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Hypocrisie Unmasked 
 
 by 
 
 Edward Winslow 
 
 1646 
 
The Sixth Publication of the Club for Colonial Reprints 
 of Providence, Rhode Island 
 
 ONE HUNDRED COPIES 
 
Hypocrisie Unmasked 
 
 A True Relation 
 
 Of the Proceedings of the 
 
 Governor and Company of the Massachusetts 
 
 Against 
 
 Samuel Gorton of Rhode Island 
 
 By 
 
 EDWARD WINSLOW, Governor 
 
 of the Plymouth Colony 
 
 Reprinted from the Original Edition 
 issued at London in 1646 
 With an Introduction by 
 Howard Millar Chapin 
 
 The Club for Colonial Reprints 
 Providence, 191 6 
 
\A* 
 
 ^ 
 
 
Introduction 
 
 By 
 
 Howard Millar Chapin 
 
AMUEL GORTON, styling himself variously, Gen- 
 tleman, Citizen of London, Clothier, and Professor 
 of the Mysteries of Christ, landed at Boston in the 
 spring of 1637. He soon settled at Plymouth, where 
 he defied those in authority with vituperative condemnations. 
 His chief complaints were that the magistrates disregarded 
 the common law of England, and administered injustice by 
 means of trials before packed juries which mocked at legal 
 forms. His enthusiasm and his freedom of speech brought him 
 into the power of the magistrates, by whom, on Tuesday, 
 December 4, 1638, he was tried and banished from Plymouth 
 Colony. He departed, with his family, to the newly-settled 
 town of Pocasset upon the island of Aquidneck, now called 
 Portsmouth upon Rhode Island. Here, already, the rivalry 
 and animosity between the factions of William Coddington and 
 of Anne Hutchinson had almost reached the danger-point, and 
 was soon to break forth in an embittered controversy, which 
 under various leaders was to rack and stunt for years the colony 
 about Narragansett Bay. 
 
 Gorton joined the liberal Hutchinsonians, who for the nonce 
 obtained the upper hand. By a coup d'etat Gorton and Mrs. 
 Hutchinson brought about the election of William Hutchinson, 
 "a man of very mild temper and weak parts, and wholly guided 
 by his wife," as judge in place of Coddington. In describing 
 this conspiracy to his friend, Governor Winthrop, Coddington 
 wrote: "It was hatched when I was last in the Baye, & the 
 Lord, I hope, will shortely putt an esaw to it." Realizing that 
 he was worsted, Coddington and his followers withdrew from 
 Pocasset to the southern end of the island, where they founded 
 Newport. Those who remained at Pocasset changed the name 
 to Portsmouth, and drew up a new Civil Compact. In this 
 document the hand of Gorton is evident, for its signers ac- 
 knowledged themselves not only subjects of the King, but also 
 obedient to his laws, or in other words subject to the common 
 law of England. 
 
[viii] Introduction 
 
 Coddington was elected Governor by the Newport men, and 
 immediately endeavored to extend his authority over the whole 
 island. He had kept possession of the official records, and held 
 in himself the title to the land, which latter advantage largely 
 enabled him to regain the ascendency. Gorton was tried, as at 
 Plymouth, by an indigenous court, which had been sanctioned 
 neither by the King nor by Parliament, and which did not 
 show any particular regard for the forms and practices of 
 English law. Gorton, convinced that the proceedings of the 
 Court were extra-legal, and that he had as much right to try 
 these self-appointed judges as they had to try him, yet feeling 
 powerless against their superior physical force, lost his temper 
 and tersely described various persons present by such expressive 
 terms as "Just Asses," "saucy boys," and "Jack-an-Apes,"; 
 called the Deputy Governor, William Brenton, "an Abetter 
 of Riot, Assault, and Battery," and upon being commanded to 
 prison, imperiously resisted the authority, and made open 
 proclamation, saying, "Take away Coddington, and carry him 
 to prison." Then the Governor said again, "All you that owne 
 the King, take away Gorton and carry him to prison." Gorton 
 replied, "All you that owne the King, take away Coddington, 
 and carry him to prison." 
 
 The increase in Coddington's power made Gorton's residence 
 at Portsmouth no longer possible, and in the winter of 1640/41 
 he removed to Providence. His familistic religious mysticism 
 fascinated many, both at Plymouth and Portsmouth, and six 
 or seven of his disciples with their families accompanied him to 
 Providence. 
 
 On March 8, 1640/41, Roger Williams wrote: "Master Gor- 
 ton having foully abused both high and low at Aquedneck, is 
 now bewiching and bemadding poor Providence." His mysti- 
 cism and his attacks upon the unchartered government evidently 
 caused a considerable stir in Providence. On May 25, 1641, 
 William Arnold wrote to the board of disposers, who governed 
 Providence, and gave many reasons why the. "said Gorton nor 
 
Introduction [ix] 
 
 his company are not fitt persons to be received in and made 
 members of the town fellowship." 
 
 His opposition to the autogenous township inspired his fol- 
 lowers to a riot on Monday, November 15, 1641, which led to 
 the formation of three parties at Providence. Gorton and his 
 friends openly defied the unchartered government. Roger 
 Williams, at the head of the law and order party, endeavored 
 to maintain the independent self-government of the town and 
 to conciliate the hostile factions. The third party was led by 
 the ambitious Arnolds, William and his son Benedict, who 
 feared Gorton and were jealous of Williams. This last group 
 of related families had built houses at Pawtuxet, some five miles 
 south of Providence, on the west shore of the Bay. Holding 
 Pawtuxet, they finally seceded from their neighbors and sub- 
 mitted themselves to the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay 
 Colony on September 8, 1642. This union, so clearly hostile 
 to Gorton, led the Gortonoges, as he and his followers were 
 called by the Indians, to move from Providence to the less 
 accessible wilds and marshes of Shawomet, where they pur- 
 chased land of the sachem Miantonomi, on the 12th of January, 
 1642/43. 
 
 Here, about ten miles south of Providence, on the coves 
 which indent the Avestern shores of Narragansett Bay, Gorton 
 and his followers began to plant and build. The quarrels be- 
 tween the Gortonoges at Shawomet and their neighbors, the 
 Arnolds at Pawtuxet, increased in intensity. The Arnolds com- 
 plained, as Winslow relates, to their newly-adopted rulers, the 
 magistrates of Massachusetts Bay, who thereupon summoned 
 the Gortonoges to appear at the Boston Court. The latter, 
 claiming subjection only to the English crown, refused to recog- 
 nize the authority of Massachusetts Bay, and replied with 
 a warrant for the Arnolds to appear for trial at Shawomet. 
 The Massachusetts officials, seeing an opportunity to obtain 
 the much-coveted "outlet into Narragansett Bay," forthwith 
 sent an expeditionary army of forty men against Shawomet in 
 
[x] Introduction 
 
 September, 1643. A battle ensued in which the Massachusetts 
 Bay soldiery shot to pieces the English flag, which Gorton had 
 raised upon his house. Happily, no one was killed. After 
 a siege of several days the opposing commanders suspended 
 hostilities and met in conference. By violating this truce, the 
 Massachusetts' commander, Captain George Cooke, captured 
 Gorton and his chief men, and then led them in a triumphal 
 procession through Providence to Boston, where they were 
 sentenced "to work for their living, and wear irons upon one 
 leg and not to depart the limits of the town," during the pleasure 
 of the court. Their property was confiscated to pay the expenses 
 of the expedition, while their religious views were used to salve 
 the consciences of the members of the court. Their families, 
 left destitute, fled for refuge to Providence and Portsmouth. 
 
 Finding that Gorton and his company spread heretical doc- 
 trines where they were confined, the court, "not knowing what 
 to do with them, at length agreed to set them at liberty" in 
 March, 1644. Upon regaining their freedom, the Gortonoges 
 returned to Portsmouth, and appointed commissioners, who 
 joined with those of the other towns in acting under the recently- 
 received Charter of 1643. Coddington refused to recognize 
 this Charter, which Roger Williams had secured by personal 
 application in London, and with his faction endeavored to 
 "maintain the government as before," as he wrote to Winthrop 
 in 1646. He continued his intrigues with Massachusetts Bay 
 and Plymouth, until his usurpation of power in 1651. 
 
 On Friday, April 19, 1644, soon after his release by Massa- 
 chusetts Bay, Gorton obtained from the Narragansett sachems 
 an act of submission and allegiance to the English crown. 
 Armed with this and a fluent pen, he sailed for England in the 
 autumn of 1645. Upon arriving in London, Gorton, on behalf 
 of himself and his friends, petitioned the King and Parliament 
 for redress and for reinstatement at Shawomet. He also pub- 
 lished, in 1646, as a part of his campaign against his enemies: 
 "Simplicities Defence against Seven-Headed Policy. Or a true 
 
Introduction [xi] 
 
 complaint of a peaceable people, being part of the English in 
 New England, made unto the state of Old England, against 
 cruell persecutors United in Church -Government;" a narra- 
 tive of 111 closely printed pages recounting the unlawful and 
 wicked actions of Massachusetts Bay in persecuting him and 
 his followers. 
 
 The leaders of Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth, fearing the 
 effect of Gorton's pen and tongue, commissioned Edward Wins- 
 low on December 4, 1646, to hasten to England and use his in- 
 fluence to counteract the work of the troublesome Gorton, and 
 to further the ambitious territorial designs of these two colonies. 
 As Governor Winthrop wrote: "Mr. Winslow's instructions 
 were of two sorts; the one (which he might publish, etc. . . . 
 The other were more secret, ..." 
 
 The envoy, whom Roger Williams describes as "That great 
 and pious soul, Mr. Winslow," was the scion of a landed family 
 of Worcestershire. He was born at Droitwich, on Saturday, 
 October 18, 1595. He traveled on the continent, when a young 
 man, and became acquainted with the Rev. John Robinson in 
 Holland. In 1617 he joined the separatist church at Leyden, 
 and on May 16, 1618, was married there to Elizabeth Barker. 
 The twenty-fifth anniversary of his birthday he celebrated, or 
 at least passed, on board the Mayflower, during her famous 
 voyage. His wife died March 29, 1620/21, and within two 
 months he was married again, on May 12th, to the widow, 
 Susanna White, whose six-months-old son, Peregrine, was the 
 first English child born in New England. 
 
 Winslow took a leading part in the negotiations with Ousame- 
 quin, alias Massasoit, which resulted in the understanding be- 
 tween the Wampanoags and Plymouth. He explored Boston 
 Harbor, traded with the Dutch, and remained on terms of the 
 closest friendship with Massasoit. In 1623, he returned to 
 England with Robert Cushman, as agent for the Colony, and 
 in the next year issued his "Good Newesfrom New England: or 
 A true Relation of things very remarkable at the Plantation of 
 
[xii] Introduction 
 
 Plimoth in New-England. Shewing the wondrous providence 
 and goodness of God, in their preservation and continuance, 
 being delivered from many apparant deaths and dangers." He 
 returned to Plymouth in the spring of 1624, but in the sum- 
 mer again went to England on behalf of the Colony. In this 
 year, 1624, he was elected a member of the Court of Assistants, 
 the governing board of the Colony, which office he held, except 
 when he was Governor, until his departure for England in 1646. 
 
 In 1633, Winslow was elected Governor of the Colony. He 
 had from the first been the leader in managing the commercial 
 affairs of this Colony, which was a business venture as well as a 
 religious settlement, with financial backers who expected mone- 
 tary returns. During the following year, when returning from a 
 trading expedition, he stopped at Sowams to visit his old friend 
 Massasoit. The humorous Indian sent a messenger to Plym- 
 outh announcing the sad tidings of Winslow's death, thus 
 throwing the Colonists into mourning and lamentations. The 
 next morning Massasoit, accompanied by Winslow himself, 
 arrived at Plymouth to the stupefaction and delight of the 
 Colonists. The Sachem explained that he had sent the false 
 message in order to make their arrival more welcome. 
 
 In 1635, he again visited England on a diplomatic mission 
 for Massachusetts Bay and Plymouth. He was accused by 
 Archbishop Laud, a political opponent, of having solemnized 
 marriages, although a layman, and upon being convicted of 
 this, he was committed to the Fleet prison and kept there for 
 seventeen weeks. After his return to Plymouth, he was again 
 chosen Governor, in 1636. In 1643, Winslow represented 
 Plymouth at the meetings of the Confederation of the United 
 Colonies of New England; in 1644, was again chosen Governor; 
 and in 1645 he was President of the Council of War at Plymouth. 
 
 In December, 1646, he was sent to England once more, this 
 time to oppose the efforts of Samuel Gorton and of the Hingham 
 petitioners, who from within, as Gorton from without, were 
 agitating the question of the repeated violation of English law 
 
Introduction [ xn i] 
 
 by the theocratic despots of Boston. Winthrop described 
 Winslow at this time as "a fit man to be employed in our affairs 
 in England, both in regard to his abilities of presence, speech, 
 courage and understanding, as also being well known to the 
 commissioners," who directed colonial affairs at this time. 
 
 Upon reaching England, Winslow was confronted with Gor- 
 ton's book describing the wickedness of the theocratic politi- 
 cians of Plymouth and the Bay, and so in an unsuccessful 
 attempt to discredit Gorton and his book, immediately wrote 
 and issued "Hypocrisie Unmasked By a true Relation of the 
 Proceedings of the Governour and Company of the Massa- 
 chusets against Samuel Gorton (and his Accomplices) a 
 notorious disturber of the Peace and quiet of the severall 
 Governments wherein he lived ..." It is this work 
 which, in the following pages, is printed for the first time 
 in America. 
 
 A manuscript copy of what appears to have been a variant 
 of part of Winslow's original draft was printed in the New 
 England Historical and Genealogical Register for 1850, with 
 notes by Charles Deane. 
 
 A portion of Winslow's tract, that which deals with "the 
 true grounds or cause of the first planting of New England," 
 was printed by Alexander Young, in his "Chronicles of the 
 Pilgrim Fathers," in 1841, pp. 379-408. 
 
 The complete text of each of the other tracts of this contro- 
 versial series is accessible in nineteenth-century editions. 
 Gorton's "Simplicities Defence" forms the second volume of 
 the Rhode Island Histoiical Society's Collections, Providence, 
 1835, with notes by William R. Staples. It was printed again 
 at Washington, D. C, in 1846, as No. 6 in the fourth volume 
 of Peter Force's "Tracts." 
 
 Child's "New England's Jonas" was reprinted in 1816 in 
 Vol. IV of the second series of the Collections of the Massa- 
 chusetts Historical Society, pp. 107-120. It also made No. 3 
 in the fourth volume of Force's Tracts, Washington, 1846. 
 
[xiv] Introduction 
 
 It was again reprinted, with an introduction by W. T. R. Mar- 
 vin, by Wm. Parsons Lunt, at Boston in 1869. 
 
 Winslow's reply to Child, "New-England's Salamander," was 
 reprinted at Boston in 1830 in Vol. II of the third series of the 
 Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, pp. 110-145. 
 
 "Hypocrisie Unmasked" was reissued in England in 1649, 
 the dedication being omitted and replaced by a table of con- 
 tents, and the title being changed to "The Danger of tolerating 
 Levellers in a Civill State; or an Historicall Narration of the 
 dangerous, pernicious practices and opinions, wherewith Samuel 
 Gorton and his levelling accomplices so much disturbed and 
 molested the several Plantations in New England ..." The 
 body of the book is made up of the same sheets as those which 
 had appeared with the original title-page. The omission of 
 the dedication to the Earl of Warwick was doubtless due to 
 the fact that by that time Warwick had shown himself opposed 
 to Winslow's petition, and the change in the title seems to have 
 been made in order to lift the book from the sphere of local 
 political interest to the then broader field of theological dis- 
 cussion, and so enable the bookseller to dispose of the copies 
 remaining on his shelves. 
 
 In refuting the more serious of Gorton's charges, Winslow 
 admits many which he considered of less importance, and so 
 inadvertently gives a not very pleasing picture of New Eng- 
 land's more powerful colorfies. 
 
 The present reprint has been made from the copy of "Hypoc- 
 risie Unmasked" which is preserved at the Library of Congress. 
 The copy of "The Danger of Tolerating Levellers," which is 
 preserved in the Lenox Collection of the New York Public Library, 
 has been followed for the table of contents. The title pages are 
 reproduced from the copies at the Boston Public Library. 
 
The Reprint 
 
 The title-page, The Danger of Tolerating Levellers, 
 and the two pages of Contents are from the reissue 
 of 1649, in which they replace the title- 
 page and dedication of 1646. 
 
+1r Hm-hArvi/ra V lYiYn/vchoA 4* 
 
 Hypocrijie Vnmasf\ed 
 
 J.A true Relation." of the Proceedings of the 5 
 
 4» Govetnour and Company of the M*{fd(bu[ets againft $ 
 
 4 Samvel Gorton (and his Accomplices) a notorious Jj 
 4, difwrber of the Peace and qui« of the feverali Governments J 
 
 5 wherein he lived: With the grounds and reafons thereof, cxa«« «#, 
 Jj mined and allowed by their General] Court holden at Bfjlon in J 
 <# JVctp- England i n November J aft, 1 £ 4.6 . «*> 
 
 5 Together with a particular AnXwer to the mahifold flan- ♦ 
 «§& ders,and abominable feUhoods which are contained in aBook «f* 
 JJ written by the faid GOK'ION^ and entituled, Simplititiu defence J 
 *§> tyailft Seven-beaded folicy^ &c, J£ 
 
 S DISCOVERING- S 
 
 J To the view. of all whofe eyes a\e open, -his manifold ♦ 
 5 Blafphemies ; As alfo the dangerous agreement which he and his •£» 
 J£ , Accomplices made with ambitious ana treacherous lnd(0fU 9 who J 
 X at the {amc time were deeply engaged in a defperate Confpiracy & 
 ^t to cut offaH the reft of the Engllfb in the other Plantations. Jj 
 
 5 VVhereuntois addeda bricfe Narration (occafioned ty ^ 
 
 j*J certain afperiions) of the true grouads orcaute.of the 6rft jPJan- Jj 
 -•£ ting of New-England $ the President of their Churches' in the <» 
 ^ way and Worfhip of God; their Communion with the Reformed "f 1 ' 
 !> Cbttrebsj* and their praftife towards thote that diflfent from ^ 
 J them in matters of Religion and Church-Govern ruent Jj 
 
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 Y; London^ Printed by Kich.Cotes for John Bellamy at the three Golden jgj 
 .^ Lions in Cornbilf$ neare the Royall Exchange, 1 646. X 
 
I THE | 
 
 I Danger of Tolerating | 
 I LEVELLERS f 
 I In a Civill S tate • I 
 
 | An Hiftoncall Narration of the dange- 1 
 
 * rous pernicious pra&iccs and opinions,where- % 
 % with SAUVEL GORTON and his | 
 
 I> Levelling Accomplices fo muchdifturbed and mo- *, 
 
 * lefted the feverall Plantations in NEW-INGL4NE; % 
 % ( Parallel to the pofltions and proceedings of 'the prefcnt J 
 X Levellersin LV-ENG LjiNJ>0 % 
 
 ^Wherein their feverall Errors dangerous and *" 
 
 * very deftrudive to the peace both of Church and State, |j 
 5 their cariage and reviling language againft Magistracy gj 
 J and all. Civill power, and their blafphemous fpeecks «*► 
 *3- againfUheholy things of God: ^ 
 <* lOGZlHEB, * 
 «£ With the Courfc that was there takri for fuppretfing them, |£ 
 *j£ are fully fot forth ; ^ 
 <f With a Satisfactory Anfwer to their Complaints ma^ex 
 % to the PARLIAMENT; * 
 
 *> %. 
 
 t By TLdw.Wwjlow of Plymouth in Nm-EngUnd: £ 
 
 §*• London^ Printed by K/cfe. Cotes for jMlellcw] at th*. three Golden ^ 
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 TO THE 
 RIGHT HONOVRABLE 
 
 ROBERT 
 
 Earl of JVarwick,GovevnovLT in Chiefe, 
 
 and Lord High Admirall of all thofe Iilands and 
 
 other Plantations of the Englijh in America; 
 
 Together with the reft of thofe truly Honorable 
 
 Members of both Houfes of Parliament joyned in 
 
 Commiffion with him for ordering the 
 
 affaires of the faid Plantations. 
 
