. "Women assumes now in the destiny of the human race a part 34 that will place upon her burdens and opportunities not experienced hitherto. In the British electorate, if I mistake not, there are six million women voters. A revolution, one of the greatest revolu- tions of the world, has taken place legally, peacefully, by an act of the parliament, without any one's further concerning himself over the incalculable change that has occurred in the policy of one of the greatest nations of Europe. Will it be possible for Brazil, in the midst of all these revolutions and upheavals, not to suffer its meed of change in the character of its politics, its institutions, the procedures of its statesmen ? "No, gentlemen ; we must be taught by these events, and we ought to realize that our republic must accommodate herself to the new modes of thought, that our government must set its people a different example from the wonted one, or days perhaps tempestuous will be in store for us." One or the most remarkable demonstrations of the change in attitude in South America toward women was the recent visit of the president of the Women's Christian Temperance Union of North America, Miss Anna Gordon. Miss Gordon was received not only by the most distinguished women in each of the countries, but by the highest government officials, including the Presidents of practically all the countries she visited. In Peru she was given a reception in the famous University of San Marcos, the oldest university on the American continent, and until recently one of the most conservative. In Chile she was also received in the "Salon de Honor" of the University, was invited to the homes of the best families, received by the President of the Republic and •given every honor that a distinguished visitor could be given. In Buenos Aires the principal women of the city gave her a reception at the Plaza Hotel, where the unusual thing occurred of the Bishop of the Catholic Church and the Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church appearing on the same platform to advocate temperance. A great meeting was held in the Colon Theatre, probably the most beautiful theatre in the world, where every nation of the world was represented in tableaux advocating the cause of temperance. In Montevideo and Rio de Janeiro the same honors were shown this modest little woman. Be it said to her credit that she every- where made it clear that she was only there to show the sympathy of North American women! for South American women, and their desire to be of any help to their Southern sisters, but in no way to dictate policies or programs. 35 ITT. THE TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT "Alcohol is a poison. It must be destroyed," were the words written on a large banner, stretched across the street, in the first town I visited in Chile. Passing along the streets to a beautiful park on the seashore, I sat down to enjoy the view and found written on the very bench on which I was sitting, "Alcohol is a poison. It must be destroyed." This is only one of the evidences of the strong temperance campaign carried on not by foreign agitators but by the Chileans, not by the intellectuals and the theorists but by the labor unions. Workmen have come to realize that along with other influences that aid in their exploitation, the liquor business is a very powerful one. Many of the rich families and the clergy own large vineyards and the industrial situation is shaped so that the products of these vineyards and of the brew- eries must be sold. Here is a case where the production creates the demand and not demand the production. The total production of intoxicants annually in Chile is estimated at 600,000,000 litres, and there are said to be 26,000 producers of wine. The capital invested in alcoholic liquors is reported as 270,000,000 pesos. Chile has often been pointed out as one of the worst countries in the world for alcoholic drink. The Araucanian Indians in the southern part of the country were the strongest of all the native races of South America. The Chileans were never able* to conquer them by arms. During recent years, however, there is reported to have been a systematic effort to conquer them by alcohol and certainly they have become a very weak people. An awakening to the great loss of character among these Indians because of strong drink has resulted in a petition from the residents in the district. It is for a greater enforcement of the existing laws which prevent the sale of alcohol on Sundays and feast days and for new laws which will gradually eliminate entirely the selling of liquor to the Indians. A few years ago it would have seemed quite ridiculous to speak of total abstinence in Chile, but some few brave spirits, under the leadership of Dr. Carlos Fernandez Pefia, one of the finest spirits in all America, and one of the strongest fighters against social evil, began the temperance campaign. Vigorous societies 36 have been developed in the cities of Valparaiso and Santiago. The "National League Against Alcohol" now represents a very forceful combination of men and women who have influence in the country. At their last national convention they proposed the introduction of text-books teaching the effects of alcohol, in the primary and high schools. As already indicated, however, the labor movement has recently arisen as the most influential advo- cate of temperance. They have been encouraged in their work by President Alessandri. One of his first official acts on assuming office last December was to receive a petition from the Chilean Federation of Labor protesting against the alleged attempts of the League for the Defense of the Wine Industry to force north- ern port workers to unload liquors. The labor organization already had adopted a resolution, effective January 1, to refuse to unload liquors, whether of home or foreign manufacture. This petition, urges the government to co-operate with the Commission on Con- trol of Alcohol, in order that the commission might realize its program based on education and ultimate transformation "of the wine industry, breweries and distilleries into great factors of public welfare." The federation represents 300,000 workers it is said. The petition vigorously assails alcoholism and declares that the Executive Labor Board was instructed to initiate a cam- paign against it throughout the republic. The wine growers are naturally organizing in defense of their interests. The protest of the workmen against the handling of alcohol has extended to all parts of the republic. The watchword of Dr. Pefia is "Alcohol is a poison ; taken in large or small quantities, it is a poison." The owners of the vineyards are opposed to Dr. Pefia. A cabinet minister recently issued a decree prohib- iting the drinking of alcoholic beverages in properties owned by the state and announced that he would prohibit the plant- ing of vineyards. This prohibition includes the nitrate dis- trict where there are a hundred thousand workmen who live in a desert, earn the best wages and consume a large part of the products of the vineyards. Some therefore consider that the order is a blow to the economic progress of the country. But the recent election of Sr. Alessandri as President shows that many believe in the suppression of the traffic in alcohol. Soon after the President was elected he made a trip to the nitrate regions. At the banquets that were given for him he ordered that no alcoholic beverages should be served. This is the 37 first time that such a thing has happened in the history of the republic. The President is working to solve the economic side of this problem in a way to benefit the country. As Dr. Pena says, "We have been able to create in our country the most famous vineyards in the new world. We have developed the best experts. We have the best grapes and the best wines. The same enter- prise will cause us to find the best way to use the products of our vineyards for the progress and not for the destruction of our people." The Chilean government not long ago sent experts to the United States to study the question of the use of grapes for grape juice and other non-intoxicating drinks. Uruguay is another South American country where a very strong prohibition movement has been developed for the last five years. The movement is so conscious of its strength that it has recently launched the battle-cry, "Uruguay dry by 1925, the Cen- tenary of our independence." There are those who laugh at such a cry, as there were those in the United States who laughed at the slogan, "A saloonless nation by 1920." There is no question that this temperance movement in Uruguay counts some of the most influential people of the country as its members. The "National League Against Alcohol" has held several annual con- ventions and is now planning a temperance convention for all of South America. The South American secretary of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union had her headquarters for four years in Mote video and made her influence very strongly felt. She has recently moved to Buenos Aires where an equally strong movement is now developing. The South American secre- taries of the World Sunday School Association and of the Com- mittee on Co-operation in Latin America have also been called to aid in this movement which is led by some of the most dis- tinguished men and women of the country. It has the hearty sympathy of President Brum, who paid the expenses of two North American young women, representing the Woman's Chris- tian Temperance Union, on a trip through the different provinces of Uruguay to give public lectures on the matter of temperance. An anti-alcoholic law has just been presented to the Congress of the Republic, which contains the following provisions : "The drinking, manufacturing, invitation to partake, the presen- tation or sale of alcoholic liquors, shall be considered as crimes designated as alcoholism and punished by fine from 200 to 1,000 pesos, or imprisonment. This does not except wine, beer, cider, 38 and liquors with a smaller alcohol content. The preparation and sale of alcoholic beverages in drug stores and pharmacies and the therapeutic use of alcohol upon the presentation of a doctor's prescription, given for legitimate reasons, are exceptions to this law." In Uruguay a number of the best physicians and scientists have given attention to this subject. In a treatise on the diseases of the liver, Dr. Ricaldoni says : "Our drinkers are eclectic. Wine is found on the table; away from the table there is white drink, cognac, bitters, ginger and other mixtures. The workman re- freshes himself with sugar water. The wine is generally of the detestable kind, the white drinks are atrocious. The well-to-do drinker believes in small doses taken often. The laborer uses torrential down-pourings on Sundays. The former dissimilates with little difficulty during the hours in which he is in contact with the world his physical debilities, inaugurating each morning with an eye-opener. The latter gives the whole week to honest toil and leaves for Sundays and holidays his torment by intoxica- tion." The Director of Charities in Montevideo recently said : "It is not simply among the laboring classes where the battle against alcohol must be fought. There are other degrading manifesta- tions which can only be combatted by means of education and by legal repression. There is the alcoholism of the dress suit, of the 'high life,' that has invented a multitude of names to desig- nate its curious establishments which are, after all, only places for the selling of alcoholic liquors, just as harmful as the taverns of the poor where the Indian drinks his corn whiskey and renders fervid worship to Bachus in the midst of the lowest scandals. In these countries of the La Plata the fight against alcohol is not yet well organized to counteract the very strong influence in these young societies. Only a few enthusiastic propagandists are working against a strong general indifference. We need a study of social hygiene, with statistics vigorously presented, to change public opinion." In Argentina the eminent international lawyer and journalist who writes the editorials for "La Prensa," Dr. Estanislao Zeballo, has recently prepared a law which was presented to Congress, which goes- a good ways toward making Argentina a dry country. 