 Right Honourable, 
 
 Ere not your Wifdome and experience in the 
 great and weighty affaires of State fo well 
 known, and were yee not fo much accuftomed 
 to the unjuft complaints of clamorous perfons, 
 I might be difcouraged to appeare in the righ- 
 teous caufe of the United Colonies of New- 
 England, and more efpecially in the behalf of the Governour 
 and Company of the Maffachufets, to render a reafon of 
 their jufi and righteous proceedings againft Samuel Gorton 
 and his Companions, who however (where they are unknown) 
 they goe here under the garbe of a peaceable people; yet if your 
 Honours, and the reft of the Honourable Committee fhall be 
 pleafed (when more weighty employments fhall give way) to pe- 
 rufe our juft defence againft his clamorous complaints, and 
 fcandalous Treatife, called, Simplicities defence againft 
 A 2 Seven- 
 
The Epiftle Dedicatory. 
 Seven-headed Policy, &c. / make no queftion but yee will re- 
 ceive full fatisfaftion in what we have done, and be ready to 
 juftifie our proceedings againft them as godly, and righteous. 
 
 The reafon wherefore I am forced to appear e in Print before 
 I give a particular anfwer to your Honours, and the reft of the 
 Honourable Committee, is, becaufe I find a more groffe deforma- 
 tory afperfion caft upon the Countrey to the publick view of our 
 Nation: which as it is deare in our eyes (witneffe our frequent 
 publick folemn dayes of prayer to the Throne of grace for it, to- 
 gether with our private f up plications, which the Searcher of the 
 heart beft knows, fympathizing with it in every condition, to 
 the loffe of Ships, Goods, l$c. to the great weakening of our 
 eftates ) fo wee defire to remove whatfoever may fadden the 
 thoughts of our Nation againft us; efpecially your Honours, and 
 all that are godly in Chrif't Jefus. 
 
 What greater wrong can bee done a poore perfecuted people 
 that went into the wilderneffe to avoid the tyrannicall Govern- 
 ment of the late Hierarchy, and to enjoy the Liberties Chrift 
 Jefus hath left unto his Churches {which thefe blafphemous 
 Adverfaries of ours,fo much fleight and caft off) then to be ac- 
 counted perfecutors of Chrift in his Saints, yea, to go thither 
 to that end, to become outragioufly cruell, barbaroufly in- 
 humane, uniting together to fuck the blood of our Coun- 
 try-men, &c. And yet Right Honorable, it will and doth appear 
 in the following Treatife, that Samuel Gorton was prof ecu- 
 ted againft, Firft, at Plymouth as a groffe difturber of 
 the Civill peace and quiet of that Government, in an open 
 faclious and feditious manner. Secondly, hee was no leffe 
 troublefome, but much more at Roade If land, having gotten 
 a ftrong party to adhere unto him, affronting that Govern- 
 ment (as Plymouth) in their publique adminiftration of 
 Juftice fo foully and groffely, as mine eares never heard 
 the like of any; to which Relation in the following Difcourfe I 
 
 referre 
 
The Epiftle Dedicatory. 
 referre your Honours, being compiled as briefly as may bee. 
 Gorton being there whipt in his perfon, and thence banifhed 
 with some of his principall adherents, they went next to 
 Providence, where Mr. Williams, and fome others have 
 built a fmall Towne. This people receiving them with all 
 humanity in a cold feafon, when the former places could no 
 longer beare his infolencies; hee foone undermined their Go- 
 vernment, gained a ftrong party amongft them to his owne, 
 to the great diftraclion of Mr. Williams, and the better 
 party there, contending againft their Laws, and the execution 
 of Juftice, to the effufion of bloud, which made Mr. Willi- 
 ams and the reft fadly complaine to the Government of the 
 Maffachufets, and divers of them take the protection of that 
 Government, to defend their perfons and eftates. But when 
 they faw Mr. Williams refolve rather to lofe the benefit of 
 his labours, then to live with fuch ill-affecled people, and 
 the neighbour Governments become affecled with Gortons 
 mif-rule there alfo, hee ( and his Companions in evill ) 
 began then to thinke of buying a place of a great afpiring 
 Sachim, or Indian Prince, to the wrong of the proper Ow- 
 ners, (two inferiour Sachims ) who alfo, as well as divers 
 Englifli of Providence, jubmitted their perfons and lands 
 to the Government of the Maffachufets, and defired their 
 protection not onely againft the opprefsing tyranny of Myanto- 
 nimo the forefaid Great Sachim, but againft Gorton and 
 his Companions, who intruded into their proper right, by 
 unwarrantable meanes, &c. Nozv the Government of the 
 Mafsachufets having ufed all due meanes and none pre- 
 vailing, but their gentleneffe anfwered with the greateft 
 contempt that might bee: At the next Meeting of the 
 Commifsioners for the United Colonies they complained of Gor- 
 ton and his irregular Companions, which the faid Commif- 
 fioners tooke into ferious confide ration, and the more becaufe 
 A 3 of 
 
The Epiftle Dedicatory. 
 of Gortons, &c. extraordinary familiarity with Myanto- 
 nimo, and the reft of the Nanohigganfet Sachims, who 
 were knowne to bee in a deepe Conf piracy againft all the En- 
 glifh in the Land at the fame time. And therefore by a 
 folemne Acl gave liberty to the Government of the Maffa- 
 chufets to call them to account, and proceed with them fo 
 farre as might ftand with righteoufneffe and juftice, which 
 they accordingly did. 
 
 Now thefe Right Honourable, &c. are the true caufes of all 
 the Cenfures and punifhments that befell Gorton in the 
 Countrey; onely needlefly in his and their contemptuous an- 
 fwers to the modest and well-ordered Writingsof the faid Go- 
 vernment of the Maffachufets, they belched forth fuch hor- 
 rid blafphemies, not onely againft them in particular, and 
 Civill Government in the generall, but againft the recei- 
 ved Chriftian Religion of all the Reformed Churches in Eu- 
 rope, as well as our f elves; Infomuch as many tender Con- 
 fciences, both Minifters and others, thought the Govern- 
 ment did not well in giving him fuch liberty, whereby hee 
 may and doth ( as is reported ) poyfon other perfons and 
 places with his corrupt opinions, to the great difhonour of 
 God, and ruine of the foules of his followers, who rejedl the 
 meanes of grace God hath fanclified to ftrenghthen and build up 
 his people in faith and holineffe. 
 
 But that I may not bee tedious, I fhall prefume to pre- 
 ferre thefe following requefts to your Honours and the reft 
 of the honoured Committee this Renowned Parliament hath 
 betrufted with the affaires of the Forraigne Plantations of 
 our Nation: The fir ft is to ftrengthen the Cenfure of the 
 Maffachufets by your favourable approbation, fo farre as it 
 fhall appeare to bee juft and righteous; and then fhall the 
 Countrey bee the more preferved from their feares of the 
 Gortonians defperate clofe with fo dangerous enemies as their 
 
 malig- 
 
The Epiftle Dedicatory. 
 malignant neighbours the Nanohigganfets; which I perfwade 
 my felfe, if your leifures will fuffer you to read the following 
 Difcourfe, you will eafily condefcend unto; there being nothing 
 (/ thanke God in it) affirmed by mee, but as it is affirmed 
 hereunto I may fafely depofe. A fecond thing is, that yee will 
 never fuffer Samuel Gorton this peftilent difturber of our 
 Societies, any more to goe to New-England to difquiet 
 the peace thereof. My third requeft is , that yee will 
 be pleafed to fuffer New-Plymouth, to enjoy their former 
 liberty in the line of their Government, which includeth their 
 very feat, even Shawamet it felfe, where Gorton and his 
 Company dwelt. My fourth requeft is, to take into your ferious 
 confideration , how deftruclive it will prove to the well-being 
 of our Plantations and proceedings there, {who by Gods blef- 
 fing are growing up into a Nation) here to anfwer to the com- 
 plaints of fuch malignant fpir its as fhall there bee cenfured by 
 Authority, It being three thoufand miles diftant, fo far as will 
 undoe any to come for Juftice, utterly difabling them to prove 
 the equity of their caufe, unleffe their eftate bee very great. 
 My fifth and laft requeft is, that your Honours , and the reft 
 of the Honoured Committee will be pleafed to patronize the 
 weake labours of your humble fervant , in the juft defence hee 
 hath made for New-England , and the feverall Govern- 
 ments of it (efpecially the Maffachufets ) againft the groffe 
 calumnies of the fore-mentioned fcandalous Treatife publifhed 
 by the faid Gorton ; And herein yee fhall not onely oblige 
 our Plantations of New-England to continue their daily re- 
 queft to the God of all mercies for a blefsing upon this Renow- 
 ned Parliament, and your Honours, and the reft of this Honoured 
 Committee in efpeciall, but to engage with, and for them and 
 you, againft all oppofers of the State, to the laft drop of bloud 
 in our veines; yea, hereby fhall you fweeten the tedious travels, 
 great charges and labours of me their unworthy Agent, who doe 
 
 and 
 
The Epiftle Dedicatory. 
 and fhall daily pray to God to recompenfe your vaft hazzards, 
 expenfes, ftudies, and cares, (to advance the Weale Publike 
 of this diftrejjed Kingdome, and the feverall limbs thereof) 
 with all the blef sings of Heaven and earth to you and yours 
 to fucceeding Generations. 
 
 Yours Honours humble devoted fervant, 
 
 Edvv. Winslovv. 
 
The Contents. 
 
 He Magiftrates proceedings at Bofton in New- 
 England, again]} Samuel Gorton and his Ac- 
 complices pag. i. 
 Thefirft Letter of Samuel Gorton and his Ac- 
 complices to the Magift rates of Bofton in New- 
 England p. 9. 
 'The Jecond Letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices 
 to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England p. 28. 
 Certain obfervations colletled out of both their Letters, con- 
 taining their reproachfull Speeches of the government and 
 Magiftrates of the Maflachufets p. 38. 
 Their reviling language againft Magiftracy itfelf and all 
 Civill power. P • 43 • 
 Their blafphemous fpeeches againft the holy things of God. 
 
 p. 47. 
 The fum of the presentment of Samuel Gorton, at Portf- 
 mouth in Roade Ifland, by the grand Jury. p. 54. 
 
 Mr. Roger Williams his Letter unto Mr. Winthrop con- 
 cerning Samuel Gorton. P-55- 
 A Letter from the Inhabitants of Providence againft Gor- 
 ton and his Accomplices. P-S^- 
 The true Caufe of Gortons bufferings in New-England. 
 
 p.66. 
 A 2 The 
 
The Contents. 
 
 'The ground of a War like to enjue. P-7 1 - 
 
 Gortons abufe of Mr. Cotton, and Mr. Ward anfwered. 
 
 p.76. 
 
 A falfe Glojfe of State Jervice dijcovered. p. 80. 
 
 Gorton Preached again/} Magiftracie^ and yet accepts it 
 in his own perfon. p. 83. 
 
 The ground or Caufe of our firjl planting in New-England. 
 
 p. 88. 
 
 The Church at Ley den, and the Churches in New-England, 
 hold Communion with the Reformed Churches. P-93- 
 
 New-Englands practice toward them that differ from them 
 in Religion. p. 100. 
 
$ Qv $ 5Jv 5j; ^ "f *jv wj» ^ ^f <)> ^ $ <|> ^ 5^ 5£ SJv wjv 3J» -j» 
 
 TRVE RELATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Proceedings of the Governour and Com- 
 pany of the Majfachufets in New- England, againft 
 Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices ; with the grounds 
 and reafons thereof, examined and allowed 
 
 by their Generall Court holden at Bofton 
 in November, 1646. 
 
 AMU EL GORTON lived fometime at 
 Plymouth, where his behaviour was fo turbu- 
 lent and offenfive both to the Magiftrates 
 and others, as they were neceffitated to 
 drive him out of their Jurifdiction. From 
 thence hee went to Roade-IJland, where hee 
 began to raife fedition, and to make a party 
 againft the Authority there; for which hee 
 was apprehended and whipped, and fo fent 
 away. From thence (with fome others whom hee had gathered 
 to his part) hee removed to Providence, where Mr. Roger Williams 
 then lived. Hee (with fome others) oppofed his fitting down there 
 as an Inhabitant, onely in regard of his prefent diftreffe, they gave 
 way for his abode for a time. But being once houfed, hee foon 
 drew fo great a party to him, as it was beyond the power of Mr. 
 Williams and his party to drive them out, or to rule them there; fo 
 as both parties came armed into the field each againft other, and had 
 fought it out, had not Mr. Williams ufed meanes for pacification. 
 
 B Hereupon 
 
2 The Magiftrates proceedings at Bofton in New-England, 
 
 Hereupon many of the chiefe of Providence fent meffengers with a 
 Letter to the Governour and Councell of the Majfachujets, defiring 
 aide againft Gorton and his company; but they were anfwered, that 
 not being within our Jurifdiclion nor confederation we had no 
 ground to interpofe in their quarrells. Soone after fome of thofe 
 men tendred themfelves and their lands to come under our Govern- 
 ment,and were received. 
 
 There live neere to Providence two fmall Indian Sachims called 
 Pumham and Socononoco, who though they are as free as the great 
 Sachim of the Nanohigganfet: Yet Myantonimo the then Sachim of 
 of Nanohigganfet(be'mg a very proud and fterne man) kept them in 
 great awe. This poore Sachim Pumham had a large parcell of land 
 neer Providence, very convenient for plantation, which Gorton and 
 his company (being now about 13, or 14. ) taking notice of, and 
 fearing they mould not be able to keep their power long where they 
 were,dealt with Myantonimo for this parcell of land, promifing him 
 a good parcell of Wampam for it. And becaufe they knew that 
 Pumham was the true owner of it, they dealt with him alfo; but he 
 refufing to fell it (for hee dwelt upon it, or very neare to it) they 
 caufed Myantonimo to fend for him, and having drawn a Writing 
 purporting the fale thereof for a certaine confideration to bee given 
 to both of them, Myantonimo figned it, and hee for feare of Myanto- 
 nimo fet his mark to it alfo, not knowing what it was. But when 
 Gorton tendred him the confideration for it, hee utterly refufed it, it 
 being the Indians manner not to account any thing fold, till the 
 party have received the thing it is fold for. 
 
 But upon this colourable title Gorton and his company enter up- 
 on the land, and build fome houfes, and withall much wrong the 
 Indians with their cattle, and having Myantonimo their friend, be- 
 have themfelves very infolently toward the poor Indians, who (ha- 
 ving no friends or meanes to relieve themfelves) came and tendred 
 themfelves and their lands to the government of the Maffachufets, 
 who (by order of the Court)gave notice thereof to Myantonimo, and 
 appointed him to come or fend to the next Court at Bofton, to ihew 
 his title or intereft (if hee had any) to the faid Pumham and Socono- 
 noco or their lands. At the time appointed hee came, and preten- 
 ded that they were his vaffalls , but it appeared clearly both by a 
 writing from Mr. Williams , and the teftimony of fome other En- 
 glifh in thofe parts, and of divers other Indians no way related to 
 
 them, 
 
againft Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices. 3 
 
 them, that they were free Sachims; fo as Myantonimo having no- 
 thing to reply, the Court received the two Indian Sachims with their 
 fubjects and lands under the government and protection of the 
 Maffachufetts; and upon that writ to our neighbours of Providence, 
 intimating the fame to them, and advifing Gorton and his company, 
 that if they had any juft title to the lands they poffeffed, they mould 
 come, or fend fome for them to fhew the fame to the Court, and 
 offered them fafe conduct. This letter from the Court they tooke 
 in great difdaine, and returned fcornfull and menacing anfwers by 
 word of mouth, and a good time after they wrote a letter to the 
 Court full of reproach and blafphemies,not onely againft the Ma- 
 giftrates,but againft the Churches and Ordinances, as by the Copy 
 thereof hereafter following will appeare. Notwithftanding thefe 
 provocations and daily wrongs offered to thofe few Englifh their 
 neighbours ( who had formerly fubmitted themfelves to our Go- 
 vernment) wee fate ftill neare halfe a yeare, and before we attem- 
 pted anything againft them, wee advifed with the Commiffioners of 
 the united Colonies , who (upon teftimony of their infolent and 
 injurious courfes, and perufall of the letter they fent to us)left them 
 to us to proceed according to Juftice. Whereupon the Court fent 
 againe to them by two of their members, who carryed letters (to 
 require and perfwade them to come and give fatisf action,) and a fafe 
 Conduct withall; but they entertained thofe Meffengers as they 
 had done the former, threatening to whip one, whom they tooke 
 along with them; and fent us word, that if wee had any thing to 
 fay to them, wee fhould come to them, and wee mould have juftice 
 there, and that if wee came with force, they would meet us half the 
 way. Our meffengers returning with thefe fcornfull anfwers, the 
 Court refolved to fend fome force to fetch them in; and in the 
 mean time there came a fecond letter from them ;(the Copy whereof 
 is hereafter alfo fet downe) but before wee fent forth our fouldiers, 
 wee wrote to them to this effect: Viz. That although the injuries 
 and provocations wee had indured from them were very grievous, 
 yet that our Juftice and moderation might appeare to all men, wee 
 had condefcended fo farre to their owne proportion, as wee would 
 fend fome Commiffioners to them, to heare their anfwers and alle- 
 gations, and if thereupon they would give us fuch fatisfaction as 
 fhould bee juft, wee would leave them in peace; if otherwife, wee 
 would right our felves by force of Armes: And fignifled withall, 
 