39 The project received a favorable comment from the press in Argentina, "La Capital" commenting as follows : "The project of deputy don Julio S. de la Reta (who presented the measure) comes at an opportune moment, and we hope that it will be appreciated in its full value by legislators desirous of combatting the social plagues conspiring against life, the agents of physical and moral degradation. The regulation of the manu- facture and sale of alcoholic drinks should be the object of a careful study on the part of the National Congress ; the initiatives tending to eliminate slowly the consumption of drinks of this nature must be complemented by the total suppression of the sale of liquors particularly harmful to the consumer." The women of Argentina have a number of anti-alcoholic organizations. Encouraged by the aid of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, they are now planning a building in Buenos Aires which will be the center of temperance and other social movements for the betterment of community life. The temperance movement in Brazil is being led by President Pessoa himself, who has recently proposed to the National Con- gress quite drastic legislation. A very active campaign has been carried on by the evangelical Sunday Schools in Brazil. The Sunday School movement in that country has developed very rapidly under Brazilian leadership. The daily press is very favor- able to the movement and the Brazilian leaders are able to develop public opinion in favor of temperance through the newspapers. The pastor of a large Presbyterian church in Rio de Janeiro, which counts among its constituency members of Congress and leading professional men, recently inaugurated his stereopticon with a lecture on temperance which many of the most influential citizens of the capital attended. In Colombia, Senator Felix Salazar is said to have presented to Congress a law on alcoholic prohibitions which was much debated. The Minister of Agriculture and Commerce is here quoted : "The anti-alcoholic problem must be met squarely, and an advance must be made despite the obstacles. In the United States, when the fight began, the trial of alcohol produced a book with statistical data that was appalling. Crime finds in alcohol its feeder, and statistics prove this. Fifty per cent, of the murders have alcohol as their cause ; likewise sixty per cent, of the divorces ; the days in which most crimes occur are precisely Saturdays and 40 Sundays when the working classes dedicate themselves in their idle hours to alcohol." Temperance agitation in Peru was begun as far back as 1901, when the municipality of Lima offered a prize for the best essay on the means of combatting alcohol. The real campaign began in 1912, when the national society of temperance was formed. Due to their work there was passed recently a law which prohibits the sale of intoxicating liquors from Saturday afternoon to Mon- day morning, in all parts. A prize was offered for the best manual of temperance for teachers. A young student, fresh from the University of Wisconsin, won the prize and his book has now become a text-book in the schools of the republic. The temper- ance society lately pointed out the fact that in Lima there was a "cantina" for every nineteen families, and a public school for every 1,025 families. Reference has already been made, in the section on the feminist movement, to the visit of Miss Anna Gordon, president of the "Woman's Christian Temperance Union." That visit signified as much and probably more for the temperance movement than it did for the feminist movement. Dr. Silva Cruz, the Secretary of War, and president of the University Extension of the National Educational Association, of Chile, said the following in welcoming Miss Gordon to the reception held in her honor in the University of Chile: "The presence among us of Miss Anna Gordon and Miss Julia Dean, whose exemplary lives are a beautiful witness of feminine energy placed at the service of the most vital interests of humanity, the presence of these heroines of social action, honors and rejoices the National Association of Education. The fine tact of woman, her delicate sensibilities, her superior morality, her heart open to the vibrations of human sympathy, make her the best of social workers. There is no one like her to suffer with those who suffer, to bind up the wounds, no one like her to prevent social vice of which she is the first victim generally, without blame herself. Happy are the people who like the great republic of the North have opened to women a wide field for their noble and reneger- ative mission. The forces for good in the United States have conquered the vice of alcohol throughout the country and they are now prepared to give their beneficent influence to other parts of the world." Miss Gordon's visit was a triumphant procession from the first 41 city visited, Lima, to the last one, Rio de Janeiro. At a fiesta given in the Colon Theatre of Buenos Aires by the children of Buenos Aires, aided by the principal educationalists, the children showed the value of water for health and advocated in various classic ways the value of temperance. Motion pictures were taken of this entertainment and these films are being shown in differ- ent parts of South America with splendid effect. A2 J IV. THE MOVEMENT TO MODERNIZE EDUCATION Education always has been recognized by South America as a most important problem. Illiteracy has hung like a millstone about the neck of the young, ambitious countries. Practical difficulties, the lack of financial ability, a scattered population, the lack of teachers, etc., have prohibited coping with illiteracy. The inheritences of scholasticism have prevented the secondary schools from producing students who were prepared to confront the practical problems of life. Today, however, there are found various groups who voice their dissatisfaction with the old scholasticism and a determination to reform their educational system. The reform of education is a favorite topic of the press and with public speakers and legislators. In the old days those who referred to the high per cent of illiteracy were regarded as un- patriotic. But now there is much public discussion of the ques- tion. "La Manana," a daily of Montevideo, in an editorial advo- cating new methods, recently gave the following statistics on illiteracy in the different countries. Of course they are only estimates, as no real census has ever been taken of most of these countries. Argentina, 38.8; Uruguay, 40; Chile, 68; Brazil, 86; Bolivia, 87; Peru, 88; Paraguay, 88; Venezuela, 92; Colombia, 92. It was also stated that in Brazil, when a recent census was taken in one district, only thirteen out of three; thousand could sign their name. In Ecuador there is one pupil for every two thousand people, in primary schools. There are only one thousand nine hundred students in all secondary schools. There is no high school for girls and only two girls in the Republic are in the University of Ecuador. The following are interesting words from the rector of an Argentine university: "Ten thousand persons do all the thinking and directing for the eight or nine million Argentines. Consumers of French novels may number one hundred thousand, but the readers of serious, non technical books are between two thousand and four thousand." Agustin Alvarez says : "South America lives by lighting candles to the saints in order to see who are the ones to work the miracles* 43 while it does not kindle lights in the minds of the children in order to illuminate the way." Student Activities Among those who are giving themselves to the reformation of the educational system of South America, the students themselves form the most spectacular group. Student organizations in these countries, composed as they generally are of the sons of. the upper classes, have always exerted a strong influence in public matters. Students often showed their displeasure by staging demonstrations, when matters did not go to suit them. These demonstrations in former days were usually against some action of the Church or of foreigners. The change from the old way was vividly shown recently when the students marched through the streets, not with any cries of "down with the priests," or "death to the foreigners," but with these significant words written on their banners : "Luz, Mas Luz." These students had come to realize that the great outside world was moving on, and that their anti- quated educational system was not fitting them for this new world. "Light, more light" on present day life was their demand. As in China the students are discovering that they may become a social and political factor. They are often foolish in aims and methods, after the manner of youth, but their influence is extra- ordinary. Lately they have taken to joining forces with the labor unions. This combination of students and workmen is one of the most interesting social phenomena noticeable in South Amer- ica. Their energies are directed against reactionary forces. Their radical actions have brought about some startling results in coun- tries where they are compactly organized, and in one or two of the countries governments are very much afraid of what these new crusaders may do. In Peru this union lias advanced no further than a student movement for teaching the laboring men in night classes, since the labor movement there is not yet strong enough to take any part in a fight for reform. But the students of San Marcos University are teaching classes of laboring men, that number from three to seven hundred, five nights a week, either in the student center in Lima, or in industrial centers in the suburbs of the city. This is probably, a most hopeful sign for those who look forward to the time when the Peruvian labor element shall be 44 sufficiently instructed to take an intelligent part in their own emancipation from the drudgery and squalor of their present life. Even now this combination of students and workmen in Peru once in a while joins in a slap at the Church, although to do so in Peru means daring to put one's economic or social life in jeopardy. In Argentina this student-labor movement has grown most re- markably. It has brought about results in most every phase of life. In 1910 the students and workmen came into open conflict in the streets of Buenos Aires. There were most serious results from this fight. To see them now working side by side for the forcing of reforms is therefore little less than miraculous. It is in Argentina that both the students and the workmen have carried their demands to revolutionary results. Student riots and strikes have not been amusing pranks or diversions by any means. They have resulted in serious fighting and deaths on both sides. In La Plata the police found themselves unable to handle the situa- tion and soldiers were called out. They instituted a seige of the "buildings where the students, armed with modern rifles, defended themselves for days. During one of the strikes a student who dared to go to his examination, was shot down in cold blood by his fellow students. A recent editorial in "La Nacion," of Buenos Aires, says : "In the Colegio Nacional of La Plata there are found today much broken furniture, torn curtains, documents thrown over the floors and archives upturned because of student riots. A great' deal can be forgiven on account of the fire of youth, but it is impossible to understand how educated young men in centers of culture can fall into acts which reveal that the most essential thing in life is lacking — respect. This bad behavious is seen not only in the action of students of the Colegio Nacional of La Plata. It is seen daily among those who do not show any of the forms of courtesy which were such a beautiful part of our social life in the old days. There is a visible lack of regard for the rights of others. All places are entered as a conquered country, and there seems to be no feeling of power, if it is not exercised in acts of violence. This spectacle is seen on the streets at all hours. Trams are taken by assault. Women are pushed in elevators and loud comments are made on emotional scenes in the picture shows, where many of the spectators keep on their hats until the curtain rises. There is a general lack of respect and this situation gives rise to such happenings as we have witnessed in the national college." 45 In Buenos Aires the rector of the Law School, one of the best known publicists of South America, was barricaded recently in the Law Building by students, who kept him there until he was rescued by the police reserves. In Cordova the strike lasted for almost all last year, and witnessed the same bloody scenes that in. the old days used to be associated with labor strikes in the United States. As a demonstration of sympathy with the students of Cordova, the entire university student body of Argentina went on a three days' strike, when they paraded the streets and called with vociferous voices for their rights. Following that demonstration, the Argentine University Federation was organized and a con- vention held, in July of 1919, to study student problems. As a result of this movement the students have forced the authorities ta revise the university system, at least to the extent of giving them a vote in the election of the faculties that are to teach them. This right was demanded because the students felt that they were not getting the teaching and attention that modern life demanded. Their professors were generally professional men, who came ta the university for their lectures only, giving the same material year after year, paying no attention to the students, using their position for their own selfish ends rather than for the develop- ment of the students. One who has lived closely to these students, in referring to these struggles, says with evident sympathy for this movement: "If our students have not been called to shed their blood on the field of battle, there seems to be in these movements a moral awakening and a disposition to uproot at any cost the erroneous traditions from which they have been suffering. It is necessary to live close to these students, to suffer with them the results of being abandoned by governmental authorities and un- derstand the terrible lack of moral guidance, in order to appreciate the meaning of many of their acts." Attitude of Educational Leaders Among the teachers and educational administrators, as well as among the students, is found this dissatisfaction with the past and a striving toward a new day. The movement among the profes- sional educators toward modernizing their work seems to lean toward a closer following of the United States in educational matters. Upon my first visit to South America in 1914 I was impressed 46 with the fact that North American education was very slightly regarded in our sister continent. In 1917 I found that the stu- dents were turning to the United States because the war had shut them out of Europe.. In 1921 I find not only that students are intensely interested in how they can get to the United States, but that educational leaders in the government and in the uni- versities are also studying North American educational methods and are becoming convinced that these should be more largely adopted by South America. In the past the French system was the generally accepted basis of education. German and Belgian professors have been employed to some extent during the last decade, but today the North American educational ideals seem to be more popular. The returning students from the United States and the tremendous surge of national unity and effective- ness which marked our participation in the war, are serving to- gether to turn the attention of Hispanic educational leaders to this country. They begin to suspect that there is a whole realm of idealism and of intellectual evolution here into which they have scarcely entered. They are even asking : "Is is not possible that an educational system freely developed in a free American state should have certain qualities that would fit it for the uses and needs of other free American states?" The question has become a fascinating one for them. I do not wish to convey the idea that there is any wholesale copying of our educational system, for such is not the case. It may be even that I have identified too largely the desire for modernizing education with a leaning toward North American education. In Peru, the traditional friend of the United States, the Presi- dent of the Republic, has appointed an American Educational Commission through which the whole educational system of Peru has been turned over to North Americans for reorganization. The work of this commission really began some ten years ago when the present executive, Sr. Leguia, was serving his first term. He then called Dr. Harry Erwin Bard and three other educational experts from the United States to reform the national school system. Dr. Bard worked with the Peruvian educators for some two years on the theoretical side of the problem, but little was done practically. Two of the other North American educators became heads of state schools, and one, Dr. Guiseke, is still the president of the University of Cuzco. When President Leguia was again chosen President last year, he invited Dr. Bard to re- 47 turn and bring with him twenty-five leading educators, specialists in school administration, normal, technical and commercial train- ing and school activities. These men are now on the ground beginning their work. The number may be increased to as high as two hundred if the funds can be secured. The possibilities for success or for failure are enormous. A new law suggested by the commission and just passed pro- vides for a complete administrative system, based, as far as possible, on a sane balance between the political and administrative functions of public education, and a right adjustment between central and local control. It provides amply for the practical and vocational training without neglecting the cultural subjects which have been the backbone of Peru's system heretofore. Particular care is given to the training of teachers, from the primary grades to the University, so that many of the best young men and women of the country should be attracted to this profession, since also a much higher rate of compensation is provided. The Director General of Instruction, which office is now held by Dr. Bard, has, under the Minister of Public Instruction, a member of the Cabinet, complete charge of the technical side of the system. Next to him are three regional directors, who have charge of primary and secondary schools in the three districts into which the nation is divided. Each of these regional directors has a corps of assist- ants who represent him in the inspection of schools, in the con- duct of institutes and in other ways of developing education in their respective territories. The directors themselves are required to give a reasonable time to visiting the schools and through them local needs should receive attention, heretofore an impossible thing. The three regional directors are among those brought from the United states recently, and are already out on their districts getting the new system inaugurated. This educational mission is one of the greatest opportunities that has ever been given to the United States to pass on the blessings of its public schools to a needy sister nation. If this experiment in Peru is successful, it will have a strong influence on American private schools, not only in Peru but in all parts of Latin America. Jf political upheavals, church intrigues and lack of funds cause it to fail, it will also react against American mission schools and against all North American influence in South America. Besides this movement by the government, the classic Univer- sity of San Marcos, the oldest in America, founded a hundred 48 years before John Harvard began his college, has recently sent one of its young and enthusiastic professors to the United States to study our university life. He returned to Lima with a message of enthusiasm for North American institutions and an expression of liberalism which is likely to cause something of a revolution at old San Marcos. While this university is not financially able to carry out its desire for a regular system of exchange professors with North American schools, it would be greatly pleased to have the closest relations possible with them. The students of the Uni- versity are studying how to be helpful in the community. This extension work is a healthy sign of an awakening in the institu- tion. Since the University was not in session I could not lecture before the whole student body, as the faculty desired, but I was able a number of times to speak with them in small gatherings about closer relations with North American university life. It would have been easy to spend several months there in just such work. It would be well for some of our universities to take the major responsibility in developing an interchange with this historic institution of the ancient city of Lima. An interesting experience in Lima was being in the midst of a student riot, which was brought on by police interference with a meeting in the "patio" of San Marcos University, when Prof. Belaunde was addressing the students concerning certain abuses practiced by the government. In the midst of the address govern- ment secret agents started a disturbance which grew until all who had guns were using them, and those of us who didn't were hiding behind any available protection. The invading of the sacred pre- cints of the revered San Marcos caused a sensation and most of the faculty resigned. The government has been unable to get rep- resentative men to take their places, hence the University remains closed, having been declared to be in "cstado de reorganization" Chile is one of the countries where, in the past, there has been most prejudice against the United States. During the last few years, however, students from Chile have been coming to this country in larger numbers and have reported their favorable im- pressions back home, changing the old prejudice into a real appre- ciation, especially of our educational life. The first town visited in the "Shoe-string Republic" was the port of Coquimbo, where I went ashore for a few hours while the boat was discharging cargo. Wandering along the street I saw a school building and thought I would go in for a visit. What was 49 my surprise to find that the Director was a young Chilean graduate of Columbia University who had just returned from the United States, after three years of special study, in order to establish for the Government of Chile commercial high schools of the type which has been developed in the United States. A visit to his classes showed that he had been able to penetrate deeply enough into commercial education in the United States to establish a similar institution in his own town. I am just in receipt of a book of some five hundred pages which he has written for the Chilean govern- ment. This is to be distributed among the educators of Chile for the purpose of propagating the idea of commercial high schools in that country along the lines established by the author in the Coquimbo experiment. The University of Chile, located in Santiago, is a great school, a real university, with several thousand students. It was my privilege to lecture to the student body in the great Salon de Honor on the subject of developing closer relations between Chile and the United States. I also gave two addresses before the students of the Instituto Pedagogico, which bears the same relations to the University that Teachers' College does to Columbia University. There are several students in the "Instituto" who are planning to come to the United States with Dr. Jose Maria Galvez, the head of the department of modern languages, who has been for many years an enthusiastic advocate for North American colleges among the Chilean students. He has been appointed to represent his University as exchange professor this year at the University of California. I am sorry to say that, up to the time of writing, the government has been unable to provide for his coming. This exchange between the universities of Chile and of California is only the beginning of what ought to be developed in every educa- tional center in America. The head of the Normal School of Chile had spent three years in New York studying North Ameri- can educational systems, as a result of which he has changed his curriculum to conform very largely to that of our own state nor- mal schools. The time I spent in Santiago was all too short to answer the many requests for interviews with students and educators concern- ing ways in which closer educational relations with the United States might be established. The President of Chile told me that he was very anxious to have North American educators come to 50 Chile and asked me to extend a special invitation to certain educa- tors to visit Santiago. The younger elements in Chile, led by Prof. Enrique Molino, have recently started a new university in Concepcion. Its curricu- lum is quite different from the more conservative institution in Santiago and emphasizes the modern idea of pedagogy, science and psychology. Chile has recently become deeply stirred over her problem of illiteracy and has passed a compulsory education law. and provided for the raising of the salaries of the teaching force and the invest- ment of a million dollars a year in new school buildings. The beneficent effects of this new effort are shown in the message of the President in June, 1921, where the following is reported : Public school instruction has progressed favorably, within the means available to the government. There are actually in session 3,276 primary