 B 2 that 
 
4 The Magiftrates proceedings at Bofton in New-England, 
 
 that wee would fend a fufficient guard with our Commiffioners; for 
 feeing they would not truft themfelves with us upon our fafe con- 
 duct, wee had no reafon to truft any of ours with them upon their 
 bare curtefie. Accordingly about a week after wee fent three Com- 
 miffioners, and 40 Mufqueteers with them, with inftrucliions, firft 
 to fpeak and treate with them, and to require fatisfaction according 
 to Juftice, and if it were denyed, then to take them by force, and 
 bring them prifoners to Bofton; and to take withall fo much of their 
 fubftance as fhould fatisfie our charges. By the way as they went 
 they met with another letter from them, letting them know , that 
 they feared them not, but were prepared for them : And according- 
 ly they had fortified themfelves in one houfe (fome 12 of them) 
 and had lined the walls with earth (Musket proofe) and had made 
 Flanckers, and provided victualls, &c. to indure a fiege. So that 
 when our Commiffioners came to the place, they would admit no 
 parly. But after a while, by the mediation of fome of their neigh- 
 bours, they were content to parley, and offered to referre the caufe 
 to Arbitrators, fo as fome of them might bee of Providence , or of 
 Roade Ifland. Our Commiffioners were content to fend to us 
 to know our minds about it, and in the meane time fate ftill. Such 
 of the Court as could meet, returned anfwer that their Propofition 
 was neither feafonable nor reafonable, nor could it bee fafe or ho- 
 nourable for us to accept thereof : 1 Becaufe they would never 
 offer nor hearken to any termes of agreement before our fouldiers 
 had them in their power. 2 Becaufe the ground of their Propo- 
 fition was falfe, for wee were not parties (as they pretended) but 
 equall Judges between the Indians and others who were complai- 
 nants, and themfelves, (and yet in a cafe of warre, parties may bee 
 Judges.) 3 They were no State, or Body politique, but a few 
 fugitives living without Law or Government, and fo not honoura- 
 ble for us to joyne with them in fuch a way of reference. 4 The 
 parties whom they would referre it unto,were fuch as had been re- 
 jected by us, and all the Governments in the Country, and fo not 
 likely to bee equall to us, nor able to judge of the caufe: and their 
 blafphemous and reproachfull writings, &c. were not matters fit 
 to bee compofed by Arbitrement, (being deeply criminall) but ei- 
 ther to bee purged away by repentance and publique fatisf action, or 
 elfe by publique punifhment. For thefe and other reafons, the 
 Commiffioners were required to proceed according to their Inftru- 
 
 (ftions. 
 
again ft Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices. 5 
 
 ctions. And thereupon they intrenched themfelves about the 
 houfe, and in few dayes forced them to yeeld, and fo brought them 
 to Bofton, where they were kept in prifon till the Court fate, and 
 had their dyet from the Cookes (as good meat and drinke as the 
 Towne afforded.) The next Lords day they refufed to goe to the 
 Church affembly,except they might have liberty to fpeake there, as 
 occafion fhould be. They were anfwered by fome of the Magiftrates 
 that it appertained to the Elders to order the affairs of the Church, 
 but they might prefuppofe they fhould not bee denyed fuch liberty, 
 fpeaking words of truth and foberneffe. So in the afternoon they 
 came, and were placed in a convenient feate before the Elders. 
 Mr. Cotton the Teacher taught then (in his ordinary courfe) out of 
 A els 19. of Demetrius fpeech for Diana her filver fhrine. After Ser- 
 mon Gorton defired leave to fpeake, which being granted, hee tooke 
 occafion from the Sermon to fpeake to this effect, That in the 
 Church now there was nothing but Chrift, fo that all our Ordi- 
 nances, Minifters, and Sacraments, &c. were but mens inventions, 
 for fhew and pomp, and no other then thofe filver fhrines of Diana. 
 He faid alfo,that if Chrift lives eternally, then he died eternally,and 
 other fpeeches of like kinde. And indeed it appeareth both by his 
 fpeeches and letters, that it was his opinion, that Chrift was incar- 
 nate in Adam, and was that image of God, wherein Adam was crea- 
 ted ; and that the chiefe worke and merit lay in his Inanition, when 
 he became fuch a thing, fo meane, &c. and that his being borne 
 after of the Virgin Mary, and fuffering, &c. was but a manifeftation 
 of his fuffering, &c. in Adam. Another of them faid that the Sab- 
 bath was Chrift, and fo was borne of the Virgin Alary. They cal- 
 led Magiftracy among Chriftians an Idol; yet they did acknow- 
 ledge a Magiftracy in the world to bee fubjected to as an Ordinance 
 of God, but onely as naturall; as the father over his wife and chil- 
 dren, and an hereditary Prince over his fubjects. 
 
 Their firft appearance before the Court was upon the Lecture day 
 at Bofton, before a very great Affembly, where firft the Governour 
 declared the caufe and manner of all the proceedings againft them, 
 and their Letters were openly read, and they had liberty to object, 
 and anfwers were given, as followeth: 
 
 Firft, to their plea, That they were not within our Jurif diction; 
 it was anfwered: 1 If they were not within ours, yet they were 
 within the Jurifdiction of one of our confederates, who had refer- 
 
 B 3 red 
 
6 The Magistrates proceedings at Bofton in New-England, 
 
 red them to us. 2 If they were within no Jurifdidtion, then was 
 there none to complaine to for redreffe of our injuries in way of 
 ordinary Juftice, and then we had no way of relief but by force of 
 Armes. 
 
 Secondly, to their plea Of perfecution for their Confcience, &c. It 
 was anfwered, that wee did not meddle with them for their opini- 
 ons, otherwife then they had given us occafion, by their owne Let- 
 ters and free fpeeches amongft us, for wee wrote to them about ci- 
 vill Controverfies onely, and gave them no occafion to vent their 
 blafphemies and revilings againft the Ordinances of Religion fet up 
 with us. 
 
 Thirdly, for their title to the Indians lands: wee had divers 
 times defired them to make it appeare; but they alwayes refufed, 
 even to our Commiffioners , whom ( according to their owne 
 motion) wee fent laft to them: and fince they were in prifon, 
 wee offered them to fend for any witneffes they would name 
 to us for that end, but this alfo they refufed. So that our 
 title ( by the Indians furrender ) appeareth good, and having 
 regained poffeffion , we need not queftion them any further about 
 that. 
 
 Their Letters being read and their Subfcriptions acknowledged, 
 they were demanded feverally if they would maintaine thofe things 
 which were contained therein. Their anfwer was, that they would, 
 in that fenfe they wrote them, and fo were returned to prifon. The 
 next day they were brought before the Court feverally to be exa- 
 mined upon particulars, ( many of the Elders being defired to bee 
 prefent) becaufe they had faid they could give a good interpretati- 
 on of every part of their Letters. But the interpretation they gave 
 being contrary to the words, they were demanded if they would 
 then retract thofe words, fo plainely different from their pretended 
 meanings. But this they refufed to doe, faying, that then they 
 mould deny the Truth; for inftance in one or two. Their Let- 
 ters were directed, one of them, To their Neighbours of the Majjachu- 
 fets: and the other, To the great honoured I doll Generall of the Maffa- 
 chufets, and by a meffenger of their owne delivered to our Gover- 
 nour, and many paffages in both Letters particularly applyed to 
 our Courts, our Magistrates, our Elders, &c. and yet upon their 
 examinations about their meanings in their reproachfull paffages, 
 they anfwered that they meant them, of the corrupt eftate of man- 
 
 kinde 
 
againft Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices. 7 
 
 kinde in generall, and not of us. So, whereas in their Letter they 
 charged it upon us, as an errour that we teach, That Chrifi dyed 
 Actually onely, when he differed under Pontius Pilate; and before, 
 onely in Types, &c. upon their examination they faid, that their 
 meaning was, that his death was acluall to the faith of the Fathers 
 under the Law, (which is in effedl the fame which we hold:) Yet 
 they would not retradl their words they had written. The Elders 
 conferred many houres with them before the Court, and by occa- 
 fion thereof they difcovered divers blafphemous opinions, which 
 they maintained, we will inftance one which was mentioned before, 
 delivered by Gorton, viz. that the Image of God wherein Adam was 
 created, was Chrift; and Adams loofing that Image was the death 
 of Chrift, and the reftoring of that Image in the Regeneration, was 
 the refurreclion of Chrift: and fo the death of him that was borne 
 of the Virgin Mary was but a manifeftation of the former. Mafter 
 William Tompjon one of the Elders had fpent fome time with them 
 before in the prifon about the opinions which they held forth, and 
 they had profeffed their agreement with him (for fubftance) in eve- 
 ry point,fo as he came to the Court with a purpofe to fpeak in their 
 behalf, but when he heard themfelves difcover thus upon their pub- 
 lique examinations, he fhewed how he had beene deluded by them. 
 For they excell the Jefuites in the art of equivocation, and regard 
 not how falfe they fpeake, to all other mens apprehenfions, fo they 
 keepe to the rules of their owne fecret intentions. Being asked why 
 they fpake againft the Ordinances of the Miniftery, Sacraments, &c. 
 feeing the Scripture allowes them? They anfwered that they were 
 ordained onely for the time of Nonage, but after the Revelation 
 was written, they were to ceafe, becaufe we finde no mention of 
 them in that booke. 
 
 They were unlearned men, the ableft of them could not write 
 true englifh, no not in common words, yet they would take upon 
 them to interpret the moft difficult places of Scripture, and wreft 
 them any way to ferve their owne turne. As for inftance, Mr. Cot- 
 ton preffing Gorton with that in Acl.io. Who can forbid water,why 
 thefe mould not be baptifed, &c. He interpreted thus, who can de- 
 ny but thefe have beene baptifed, feeing they have received the Holy 
 Ghoft, &c. fo he allowed them to have beene baptifed. This fhift 
 he was put to, that he might maintaine his opinion, viz: that fuch 
 as have beene baptized with the Holy Ghoft, need not the baptifme 
 
 of 
 
8 The Magiftrates proceedings at Bofton in New-England, 
 
 of water. Divers dayes were fpent both by the Court and the El- 
 ders in labouring to bringthem to repentance,butall in vaine. They 
 continued obftinate. Whereupon they agreed to fentence them, 
 but firft they brought them in publique before a great Affembly,^ 
 and there (out of their Letters and Speeches) they laid upon them 
 this charge, viz. they were found to be blafphemous enemies of the 
 true Religion of our Lord Jefus Chrift, and of all his holy Ordi- 
 nances, and likewifeof all Civill Government among his people, and 
 particularly within this jurisdiction. Then they were demanded, 
 if they did acknowledge this charge to be juft, and would fubmit 
 to it, or what exception they had againft it? They anfwered, they 
 did not acknowledge it to be juft, but they fell into fome cavilling 
 fpeeches, fo they were returned unto prifon againe. Being in pri- 
 fon they behaved themfelves infolently towards their keeper, and 
 fpakeevillof the Magiftrates, fo as the keeper was forced to threaten 
 them with Irons, to keepe them quiet. 
 
 After all meanes ufed to reclaime them, and not prevailing, they 
 were brought before the Court to receive their fentence, which was 
 this. Gorton and fix more of them, were to be fent tofeverall townes, 
 there to bee kept to worke for their livings, and to weare an Iron 
 chaine upon one leg, and not to depart the limits of the Towne, 
 nor by word or writing to maintaine any of their blafphemous or 
 wicked errours upon paine of death, except in conference with any 
 of the Elders, or any other allowed by fome Magiftrate to conferre 
 with them; and this to continue during the pleafure of the Court. 
 Three of the Company (becaufe they had not their hands to the 
 Letters) were fet at libertie, two of them upon a fmall ranfome as 
 prifoners taken in warre, and the other, freely, for that he was a- 
 mongft them in his Mafters houfe, where they were taken; a fourth 
 being found to be a plaine ignorant young man was difcharged al- 
 fo, onely enjoyned to abide a time in one of our Townes, but hee 
 went away and returned no more, contrary to his promife. There 
 were two other who were brought in after; (but not by force) the 
 one of them difclaiming to have any hand in the Letters, was dif- 
 charged prefently; the other was kept a while in prifon, and after 
 upon his fubmiflion &c. was releafed. 
 
 Gorton and the other fix remained in the feverall Townes all that 
 Winter; and then in regard of their wives and children (who were 
 like to be much diftref fed by their husbands abfence) they were fet at 
 
 liberty, 
 
again ft Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices. 9 
 
 liberty, and banifhed upon paine of death if they were found in a- 
 ny part of our jurif diction. 
 
 After the Court had paffed lentence upon them for their confine- 
 ment, we fent to fetch fo many of their Cattle, as might defray the 
 charges they had put us to, which amounted to about one hundred 
 and fixty pounds, but the Cattle came not to fo much, for we left 
 every of them a part for the fupport of their families, and fome of 
 them had no Cattle at all. 
 
 The Letters follow, 
 
 Moojhawfet Novemb: 20. 1642. 
 
 To our Neighbours of the Maffachufets. 
 
 A/ r \/ r -rlereas we lately received an irregular note, profeffing its 
 forme from the Maffachufets, with four mens names 
 fubferibed thereunto, as principall authors of it , of the chiefe a- 
 mongft you; We could not eafily give credit to the truth thereof, 
 not onely becaufe the conveyers of it unto us, are knowne to bee 
 men, whofe conftant and profeffed acts are worfe, then the coun- 
 terfeiting of mens hands; but alfo, becaufe we thought that men 
 of your parts and profeff ion, would never have proftrated their wif- 
 dome to fuch an act. But confidering that caufleffe enmity you 
 have againft us; the proofe whereof, every occafion brings forth; 
 Wee cannot but conclude, that no a (ft fo ill which that ancient mo- 
 ther will not bring forth her feed unto. For wee know very well, 
 that it is the name of Chrift called upon us, which you ftrive a- 
 gainft; Thence it isthatyou ftand on tip-toe, to ftretchyourfelves be- 
 yond your bounds; to feeke occafion againft us; (So) as you might 
 hide your finne with Adam, bearing the world in hand; it is not 
 your defire to contend with us; But fome civill breach in our cour- 
 ses, which you onely feeke to redreffe. Whereas neither you, nor 
 any (in way of truth) can finde wherewith, to bring us un- 
 der the Cenfure of a diforderly courfe of walking amongft 
 men: And as for the way of that ancient fpirit of accufation of 
 the brethren, we weigh it not, knowing him to be a Iyer, (or in the 
 abftract, a lye) from the beginning, yea and the father of it alfo; 
 which thing you cannot know, though it were told unto you. 
 
 Whereas you fay, Robert Cole, William Arnauld with others, have 
 put themfelves under the Government and protection of your Ju- 
 
 C rifdiclion 
 
io The firft letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 rif diction, which is the occafion you have now got to contend; we 
 wifh your words were verified, that they were not elfewhere to be 
 found, being nothing but the fhame of Religion, Difquiet, and Di- 
 fturbance of the place where they are. For, we know neither the one 
 nor the other, with all their affociates and Confederates, have po- 
 wer to enlarge the bounds, by Kinge Charles limited unto you. 
 
 Behold therefore in this your act, a Map of your fpirituall e- 
 ftate, (to ufe your owne phrafe) for we know that the Spirituality 
 of your Churches, is the Civility of your Commonweale, and the 
 Civility of your Comonwealth, is the fpirituality of your Chur- 
 ches, the wifdome of man, being the whole accomplifhment of them 
 both; of which Tree, you delight dayly to eate (finding it faire and 
 beautifull) to gaine Conformity with your maker. In thefe 
 your Diffembling fubjects; grofly profane amongft us, but full 
 of the fpirit of your purity, when they are with you, you may re- 
 member the brand your felves have fet uponfomeof them,theCaufe 
 wherof was never yet removed, though it abide not upon their 
 backe; Nor yet the Caufe of your Commitment of them unto Sa- 
 than according unto your Law, for if that were removed, you 
 Ihould doe them wrong, in not refuming your vomit into its for- 
 mer Concoction againe; Nor are we ignorant of thofe difgracefull 
 tearmes they ufe, and give out againft you, behind your backes, 
 their fubmiffion therefore can bee to no other end, but to fatisfie 
 their owne lufts, not onely conceived, but in violent motion, a- 
 gainft their Neighbours, who never offered the leaft wrong unto 
 them, only the propofition of Amity, is object fufficient, for thefe 
 mens enmitie. 
 
 Even fo the paffions of fin, which are by the Law, having force 
 in your Members; you going about with great labour and in- 
 duftry to fatisfie them by your fubmiffion unto the word of God, 
 in your Fafting, and feafting, in Contributing, and treafuring, in 
 retiredneffe for Study, and bowing of the backes of the poore, go- 
 ing forth in labour to maintaine it, and in the fpirit of that hireling, 
 railing up, your whole ftructure and edifice, in all which you 
 bring forth nothing but fruit unto death, fome labouring for a price 
 to give for the keeping of their foules, in peace and fafe eftate and 
 Condition, and fome to have their bodies furnifhed with riches, ho- 
 nour and eafe, and further then the Lord Jefus agrees with thefe, 
 you mind him not, nay you renounce and reject him, and with 
 
 thefe 
 
to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England, 1 1 
 
 thefe (according to your Acceptation and practice) he holds no ^ rrata: , read 
 Correfpondency at all, being the Confutation and operation of ins^aTo"/?^- 
 that his onely adverfarie, man being that which you depend up- foninthehead- 
 pon, and not the Lord, Crying out in way of Elevation, and ap- line j s to page 
 lauding his minifters, when in the meane time, you know not what, 3 
 nor who they are, profeffing them under a mediate Call of Chrift, 
 though formerly, they have beene Called immediately by him, her- 
 by mowing your felves to be thofe, that deftroy the Sacred ordi- 
 nance of God: For if you make Chrift to be that to day, in ftate- 
 ing his minifters; which he was not yefterday, and that in the 
 tyme of the Gofpell alfo, (to fpeake acording to your Law) to be 
 found in them both, you therin affirm, that he hath beene that to 
 his minifters, which now he is not, and to make the Son of God to 
 have beene that which now he is not, is to make a Nullitie of 
 him, not to be at all, for he is the Lord that changeth not, no not 
 a fhadow therof is found in him, fo that you plainely Crucifie un- 
 to your felves, the Lord of glory, and put him to an open fhame; 
 So that as you know not, how Chrift, converfmg with his 
 father in heaven, is found on the earth, amongft the true wor- 
 fhippers, no more do you know, how in his converfmg with Ni- 
 codemus on the earth, he concludes himfelfe to be in heaven, with 
 his father. On this foundation hangeth the whole building of 
 your Doctrine, concerning the fufferings of Chrift, you Annihilate 
 the Crofs, then the which, the Saints have no other Confolation: 
 and prepare no better a place then Purgatory, for the honourable 
 fathers of our Lord: For you conclude, that Chrift dyed in the De- 
 cree, and purpofe God, in the time of the Law, but actually onely lErrata, 1. 27, 
 when he hanged on the Croffe in the dayes of Herod and PontiusPi- ^ ad ^ P ur P° s< 
 late, that hee was crucified in the types and fhadowes of the law,but 
 in the truth, and fubftance, when hee appeared borne of the Virgin 
 Mary: So muft you alfo conclude that the fathers under the law, 
 were only faved, in purpofe and Decree, in Type and fhadow, but 
 actually and fubftantially onely at the Comming of Chrift in the 
 flefh: therefore deale plainely with thofe that depend upon you for 
 inftruction (as your Anceftours in the papacie have don) and pro- 
 claime a place of purgatorie, provided for them in the meane, with- 
 out which, your Doctrine hath no foundation. For if you raife up 
 a fhaddow,without a fubftance, and the fubftance of him that dwel- 
 leth in light, without a fhaddow, you play the part of Wifards, or 
 
 C2 Necromancers, 
 
 of God.] 
 