schools, with an attendance of 330,059 pupils. The teaching personnel of these schools is 7,455. There are 15 normal schools for teachers, with an attendance of 1.950 pupils. There are 15 daily high schools, with a student body of 2,866; and 29 night schools with an attend- ance of 5,391 students. Schools for needle-work, and workshops for manual training such as carpentry, basket-making, binding, weaving, etc., are oper- ating to the number of 878, with an attendance of 115.664 students. On the 27th of February this year, the law making primary in- struction obligatory came into force, and already in the month of March, 87,869 children had matriculated more than in the same month in 1920. Chile has undertaken to give to her system of education a more practical trend which has brought about great reforms in her pri- mary instruction, beginning with the school manual training class- es, perfected in 1918, under the name of primary industrial schools. There has also been established a fourth vocational grade after the sixth primary grade (third) for the purpose of investigating and determining the vocation of the pupils before they leave the primary schools, training them to this end, fitting girls for domestic occupations and boys for the various trades which they have chosen. In the last meeting held by the Association of National Educa- tion the following decisions were made : To state that the basis of 51 national education and the reform of the secondary courses and better preparation of students entering the university are the pur- poses of program for primary education as presented to the senate; to urge better and more effective methods in the teaching of primary, secondary, technical and military education ; the estab- lishment of rural normal schools for the improvement of country schools and increase of agricultural education ; the carrying out of the plans of the board of school control, which includes the teach- ing of hygiene, the transformation of the liquor industry, and the scientific choice and encouragement of sports ; to congratulate President Arturo Alessandri for his address to the university extension and for having assumed the leadership of the movement for the improvement of national life. In Buenos Aires I found educational conditions most turbulent. The propaganda of the Bolshevists has been more successful here than anywhere else in South America, due, no doubt, to the very large foreign population. The educational system, along with the economic one, has been greatly disorganized, as already stated. For this reason it is difficult to describe the situation more than to say that it is in a state of flux. The disorganization has natu- rally brought many of the educational leaders to a serious study of North American pedagogy and school administration. Professor Ernesto Nelson, an influential Argentine educator who has spent a number of years in the United States, has recently published an important work entitled "Nueslros Males Universita- rios," in which he compares the North and South American sys- tems and advocates the adoption of the former in large part. Pro- fessor Nelson is also president of the' "Universidad Libre," an in- stitution which endeavors to bring the teachings and benefits of modern science to the people. While this institution is not competi- tive with the state universities, yet it and similar movements, show that many educational leaders feel the need of striking out along some new lines. Some of the proposed activities are lectures re- garding social and public hygiene, lectures on education in the United States, publication of works on social and educational problems, illustrated lectures on biology, physics and chemistry. One of the most encouraging things is the way both professors and students have rallied to the movement to help the needy stu- dent of Eastern Europe, whose call was recently brought by Mr. Chas. D. Hurrey of the Young Men's Christian Association. In Buenos Aires some of the leading professors are giving liberally 52 of their time to the compact organization which has been formed for gathering funds. It is probably the first time in their history that Argentine students in a body have taken up a great unselfish cause outside their own borders. While it is not exactly on the subject of the new educational movements of today, yet because of the splendid illustration it fur- nishes of how the right kind of North American teachers can help South America, I want to refer here to the establishment of the first normal and kindergarten schools in Argentina. The great Argentine, Domingo F. Sarmiento, living in exile in the United States, became an intimate friend of Horace Mann and a profound advocate of Mann's theories of education. While in the United States Sarmiento was elected president of his coun- try. One of his first official acts was to commission a Methodist missionary, Dr. Good fellow, to engage a number of the best North American teachers to come to Argentina to organize a system of public schools. Congress authorized the President's plans. He decided that the first trial of an institution (to be a normal school to prepare teachers for primary instruction), that he believed was to revolutionize his country, be made in the city of Parana. The whole plan was worked out for President Sarmiento by the emin- ent North American educator who was called to head this revolu- tionary educational institution. This great man — great if little known — was Prof. George A. Stearns. He was assisted by his no less remarkable wife, Mrs. Julia A. Stearns, who acted as the principal of the Model School. The social and political conditions of the country, which was just coming out of anarchy, the unorganized condition of transpor- tation on which pupils from other parts of the country had to depend, the, absolute newness of the whole idea wrapped up in the institution, all added to the difficulty of the task and the greatness of the success achieved by Prof. Stearns, of whom everyone in Parana today speaks as though he were a national hero. The school opened in 1871. There were two teachers and twenty- two students. In the interesting reports made annually by Stearns he says: "The United States cannot claim the honor of having dis- covered these new methods of teaching; they have been taken from other countries and adapted to our needs. They have given origin to a system of popular education, which has demonstrated by its fruits that it is the best in the world. The great basis of this system is the normal schools . . . What these normal schools 53 have done for the United States, they should do also for Argentina. The Normal of Parana is the first of these schools and the money spent in its inauguration is a proof of the wise investment of what- ever funds shall be destined for popular education." The success of Stearns was so marked at Parana that by a gov- ernment decree of January 14, 1875, he was transferred to Tucu- man to open the second normal. Jose M. Torres, his successor at the Parana school, was a great admirer of North American educa- tion. The greatest addition to the institution was made in 1884 when it was decided to call Mrs. Sara C. Eccleston to open the first kindergarten in South America. She had graduated with high honors from the, Kindergarten Training School of Philadelphia and served with great success in several schools, including the Winona Normal, distinguished for her culture, love of children and ability in teacher training. What an impress has this good woman left on Parana and all Argentina! The kindergarten idea spread throughout Argentina. It aroused most strenuous opposition, and attacks through the press and oth- erwise were most severe. But the demand for teachers was so- great that Mrs. Eccleston was called to Buenos Aires to found a training school for kindergarten teachers. Here she carried on her work, until she retired because of age. She continued to live in Buenos Aires, always honored and revered, until her death only three years ago. With such an inheritance it is no wonder that Parana is far in advance of many other parts of Argentina in the matter of educa- tion. The Normal School now has about a thousand pupils, two- hundred and fifty in the normal department and seven hundred and fifty in the Model School. There has just been created by the national government a superior normal course or Teachers' Col- lege, which will give a still higher course, preparing teachers for professorships in secondary and professional schools. This "Fac- ulty of the Sciences of Education" is a part of the new "Univer- sidad Litroal," which will have its departments of Medicine and 5 Engineering located in the city of Rosario and the Faculty of Law in the city of Santa Fe. The Faculty of the Sciences of Education has already been opened with a splendid lot of professors, with whom it was my privilege to meet in session, and discuss the plans of the institution. The courses lead to three degrees, Doctor in Philosophy and Pedagogy, Professor in University Teaching and Professor of Secondary, Normal and Special Instruction. Thus it . . 54 will be seen that this faculty will provide post-graduate work for the graduates of the Normal, just as Teachers' College of Colum- bia University provides advanced courses for graduates of our state normal schools. And so the souls of the Stearns and the Ecclestons and the others who left the comforts of home and friends to come to far away Parana — their souls go marching on! Some two thousand teachers have been trained here and sent out over South America. The Republic of Paraguay, 'way up in the heart of South America, with its capital city a thousand miles from Buenos Aires, is hungry indeed for fellowship; with the outside world. Paraguay recognizes that friendship with the United States is almost her only hope, for her larger neighbors are interested only in her commercial exploitation. Educational representatives of the United States are sure of a hearty welcome. The proudest pos- session of the people of Asuncion, which is shown to every visitor, is the libarary of twelve hundred of the best American books, recently presented to them by the Carnegie Foundation. This library is housed in the Institute Paraguayo — a splendid organiza- tion through which the Paraguayan educators are seeking to do something for the community by means of night classes, gymnasia, etc. At a lecture before this institute I had a reception that will never be forgotten. The President of the Republic, the Minister of Public Instruction and the leading educational figures of the country were greatly interested in discussing how the educational forces of the United States might co-operate more closely with Paraguay in the solution of her difficult educational problems. The Colegio International, recently opened by one of the North Am- erican mission boards and now having eight American teachers, is looked upon by Paraguayan educators as a great contribution to their life. Uruguay is not much larger than Paraguay, but it is favorably situated on the Atlantic side of the continent and is in many ways the most progressive republic of Latin America. President Brum is a young man but a few years removed from his student activi- ties. He was a great leader among the students of South Am- erica in his college days and is still looked upon by them as their guide and counsellor. He is well known for his advocacy of Pan Americanism and for his rejection of the idea that the United States is desirous of exercising hegemony over all of Latin America. Since this "idea has in the past been quite generally 55 accepted among the student classes, President Brum's repudiation of it has had a most salutary influence. On his trip to the United States in 1917 he took special interest in our educational system and has on many occasions applied American ideas in his own country. Montevideo is the Hague of South America, many inter- national movements having their headquarters there. The University of Montevideo is one of the most liberal in South America. It maintains close contact with North American educa- tional progress. One of its professors has recently become a sec- retary of the Young Men's Christian Association and is using his wide influence to get students to come to the United States. A party of these students recently arrived with a special greeting from the university to the Mayor of the City of New York. There are already a number of Uruguayan students in the United States and they are making a splendid name for themselves. They will return home with the power to present North American educational ideals to have them adopted in a larger way than at present. The public schools of Uruguay have recently been reorganized and show many marks of the North American system. The Brazilian government has shown its desire for closer con- nections with the United States by a recent law providing for the sending of about one hundred students to our universities each year for special study. It was my privilege not long ago, on receipt of a cable from Brazil, to : meet thirty-two of these students, all of whom are now in this country attending various universities and preparing to carry our ideas and ideals back to Brazil. The two outstanding phases of North American education are, of course, the standardizing of the grade system, covering our primary and secondary courses, and of the college requirements for the baccalaureate degree. It is in these chiefly that our system has differentiated itself from the French, and even from the English. Since the development of these peculiarities seems to have been spontaneous rather than designed, it may reasonably be inferred that there is something in them peculiarly congenial to what in Spanish is called the ambiente of the New World. The American physical and social environment and the republican form of government have produced this educational system, developing it out of the basal ideas brought from Europe. Is it not reason- able, therefore, to infer that it will fit into the ambiente of other American republics better than will any strictly European order? Besides, it is inevitable that the educational leaders of Latin 56 America will more and more get their training in the United States. They will carry back with them not only admiration for our system but, what is even more to the point, a familiarity with ,its organization and workins which will make it easier for them to strike out on these lines than on any other. The facility with which textbooks and school supplies may be adapted for use in Latin America is a practical matter which will also have a vast influence. It is perhaps not amiss to call the attention of authors and publishers to this immense new market for their standard textbooks. Nationalistic Tendencies As said before, I do not wish to give the idea that South Ameri- can educators are inclined to take over bodily our North American system. Their interest in it is simply to find what is best and adapt it to their own environment. Some of the leaders of Latin American countries see very plainly that each country should have a national system of educa- tion, and that it is a mistake on their part to ape foreign systems that disregard the national character. It is a striking fact that Bolivia, one of the most backward countries of Latin America, liidden away in the center of the continent, without outlet to the sea, has produced a writer who has been called the Rousseau of Latin America. Prof. Franz Tamayo, who has studied the science of education in different countries of Europe and America, has contributed a series of articles on a new national system of educa- tion for Bolivia that have attracted much attention all over South America. "For the last ten years," says Professor Tamayo, "we have fol- lowed attentively the evolution of education in Bolivia, both in the minds of the people and in the minds of its directors, and we have come to the conclusion that up to the present time their process of reasoning has been based on one or more false premises, and that we are steering without a compass and without a set course in this matter. "Judging by these false and puerile standards, the supreme aspi- ration of our pedagogues would be to make of our new countries new Frances and new Germanys, as if this were possible, disre- garding also a biological historical law, which is that history is never repeated, either in politics or in anything. "Up to the present, this has been a very easy system to follow, 57 since there has been nothing to do but to cop}' and trace, not even adapting any particular model to one's needs, but just taking an idea from France or a curriculum from Germany, or vice versa, without the use of ordinary discretion. "In the meantime we have wasted money and, what is far worse, time. We have made endless regulations and founded several institutions and the main question in the meanwhile remains intact and unanswered. "We should not go to Europe or anywhere out of Bolivia to solve our pedagogical problem. The question of education is above all a problem of high national psychology. "It remains then for us to create a national system of education ; that is to say, a pedagogy of our own, commensurate to our forces, in accordance with our habits, conforming to our natural tendencies and tastes and in harmony with our moral and physical conditions." , In the four movements discussed are by no means contained all the demonstrations of the new spirit concerning social questions which pervades South America. Little groups for the study of economic problems and for ministering to the community are springing up everywhere. In many cases they are avowed follow- ers of the Soviet. The most widely circulated literature in Argen- tina is a series of pamphlets called "El Editorial Adelante" which are circulated by the hundreds of thousands. Many of these eulo- gize the Soviet government in Russia. Another important series of pamphlets is edited by "Tribuna Libre/ } which for a number of years has published monographs on such subjects as municipal problems, housing problems, socialism in Argentina, capital and justice, technical education for workmen, prison reform. Many of these pamphlets are lectures given before the "Museo Social Argentino," which is the organization that invited President Roosevelt to South America and every year arranges a series of lectures from distinguished foreigners and Argentines on social and international questions. This reminds one of the general demand from the reading public for a fresh literature. They are weary of erotic French fiction on the one hand and of standardized and rather antiquated philo- sophy and theology on the other. The hostility of the theologians toward modern science has held back the type of sociological, 58 pedagogical and humanitarian studies now so general in the Chris- tian world. Latin America has begun to demand her share. Books that help to make it possible to accept modern views of science, of sociology, anthropology, ethics, physics and the rest, without surrendering the Christian faith and without going to the extremes of social anarchy, are coming to be in great demand. No greater service can be rendered to South America than the furnishing of such literature. 59 V RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS The more one studies the regligious problems of those countries- which have as their exclusive religious background that of the Roman Catholic Church, but which are now coming out into a modern life which is opposed to the strict interpretations and limi- tations of that system, the more he is baffled by the complexity of the question. He easily becomes persuaded that it offers more difficulties than any other religious problem of modern times. The apalling difference between the ideas of the North American and. the South American on this subject was brought to me afresh and more intensely at a dinner that I recently attended in the city of Buenos Aires with three of the leading intellectuals of the con- tinent. The published works of one of these gentlemen have already run above the half million mark in a continent where scientific and literary works average an edition of a thousand. As a professor in the university he gave a few years ago a series of lectures on the teachings of Emerson and New England morality, which challenged the youth of Argentina to a new moral life. Another of these gentlemen is the author of the best work on the sociology of Latin America, professor of law in the university, member of one of the supreme courts of Argentina, and a constant public advocate of the necessity of improving 'the moral atmos- phere of his country. The other friend has been for many years a recognized leader in public secondary education in his country. He has written two books describing education in the United States, after a residence of several years in that country, and is a strong factor in the social betterment of his people. All of them read North American literature and keep abreast of the world movements in an exceptional way. This group might fairly be considered representative of the highest and best of South American intellectual life. We talked for more than three hours, largely about the religious question. But when we finished, I felt we had been talking a wholly different language. Having spent several years in studying the spiritual problems of these countries, I thought that I could appreciate the views of the intellectual, at least. Yet it seemed that we were ten thousand miles apart ! "When you ask us to be religious, you are asking us to be immoral. Religion is organized evil. We fight 60 religion as we fight all other enemies of progress." Thus these men argued. When urged that they should not class all religion with the form that they had known, they replied, in substance: "We understand that you connect religion with morality. And since we, individually, have read your books and know your people, we can, by interrupting our natural chain of thought and explaining to ourselves, understand that you are reasonable, when you ask us to consider religion. But the fact remains that, as South Ameri- cans, with the example before us of what religion has been here, we have no interest in, scarcely any patience with, your religious appeal. We desire to be more noble, more honest, more interested in our fellow men, more spiritual, if you please. But we cannot realize naturally in our consciousness, though we might give intel- lectual assent while you are here to explain, that religion can pos- sibly help in the solution of either our personal or our national problems. You will reach us far better by the appeal which takes us where we are and faces frankly our own situation, as did our great moral preacher, Agustin Alvarez, than you will by suggest- ing some ethereal matter that takes for granted a religious back- ground which is altogether foreign to us. An appeal to the Bible has no authority with us. As to Christ, we have known Him as either an effeminate sentimentalist or the martyr of a lost cause. If we are to accept Him, He must be shown to us in a different light." Such I understood to be the main gist of our conversation. But, as I say, I was so confused by the very difference with which we used common terms and the seeming impossibility of making each other understand, that I have never been able to clarify in my own mind the real significance of what they were saying to me. And most probably they had less idea of what I was trying to convey to them. Try as we would to get together, our grand- fathers, with all the differences of inheritance, were fighting to keep us apart; and their defeat could not be accomplished except by a process much longer and more exacting than a conversation around a dinner table. A little while before that dinner in Buenos Aires, I sat in a club in Santiago de Chile with a professor of the university. Interna- tional relations, labor questions, student exchanges were interest- ingly discussed. It was midnight when we came to touch the question of the spiritual world and our own attitude toward it. This man is a believer in New England morality and recommends 61 to his students the reading of the Bible and attendance at Chris- tian schools in the United States. He is a friend of the North American mission schools and a constant advocate of Christian principles. But, when he opened his soul and let me see its own barrenness, the cold, clammy air of the night descended upon me, till I shuddered with the darkness and dampness. Religion, a good thing for society; the Bible, a great literary and moral book; but God, life after this life, communion with a higher Power— all that is only a creation of human fancy! Saddest of all about this friend, whom through the years I have learned to love for his great work for students, is the fact that his background and envir- onment are so hard that it seems almost hopeless to try to find entrance for the warm evangelical truth that would make him a marvelous spiritual power, recognized over the whole continent. I will not cite more examples of the many conversations held recently in South America with some of the greatest men I have met on any continent, concerning the great problems of the soul — with men who are as earnest as any North American ever dared be in their desire to serve their generation. These illustrations are