12 The firft letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 Necromancers, not the part of true Naturalifts, in the things of the 
 Kingdome of god. 
 
 So that as farre as thefe men are from beinge honourable and 
 loyall fubjects, fo farre are you from being voluntaries in the Day of 
 Gods power, and from yeelding fubjection unto the Beauties of 
 holinefs. Such alfo is your profeffed Rule, and Government, in 
 the things that concern the Kingdom of our God, they are infinitly 
 beyond, and out of the Reach of that Spirit which is gone out a- 
 mongft you, the Capacity whereof can no wayes comprehend, the 
 breadth of the land of Emanuel,nov entvtth. it within theVale,There- 
 fore it cannot know thofe Cherubims of glory, neither can it heare 
 the voice of that lively Oracle, fpeaking onely from off the covering 
 Mercy-feate, and not elfewhere to be heard; We fpeake not but 
 what wee know, thefe things are out of its Jurif diction; Therefore 
 dumb in telling Juftice, nor fpeakes it any of that Righteoufneffe 
 and glory, compryfed in another circuit, then ever you were yet 
 made Lords of: Long therfore may you boaft, of your Jurifdidlion 
 before ever you attaine unto a Jurisprudentia, in thefe things. 
 
 In that you tell us wee offer you wrong, by a pretended purchafe: 
 you are as much miftaken in the purchafe, as in the wrong, For it 
 is right that we are about to do, neither is our purchafe a pretence, 
 but precedentiall, not onely in this Civill refpecT:, but may alfo 
 admonifh all men, to take heed, how they depend upon falfe and 
 felf-feeking interpreters, when both themfelves, and they that 
 have the vifion, are ignorant of the Contract, and Covenant of 
 God. Thence it is, that you teach, that the fpoufe of Chrift, upon 
 Contract with her Lord, may conceive the feed of immortalitie,and 
 bring forth fruit unto God, when as yet the day of manage, that 
 great Feaftivitie, and folemnization, of the Confolations of God, 
 is not yet comne, witneffe your prorogation thereof, if not to 
 the Defcenfion of Chrift from heaven unto the earth, to Raigne 
 certaine years, yet to the Calling of the Jewes, whom yee your 
 felves are, according to the flefh, and to the deftrudion of that Man 
 of finn whom yee fo ftoutly maintain, What is this, but to pro- 
 claime unto all the world, that Audacious fpirit of whore- 
 doms, profeffing Conception and bringing forth before the Nup- 
 tiall day? 
 
 In that you conclude your Clyents Right to arife out of foure 
 years poffeff ion, wee have no fuch order, if you meane the Right 
 
 of 
 
to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England. 13 
 
 of Conqueft, (onely held in that tenure) the true owners were ne- 
 ver yet fubdued, for that is the right they expect to injoy by you, 
 for fome of them committed part of their fuppofed right unto us, 
 profeffing it was, that they might have help, to injoy the reft; But 
 when they faw, wee would not be Abetters unto them without, 
 much leffe contrary unto Covenant, then they flye unto you for 
 help, Their poffeffion, beeing a meere intrufion, as all the Natives 
 know and ever exclaymed againft them for the fame, And fo may 
 our Countrymen alfo, whofe eyes are not dazled with envie, and 
 eares open to Lyes, as we know yours are, elfe you had heard both 
 fydes fpeake, before you had Judged. 
 
 But wee profefs right held, according to no fuch intereft, but 
 upon the ground of Covenant onely, knowne in its nature; In the 
 parties 'twixt whom it is plight, In the poffeffer, and the poffeffed, 
 with the nature of all fruit arifmg from their accord and concur- 
 rencie, together with their Diftincl, Harmonicall, Reciprocall, and 
 Joint properties, and operations of them both: Such is the tenure 
 wee hould, and maintain, before men and Angels, and oppofe it 
 againft man and Divell, Not in taking up unto our felves, certaine 
 offices and officers which wee can teach children to bee, and to per- 
 form, and from thence prefently to conclude, the poffeffion of the 
 Kingdome, Crying out our peace offerings are upon us, this Day 
 we have payd our vowes. But when that Dark cloud defcended up- 
 on the Tabernacle, becomes the light, and glory of all Ifraell 
 (there being nothing acknowledged amongft them, but what ari- 
 feth out thence ) then, and then only, are the orders, as alfo the 
 men of Ifraell, derived from the true fountaine, which no tongue 
 can confefs, but it is falvation, and then, not elfe, is the heritage 
 of our Lord in poffeffion, yea, even the waylefs wilderneff knowes, 
 how to afford them an habitation, which had its being be- 
 fore the hills and mountaines were borne: which men begin 
 to flye unto for refuge, to hide them from the prefence of the Lamb : 
 this is a poffeffion, which no man can intrude himfelfe into: it is 
 onely Covenanted with him, thorow an inlightned eye, and boa- 
 red eare, which man performeth not, nor can it be received from 
 him. 
 
 For wee know that Cloud of thick darkneffe, that hides and co- 
 vers the whole frame and fabrick of the work of God, to be the clee- 
 ring and evidencing of every point and particular thereof yea to us, 
 
 C 3 it 
 
the Lord. 
 
 14 The fir ft letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 it is even that cloud of witnefs, which teftifies unto us, the like 
 workes to appeare, when ever the world hath occafion to make ufe 
 of us. 
 
 Never doth it fhine but in the night, never is it dark to Ifrael but 
 in the day, but in the one, and the other, the only glory and faftie 
 of all the tribes: but how, you know not, nor can you with all your 
 libraries, give the interpretation thereof, but have loft it in the wil- 
 dernefs, and accordingly, have made the whole way, and will of 
 our Lord, the ouldneffe of the letter,both to your felves, and to all 
 [Errata: 1. n, that have an eare to liffen unto you; Thence it is that the day of 
 !f ad r d /T of Lord, is a day of Darknefs and Gloominefs unto you, but of Joy 
 and gladnefs unto us; yea, it lifts up our head onely, and then 
 is our falvation neere; For wee know the worthies of David 
 doubled about the bed of Solomon , which expell all feare in the 
 night , handling the fword with fucefs , making the adverfaries 
 nothing but meat to feede upon, fo that the tyme of your feares 
 is the time of our Courage and Conqueft , for when you feare 
 errour, fchifme, Rents and Confufions in Church and ftate, then do 
 wee know the Meffenger of the Covenant, the Lord whom wee feek 
 is fpeeding his paffage into his holy temple: For who ( under the 
 terrors of your fpirit) may abide his Coming, hee being like a refi- 
 ners fire,and Fullers fope ? 
 
 In that you invite us unto your Courts to fetch your equall bal- 
 lanced juftice, upon this ground, that you are becomne one with 
 our adverfaries, and that, both in what they have, and what they 
 are, and wee know them to bee fuch, as profefs the day of the Lord 
 an unhallowed thing. Now, if wee have our opponant, to prefer 
 his action againft us, and not only fo, but to bee our Counfell, our 
 Jurie, and our Judg, for fo it muft bee, if you bee one with them (as 
 you affirm) wee know before hand, how our Caufe will bee ended, 
 and fee the fcale of your equall Juftice turned alreadie, before wee 
 have layd our Caufe therein, and cannot but admire, to fee you ca- 
 ried fo contrarie to your owne received principles: For you 
 know not how to finde Chrift as a Ruling and teaching Elder 
 both in one perfon, therfore he is not Complete amongft you by 
 your owne law, except in feverall perfons, and you may thank tra- 
 dition, elfe you know no more how to finde both a king and a 
 prieft in him, and yet in your way of making tender of your Juftice 
 unto us you know how to become one with our adverfaries (fo) as 
 
 if 
 
to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England. 15 
 
 if wee deale with them, wee deale with you, and if wee have to doe 
 with you, wee have to doe with them alfo, yea further, wee know, 
 that the chiefe amongft you, have profeffed wee are not worthy to 
 live; and that if fome of us were amongft you, wee mould hardly 
 fee the place of our abode any more; Now that they have brooded 
 upon their law, to take away life, they muft much more bring it up, 
 in taking away all means of life, Witnes our prohibition, that no 
 powder mould befould unto us for our money, and that in a time 
 when you could not thinke your felves fafe, in all your owne, felf 
 provifion and worldly furniture , except youdifarmed a company 
 of poor Indians, whom Aaron your Leviticall Sacrificer hath made 
 Naked, as hee doth all thofe which triumph in a Calf, though the 
 moft coftly and beautiful!, that the Jewells and eare-rings of Lear- 
 ning, either in Language, or art, can poffibly bring forth: your 
 owne amazements upon meer Rumors, may teftifie the truth hereof; 
 fo then; wee are Judged by your law before our Caufe bee hard, or 
 our felves brought forth under the liberties of it, which thing is 
 well pleafing unto us , to have our Condition conformed unto 
 Mofes the man of God, who was dead in Pharaohs account, before he 
 was brought forth, and fo it was with Chrift our lord, in the dayes 
 of Herod alfo, who is our life ( at which you ftrike ) and makes 
 all things, yea, Death it felf, lively, and advantagious unto us. 
 
 Wee cannot but wonder, that you fhould read the Scripture,and 
 not finde them fulfilled, in, and amongft your felves, when as they 
 appeare fo apparantly,that he that runs may read them:what think 
 you of Herod, when the Lord had delivered Peter out of prifon, and 
 releafed him of thofe bonds, and brought him from that thraldom, 
 which he had fo Cruelly impofed upon him, to gaine the favour of 
 the Jewes , and that by a power fupereminent, tranfeending the 
 bounds of his authoritie,and by a wifdom furpaffing the Depth of 
 his Counfell, and policie, to fynd out, together with his fouldiers 
 and Champions , he presently goes downe to Cefarea , and Herod 
 is angry with them of Tyrus & Sidon, (thumomachon) aheavieFriend, 
 or hath a fecret grudg or perturbation of mind , manifefted in an 
 outreaching , and circumventing policie , to fubdue them unto 
 himfelf, that he might Rule over them: Finding himfelf fall ihort 
 of power and policie, to fubjeel: the word of God in the meffinger 
 of it, to fatisfy his owne lulls, in his lordfhip over it, he purines 
 with all egarneffe to make himfelf a god, by Raigning over the bo- 
 dies 
 
1 6 The fir jt letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 dies and eftates of men; yea, though they be but fuch, as Tyrus and 
 Sidon, can afford unto him, to make fubjects of,andwhen they come 
 unto him with one accord to make offer of themfelves, in yeelding 
 to his affectionate and politicall project, he fitting uppon the Judg- 
 ment feate, in his Royall apparell, making his oration, of what 
 power he hath to protect them, what wifdom and Counfell, to mi- 
 nifter Juftice and righteoufnefs unto them ( which office belongs 
 only unto the Lord) the people with a fhout crying out, the voice 
 of god and not of man, the truth and fubftance of which Cry is, 
 this is the ordinance of god and not of man, immediately the angel 
 of the Lord fmites him, and hee that ever acknowledged himfelf, to 
 bee a worme, and no man upon the earth , Confumes and eates up 
 all his pomp and glory, even as thofe, whom you account the 
 Shame and Contempt of the people, fhall (thorow that angell of 
 the Covenant) wafte and bring to nought all thofe Rhetoricall, 
 (though earthly) Orations that are made amongft you, by your fo 
 Learned, ftudious, and experienced Clarkes: take for illustration 
 of your eftate as above, the fpeech of your alderman Oliver, in cafe 
 of committing Francis Hutchinfon to prifon; one of your Church- 
 members wondering that brother Winthrop would do it before the 
 Church had dealt with him, Brother, faith hee, why; hee is thy god 
 man. 
 
 Lend your eye yet farther, to parallell your practife perfonated 
 in Pylate and the people,when Py/a/offerethjefus unto the people to 
 be judged, they profefs, they have fuch a law, as puts no man to 
 Death: they are all for mercy and forgivenefs,when they are out of 
 the Judgment hall, but let Pylat enter in thither; and then, nothing 
 but Crucifie him, Crucifie him; be their accufations, and witneffes, 
 never fo falfe: even fo,in your dealings with men, in way of your 
 Jewiih brotherhood, your law is all for mercie, to Redrefs, reform, 
 and for prcfervation, both of foule and bodie; Do but enter into 
 the Common hall, and then, as Pylat asked (am I a Jew?) fo do you, 
 Doe I fit, or fpeake here, as a brother? I tro not, I am now in a 
 higher fphere, then that (though they be acknowledged coheirs 
 with Chrift) can ataine unto, therfore if witnefs be brought in, 
 and Oath taken, though never fo untrue, your confciences are 
 purged by law, and your power muft have tribute payd unto it, fo 
 far as mens Names, to bee branded with infamie, eftates, depryving 
 women and children of things neceffarie,and precious lives of men 
 
 can 
 
to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England, 17 
 
 can extend themfelves, to contribute any thing thereunto; fo 
 that the profeffed mercie, and Clemencie of your law, to exercife 
 cenfures only for amendment of life, and recoverie, comes unto this 
 iffue, as much as in you lies, to fend both foule and body downe un- 
 to hell for ever without redreffe, and all hope of recovery. 
 
 But your houre, and the power of Darkneffe, is known what it 
 is, either to have mens perfons in admiration becaufe of advantage; 
 or elfe, to feek all occafions againft them, to brand them with all 
 manner of reproch, and ignominie, but for the truth, taught daily 
 in the Temple, you know not how to ftreatch out your hand, or 
 exercife your miniftry againft it, left it become leprous , and you 
 take it back again with loffe , when it appeares dried and withe- 
 red. 
 
 And wherefore rcafon yee amongft your felves, faying, wee exer- 
 cife the power of your miniftrations againft none but fuch as are 
 Delinquents, whereby we clcer the innocent, and eftablifh peace in 
 all our borders? 
 
 Wee demand, what think you of thofetwo witneffes, prophecy- 
 ing in Sackcloth, a thoufand two hundreth and threefcore Dayes: 
 thofe two olive trees, and two candleftickes, funding before the God 
 of the earth? are thefe guiltie and vile perfons, out of whofe hands 
 (by the power of your miniftries) you are delivering and releafing 
 the world? then indeed are your v/ayes juftifiable: But if thefe bee 
 the Juft, Chofen, and peculiar friends of God, yea fuch, as without 
 which, his truth and Righteoufneffe are not juftified, his wifdom, 
 and holineife maintained and upheld in the world, in point of fal- 
 vation by Chrift, then are your wayes wicked, and to bee abhorred; 
 for in your profeffed Courfe, you are they, by whom thefe are 
 llaine, and put to Death , and all your glory is to keepe their 
 Corpes unburied in your ftreetes, and yet you know not what you 
 are doing, no more then you know what thefe witneffes are , whom 
 you are altogether ignorant of, for your Libraries never faw them, 
 and you fee not but by their eyes, for thefe are two,and never more, 
 nor yet lef f e,yea ever the fame, they are olive trees, elfe no witneffes, 
 and alfo Candlefticks, elfe both the former faile, yea, are not at all. 
 Wee muft tell you what thefe are, elfe wee cannot declare how you 
 kill them, for it is not our intent to open unto you the houfe of the 
 treafures, the filver and the gold, and the fpices, and the precious 
 oyntment, nor the houfe of our armour, becaufe you take all as 
 
 D execra- 
 
1 8 The firft letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 execrable, and put all to a profane ufe that commeth from us; but 
 thefe two witneffes are the life and death of our Lord Jefus; or, in 
 the true language of heaven alfo, the ftrength and the weakneffe of 
 Chrift, for hee was crucified through weakneffe, but hee liveth by 
 the power of God: this is the word of the Lord in Zerubbabel, Not 
 by an army, nor by power, and fo deprives him of all ftrength, but 
 by afpirit, that the greateft mountaine, or loftieft hill in the world 
 cannot ftand before, but becomes a plaine, which with facility and 
 eafe hee paffeth upon; thence it is that hee doth not onely lay the 
 top or the head ftone of all, but alfo the loweft in the foundation, 
 and then onely is the voice of fhouting heard, Grace, grace in the 
 houfe for ever; and then doth the day of fmall things become the 
 day of joy and triumph, yea, of parting the rich fpoiles and prey 
 of all the world, for then hee that doth but turn and lift up his eyes 
 he cannot looke befides that great flying book of the Curfe that is 
 gone forth over the whole earth. 
 
 Without thefe two witneffes jointly uttering themfelves in every 
 particular Scriptureundertaken to bee divulged by any, no evidence 
 nor teftimony of God is given, or brought in at all, but a meere re- 
 fuge of lies for the foules of men to betake themfelves unto; with- 
 out thefe two pipes of the olive trees emptying themfelves into the 
 bowle of the candlefticks, no unction nor oyle at all is found in 
 them, and that being wanting, the light of the Sanctuary is gone 
 out; fo that the light appearing amongft you is onely the light of 
 Balaam, whofe eye was open, which you may read either Shethurn 
 or Sethum, for that opening is nothing elfe but the (hutting up of the 
 holy things of God, fo that in feeing you fee not, but communi- 
 cate onely in the light of that beaft,who puts the witneffes to death, 
 as Balaam did in the fight of that dumbe beaft of his whofe eyes 
 were opened to fee the angel before him; fo that while you thinke 
 it is our wifdome to ftoope unto you for light, wee never come a- 
 mongft you but fee our felves in a regiment of groffe and palpable 
 darkneffe, and difcern you very plainly, how you fcrabble upon the 
 wall to finde the doore of Lots houfe, and cannot. As alfo how you 
 toil yourfelves to climbe up into the fheep-fold, another, yea, fo 
 many other wayes, and have no fight nor difcerning of us the Door, 
 at all, by the which whofoever entereth, becomes a true feeder 
 of the flock of God; yea, none entereth in thereat, but the true 
 Shepheard himfelf. 
 