sufficient to serve as a background to an endeavor to; survey briefly the present situation of religion in South America. This endeavor is made in all humility. For it is made, as already intimated, with a conviction that the combination of rapid material progress and sudden contact with the outside world, on the one hand, and the persistence of a mediaeval ecclesiasticism on the other, presents the most difficult religious problem of today. It is also made with a more profound realization than ever before of the great, the baf- fling difficulty which confronts an Anglo-Saxon, with all his cen- turies of liberal background, when he tries to understand spiritual conditions in South America, complicated as they are by age-long teachings and disciplines such as no other peoples have experienced. The Strength and Weakness of the Roman Catholic Church We are accustomed to speak of the loss of faith in the Church by the men of Latin America to such an extent that we are likely to think that this means that the Church itself is weak and deca- dent. But the universal testimony gained on my most recent trip is that the Church is at present more active and influential than for many years. It is not gaining in spiritual power and in moral strength, but has awakened to its threatened loss of direction of the nation's life and is moving (one can hardly resist the common 62 expression, "heaven and hell") every possible piece of machinery to strengthen its hold. I can never forget the repeated references to "estos Senores" (these gentlemen) made by a distinguished educationalist who referred to the powers represented in the Cathedral, as we passed that building again and again in our walks around the beautiful Plaza Mayo one night, when most other people had retired and we had full field for opening our hearts to each other. What the Cathedral represented to him was the black- est fact in Argentine life. It was an influence that seldom comes out into the open, but whose silent, hidden power is everywhere reaching out to stop any proposed reform movement, social, edu- cational, industrial or religious. It had even bec-n shrewd enough to link up with the radical government, which ordinarily is at the opposite end of the pole from them. But the radical government, composed of the working men largely, untrained in the art of governing, and sadly in need of some force that can exert a stabil- izing influence to keep it in power, has been glad to listen to the voice of the hierarchy and form a partnership with it, to hold the country in line. The Church is making every effort to checkmate the develop- ment of various social movements. Its opposition to the working- men's and student organizations, which have recently united to work for a changed order, has drawn heavy fire from these organizations. This is brought out in a lecture given by Prof. Telemaco Susini, a well known member of the faculty of the University of Buenos Aires, recently before a great crowd of students and workmen in Cordova. The lecture is published in a series of booklets which are circulated by the tens of thousands in Argentina. The title of the lecture is "Social Problems and the Catholic Church." The following extracts from Prof. Susini's lectures may be looked upon as the general attitude of these im- portant groups toward the Church ; though it must be recognized that the Church has itself succeeded in organizing other groups of students who, under the direction of the clergy, fight for the Church. "I salute you with more enthusiasm because, as I have said on other occasions, the University movement in Cordova has been the beginning of a social revolution which has brought about unity of action between the workmen and the students. I salute you, united in one desire, the love of humanity, and in the indomitable 63 purpose to constitute an immovable wall against which will be stiattered all the serried attacks of corruption and violence of your common enemy. This union has been made the basis of attacks on the students. With the principle that the end justifies the means, tne enemy has called trie workmen anarchists and thereby has stigmatized the student movement as tending toward anarch- ism. Hence the contention that the government ought to apply the law to the workmen and stop the reforms in university organi- zation. Besides this, but with the same object in view, two organi- zations have been created for the purpose of combatting this al- leged anarchy and threatened disorder, to wit: the Argentine Catholic Union, which is to bring us social peace by means of reciting prayers, and the Argentine Patriotic League, which, for its part, is to bring peace by means of violence in combination with the Catholic Union, with which it is so clearly identified*." According to a leading Argentine citizen, one of the most powerful influences in his country is the body of alumni of the Jesuit College of Buenos Aires. No public position is filled without their having a hand in it; no bill is presented to Congress without their attitude being made felt; no educational change is proposed without taking steps to shape it according to their liking. The circle of higher class women is another powerful force used by the clergy to kill any new movement that apparently tends to cast reflection on the old order. The inside machinations of the priests, which generally direct the "Women's Clubs" of the higher classes are so full of narrowness and deceit that it is a standing wonder that they can "put it over." The development of the temperance movement in Argentina is full of illustrations of the way the Church tries to control modern movements, when it sees they are inevitable. The higher class women have become very much interested in the movement, as have the middle class. The "Damas Distinguidas" have here- tofore spurned association with the school teacher class who were working for the common cause of temperance. Yet the "Damas" were recently led by their clerical advisors to combine with the teacher organization with the object of eliminating the Protestant * The Catholic Union is a kind of Knights of Columbus that represents the Catholics in public matters. The Argentine Patriotic League is an organ- ization of conservative forces that makes itself responsible for the persecu- tion of liberal forces. 64 secretary sustained by a North American temperance organiza- tion, and get control of the building that it was proposed to erect to house the various temperance activities. It was considered a great triumph recently when a Roman Catholic clergyman ap- peared on the same platform with the Methodist bishop in Buenos Aires on the occasion of a reception to the visiting president of the North American society. But the inside story of the machin- ations of the clericals, so that the whole affair might resound to the glory of the Church, are beyond belief among circles unin- formed on these matters. In Buenos Aires the Church is finding many ways to checkmate the rapid growth of the Young Men's Christian Association, which with nearly 4,000 members and its influence reaching out through the university, business and industrial circles, is becoming danger- ous. So the recent encyclical of the Pope against the Association was used by the clergy to create a fresh attack. One of the small ways in which this attack became evident was in a movement for bringing cheer to the inmates of the city hospitals recently, one of the many evidences of the awakened altruism of the Argentines. The Young Men's Christian Association was requested to join the movement, as was the president of a large Roman Catholic Woman's Society. As soon as the latter found that the Association had accepted, her own support and that of her society were with- drawn. The effect of this constant fighting of everything outside of the Church easily explains the attitude of the intellectuals, already described. When young men who are members of the Associa- tion and understand its broad program of service, hear their mothers telling about checkmating the organization here and there, at the direction of their parish priests, the young men are naturally disgusted with the Roman Church. But they are prob- ably not in position to appreciate the need of following up the evangelical side of religion. For it must be remembered that if they should choose to go to some evangelical church, thev would likelv find the service most distasteful to them, with its bleak and foreign surroundings and its preaching directed to a congregation which is of much lower intelligence and accustomed to a termin- ology entirely foreign to the student. In Brazil, as in Argentina, the Church is working with other conservative forces to develop the spirit of nationalism and to exclude all movements that look toward progress and world rela- 65 tions. In the name of patriotism, the most reactionary programs are being fostered. A few illustrations will show how varied these efforts are. One is against the Portuguese, especially the fishermen, who have long made their center in Brazil, and are among the most industrious people in the country. The move- ment has become so strong that one of the dailies of Rio de Janeiro has taken up the fight for the Portuguese and is showing up what is really back of the movement. Recently the bishop of Marianna issued a pastoral in which he said that the North American mis- sionaries were secret employees of the United States government, working for ' 'peaceful penetration" of the Yankees. While charges of this kind have often been made by parish priests, this public declaration of a bishop was considered serious enough for the American ambassador to deny it in an open letter. The Protestants in Brazil, who now count among their friends and membership some of the best people of the country, are planning to request the national senate to open an inquiry on the subject so that the public may learn the whole truth about the matter. The fact that the Evangelical Church in Brazil has largely srrown away from the leadership of foreigners and is very much of a Brazilian institution, with its own national leadership of recognized power, makes this kind of a statement particularly obnoxious. The fol- lowing are extracts from this pastoral : "To entrust children to heretical teachers or to heterodox schools, is to put them on the direct road to eternal condemnation. Fathers and mothers you would never send your children, for any consideration in the world, to the house of small-pox, leprous or consumptive patients, for fear of their contracting the sickness and losing their lives. How have you the heart to send them to schools where almost certainly they are to lose their faith and life eternal ? Parents who act thus, commit a very grave sin against the love and care that they owe their children, and are traitors to God, who entrusted the children to them that they might be put in the way of His service and to heaven, whereas they really put them in the way of the service of His enemies and to hell. Such parents incur, in a special way, the greater excommunication reserved to the Pope, seeing they are factors of heresy, because entrusting children to those schools is a manifest protection given to the same and to the cause for which it strives. "Above this reason of natural order, which for a Christian ought 66 to be above all reasons, there is one of human order, which for us Brazilians speaks louder than the highest of earthly considera- tions : it is the love of our country, Brazil. If we desire a country truly free, mistress of her own destiny and governing herself, by herself, with dependence on, or wardship from, no nation whatsoever, however friendly such an one may be proclaimed to be, we cannot favor, but rather oppose a tenacious and irrecon- cilable resistance to the Protestant propaganda, whose principal end in view is to establish the North American dominion in our Brazil. Of this, there is today no possible doubt and the only one who will not confess it is the one who has some interest in dis- simulating what is before the eyes of all. "It is not the love of the truth that induces the American sects to spend in their Protestant propaganda sums so large that they mount up to millions of dollars. If it is the love of their neighbor and the love of God that brings them to be missionaries to us, as with badly dissimulated feigning they affirm, why do they not make use of this charity in bringing to better terms the unfaithful who abound in the United States more than in any other country in the world that calls itself Christian? From the statistics of that Re- public it is known that there are living there sixtv millions of men without religion, without baptism, with no