 Moft 
 
to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England. 19 
 
 Moft impious it is to put to death two fuch Noble witneffes, that 
 have power to {hut heaven that it raine not in the dayes of their 
 prophecying; to turne the waters into bloud, and to fmite the earth 
 with all manner of plagues as oft as they wil,whom that fpirit that 
 is amongft you kills on this wife, the life or power of the fonne of 
 God, as above, which is infinite, not admitting of circumfcri- 
 ption 01 containment, for the heaven of heavens cannot containe 
 him, yet have you not dared to grafpe and inviron that power in the 
 heavens, and therefore have refolved and concluded that hee onely 
 rules upon the earth in thefe dayes by his Deputies, Lievtenants, 
 and Vicegerents, whereby you limit, and fo deftroy the holy One 
 of Ifrael; for give him that in one time, or place, which afterwards, 
 or elfewhere you deny him, and you make a nullity of him unto 
 your felves, and in fo doing, you kill that other witneffe, namely, 
 the death or weakneffe of the Lord Jefus: for you muft have man 
 to bee honourable, learned, wife, experienced, and of good report, 
 elfe they may not rule among you; yea and thefe things are of 
 man, and by man, as appeares, in that they onely officiate fo, as 
 man may difanull and take it away againe; witneffe your change of 
 officers, conftantly fpeaking for us herein; thus have you flaine 
 alfo the death or the weakneffe of Chrift, who profeffeth himfelfe 
 to bee a worm and no man, the fhame and contempt of the people; 
 and thefe faithfull and true witneffes thus flaine, you muft of necef- 
 fity deny buriall, and keep them both in open view in your ftreets, 
 or otherwife all your pompe and glory falls to the duft whence it 
 came, and on which it feeds. Nor can you fend your prefents one 
 to another of your acts of Juftice, power to protect, wealth, ho- 
 nour, and friends wherewith you gratifie each other; and where 
 thefe are thus flaine, and their corps lie in open view, none of the 
 gentiles, peoples, tongues, and kindreds fuffering their carkaffes to 
 bee put in graves, there is that great City which fpiritually is Sodom 
 and Egypt,where our Lord is crucified; but after three dayes and an 
 half, the fpirit of life from God ftiall enter into them, and they fhal 
 ftand up upon their feet to the terrour of you all: Nor doe you 
 thinke that wee onely inveigh againft the great ones of this world 
 for thus doing, for wee know that the bafeft peafant hath the fame 
 fpirit with the greateft Princes of this world, and the greateft of the 
 Princes of this world, hath the very fame fpirit wherewith the 
 bafeft peafant hath laid himfelfe open in the view of all men: thefe 
 
 D 2 wee 
 
20 The firft letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 wee fay, are the two witneffes if you can receive it, and what a dif- 
 honour is it to trade fo much by meanes of witneffes, and yet not 
 know what a true witneffe is? which if you did, you durft not at- 
 tempt the things you doe, whereby you caft reproach upon all the 
 world, in that you profeffe your felves a choice people pickt out of 
 it, and yet goe on, in fuch practices as you doe, maintaining them 
 as your onely glory. Our Lord gives you in charge not to fweare 
 at all, but it is your dignity to bring men to your feates of Juftice 
 with nothing but oathes in their mouthes, why doe you not bal- 
 lance the fcriptures in this point? viz. 
 
 It hath beene faid of old, Thou fhalt not committ adultery, but 
 I fay unto you, hee that looketh on a woman to luft after her, hath 
 committed adultery with her in his heart already : fo alfo it hath 
 beene fayd of old, Thou fhalt not forfweare thy felf, but I fay unto 
 you, fweare not at all: fo that if it be adulterie, to looke to luft, it 
 is alfo forf wearing a mans felf, to fweare at all;if the one be adultery, 
 the other is perjury, if one be admitted in fome cafes, the otheralfo, 
 fo that in preaching the toleration, nay the duty of an oath, you 
 preach the toleration, yea the duty of adulterie it felf; So that our 
 Lord plainly evinceth unto all mens confciences,not onely the guilt 
 but the folly and madneffe of the oath of man, fhewing how farre 
 it is, either from invefting into place, or demonftrating Caufes, fo 
 that hee that concludeth upon honour, and power, received from 
 the oath of man, or upon knowledge and bouldnefs, to judge in 
 a caufe, from that teftimony without the which he could not have 
 it, is as vaine in his thoughts, as if hee fhould herupon conclude, I 
 have now altered the frame of heaven, which is no lefs ftable then 
 the throne of the great God, or demolifhed the earth, which is as 
 firme as his foot-ftoole for ever, or made a fraction in the orders of 
 Jerufalem, that choice and peculiar City of the great King, whofe 
 inftitutions no mortall breath can intrench upon, or to profeffe his 
 authority and skill to be fuch, whereby he can make a haire of his 
 head blacke or white, caufe his age to wax old as doth a garment, 
 or renew it with the Eagle at his pleafure, hereby doth man (in this 
 point of fwearing) profeffe his folly to bee fuch, that hee is become 
 not onely vaine in his imaginations, but unto that pride and ufur- 
 pation therein, as to intrude himfelfe into the prerogative royall of 
 hisMaker. 
 
 So that however you boaft of the Ordinances of God, yet he tels 
 
 you 
 
to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England. 21 
 
 you there is no more then yea, yea, and nay, nay, in them, for what 
 is once nay, is ever nay in the Ordination of Chrift, and what is 
 once yea, is ever yea with him, and according to his account howe- 
 ver man reckoneth, whofe account fhall be called over againe, what 
 is once curfe, is ever the curfe, and what is once the principality and 
 power of Chrift, is ever the principality and power of Chrift, as 
 that which is once the principality and power of Darken* ffe, is ever 
 the fame, what hands foever it cometh into for manifeftation: mea- 
 fure your kingdome whether it bee eternall, and your Jurifdidtion 
 whether it bee illimited, for he hath given (him) the heathen for 
 his inheritance, the utmoft parts of the earth for his poffeffion, and 
 a kingdome of leffe extent hee profeffeth not, nor can hee approve 
 or acknowledge any that doe, no more then light can approve of 
 darkeneffe, or the Lord Jehovah of the Lord Baal. 
 
 Bee wife therefore, and bethinke your felves while it is called to 
 day, harden not your hearts, as though you would make your 
 felves Meriba, nothing but ftrife and contention againft the Lord, 
 rather kiffe the fonne (if it bee poffible) left his wrath bee kindled 
 and you perifh from the way for ever, O bleffed onelythey, that 
 hope in him. 
 
 So that hee which profeffeth on this wife, it is yea, I am a pa- 
 ftour, but it was nay, at fuch a time I was none, hee renounceth that 
 fpirit of the true paftour, yet onely feeder of Ifrael, profeffing onely 
 that fpirit that pufheth the weake with the home, and pudleth 
 with his feet the waters where the flocke ofGod fhould drinke. Hee 
 with whom it is yea, I am a Ruler, but it was nay when I was none 
 at all, renounceth that fpirit of him that rules in righteoufneffe, pro- 
 feffing the fpirit of him that rules according to the god of this 
 world, that Prince of the power of the Aire, who is now working 
 fo effectually in the children of difobedience. So alfo hee with 
 whom it is yea, I am a Captaine, or chiefe flaughter-man,but it was 
 nay, time was I was none at all, renounceth that vidlorie and f laugh- 
 ter made by the Captaine and High-prieft of our profeffion, (who 
 as hee is a Lambe flaine from the beginning, his victory and f laugh- 
 ter muft bee of the fame antiquity, ) profeffing himfelfe to bee a 
 chiefe flaughter-man, or fuperfluous Giant, made in that hoaft of 
 the Philiftims, ftanding in readineffe to come out, to dene the hoaft 
 of the living God: yea, it is evident, that whatfoever is more then 
 yea,yea,and nay,nay,not fettlingeach upon itsBafe,whereon it ftan- 
 
 D 3 deth 
 
22 The firft letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 deth for ever without controule, but can remove, create,or make 
 void offices and officers at their pleafure, is of that evill, or not of 
 Jefus, the falvation of his people, but of Shedim that wafter and de- 
 ftroyer of mankinde for ever: know therefore that it is the oath of 
 God which confirmes and makes good his Covenant and promife 
 unto a thoufand generations: and it is the oath of man, which is 
 the bond and obligation of that league and agreement made with 
 death and hell forever; bee yee affured it is not the tabernacle 
 of witnes which you have amongft you, brought in by Jefus into the 
 poffeffion of the Gentiles, but it is Siccuth your King, or the taber- 
 nacle of Molock, the ftarre of your God Rempha?i, figures which 
 you have made unto your felves, which you have taken up, and are 
 bearing fo ftoutly upon your moulders. Now to tell you what an 
 oath according to God is, that the fcriptures are delivered upon 
 no other ground or termes of certainty, where ever they are divul- 
 ged, is a thing out of your jurifdidtion, you cannot difcerne or 
 judge of it, therefore according to our word above, wee leave it as 
 a parable unto you, as all the holy word of our God is, as your con- 
 verfation in all points, as in this, daily declareth. 
 
 In a word, when wee have to doe in your jurifdidtion, we know 
 what it is to fubmit to the wife difpenfations of our God, when 
 you have to doe amongft us, in the liberties hee hath given unto us, 
 wee doubt not, but you mail finde him judge amongft us, beyond 
 and above any caufe or thing you can propofe unto us; And let 
 that fuffice you, and know, that you cannot maintaine a jurifdiclii- 
 on, but you muft reject all inroades upon other mens priviledges, 
 and fo doe wee. 
 
 In the meane time, wee fhall (as wee thinke good) bee calling o- 
 ver againe fome matters that you have taken up and had the han- 
 dling of them amongft you, to fee what juftice or equity wee finde 
 hath beene exercifed in them, and redreffe them accordingly: for 
 wee profeffe right unto all men,and not to doe any violence at all, as 
 you in your prefcript threaten to doe to us, for wee have learned 
 how to difcipline our children, or fervants, without offering vio- 
 lence unto them, even fo doe wee know how to deale with our de- 
 boift, rude, nay inhumane Neighbours, ( or if you will, Nabals ) 
 without doing violence, but rather rendring unto them that which 
 is their due. 
 
 Nor fhall wee deprive a witneffe of his modeft teftimony for the 
 
 outcries, 
 
to the Magistrates of Bolton in New-England. 23 
 
 out-cries, and clamours of fuch a one as ill bred apoltatized Arnauld 
 that fellonious Hog-killer, being the partie to bee teftified againft, 
 or for the oath of any interefted in the caufe, nor fhall wee bee 
 forward to come fo farre, to finde your worke upon your requeft, 
 till wee know you to beare another minde, then others of your 
 Neighbours doe, with whom wee have had to doe in this country, 
 whofe pretended and deviled Lawes wee have ftooped under, to the 
 robbing and fpoiling of our goods, the livelyhood of our wives 
 and children, thinking they had laboured, (though groping in 
 great darkeneffe ) to bring forth the truth, in the rights and equi- 
 ty of things, but finding them to bee a company of groffe diffem- 
 bling hypocrites, that under the pretence of Law and Religion, 
 havedone nothing elfe, but gone about to eftablifh themfelves in 
 wayes to maintaine their owne vicious lufts, wee renounce their 
 Diabolicall practice, being fuch as have denyed in their publique 
 Courts, that the lawes of our Native Country mould bee named 
 amongft them, yea thofe ancient ftatute lawes, cafting us into moft 
 bafe naftie and infufferable places of imprifonment for fpeaking ac- 
 cording to the language of them, in the meane while, breaking o- 
 pen our houfes in a violent way of hoftilitie (abufing our wives and 
 our little ones) to take from us the volumes wherein they are pre- 
 ferred, thinking thereby to keepe us ignorant of the courfes they 
 are refolved to run, that fo the viciofity of their owne wills might 
 bee a law unto them, yea they have endeavoured, and that in pub- 
 lique expreffions, that a man being accufed by them, mould not 
 have liberty to anfwer for himfelfe in open Court. Dealings of 
 like nature wee finde in the place whereof you ftile us your neigh- 
 bours, (on whofe unbridled malice, wee finde a higher then you 
 putting a curbe) and yet in your account and reckoning wee are 
 the parties that ftill are doing the wrong, and muft beare the guilt 
 in your moft mature fentence, in whomsoever the fpot arifeth and 
 abideth. But the God of vengeance (unto whom our caufe is refer- 
 red, never having our protector and Judge to feeke) will fhew him- 
 felfe in our deliverance out of the hands of you all, yea all the houfe 
 of that Ifhboiheth and Mephibofheth, nor will he faile us to utter and 
 make knowne his ftrength (wherein wee ftand) to ferve in our age, 
 and to minifter in our Courfe, to day and to morrow, and on 
 the third day, can none deprive us of perfection, for hee hath taught 
 us to know what it is to walke to day, and to morrow, and the day 
 
 following 
 
24 The firft letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 following alio, when a perifhing eftate cannot arife out of Jerufa- 
 lem, though fhe be the onely one, (yea, none but {he ) that kills the 
 Prophets and ftones them that are fent unto her. 
 
 Behold yee that are looking after, and foretelling fo much of the 
 comming of Chrift , driving the day before you ftill for certaine 
 yeares, which fome (you fay) fhall attaine unto, and unto the day 
 of death for the reft, You blinde guides, as your fathers have ever 
 done, fo doe yee. Behold wee fay, when ever hee appeareth,your 
 houfe (which yee fo glory in) fhall bee left unto you defolate, it fhall 
 be turned into nothing but defolation and confufion , for Babel is 
 its name; Nor fhall you fee him to your comfort in the glory of 
 his kingdome, untill you can fay, Bleffed is hee that commeth in 
 the name of the Lord, when the authority and power of man ap- 
 peares to bee the building of Babel unto you , and the name and 
 authority of God onely, to bee that, wherein the bleffing confifts, 
 and that in fuch wife alfo, as is nothing but a way of reproach, in 
 the eyes of all the world, that a King fhould ride into his chiefe 
 City, fo ftrangely furnifhed, upon an Affe borrowed, her furniture 
 old, overworn garments, and accompanied with none but poore, 
 meane, excommunicated perfons, fuch as your Elders, Scribes, 
 Pharifees, Lawyers, and all your credible perfons among you, make 
 full account they are not onely accurfed by, but alfo deftitute and 
 void of all law, when you can finde Hofanna in the higheft, ari- 
 firig out of fuch contempt and fhame, then, and then onely fhall 
 you fing unto him with comfort. In the meane time acknowledge 
 your portion, which is to truft and ftay your felves on the name of 
 man, and in his beautie to delight and glory, which fhall fade as 
 a leafe,and like the graffe fhall wither when it is fitting it felf for the 
 oven, fuch is man whofe breath is in his noftrills, and the fonne of 
 forrie man, in whom you delight to truft, his power and his poli- 
 cy brings forth nothing elfe, but as you fhall fee and heare in the 
 Countrey from whence wee are brought. We are not ignorant of 
 thofe fhamefull lies and falfities gone out againft us , and the daily 
 wrefting of our words, to caft contempt upon us, thinking to bow 
 downe our backs under ignominie and reproach; Neither of thofe 
 ftraits & difficulties they have caft us upon, in the things which con- 
 cerne this prefent life, to the taking away of the lives of many, if 
 our God had not been feen beyond and above what their thoughts 
 could reach unto (as their owne confeffion hath witneffed, ) doing 
 
 it 
 
to the Magistrates of Bofton in New-England, 25 
 
 it in fuch a way of painted hypocrifie and falfe gloffe unto the eye 
 of the world, that wee might feeme unto it felf-executioners. We 
 RESOLVE therefore to follow our imployments, and to carry 
 and behave our felves as formerly wee have done(and no otherwife) 
 for wee have wronged no man, unleffe with hard labour, to pro- 
 vide for our families, and fuffering of groffe, idle, and idol droanes 
 to take our labour out of the mouths, and from off the backs of our 
 little ones, to lordane it over us. 
 
 So that if any any fhall goe about to difturbe or annoy us hence- 
 forth in our imployments and liberties, which God hath, or fhall 
 put into our hands, that can claime no intereft in us but by thefe 
 courfes; what their bufineffe is, wee know by proofe fufhcient, to 
 bee nothing elfe but that ancient errand of Nimrod, that rebellious 
 hunter after the precious life; which errand of his fhall bee no 
 more delivered unto us in that covert cruelty, and diffembling way 
 of hypocrifie, but in direct and open termes of tyrannie, wee will 
 not bee dealt with as before, wee fpeake in the Name of our God, 
 wee will not; For if any fhall difturb us, as above, fecret hypo- 
 crites fhall become open Tyrants, and their lawes appeare to 
 bee nothing elfe but meer lufts in the eyes of all the world. 
 
 And wherefore doe you murmure among your felves at this 
 faying, thinking it is not a Chriftian expreffion? it is becaufe you 
 are ignorant of the croffe of our Lord jefus, not knowing what it 
 is: Therefore it is, that while you inveigh againft fuch as fet up a 
 Statue of wood and ftone, to bow downe unto it, and are fo vaine, 
 as to croffe the aire, (to ufe your owne expreffion) upon the face of 
 infants, when they fprinkle them with water to as great purpofe: 
 And in the meane time you preach and fet up Seghnirim for your 
 croffe, whom you fall downe unto fo willingly, and left you let 
 the word paffe without expofition of it unto all, it fignifies, Horrour 
 and feare, which is the croffe you hold and teach, and by and 
 thorow which you thinke to bee faved, which is a name given by 
 our Lord unto the Devill himfelf, as our Englifh tranflate it, and 
 the Lord never gives name, as an empty title, butaccording to the 
 nature of the thing named; fo that if hee fpeake, I have faid yee 
 are gods, of any befides himfelfe, it is to declare, that there is not 
 onely the name, but the very nature of the god of this world, and 
 therefore hee faith, they fhall die, even as Jdam,whkh afpired and 
 ufurped the place of God, and fall alfo as one of the Princes, even 
 
 E as 
 
26 The firft letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 as one of thofe princes of Midian, whofe carkaffes became dung 
 for the earth; and hee that gives that title unto any but the true 
 God (that made heaven and earth) in any other fenfe but as it de- 
 clares a flat oppofition againft God, is re-acting that ancient fpirit 
 of the ferpent, if yee eate, you mail bee as gods, to judge of good 
 and evill, for which all men are fet up in that kinde; even fo,while 
 you tell the people, that by forrow, compunction, and anxiety, and 
 trouble of minde, they communicate in the fufferings of Chrift, 
 out of which condition their comfort is to flow, is nothing elfe 
 but to conclude the fonne of God to be Belial, yea, to affirme him 
 to bee Seghnirim himfelf; this doth hee receive at your hands in 
 your miniftries, for all your fawning upon him with a kiffe, fo 
 that if you will know how farre you are from communicating in 
 the death of Chrift, take it in this parable, verily, as farre as the 
 weaknefs of God is ftronger then man. 
 
 Country-men, for wee cannot but call you fo, though wee finde 
 your carriage towards us to bee fo farre worfe then thefe Indians, 
 wee advife you to take things together , and what God hath joy- 
 ned, let none dare to put afunder: So that if you bee afhamed of 
 the croffe in Baptifme, bee afhamed of the Baptifme alfo , for fuch 
 as the croffe is, fuch is the Baptifme, therefore your anceftors goe 
 beyond you in that, to joyne croffing of the aire , and fprinkling 
 with the element of water together , but where ever Baptifme ac- 
 cording to the word of Chrift is, there is the croffe of Chrift alfo , 
 they can no more bee feparated, then his fcepter and kingdom can, 
 for where the one is , there is the other alfo , and as they are co- 
 incident,fo are they co-apparant; So that if ever you fee the bap- 
 tifme of Chrift truly in ufe, and exercifed upon any,you do as truly 
 fee that party partaking and communicating with the croffe and 
 fufferings of the Lord Jefus Chrift, and to fee perfons in fuch eftate, 
 and to conclude that afterwards they may bee worthy of cenfure, 
 yea poffiblyunto an anathema maranatha,is nothing elfe but to con- 
 clude a totall and linall falling away from the grace of God, as 
 your fathers have done before you; for no grace greater then the 
 croffe of our Lord Jefus. 
 