religious belief. There are more heathen there than in all the other American re- publics put together. In Brazil we are all (na totalidado) baptized, by the grace of God, and almost all believe in our Lord Jesus Christ, and profess the Catholic religion, in which we were born and in which we want to die. Protestants know perfectly that we are saved in our religion, just as we know that for them sal- vation is impossible, unless it be that an invincible good faith may defend them at the divine judgment seat." The most successful reactionary movement has been one which the hierarchy has initiated in education, which it is thought has for its object the putting of all schools, both private and public, under a course of studv that will effectually shut out foreign ideas and maintain the status quo of all instruction. The first move- ment toward this has alreadv been made and has resulted in the closing of the Deoartments of Ph?rmacv and Dentistrv of Gran- berv College, a Methodist school that for a quarter of a century has been recognized both by the Brazilian government and the public as a most useful and modern educational institution. The closing of these schools was secured by demanding, according to 67 some forgotten "blue law," the maintenance of a corps of na- tional professors three times as large as at present. It being financially impossible to comply with the demand, the schools had to close. The same action is now being taken against Macken- zie College, a still better known evangelical school, which counts among its graduates many of the outstanding government officials and professional men of Brazil. The question was being warmly debated in the daily papers when I was in Brazil, the first days of June, 1921. The new educational law was soon to be reported and the educational leaders in liberal circles were getting ready to study it carefully, not only in general principle, but especially for the "jokers" which would be hidden away in insignificant phrases, to be interpreted for the limitation of freedom when the proper time arrived. It seems strange that liberal forces in Brazil, where the con- stitution provides for separation of Church and State and where the movement of Positivism grew so strong in the early days of the republic, this country being the only one in America where a Positivist church was actually built, are now fearing a great sweep of reaction and fanaticism. On the other hand, in countries like Peru, Chile and Paraguay, where there has been not only a state Church but a very strong clerical influence, there is now a strong liberal current. In Paraguay one of the most exciting measures before the present Congress is a divorce law. This was introduced as the result of a widely advertised scandal, when a priest in Asuncion ruined a young woman of his parish. The Church is fighting the divorce law, as it always does. It represents a dangerous break from authority. Noted ecclesiastical orators from Buenos Aires have recently been brought to Asuncion to give public lectures on questions of religious authority. Some of the liberals believe that not only will the divorce law be passed, but that there will soon follow the separation of Church and State. A footnote on this question was the recent withdrawal of permission of the Protestant forces to have open air meetings in the plaza. When their cause was championed by the local press the permission was restored, and the meeting attended by great crowds of liberal sympathizers, who afterward went to the preacher and asked to join his organization "because they were against the Catholics" (a proposition which the minister of course refused, explaining that this was not what his organization represented). A foreign 68 priest told me that he hoped the Church would be disestablished as that was the only way it would develop any strength. He said that at present the Church only received some $25,000 pesos Para- guayan annually from the State, and the limitations which the State imposed made the bargain unprofitable to the Church. This priest was strong in his condemnation of the Church in Paraguay. He said there were a number of saints in Paraguay not known to the rest of the Catholic world, and that the baptismal records of his parish showed about eighty per cent, of the children illegitimate. In Uruguay the Constitution adopted in 1917 provided for the separation of Church and State. Many believe that this has been a great benefit to the Church, which now for the first time has its own Archbishop and seemingly is commanding a more loyal support from its membership. The head of the Catholic party in Uruguay is one of the most noted authors and most honored citizens of South America, Dr. Juan Zorilla de San Martin. One of his sons is a priest and Dr. Zorilla himself gives much time to the affairs of the Church. He is one of the few intellectuals of the continent who is frankly and enthusiastically a Catholic and a supporter of the Church as it exists in his own country. There is no question that he is a pious Christian who believes earnestly in his Church and is willing to sacrifice for it. During my recent visit at his study he excused himself twice to have brief confer- ences with priests, who came to consult him on matters of the Church. The recent loss of the support of the State has probably made men like Dr. Zorilla still more loyal in giving personal sup- port. In Chile the reform government was elected on a platform which contained a plank demanding the separation of Church and State. The fight for other more pressing, if not more important, reforms and the very close balance of power between Liberals and Con- servatives will probably prevent this issue being brought up in the present administration. But the question of the Church's power will be at issue in almost every question that Congress faces in the next few years. The Civil Marriage Law has just been strengthened by a declaration that in every case, the civil ceremony must be celebrated first, the religious ceremony to follow, when desired. The three great movements toward modern life, which are now most prominent in Chile, the labor movement, the tem- perance movement and the feminist movement, are all full of 69 dynamite for the Church. And no one is so aware of it as the hierarchy. The labor movement, of course, carries with its attack on all predatory interests an open fight on the Church, which is one and the same in leadership as the hundred or more families of the aristocracy which have ruled Chile in the past. The temper- ance movement, supported by labor and the present government, is opposed by the Church because, for one reason, it has extensive vineyards, the wines from which contribute largely to its revenues. As for the feminist movement, independence of women would mean the losing of the great stronghold of the Church, which, in the past has held fast when all others have failed. Since the reform government favors all three of these movements which have ramifications running into every problem of national life, it can be easily seen that Chile is in for a very severe struggle around the Church problem during the next few years. As the clergy in that country has been of the highest intellectual and moral order of any in Latin America, and the influence of the Church has been therefore relatively of a high order, it can be seen that this fight will be of more than national interest. In Peru, the most important book of the year is one entitled "The First Century," with the sub-title "Geographical, Political and Economic Causes That Have Affected the? Moral and Material Progress of Peru in the First Century of Her Independence." It is a frank and enlightening study by Pedro Davalos y Lisson. In his chapter on religion, the author speaks first of how the Church has fallen from its ancient glory. He then calls atten- tion to the very low classes from which the priests are drawn today. Since the Church lacks its former prestige, none of the best families wish their sons to enter the priesthood, hence only the poorest, from the interior towns, become candidates. "Those of us who were born under Divine favor and who still give warmth in our hearts to the beauties and sweetness of religion see with deep pain the way that this spiritual world is disappearing," says this author, a faithful Catholic. As to the priests in the country districts, while some of them do right, most of them are only interested in enriching themselves. They do nothing toward the social and moral betterment of the Indians, who remain in the same ignorance and superstitution as they were in the early colonial days. He continues as follows : "The attacks which the faithful make on their own priests are continual. The loss of a sacred object, 70 the removal of a picture from the church, or the removal to the sacristy of some saint that had a preferred place on the altar, causes violent outbreaks on the part of the believers, which cause the priests to hide themselves or seek the protection of the civil authorities. Certainly the faith that our country people have in their priests' honor is not very great, since they attack them and treat them like Church robbers, whenever anything disappears from the Church. "There is little to say about the labor of our Peruvian bishop. His virtue and his consecration find an insuperable obstacle in the spiritual quality of his sheep and the ignorance and vulgarity of a large part of his subordinates, the priests. As there is a great scarcity of clergy in Peru and therefore few priests who dispute the rights to a parish, the displacement of a priest is the most difficult of disciplines. It is necessary that a cure be com- pletely lost in vice before he is dismissed. What do the bishops not see in the visits of inspection! What prudence and wisdom, what patience and toleration they need to remedy things, when they can be remedied by kind and indirect means ! What other proceedings are they able to use among a people brutalized by alcohol, fornication, isolation, laziness, fanaticism and the most complete ignorance of the evangelical spirit? "If the major part of our bishops are given to fomenting the prestige of the Church, there are not lacking those who are high handed and fond of controversy with the Protestants and Liberals, answering them from the pulpit and through the press. The evil results and the scandal caused by such proceedings are evident. . . . These fighting bishops still excommunicate their mem- bers. This exclusion, which generally is accompanied by severe orders that the sacraments be withheld from those expelled from the Church, has given rise to disorders which made necessary the use of the police, especially when the fanatical elements have arisen in hostile attitude against the Indians of the highlands to exterminate them and their kinspeople after they have been robbed of their possessions. . . . While such things occur frequent- ly in the country, in Lima it may be said there are no saints. Yet we have heard the fanatical women and sacristans assured that in the Prado Church there is a crucified Christ that continually sweats." Peru has recently passed a law concerning civil marriage and divorce, which provides for the imprisonment of the clergyman 71 who performs a marriage without previously demanding the ciwil certificate. This law was of course greatly opposed by the hierarchy. i Yet the Church occupies at present a stronger position poHticailr- ly than it has done for years. The most prominent representafis^- of clericalism in Peru; has been recently appointed president of tbe Chamber of Deputies, and the President of the republic is a strcmgr- conservative who has already shown signal favors to the CliurcfeL Among other things he vetoed the new divorce law referred to above, and modified in the interests of clerical education the orig- inal draft of the new law of instruction. While it is the case that the Roman Catholic Church is so menacingly strong political- ly, there are absolutely no signs of any renewed spiritual vigor within the pale of the native Peruvian Church. In a recent comror- sation with an Augustinian friar he declared that there was no sudh. thing in Peru as truly spiritual life or conviction, that the apparent devotion to the Church was nothing more than a mixture of tra- dition and social convenience. It is affirmed on the testfnaooy of some of the most impartial and thoughtful Peruvians that fee present dearth in Peru of outstanding public leaders of a robust liberal type, men willing to sacrifice everything for their prin- ciples, is due to the fact that the present generation of politicians and literary men has been educated almost exclusively in clerical institutions. It