 Behold therefore you defpifers, the vanity and abomination of 
 all your baptifmes, how prejudiciall they are to the croffe of 
 Chrift: bee afhamed and return in time, or hee mail bee a fwift wit- 
 neffe againft you for ever, when your repentance fhall come too 
 
 late: 
 
to the Magistrates of Bofton in New-England. 27 
 
 late; but you thinke the croffe of Chrift is not, but onely in bow- 
 ing the back under every burden, and cringing and crouching unto 
 the luft of every man, otherwife his Shebett is not fit, nor fuiteth it 
 at all with your Regiment, unleffe fo fervile, that every man may 
 fcrve his owne lufts of him, to get wealth and honour, friends and 
 allies, by fetting bounds and limits unto the holy Word of God; 
 fome in the way of one device, and fome according to another, and 
 he that will not either walk as a dumbe beaft, (worfe then Balaams 
 Affe) and fay nothing, or elfe give a fenfe of the holy writings 
 to maintaine the deviled platforme, if mercy muft bee ufed, not to 
 hang and burn, yet banimment is ready waiting upon them; there- 
 fore mail you know by the Rod of his power that comes out 
 of Sion, that hee will bee Ruler, even in the midft of his 
 enemies. 
 
 Per us whom you ftile your neighbours of Providence, you have 
 faid it, Providence is our Hold, the neighbourhood of the Samari- 
 tan wee profeffe. And for the lookings on, and turnings afide of 
 your Priefts and Levites, without either unclion , or bowells of 
 compaffion, all thofe flaine and wounded in foule amongft you, 
 finding no remedy, doe plainly teftifie unto all men the nature of 
 your travailes and neighbourhood what it is, that neither the 
 oyle of thofe two olive trees, nor the fatneffe of that vine , which 
 maketh glad God and man , is converfant amongft you; your 
 fpeech to us in generall, not ufing our names , whereas wee know, 
 it is particulars you aime at , gives us plainely to fee, the word 
 JElem revived and living in you, as it ftands with its coherence in 
 Pfalme 58. 
 
 John Wickes 
 Randall Hozvldoji 
 Robert Potter 
 Samuel Gorton 
 John Greene 
 Francis Wefton 
 Richard Carder 
 Richard Waterman 
 Nicholas Power 
 John Warner 
 William Waddell 
 
 From 
 
 <&3 zv&3l?i 
 
28 The fecond letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 From our Neck: Curo, September 15. 1643. 
 
 nPO the great and honoured Idol Generall, now fet up in the 
 Maffachufets, whofe pretended equity in diftribution of Juftice 
 unto the foules and bodies of men, is nothing elfe but a meer device 
 of man, according to the ancient cuftomes & Heights of Satan,trans- 
 forming himfelf into an angel of Light, to fubjedt and make flaves 
 of that fpecies or kinde that God hath honoured with his owne 
 Image, read Dan. 3. Chap, wherein (if it be not like Lots love unto 
 the Sodomites) you may fee, the vifage or countenance of the State, 
 for wee know the found of all the mufick , from the higheft note 
 of wind-inftruments, founding, or fet up by the breath or voices 
 of men, (to have dominion and rule as though there were no God 
 in heaven or in earth but they , to doe right unto the fonnes of 
 men)unto the loweft tones of the ftringed inftruments , fubjecfting 
 themfelves to hand or skill of the devifed miniftrations of men, 
 as though God had made man to bee a vaffall to his owne fpecies or 
 kinde, for hee may as well bee a flave to his belly , and make it his 
 God, as to any thing that man can bring forth , yea, even in his 
 beft perfection, who can lay claime to no title or terme of honour 
 but what the duft, rottenneffe, and putrefaction can affoord , for 
 that of right belongeth folely to our Lord Chrift. Woe therefore 
 unto the world, becaufe of the Idols thereof; for Idols muft needs 
 be fet up, but woe unto them by whom they are erected. 
 
 Out of the abovefaid principles, which is the kindome of dark- 
 neffe and of the devill; you have writ another Note unto us, to 
 adde to your former pride and folly, telling us againe , you have 
 taken Pumham, with others into your Jurifdiclion and Govern- 
 ment, and that upon good grounds (as you fay:) you might have 
 done well to have proved your felfe Chriftians, before you had min- 
 gled your felves with the heathen , that fo your children might 
 have knowne how to put a diftinclion betwixt yours and them in 
 after times, but wee perceive that to bee too hard a worke for your 
 felves to performe, even in time prefent. But if you will communi- 
 cate Juftice and Government with that Indian , wee advife you to 
 keep him amongft your felves , where hee, and you may performe 
 that worthy worke: Yet upon a better ground, wee can informe 
 you that hee may not exped former curtefies from us, for now by 
 
 your 
 
to the Magi fir ate s of Bofton in New-England. 29 
 
 your Note, wee are refolved of his breach of Covenant with us, in 
 this his feeking and fubjeclion unto you, which formerly hee hath 
 alwayes denyed; let him and you know therefore, that hee is to 
 make other provifion for his planting of corne hereafter, than up- 
 on Mfhawomet , for wee will not harbour amongft us any fuch 
 fawning, lying, and cadaverous perfon as hee is, after knowledge 
 of him, as now in part you have given unto us, onely hee fhall have 
 liberty fufficient to take away his corne, habitation, or any of his 
 implements, fo be it hee paffe away in peace and quiet,which might 
 in no cafe bee admitted, if it were fo that wee lived by blood, as 
 you doe, either through incifion of the nofe, divifion of the eare 
 from the head, ftigmatize upon the back, fuffocation of the veines, 
 through extremity of cold, by your banifhments in the winter, or 
 ftrangled in the flefh with a halter. But we know our courfe, pro- 
 feffing the kingdome of God and his righteoufneffe, renouncing 
 that of darkneffe and the devill, wherein you delight to truft, for 
 without the practife of thefe things , you cannot kiffe your hand, 
 bleffe the Idol, nor profeffe your vowes and offerings to bee paid 
 and performed. O yee generation of vipers, who hath fore-war- 
 ned you, or fore-ftalled your mindes with this, but Satan himfelfe, 
 that the practice of thefe things is to fly from the wrath to come; 
 Whereas the very exercife and performance of them, is nothing elfe 
 but the vengeance and wrath of God upon you already , in that 
 mankind, fo harmonically made in the Image of God , is in the 
 exercifes of the kingdome, become the torturer and tormentor, yea 
 the executioner of it felfe, whilft thofe of you that are of the fame 
 ftock and item, worke out, yea, and that curioufly, through the 
 law of your mindes, the death and deftruclion of one another ; 
 when as, in the meane time, the fame nature or fubfiftance, in the 
 way of our Lord Jefus, faves both it felfe and others. You tell 
 us of complaints made by the Indians, of unjuft dealings and inju- 
 ries done unto them, why doe they not make them knowne to us, 
 they never complained to us of any thing done unto this day , but 
 they had fatisfaclion to the full, according to their owne minde, for 
 oft wee know, in what they expreffe unto us, although our wrongs 
 infufferable done by them lie ftill in the deck , for wee know 
 very well, wee have plenty of caufeleffe adverfaries , wanting no 
 malice that Satan can inject, therefore wee fuffer much, that in the 
 perfection and heighth of their plots, they may receive the greater 
 
 E 3 rebuke 
 
30 The fecond letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 rebuke and fhame for their bafeneffe, in the eies of all the world. 
 To which end wee have not onely committed our condition un- 
 to writings, but them alfo into the hands and cuftody of fuch 
 friends, from whom they fhall not bee taken by any, or by all the 
 governments of this Country, as formerly they have beene, that fo 
 our wrongs might not appeare ; therefore never picke a quarrell 
 againft us in thefe things, for wee know all your ftiles and devices, 
 that being you now want fuch as old malicious Arnauld, one of 
 your low ftringed inftruments, to exercife his fidle amongft us, and 
 wee are void of your benediction alfo, fprung out of the fame ftock 
 to make rents and divifions for you to enter to gaine honour unto 
 your felves in having patients to heale, though they lie never fo 
 long under your hands, your chirurgerie muft bee thought never 
 the worfe. Wanting thefe or fuch like of the Englifh, to be- 
 tray the liberties, God hath given us into your hands, now you 
 worke by your coadjutors, thefe accurfed Indians ; but you are de- 
 [Errata: 1 17 ce i ve( j i n us we are not a Cope fitted for your fo eager appetite, no 
 
 & 18, read Cup , . r . r 1 • 1 • n n r r~< 
 
 for Cope.] otherwile, then if you take it downe it lhall prove unto you a Cope 
 of trembling, either making you vomit out your owne eternall 
 fhame, or elfe to burft in funder with your fellow confeffor for aire, 
 Judas Ifcariot. 
 
 For Mr. Winthrop and his Copartner Parker, may not thinke to 
 lay our purchafed plantation to their Hand fo neere adjoyning, 
 for they come too late in that point, though Benedick hath report- 
 ed that Myantonimo, one of the Sachims, of whom wee bought it, 
 mould lofe his head for felling his right thereof to us. 
 
 As alfo a minifter affirmed that Mr. Winthrop mould fay to him, 
 that wee mould either bee fubjeclied unto you, or elfe removed 
 hence,though it mould coft Bloud. Know therefore, that our lives 
 are fet apart already for the cafe wee have in hand, fo wee will lofe 
 nothing but what is put apart aforehand, bethinke your felves 
 therefore what you mould gaine by fetching of them, in cafe it were 
 in your power, for our loffe mould bee nothing at all. 
 
 For wee are refolved, that according as you put forth your felves 
 towards us, fo mall you finde us transformed to anfwer you. If 
 you put forth your hand to us as country-men, ours are in readi- 
 neffe for you : If you exercife the pen, accordingly doe wee become 
 a ready writer; If your fword bee drawne, ours is girt upon our 
 thigh; If you prefent a gun, make hafte to give the firft fire: for we 
 
 are 
 
 [Errata: 1. 21, 
 read as Judas.] 
 
to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England. 31 
 
 are come to put fire upon the earth, and it is our defire to have it 
 fpeedily kindled. 
 
 For your purfuite of us, ftill,to come your Courts, to receive 
 your parcells of Juftice, undoubtedly either God hath blinded your 
 eyes that you fee not our anfwer formerly given in that point, or 
 elfe you are molt audacious to urge it upon us againe; alfo you 
 may take notice that wee take it in more difdaine then you could 
 doe, in cafe we mould importune you (yea) the chiefe amongft you, 
 to come up to us, and bee employed according to our pleafure, in 
 fuch workes as wee thought good to fet you about ; and for your 
 grant of freedome unto us to come downe to you, and returne in 
 fafety, wee cannot fufhciently vilifie this your verball and perfun- 
 ctory offer, knowing very well, according to the verdict of your 
 owne confcience, that what wrongs foever are paffed amongft us 
 fince our comming into this Country, you have beene the violent 
 agents, and wee the patients. To feare therefore to come amongft 
 you as fuch as have done wrong, the caufevanifhethinus,fomuftthe 
 effect alfo. And to feare to come unto you as tyrants, which your 
 grant muft neceffarily implies, wee cannot, knowing that hee which 
 is with us, is ftronger then hee which is with you. 
 
 Alfo the earth is the Lords and the fullneffe thereof, and when, 
 and where hee mail call wee will goe, but not at the will and luft of 
 forry men to play their parts with us at their pleafure, as formerly 
 they have done, and as it is apparant you defire to doe, for if your 
 lufts prevailed not over you in that kinde, you might well thinke 
 that wee have better employments then to trot to the Maffachujets 
 upon the report of a lying Indian, or Englifh either, as your factors 
 and ordinary hacknies doe. 
 
 But know this O yee that fo long as wee behave our felves as 
 
 men, walking in the name of our God, where ever wee have occafion 
 to come, if any mortall man whofe breath is in his noftrils, dares to 
 call us into queftion, wee dare to give an anfwer to him, or them, 
 nor fhall wee faile through God, to give teftimony even in his con- 
 fcience of the hope that is in us, whether his queftion may concerne 
 the rice or fucceffion either of Prieftor Peere. In the meanetime 
 we fit in fafety under the cloudy pillar, while the Nations roare 
 and make a noife about us, and though you may looke upon us 
 with the unopened eye of Eliahs fervant, thinking us as nothing to 
 thofe that are againft us, yet wherever the cloud refts, wee know the 
 
 Lords 
 
32 The fecond letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices, 
 
 Lords returne to the many thoufands of Ifrael. 
 
 In that you fay our freedome granted to come to you, takes a- 
 [Errata:l. 3 jj excufe from us, wee freely retort it upon your felves to 
 
 leave out to.] ' , r , r I , J ,. • 1 i r 1 1 
 
 to make excules, whole Lawes and proceedings with the ioules and 
 bodies of men, is nothing elfe but a continued art (like the horfe in 
 the mill) of accufmg and excufing, which you doe by circumftan- 
 ces and conjectures, as all the fathers have done before you, the Di- 
 viners and Necromancers of the world, who are gone to their owne 
 place and have their reward; But for the true nature, rife, and di- 
 stribution of things as they are indeed and fhall remaine and abide 
 as a law firme and ftable forever, wee fay and can make it good, 
 you know nothing at all, therefore fuch as can delight themfelves 
 in preaching, profeffing,and executing of fuch things, as muft end 
 as the brute beafts doe, nay take them away for prefent and they 
 have loft their honour, religion, as alfo their God ; let fuch wee 
 fay, know themfelves to bee that beaft and falfe prophet, no man of 
 God at all. In the meane time wee looke not on the things that 
 are feene, but on the things that are not feene, knowing the one are 
 temporary, the other eternall. Nor doe wee thinke the better of 
 any man for being inverted into places or things that will in time 
 waxe old as doth a garment, neither judge we the worfe of any man 
 for the want of them: for if we fhould we muft condemne the Lord 
 Chrift, as fo many doe at this day. 
 
 Wee demand when wee may expect; fome of you to come to us, 
 to anfwer and give fatisfaction for fome of thefe foule and inhu- 
 mane wrongs you have done, not to the Indians, but to us your 
 country-men: not to bring in a Catalogue, as we might, take this 
 one particular abufe you are now acting; in that you abet, and 
 backe thefe bafe Indians to abufe us. Indeed Pumham is an afpi- 
 ring perfon, as becomes a Prince of his profeffion, for having crept 
 into one of our neighbours houfes, in the abfence of the people, and 
 fellonioufly rifled the fame, hee was taken comming out againe at 
 the Chimney-top: Soccononoco alfo hath entred in like manner into 
 one of our houfes with divers of his companions, and breaking o- 
 pen a cheft, did fteale out divers parcels of goods, fome part where- 
 of, as fome of his companions have affirmed, are in his cuftody at 
 this time. Yet we ftand ftill to fee to what good iffue you will bring 
 your proceedings with thefe perfons, by whom you are fo hono- 
 rably attended in the Court generall, as you call it, and would ho- 
 nour 
 
to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England, 33 
 
 nour us alfo, to come three or fourefcore miles to Hand by you and 
 them ; wee could tell you alfo that it is nothing with thefe fellowes 
 to fend our cattle out of the woods with arrowes in their fides, as 
 at this prefent it appeares in one even now fo come home, and it is 
 well they come home at all, for fometimes their wigwams can re- 
 ceive them, and wee have nothing of them at all; yea they can do- 
 mineere over our wives and children in our houfes, when wee are 
 abroad about our neceffary occafions, fometimes throwing ftones, 
 to the endangering of their lives, and fometimes violently taking 
 our goods, making us to runne for it if wee will have it, and if wee 
 fpeake to them to amend their manners, they can prefently vaunt 
 it out, that the Mafachujets is all one with them, let the Villanie 
 they doe bee what it will , they thinke themfelves fecure, for they 
 looke to bee upheld by you in whatever they doe, if you bee ftronger 
 then them which they have to deale withall, and they looke with 
 the fame eye your felves doe, thinking the multitude will beare 
 downe all, and perfwade themfelves (as well as they may) that you 
 tolerate and maintaine them in other of their daily practices, as ly- 
 ing, Sabbath-breaking, taking of many wives, groffe whoredomes, 
 and fornications, fo you will doe alfo, in their ftealing, abufing of 
 our Children, and the like, for you have your diligent ledgers 
 amongft them that inculcate daily upon this, how hatefull wee are 
 unto you, calling us by other names of their owne deviling, bear- 
 ing them in hand, wee are not Englifh men, and therefore the ob- 
 ject of envy of all that are about us, and that if wee have any thing 
 to doe with you, the very naming our perfons.fhall caft our cafe bee 
 it what it will, as it is too evident by the cafe depending betweene 
 William Arnauld and John Warner, that no fooner was the name of 
 Mr. Gorton mentioned amongft you, but Mr. Dudley difdainefully 
 asking,is this one,joyned to Gorton, and Wx.Winthrop unjuftly up- 
 on the fame fpeech, refufed the oath of the witneffe calling him 
 knight of the poft : are thefe the wayes and perfons you trade by 
 towards us? are thefe the people you honour your felves withall ?the 
 Lord fhall lay fuch honour in the duft, and bow downe your backes 
 with fhame and forrow to the grave, and declare fuch to bee Apo- 
 ftatifers from the truth, and falfifiers of the word of God onely to 
 pleafe men, and ferve their owne lufts, that can give thankes in their 
 publique Congregations for their unity with fuch grofle abomi- 
 nations as thefe. Wee muft needes aske you another queftion from 
 
 F a Ser- 
 
34 The Poftfcript to the fecond letter of Samuel Gorton 
 
 a Sermon now preached amongft you, namely how that bloud re- 
 lifheth you have fucked formerly from us, by cafting us upon 
 ftraights above our ftrength, that, have not beene exercifed in 
 fuch kinde of labours, no more then the beft of you in former times 
 in removing us from our former conveniences, to the taking away 
 of the lives of fome of us, when you are about your difhed up dain- 
 ties, having turned the juice of a poore filly Grape that periiheth in 
 the ufe of it, into the bloud of our Lord Jefus by the cunning skill 
 of your Magicians, which doth make mad and drunke fo many in 
 the world, and yet a little fleepe makes them their owne men againe, 
 fo can it heale and paciiie the confciences at prefent, but the leaft 
 hand of God returnes the feares and terrour againe, let our bloud 
 wee fay prefent it felfe together herewith, you hypocrites when 
 will you anfwer fuch cafes as thefe, and wee doe hereby promife un- 
 to you, that wee will never looke man in the face if you have not a 
 fairer hearing then ever wee had amongft you, or can ever expect; 
 And bee it knowne to you all, that weeare your owne Country- 
 men, whatever you report ofus, though the Lord hath taught us a 
 language you never fpoake, neither can you heare it,and that is the 
 caufeof your alienation from us;for as you havemouthes andfpeake 
 not,fo have you cares & heare not;fo we leave you to the judgement 
 andarraignment of God Almighty. The joynt acl,not of the Court Ge- 
 nerally but of the peculiar fellowfhip, now abiding upon Mfhawomet 
 
 Randall H olden. 
 This they owned in Court though onely Holdens hand were to it. 
 
 Poftfcriptum. 
 
 A^'VT EE need not put a fealeunto this our warrant, no more 
 then you did to yours. The Lord hath added one to our 
 hands, in the very conclufion of it, in that effufion of bloud, and 
 horrible Maffacre, now made at the Dutch plantation, of our lo- 
 ving Country-men, women, and children, which is nothing elfe, 
 but the compleate figure in a fhort epitomie of what wee have writ, 
 fummed up in one entire a (ft, and left you mould make it part of 
 your juftification,as you do all fuch like acts, provided they bee not 
 upon your owne backes, concluding them to be greater finners then 
 your felves, wee tell you (nay) but except you repent, you fliall 
 likewife perifh. 
 
 For 
 
to the Magiftrates of Bofton in New-England, 35 
 
 For wee aske you who was the caufe of Miftrcffc Hutchinfon her 
 departure from amongft you, was it voluntarie? No, fhce changed 
 her phrafes according to the dictates of your tutors, and confeffed 
 her miftakes, that fo fhee might give you content to abide amongft 
 you, yet did you expell her and caft her away ; no leffe are you the 
 originall of her removall from Aquethneck, for when fhee faw her 
 children could not come downe amongft you, no not to conferre 
 with you in your own way of brotherhood ;but be clapt up, and de- 
 tained by fo long imprifonment, rumors alfo being noifed, that 
 the Ifland fhould bee brought under your Government, which if it 
 fhould, fhee was fearefull of their lives, or elfe to act againft the 
 plaine verdict of their owne confcience, having had fo great and ap- 
 parant proofe of your dealings before, as alfo the Ifland being at 
 fuch divifions within it felfe , fome earneftly defiring it fhould 
 bee delivered into your hands, profeffing their unity with you, o- 
 thers denyed it, profeffing their diffent and divifion from you, 
 though for what themfelves know not, but onely their abomina- 
 ble pride to exercife the like tyranny. 
 
 From thefe and fuch like workings having their originall in 
 you, fhee gathered unto her felfe and tooke up this fiction, (with 
 the reft of her friends) that the Dutch plantation was the Citie of 
 refuge, as fhee had gathered like things from your doctrines before, 
 when fhe feemed to hold out fome certaine glimpfes or glances of 
 light, more then appeared elfewhere whilft there was fuch to ap- 
 prove it, in whom there might bee fome hope to exalt the inftru- 
 ments thereof, higher then could bee expected from others, but 
 you know very well you could never reft nor bee at quiet, till you 
 had put it under a Bufhell, id eft, bounded and meafured the infi- 
 nite and immenfe word of God, according to your owne mallow, 
 humane, and carnall capacities, which , howfoever may get the 
 higheft feates in your Synagogues, Synods, and Jewifh Synedrions, 
 yet fhall it never enter into the kingdome of God to be a doore- 
 keeper there. Do not therefore beguile your felves in crying out 
 againft the errours of thofe fo miferably falne, for they are no o- 
 ther things which they held but branches of thefame rootyour felves 
 fo ftoutly ftand upon, but know thisthat now the axe is laid to the 
 root of the tree, whereof you are a part, and every tree that brings 
 not forth fruit according to the law of that good things, which 
 the father knowes, how to give to thofe that aske it, fhall bee cut 
 
 F 2 downe 
 
36 The Pofifcript to the fecond letter of Samuel Gorton 
 
 downe, and caft it into the fire : Neither doe you fill up your 
 fpeeches or tales , ( wee meane your Sermons ) but that wee affecft 
 not the Idolizing of words , no more then of perfons or places. 
 For your felves know the word is no more but a bruit or talke, as 
 you know alfo your great and terrible word Magiftrate, is no more 
 in its originall, then Mafterly, or Mafterleffe, which hath no great 
 luftre in our ordinary acceptation. Therefore wee looke to finde 
 and injoy the fubftance , and let the ceremony of thefe things , 
 like vapours vanifh away , though they gather themfelves in- 
 to clouds, without any water at all in them, the Lord is in the mean 
 time a dew unto Ifrael, and makes him to grow like a lillie, cafting 
 out his roots and branches as Lebanon. 
 
 We fay, fill not up your talk as your manner is, crying, that fhee 
 went out without ordinances , for God can raife up out of that 
 ftone, which you have already rejected, as children, fo alfo minifters 
 and ordinances unto Abraham: You may remember alfo, that 
 every people and poore plantation, formerly fleeced by you, can- 
 not reach unto the hire of one of your Levites , nor fetch in , one 
 fuch Dove as you fend abroad into our native Country,to carry and 
 bring you news. 
 
 Nor can you charge them in that pqint,for it was for protection 
 or government fhee went; And however, hire, in other ref pedis, 
 yet the price of a wife, and fafetie of his owne life adjoyned, car- 
 ryed a Minifter along with them of the fame rife and breeding toge- 
 ther with your owne, to adde unto the blood fo favagely and caufe- 
 lefly fpilt, with a company of fuch as you take pleafure to protect, 
 for they are all of one fpirit , if they have not hands in the fame 
 a<ft; we fay their death is caufeleffe, for wee have heard them affirm 
 that fhee would never heave up a hand , no nor move a tongue a- 
 gainft any that perfecuted or troubled them, but onely indeavour 
 to fave themfelves by flight, not perceiving the nature and end of 
 perfecution, neither of that antichriftian oppofition and tyrannie, 
 the iffue whereof declares it felf in this fo and lamentable. 
 
 Note, good Reader, that I had order to publifh thefe two 
 Letters of his, as well literatim as verbatim, but becaufe their Or- 
 thography was fo bad, as it would fcarce have been underftood, I 
 left it to bee corrected by the Printer, but no word to be changed: 
 And the reafon of the word here left out, is, becaufe it was worne 
 
 and 
 
to the Magiftrates at Bofton in New-England 37 
 
 out, and fo foyled in the originall as wee could not read it , and 
 thought good rather to leave it a blanck, then to put in a word of 
 our own that was not theirs. 
 
 In the next place, I prefent thee here with certaine Obfervations 
 collected out of both their Letters, by a godly and reverend Divine, 
 whereby the Reader may the better underftand them , and indeed 
 try the fpirits of thefe men, whether they be of God or no. Now 
 thefe his Obfervations are ranked into three Heads: Viz. 
 
 Firft, their reproachfull and reviling fpeeches of the Govern- 
 ment and Magiftrates of the Maffachufets, which in Gortons Booke 
 hee pretends fo much to honour, becaufe their Government is de- 
 rived from the State of England; and therefore I defire thee to 
 take the better notice of it. 
 
 The fecond Head of his Obfervations directs thee to their revi- 
 ling language, not onely againft that particular Government , and 
 the Magiftrates of it, but againft Magiftracy it felfe, and all Civill 
 power. 
 
 And in his third Head, thou art directed to take notice of their 
 blafphemous fpeeches againft the holy things of God. All which 
 becaufe they are of great concernment, I befeech the Reader to 
 take a little paines to compare them with Mr. Gortons and his Com- 
 panies Letters. 
 
 A 3 Certaine 
 
38 
 
 Sf Sj; Sp *iv 5£ S?> wjv jji kjv 3Jv JJl i.'jT SJt JJt SJi SJv JJv |p 3f wjv 5J» J£ 
 
 *i» «^» *5* *V S» *l* *V *V *'i* v l* *i* H* *S» «$• *i* •*• *t* *"i" "4* *4* **• *P *i* 
 
 Certaine Obfervations colle&ed out of 
 both their LETTERS. 
 
 I. Their reproachfull and reviling Speeches of the Government 
 and Magiftrates of the Majfachufets. 
 
 9. 1. fj ffi^l Hey fay our Magiftrates did lay their Wifdome pro- 
 ftrate, in fending Letters to them, which they fcornfully 
 call an irregular Note. 
 
 2 That they bare them caufleffe enmity, the proofe 
 whereof every occafion brings forth. 
 
 3 They flily call them the feed of the ancient mother; i. of the 
 enmity of the Devill. 
 
 4 That they know it is the name of Chrift call'd upon them, a- 
 gainft which our Magiftrates doe ftrive. 
 
 5 That they goe about to hide their fin, as Adam, bearing the 
 world in hand, that they defire not to contend, but to redreffe fome- 
 thing in point of Civill peace. 
 
 6 That they ftand on tip-toe to ftretch themfelves beyond their 
 bounds, to feek occafion againft them. 
 
 7 That thofe who accufe them, are accufers of the Brethren, Sa- 
 tan being a Iyer, and the father of it; which thing our Magiftrates 
 cannot know though they be told of it. 
 
 8 That this act of theirs to treat about their land, is a mappe of 
 their fpirituall eftate. 
 
 9 That they delight daily to eate of the forbidden fruit (which 
 they call mans wifdome) out of which our Churches and Com- 
 mon-wealth is formed ) to gaine conformity with their maker. 
 
 10 They fcorn at their purity and godlineffe, telling them that 
 Cole and Arnold their diffembling fubjects, are full of the fpirit of 
 their purity. 
 
 11 They doe not fay plainly that our Magiftrates are dogs, but 
 compare them to dogs in refuming their vomit into its former 
 
 con- 
 
Their reproachfull Speeches of the Government^ c. 39 
 
 concoction, by receiving Cole and Arnold under our jurifdidtion. 
 
 12 That the whole ftrudtu re and edifice among us (t. the Chur- 
 ches and Common-wealth) is raifed up in the fpirit of an hire- 
 ling, and that by fubmiffion to the Word of God in fafting, feaft- 
 fting, retiredneffe for ftudy, contributing, treafuring (i. for Church 
 ufes in feverall Churches) they doe nothing elfe but bring forth 
 fruit unto death. 
 
 13 That farther then the Lord Jefus agrees with riches, honour 
 and eafe, our Magiftrates minde him not, nay, renounce, and reject 
 him. 
 
 14 That they plainely crucifie Chrift, and put him to an open Pag. II. 
 fhame, which the Apoftle, Hebr. 6. applies to the worft of men, 
 
 who commit the unpardonable fin, and for whom men are not to 
 
 p ra y- 
 
 1 5 That our Magiftrates are as farre from yeelding fubjedlion to Pag. 12. 
 Chrift, as Cole and Arnold from being honourable and loyall fub- 
 
 jects, whom they call the fhame of Religion, the difturbance and 
 difquiet of the place, diffembling fubjecls, pag. 10. as alfo deboift, 
 rude, inhumane Nabals, il-bred, apoftatifed perfons, and felloni- 
 ous, page 23. with many fuch like fpeeches. 
 
 16 That the things of Gods kingdome are infinitely beyond 
 the reach of their fpirit, nor can they heare the lively Oracle, and 
 therefore are dumb in telling Juftice. 
 
 17 That the Magiftrates are Jewes according to the flefh , and 
 ftout maintainers of the man of Sin. 
 
 18 That they know our Magiftrates eyes are dazled with envy, Pag. 13. 
 and their ears open to lyes. 
 
 19 That they judge them beforctheir caufe be heard. Pag. 15. 
 
 20 That in inviting them to their Courts for their equal-ballan- 
 ced Juftice (as they fcornfully call it) they thereby ftrike at Chrift 
 their life. 
 
 21 That our Magiftrates are like Herod, whom God fmote with Pag. 16. 
 wormes, for feeking by an out-reaching and circumventing policy 
 
 to fubdue Tyrus and Sidon, and like Pontius Pilate , and the people 
 who out of the Judgement hall are all for mercy, but in it nothing 
 but crucifie him, crucifie him, bee their accufations, and witneffes 
 never fo falfe, fo (fay they) in your dealings with men in way of 
 the Jewifh brotherhood, your law is all for mercy, to redreffe, re- 
 forme, for prefervation of foule and body, doe but enter into the 
 
 Com- 
 
40 Their reproachful! Speeches of the Government, 
 
 Common-hall, then if witneffes bee but brought in, and oath taken 
 though never fo untrue, your Confciences are purged by law , and 
 your power muft have tribute paid it,fo far as to brand mens names 
 with infamy, and deprive women and children of things neceffary. 
 
 22 That the profeffed clemency and mercy of their law, is as 
 much as in them lyes, to fend both foule and body downe to She- 
 ol (i. the grave and hell) forever, without redreffe and all hope of 
 recovery. 
 
 23 That their houre and power of darkneffe is knowne, what 
 it is either to have mens perfons in admiration becaufe of advan- 
 tage, or elfe to feek all occafions againft them, with all manner of 
 reproach and ignominie. 
 
 Pag. 17. 24 That their wayes are wicked, and to bee abhorred, becaufe 
 
 in their profeffed courfe the two witneffes are flaine by them, and 
 put to death; and that all their glory is to keep their corpfe unbu- 
 ried; and thefe two witneffes are the life and death of the Lord 
 Jefus. 
 
 Pag. 18. 25 That the light appearing among them, is nothing but the 
 
 light of Balaam, fo that in feeing, they fee not, but communicate 
 onely in the light of that Beaft who put the witneffes to death. 
 
 26 They tell our Magiftrates , that they never come amongft 
 them, but they fee themfelves in a regiment of groffe and palpable 
 darkneffe, and difcern you to fcrabble on the wall for the door of 
 Lots houfe. 
 
 Pag. 19. 27 That they know not what a true witneffe is. 
 
 Pag.22, 23. 28 That the whole Word of God is a parable to them, as their 
 converfation in all points daily declare it. 
 
 29 That they will not come neare our Magiftrates, untill they 
 know they beare another minde from their neighbours, whom 
 they call robbers, groffe diffembling hypocrites, who doe nothing 
 but goe about to eftablifh fuch wayes as may maintaine their owne 
 vicious lulls, whofe laws are pretended and devifed, and whofe pra- 
 ctifes( they fay)they renounce as diabolicall. 
 
 Pag. 24. 30 Yee blind guides (fay they to our Magiftrates) as your fathers 
 
 have ever done, fo do you. 
 
 Pag. 25. 31 You fet up Segnirim (i. as themfelves interpret) feare and 
 
 horrour, or the devill, by, and for the which you hope to bee 
 faved. 
 
 Pag. 26. 32 That their carriage towards them, is farre worfe then that of 
 
 the 
 
and Magistrates of the Maffachufets. 41 
 
 the Indians, whom themfelves cry out of to bee thieves and rob- 
 bers; pag.T)2. 
 
 33 That they are defpifers; Behold(fay they) yee defpifers, the 
 vanity and abominations of all your baptifmes. 
 
 34 Yee think (fay they) that the croffe of Chrift is nothing but 
 bowing down the back to every burden, and cringing and crouch- 
 ing to the luft of every man. 
 
 35 They call the generall Court, the great Idol Generall, whofe Pag. 28. 
 pretended equity in diftributing Juftice is a meer device of man ac- 
 cording to the Heights of Satan. 
 
 36 They tell the Court, that out of the kingdome of darkneffe 
 and the devill, they had writ another Note to adde to their for- 
 mer pride and folly. 
 
 37 For taking Pumham and Sachanonoco (Indian Sachims) under 
 their protection; they tell the Court they might have done well to 
 have proved themfelves Chriftians before they had mixt themfelves 
 with the heathen; but this was too hard for them to doe. 
 
 38 They advifethe Courtfin fcorn)to keep the Indian with them, Pag. 29. 
 where he and they might perform that worthy work of diftributing 
 Juftice. 
 
 39 They tell the Court that they live by bloud. 
 
 40 They tell the Court,they renounce the kingdom of darknefs, 
 and the devill, wherein the Court delights to truft. 
 
 41 They call the Court, O ye generation of Vipers. 
 
 42 They tell the Court, they are not a cup fit for their appetite, Pag. 30, 31. 
 but a cup of trembling either to make them vomit up their owne 
 
 eternall fhame, or elfe to make them burft afunder with their fellow 
 confeffor Judas Ifcariot. 
 
 43 That the Court is either blind or audacious in defiring them 
 to come for their parcells of Juftice, and that they difdain to come 
 to them. 
 
 44 They profeffe they cannot fufneiently vilifie the promife of 
 theCourt, that they fhall come down to them and return in fafety; 
 which they call a verball and perfunctory offer. 
 
 45 They tell the Court, that if their lufts had not prevailed 
 over them, they might thinke they had better employment then 
 to trot to Maffachufets as their factors, and ordinary hackneys 
 doe. 
 
 46 They tell the Court that their lawes and proceedings with Pag. 32. 
 
 G the 
 
42 Their reproachfull Speeches of the Government,^ c. 
 
 the foules and bodies of men, is nothing elfe but a continued act 
 of accufmg and excufing (like the horfe in the mill) which ( fay 
 they) you doe by circumftances and conjectures, as alfo your fa- 
 thers have done before you, the Diviners and Necromancers of 
 this world, who are gone to their owne place, and have their re- 
 ward. 
 
 P a g- 33- 47 They accufe our Magiftrates for maintaining Indians in 
 
 their lying, fabbath-breaking,grofie whoredomes, ftealing,&c. 
 
 Pag. 34. 48 That they are hypocrites, having eyes and fee not, eares and 
 
 hear not, mouths and fpeak not. 
 
 Now had thefe men returned a rationall anfwer, it might have 
 been meet perhaps by a few marginall Notes to have returned fome 
 fhort Reply; but both their Letters being fraught with little elfe 
 then meer raylings, and reproachfull language, it may be fufBcient 
 thus to prefent them in one view together, that fo the wife and pru- 
 dent may take a tafte of their fpirits, and learne from what fire it 
 is that their tongues are thus highly inflamed. If our Courts and 
 Magiftrates had been in any thing to blame, what a faire and eafie 
 way had it been to have firft convinced them, before they had thus 
 bitterly reviled them; but thus to cut and fhave, and caft all this 
 filth in their faces without proof or reafon, argues a bold and in- 
 folent fpirit fitted to make combuftions and confufions in the place 
 where they live. If indeed the Magiftrates had given them any fore 
 provocations of returning ill language, there might have been fome 
 excufe , but alaffe, all the caufe that can bee given of moft of this 
 ill language, is nothing but writing friendly unto them, to fend 
 fome from themfelves to clear up the differences between them and 
 the Indians , and to fhew their juft title to the land they poffeffed: 
 if they had kept this flood within their owne bankes , or been but 
 moderate in revilings, it might have been winkt at ; but to fly out 
 into fuch extremity on fo lmall provocation againft their betters, 
 fo as to call them Idolls, blind-guides, defpifers, generation of vi- 
 pers, fuch as cruciiie Chrift, men that ferve their owne lufts, hypo- 
 crites, the feed of the Devill, Necromancers, Judaffes, men that 
 live by bloud, robbers and thieves, men without mercy, among 
 whom Juftice is dumbe, delighting in the kingdome of darkneffe 
 and the devill, like Herod and Pilate in adminiftring Juftice, whofe 
 eyes are dazled with envie, and eares ope n to lies, ftout maintainers 
 
 of 
 
Their reviling fpeeches againft Magiftracy it felf. 43 
 
 of the man of Sin, whofe wayes are wicked, and to bee abhorred; 
 worfe then Indians, like dogs, &c. This language fpeakes loud to 
 what Countrey they belong,and of what race they come. 
 