is a strange fact that the special ambassador sessft by the Argentine to represent that republic on the occasion of flae- recent centennial celebrations in Peru should be the Roman Catli- olic Archbishop of Buenos Aires. The Church's power is shown in different ways. A young Peruvian who recently graduated from the University of Wis- consin, on returning to Lima with his new ideas, started a papar for children, probably the first one of the kind ever published ma that country. It was immediately recognized by parents *mH teachers as a most important help in the development of tlae children. But it was printed at an evangelical shop. This was sufficient for the Church's disapproval. Although the priest assigned to the matter admitted that there was nothing about tine paper that was sectarian, and that its articles all had a good moral and spiritual tone, the paper must be killed. And killed it was. One of the three women in Peru who believe sufficiently in> the emancipation of women to advocate the matter in public, is struggling along with a little school where she trains girls t»- 72 make hats, dresses and other things to give them economic inde- pendence, as well as giving them a modern intellectual develop- ment. But because she refuses to let the priest come and give religious instruction, and will not take her girls to mass, she is deprived of help, and is obliged to pay the extra expenses for the school out of her own small income from her family. Some little time ago the priests, knowing of her influence, offered to make her the director of a paper for women, give her a modern press, and assure her of an income of $500 per month, if she would put in the editorials they brought to her already written. She refused to be a party to any transaction that would not give her freedom to express her liberal ideas. The Minister of Instruction has just offered her the directorship of one of the big Girls' Normal Schools. At first she thought she must accept. But afterward she realized that this would mean that her own little school would Jhen have to close, and she herself would have to allow the priests to come to the government school, under her direction, and give religious instruction. If she resisted, as she would be compelled to do, she would have the Church against her and most prob- ably be discharged. Again she decided to stay with her own little school and fight the tremendous opposition of the Church, which is able to cut off all her support except the little she gets from the poor girls who attend the school and the amount she herself can put into it. As has been said elsewhere : "Peru will find as other Latin American countries have found, that they cannot go far in de- veloping any kind of democratic life till they have* an open fight with the Church to compel her to keep her hands out of politics. Just as Lincoln said, that it is impossible for a people to live half slave and half free, so it is impossible for a nation to have political liberty and ecclesiastical domination. ' Peru is still too saturated with the Jesuitical spirit in Church and State to have produced the leaders necessary to construct a reallv honest, conservatively liberal regime. With such a wonderful history and such a long line of brilliant men, with such a splendid list of idealists, Peru is coming to the celebration of the centenary of her independence with a realization that she has few actual accomplishments to celebrate. It is a sad situation. For one will find no more lovable, no more idealistic, no more brilliant and attractive people anywhere than are the Peruvians. As friends, as traveling companions, as members of an intellectual circle, as Don Quijotes, ready to issue 73 forth to help the weak, their superiors are not to be found. But the dynamic is not there. In this hundredth year of Peruvian independence, with all their great political, social, economic, edu- cational and spiritual problems before them, there does not seem to be one man who towers above the multitude like the Apostle Paul, and says 'I' can do things.' For there is not one of Peru's great men that would think of saying 'through Christ, who strengtheneth me.' Peru's Christ is a dead Christ. It is the 'Sweating Image' that is carried in a casket, weak, defeated, cry- ing for pity." The objections of well balanced liberals of South America is fairly summed up in the following words of Agustin Alvarez, often called the Emerson of South America, and probably the most influential moral philosopher the continent has produced : "This liberal Protestantism, leaving to man his aptitude and amplitude for lay progress, has formed the colonizing races which, by their greater resources dominating nature and exploiting the soil, have enriched and extended themselves to all continents. In the same way Catholicism, repudiating profane science, and cap- tured by attention to public worship, has separated the best energies of man, has withdrawn him from improved means of agriculture, commerce and industry, from personal cleanliness and public sanitation, from earthly justice and civil morality. "The Metropolis did us greater harm by prohibiting in America the cultivation of ideas and the sentiments of tolerance than it did us by prohibiting the cultivation of the vine and the olive. If the primary cause of the progress of man is the thought of man which modifies his sentiments and forms his character, a man limits his progress in the degree to which he limits his thought. So the fundamental cause of the backwardness of Spanish America, and of Spain itself was, and is yet, the 'restriction of thought by an absurd religion. "The spirit cultivated by one idea only, like the field sown with only one seed, cannot produce more than one kind of fruit, one kind of ideas and sentiments, the same that have been sown. The Disciple of the Jesuit, with one side of his spirit filled with narrow ideas, and the other empty ; with lights aglow and lights prohibited, is like a nun, the nun with a lean spirit, half in darkness and half in superstition — as Renan defines her, 'Very religious, and at the same time very little instructed, consequently very superstitious.' 74 A mule with an unbalanced load, which leans constantly to the side of the greater weight, finally leaves the road, and strikes across the country. Thus the political or religious sectarian, unbalanced by his one-sided provision of ideas, abandoning the right road, traversing foreign territory, is comparable to intellectual mules unevenly loaded with good and bad ideas. Thus narrow and superstitious Catholicism, the open enemy of profane science, and the advocate of lay ignorance, develops a spirit incapable of self-government, because it is educated in dogmatic intolerance and spiritual slavery, which are the spiritual father and mother of this Spanish perverseness which we knew in 1810 and the Cubans knew in 1900. In the same way liberal Protestantism develops those spirits with self-rule, tolerant in action because they are educated to be tolerant in thought." Strictures of this kind are among the influences that are bringing about a decided reaction in the bosom of the Roman Catholic Church in South America. It is difficult to tell how far the re- actionary movements in the different South American countries are part of a thought-out plan on the part of the Papal authorities to regain absolute spiritual and political domination in these coun- tries. I can only speak for what I know is taking place in Peru, or rather indicate certain facts that appear to be symptomatic of a definite policy. One of the most significant facts in the religious life of Lima is the activity of a group of French priests of the order of La Recoleta — an order founded shortly after the French Revolution, — whose aim has been to take a practical interest in the social prob- lems of the community. It appears that, as a result of the clos- ing of the monasteries in France some twenty years ago, a wave of new life passed over the Roman Catholic Church in that coun- try. The watchword of the new movement became "Action," and a supreme effort has been made to win the youth of France for the Church. In recent years the movement has become in- tensified and two of its most interesting phases are, on the one hand, the publication of apologetic works in defense of orthodox views of the Scriptures and fundamental Church doctrines; and, on the other, a supreme emphasis upon simple evangelical doc- trines, such as, "The Life in Jesus Christ. ,, Some of the organs of this movement are: "Revue des Jeunes," "Revue Pratique D' Apologetique," and "Les Cahiers." So far as one can learn not 75 only have many of the finest youth of France been won but not a few prominent literary men, who have definitely embraced a religious life. I have not been able to find out just how far this movement is affecting South American Catholicism in general. The follow- ing facts, however, are significant; the group of French priests alluded to founded in 1918 the Catholic University of Peru; they have recently begun to publish a weekly pamphlet called "Catholic Action" ; under their auspices lectures have been given at different times on social and religious problems ; and a few months ago a special course of apologetics for women was inaugurated in the Catholic University. It is also worth while observing that a num- ber of the leading writers of the new generation today, such as, the brothers Garcia Calderon were educated by priests. There can be little doubt that it is only a matter of time until the Roman Catholic Church of France will begin an active campaign in the New World. Whether it has a strong enough dynamic ever to galvanize the Catholicism of South America, with its encrusta- tions of creolian superstitions, is a debatable question. But one thing is certain that South America will become a chosen mis- sion field for progressive French Catholicism, and the battlefield where the dogmatic conflict of ages as to the relative spiritual claims of Romanism and Evangelicalism must be decided prag- matically; and surely no true Christian who prays "Thy King- dom come," can be indifferent as regards the issue of the con- flict. The Moral Situation The lack of interest in the moral question is one of the most discouraging things in South American life. The dean of a law school recently declared that the faculty had nothing to do with the moral life of the student. In fact the universities take no official cognizance of the moral life of the student body. There is no directory kept of the students and the faculty have no idea where they live or what kind of lives they lead outside the class room. There are no dormitories. Students from out of town may live in a boarding house or may club together with other students in unsupervised quarters which too often have women connected with them, or they may live in any way, attending classes or not as they may see fit. So long as they present them- selves for examination, no questions are asked. There are, of course, notable exceptions to this rule, institutions in which indi- 76 wlual professors and officers of a university take a personal in- terest in the lives of the students. Where this is the case the young men have been splendidly responsive. The sexual problem among the students is, of course, most difficult. Fortunately there is noticeable here and there an awak- ening on this subject among the government medical and educa- £B»nal authorities. An Argentine sociologist has recently put the case of the youth and his father in this way : "Fathers desire to make their boys 'men' at an early age. In place of prolonging tfeeir innocence and their indifference to sexual matters they do nil they can to develop them. Boys of twelve are dressed in long trousers, taught the vile language of the street, instructed how to act in certain situations with women, familiarized with vice ttirough conversation and example, and finally are directly en- couraged toward it by the introduction of young girl servants into the house, the object of which is made clear. This is the explanation of the singular precocity of our youth. At fifteen to eighteen years of age they have nothing more to learn." The vices of gambling and drinking are shown by statistics, in those countries where obtainable, to be greatly on the increase. En Buenos Aires the amount wagered on horse racing rose from $27,474,626 in 1904 to $120,824,309 in 1913, (Argentine pesos). The lottery in Argentina sold tickets amounting to $1,000,000 i5i 1893, and to $38,175,000 in 1913. In the same way criminal cases grew in Buenos Aires frorri 9,273 in 1909, to 14,984 in 1913. All of these increases are entirely out of proportion to the growth