 I I. Their reviling Language not onely againft the Magi- 
 ftrates and Government here in particular, but alfo againft 
 Magiftracy it felf, and all Civill power. 
 
 TF any mail fay for them (as themfelves now for their owne ad- 
 vantage doe) that this ill language is directed onely againft our 
 particular Government and Magiftrates, but not againft all Civill 
 power it felf, the contrary may appear (notwithftanding their dark 
 language, under which fome times they feek to conceale it) in thefe 
 particulars. 
 
 " 1 They exprefly affirm that the Office to minifter Juftice, be- Pag. 16. 
 "longs onely to the Lord : and that therefore (from their inftance 
 "of Herod) men make themfelves Gods, (which themfelves inter- 
 pret to be onely from the God of this world, and to be in flat op- 
 "pofition againft God, pag. 26.) by ruling over the bodies and e- 
 "ftates of men;and that the people receiving Herod toGovernment, 
 "& crying out that this was the ordinance of God, and not of man, 
 "that he was immediately fmitten of God for it: As alfo they tell 
 "us, p. 26. that to fet up men to Judge of good and evil, for which 
 "all men are fet up in that kinde ; that this is re-acling that 
 "ancient fpirit of the Serpent, If yee eate, yee fhall bee as 
 "Gods. 
 
 Now this ftrikes at all Magiftracy, for if the office of miniftring 
 juftice and righteoufneffe belongs to God onely,then not unto any 
 man, for that is to make Gods of men; and if to judge betweene 
 good and evill bee to ac"t over againe the ancient fpirit of the Ser- 
 pent, then 'tis not onely unlawfull, but diabolical!, to make Jud- 
 ges of what is right and wrong, good or evill by any man. 
 
 If it bee objected, is it poffible that any men mould bee fo grofly 
 blind and wicked, as to abolifh all miniftration of Juftice and righ- 
 teoufneffe? 
 
 Anfw. 1. Thefe men feeme to acknowledge fome way of mini- 
 ftring Juftice, but the myfterie lies in that word Office, they would 
 
 G 2 have 
 
44 Their reviling jpeeches againft Magiftracy it felfe 
 
 have no man fet up in the Office of Magiftracy, diftinguifhed from 
 other men, but would have fuch a power common to the Bre- 
 thren, fo that a man may judge as a brother, but not as an Officer, 
 and therefore they flily juftifie him, who called one of our chiefe 
 Magiftrates in the open face of the Court, Brother, and condemne 
 all our Magiftrates, becaufe every man doth not fit there to judge as 
 a Brother, pag. 16. and their reafon feems to bee drawne from this, 
 becaufe that to bee a Brother , and confequently a coheire with 
 " Chrift, is a higher fphere then to bee a Civill Officer, as their 
 owne words intimate, pag. 16. Now the rule is evident a quatenus 
 ad omne, that if miniftration of Juftice and judgement belongs to 
 no officer, but to a man as a Brother, then to every Brother, and if 
 to every Brother, whether rich or poore, ignorant or learned, then 
 every Chriftian in a Common-wealth muft bee King , and Judge, 
 and SherifFe, and Captaine, and Parliament man, and Ruler, and 
 that not onely in N ew-England,b\xt in Old, and not onely in Old,but 
 in all the Chriftian world; downe with all Officers from their 
 Rule, and fet up every Brother for to Rule, which the godly-wife 
 may eafily difcerne to bee the eftablifhment of all confufion, 
 and the fetting up of Anarchy worfe then the greateft Ty- 
 ranny. 
 
 2. Although thefe may beare the world in hand that they allow 
 miniftration of Juftice and righteoufneffe by men as Brethren, yet 
 fome Cakes of thefe mens dough have been fo farre leavened and 
 fowred againft all Civill power,as that in our Publike Courts, be- 
 ing demanded how murderers, theeves, and adulterers mould bee 
 punifhed if there mould bee no Civill power coercive, they openly 
 and roundly anfwered before many witneffes, that fuch perfons 
 muft be left to the judgment of God, both which not long after God 
 himfelf fate Judge upon, being fuddenly and barbaroufly flaine by 
 the bloody Indians in the Dutch plantation. 
 Pag. 1 8, 19. " Firft, they exclaime againft us for choofing men that are ho- 
 " nourable, learned, wife, experienced, and of good report, or 
 " elfe they may not rule among us, and this, they fay, is of man, 
 " and by man, and putting the fecond witneffe to death, viz. the 
 " death or weakneffe of Chrift, or in plaine Englifh, 'tis a killing 
 " of Chrift. 
 
 Now however the application is made unto our Civill State, yet 
 it manifeftly ftrikes at all Civill States in the world, who mail 
 
 choofe 
 
and againfi all Civill power. 45 
 
 choofe any Officers for rule and government, and adminiftring of 
 Juftice, although they bee never fo honourable, learned, wife, ex- 
 perienced, and of good report, and confequently moft fit for go- 
 vernment; and that in fo chufing them they doe put Chrift himfelf 
 to death. So that thefc men full harp on that ftring to have every 
 man judge as a Brother, whether honourable or not honourable, 
 whether wife or foolifh, whether of good report or evill report, o- 
 therwife Chrifts weakneffe is flaine. 
 
 3. "They affirme that they who can create, make void, and Pag. 22. 
 " remove offices and officers at their pleafure, are of that evill one, 
 " (i. the devill) and not of Jefus Chrift, but of She dim that wafter 
 " and deftroyer of mankind for ever. Their proofe is from that 
 monftrous interpretation of Yea, yea, and Nay, nay, and they in- 
 ftance not onely in Church-officers, but in Common-wealth- 
 officers, whether Rulers or Captaines. Their words are thefe, 
 " viz. Hee with whom it is yea, I am a Ruler, but it was nay when 
 " I was none at all, renounceth the fpirit of him that rules in righ- 
 " teoufneffe, profeffing the fpirit of him that is Prince of the 
 " power of the aire, who is working now fo effectually in the 
 " children of difobedience; fo alfo hee with whom it is yea, I 
 " am captaine, or chief-flaughter-man, but it was nay, time was 
 " that I was none at all, renounceth the victory and flaughter 
 " made by the Captaine and High-prielt of our profeffion , 
 " profeffing himfelfe to bee a fuperfluous Giant made in the 
 " hoft of the Philiftims, to defie the hoft of the living God. 
 
 By which fpeeches 'tis evident that they doe not onely oppofe 
 Civill officers chofen amongft us here, but all fuch as are chofen 
 Rulers, Captaines, and Officers at any time, in any place, and were 
 not fo before; and fuch they fay are of the Devill the deftroyer of 
 man. 
 
 4 " They fay men limit, and fo deftroy the holy one of Ifrael, Pag. 18. 
 " whofe life is infinite, and without circumfcription and contain- 
 " ment (as they call it) if men acknowledge that Chrift rules on 
 " earth onely by his Deputies, Litvtenants, and Vicegerents, (i. by 
 " perfons invefted with Civill authority and office, for fo they 
 are called by Orthodox Divines ) and therefore they fay that his 
 " putting Chrift to death, when onely wife, and honourable, and 
 " learned, and experienced, and men of good report, are chofen 
 " to rule, becaufe they would have the Power to rule common to 
 
 G 3 all 
 
46 Their reviling fpeeches againft Magiftracy it felf, 
 
 all Chriftians, but as for the office of rule to bee peculiar to none, 
 " and therefore Pag. 24. they tell us that none fhall fee Chrift come 
 "into his kingdome with comfort, untill the authority and pow- 
 " er of man appeares to be as the building of Babel, and the name and 
 "authority of God onely to bee that wherein the bleffing confifts; 
 meaning that 'tis Babylonifh building which God mifliked, and con- 
 founded, for any man in office to rule and governe, becaufe this is 
 to limit the power and life of Chrift (which is in every brother 
 as well as in any officer) and fo to kill the life of Chrift; fo that if a- 
 ny of them fay that although they diftafte officers, as Kings and o- 
 thers by election, yet not fuch as are fo by hereditary fucceffion, 
 they are but words to f ute their owne ends for a time, and to delude 
 others, for if it bee limiting the holy One of Ifrael, a circumfcribing 
 and fo deftroying the life of Chrift which is infinite, for to make 
 him rule by his Deputies and Vicegerents on earth, then not onely 
 Kings and Princes, whether by election or no, but all other civill 
 officers muft bee abandoned, becaufe the life and power of Chrift is 
 limited in fucceffive as well as in elective Princes, in inferiour as 
 well as in fuperiour governours, who are Chrifts Deputies, and 
 Vicegerents, and therefore called Rom. 13.4. the Ministers of God 
 either for good or terrour. 
 Pag. 28. 5. They call our generall Court the Idoll generall, which is no- 
 
 " thing elfe but a device of man by the fleight of Sathan to fubjecl: 
 "and make flaves of that fpecies or kinde which God hath hono- 
 "red with his owne Image , and they do not onely fpeake thus 
 "of our Courts as Idols, but they cry out woe unto the world be- 
 "caufe of the Idols thereof, for Idols muft needes bee fet up, but 
 "woe be unto them by whom they are erected, and their reafon 
 "reacheth to all civill power, (for fay they) a man may be as well a 
 "flave to his belly,and make that his god, as be a vaffall to his owne 
 " fpecies, or kinde, or to any thing that man can bring forth even in 
 "his beft perfection. 
 
 There are other evidences of their corrupt minde herein from o- 
 ther paffages in their letters which they fpeake under more obfcure 
 cloudes and allegories, but thefe may bee a fufficient witnef fe againft 
 them before men and angels, that they abandon all civill authority, 
 although for to ferve their owne turnes of others or their owne 
 lufts, they fay they do not: the Apoftle Jude long fince, tels us of 
 fuch perfons exprefly who defpife Dominion and fpeake evill of 
 
 Dignities 
 
and againft all Civill power. 47 
 
 Dignities, I. They doe not only defpife thefe or thoie particular 
 perfons or ftates that are inverted with Dominion; but they de- 
 fpife Dominion it felfe and Dignities themfelves,and would have all 
 that power abandoned, whom he calleth v:S. filthy dreamers, defiling 
 the rlefh, murmurers and complainers walking after their owne 
 lufts, their mouthes fpeaking great fwelling words, v. 16. And that 
 it may yet more fully appeare that thefe men doe abandon all civill 
 authority, (although this fecret they will not impart unto all, but 
 rather profeffe the contrary) there is extant to bee fhewen if need 
 were, the writings betweene a prudent man in this Country, and 
 one of the chiefe, and moft underftanding of this peculiar fellow- 
 fhip (as they ftile themfelves) wherein hee doth ftoutly maintaine 
 thefe three affertions, 1. That there are no Ordinances. 2. That 
 there are no relations neither in the Common-wealth betweene ru- 
 lers and fubje(5ts, nor in the Church between officers and brethren, 
 nor in the families betweene husband and wife, mailer and fervant, 
 father and fonne. 3. That there are no inherent graces in Chriftians. 
 By which principles the world may fee what thefe men goe about, 
 viz. as much as in them lies to bring in a diforder and confufion in 
 all ftates and families, and to open the fluce to all violence, injuftice, 
 and wickedneffe,by not only abandoning,but reproaching and revi- 
 "lingall civill rule and authority upon earth, which they therefore 
 "fcornefully call a meere device of man, Idols, to be of the Devill, 
 "the deftroyer of mankinde, and to bee a crucifying of Chrift in 
 "his life and death, and all this when honourable, wife, learned, 
 experienced, well reported perfons are chofen and inverted with Ci- 
 vill power, whom therefore they would not have maintained, and 
 to whom it is as unlawfull to adminilter any oath for the ending 
 of civill differences, as to luft after a woman to commit adultery, 
 Pag. 20. 
 
 III. Their blafphemous fpeeches againft the holy things of 
 God. 
 
 1. A Gainft the Churches, they call them devifed platformes Pag. 26. 
 
 "Pag. 26. and that the wifedome of men is the whole ac- 
 "complifhment(or that which gives the whole being) of Churches 
 and Common-wealth. Pag. 10. 2. "Againft 
 
48 Their blafphemous fpeeches 
 
 Pag. 11. 2. "Againft the calling of Minifters, they fay,that to make their 
 
 "calling mediate and not immediate, is to make a nullity of Chrift, 
 "and to crucifie Chrift, and to put him to an open fhame, and that 
 "fuch Minifters are Magicians, Pag. 34. 
 
 Now this reflects upon all the Ordinances and ordinary Officers 
 and Minifters of Chrift, that either are or have beene in the 
 Church at any time, for although the offices bee immediately 
 from Chrift, yet their call to exercife this office hath beene ever 
 accounted mediate. 
 
 Pag. 36. 3. "Againft the word of God, they call the Sermons of Gods 
 " Minifters tales, or lies and falj hoods, now had they thus fpoken up- 
 on proofe againft any particular Sermons, or perfons, the accu- 
 fed might have fpoken for themfelves, but indifferently to revile all 
 Sermons as tales or forgeries, the doctrine generally taught here a- 
 mongft us, being no other then that which Paul preached at Ephe- 
 fus for three yeares fpace and upwards, viz. repentance towards 
 God, and faith towards the Lord Jefus, Acl. 20. being alfo no o- 
 ther then what agrees generally with the harmony of confeffions 
 of all reformed Churches: to call thefe tales is a word which the 
 Lord Jefus will certainely remember, unleffe they repent; the Ser- 
 mons of the Apoftles of Chrift, as well as the doctrine of all refor- 
 med Churches, being reproached hereby. 
 
 Pag. 26. 4. Againft the Sacraments: as for baptifme they doe not onely 
 make the baptizing of Infants as abominable as the croffe, but all 
 our baptifmes, "behold (fay they) the vanity and abomination of 
 all your baptifmes, and they doe not meane all thofe baptifmes 
 which are in ufe amongft us, but in any Churches of the world at 
 this day; for they acknowledge no other baptifme then that which 
 is fpirituall, and hence they fay, "that when ever you fee the bap- 
 "tifme of Chrift truly in ufe according to the word of God, you 
 "doe as truly fee that party partaking and communicating with 
 "the croffe and fufferings of Chrift, for thefe are coaparant, now 
 communicating in Chrifts fufferings in their meaning is onely fpi- 
 rituall, and fo is therefore all baptifmes. 2. As for the Lords fupper 
 fcarce a greater heape of blafphemies in fewer words can come from 
 the mouth of man againft that bleffed Ordinance, wherein Chrift is 
 fo manifeftly and fweetly prefent, "for they call it your difht up 
 "dainties, turning the juice of a fillie grape that perifheth in the ufe 
 "of it,into the bloud of the Lord Jefus, by the cunning skill of 
 
 "your 
 
again ft the holy things of God. 49 
 
 "your Magicians, which doth make mad and drunke fo many in 
 "the world. 
 
 5. Againft repentance and humiliation for finne, they fpeake 
 fomewhat obfcurely, but they that know them may foone under- 
 stand their meaning, which if it be this, that in a way of compun- 
 ction and forrow for finne, a Chriftian is not to feeke for confo- 
 lation and comfort from Chrift, and to affirme that this is to 
 make the fonne of God Belial and Segnirim, the Devill himfelfe, (as 
 they interpret it) then tis moft groffe blafphemy againft not onely 
 the preaching, but practife of repentance and godly forrow, for 
 which the Apoftle rejoiced to fee in the Corinthians, ch. 7 y.9.10. 
 and which James and Peter command and commend, James 4. v. 9. 
 10. 1 Peter 5. v. 6. and which way not fo much Mofes in the law 
 but Chrift in the Gofpell hath fanctified to finde pardon of finne 
 1 John 1. 9. 
 
 6. Againft Chrift Jefus himfelfe: "they condemne our doctrine 
 "for affirming that Jefus Chrift actually dyed and fuffered onely in 
 "the dayes of Herod, and Pontius Pilate, when hee hanged on the 
 "Croffe, and that hee was crucified in truth and fubftance onely 
 "when hee appeared borne of the Virgin Mary: and for this do- 
 "ctrine wee are condemned as Wifards and Necromancers. 
 
 Now what is this but to overthrow not onely the being of Chrift 
 in the flefh, making him no other then fuch an one as actually fuffer- 
 ed from the beginning of the world, and fhal! doe to the end of it, 
 but alfo overthrowing all faith and hope of falvation in that Meffi- 
 ah who was incarnate in the dayes of Herod and Pilate, and in his 
 death and fufferings, and that one perfect offering, then once for all 
 Heb.io.i^. The reader may therefore be pleafed to take notice that 
 being asked in open Court what was that Chrift who was borne 
 of the Virgin and fuffered under Pilate? one of them anfwered that 
 hee was a femblance, picture, or a fhadow of what was and is done 
 "actually and fubftantially in Chriftians ; and hence the meaning 
 of the words may bee gathered Pag. II. which otherwife the wife 
 reader may thinke to bee non-fence, viz. "that they are Wifards 
 "and Necromancers who raife a fhadow without a fubftance (viz. 
 "to make Chrift to bee flaine in types fince the worldbegan) or 
 "who raife the fubftance of him who dwels in light without a fha- 
 "dow, (making no more of Chrift but a femblance and fhadow, as 
 themfelves call it) for further explication of which they affirmed 
 
 H in 
 
 Pag. 26. 
 
 Ex 1. pag. 
 They fay ou t 
 of the forbid- 
 den fruite i. e. 
 mans wifdom , 
 our Churches 
 and Common- 
 wealth is for- 
 med. 2. That 
 the whole edi- 
 fice amongft 
 us is raifed up 
 in the fpirit of 
 an hireling. 3. 
 That by fub- 
 miffion to the 
 word of God 
 in fafting.feaft- 
 ing, retired- 
 neffe for ftudy, 
 contributing, 
 treafuring, i. e. 
 for Church u- 
 fes fo much in 
 feverall Chur- 
 ches, they doe 
 nothing but 
 bring forth 
 fruite unto 
 death. 
 
 Pag. 1 
 
50 Their blafphemous fpeeches 
 
 in open Court that as the Image of God in Adam was Chrift, ("for 
 "God they faid had but one Image) fo the loffe of this Image by 
 "man was the death of Chrift, and therefore'tis no wonder if they 
 deny Chrift to dye actually onely when crucified under PontiusPilate 
 becaufe man finned actually (which they make to be Chrifts death) 
 long before; meane while the reader may take notice with a holy 
 aftonifhment and horrour of the heavy curfe of God in blinding 
 thefe bold men with fnch a palpable and groffe fpirit of delufion 
 and mad phrenfies, who will make mans finne and fall,which is the 
 caufe of perdition ofmen,to be the caufe of theSalvation of man, for 
 fo Chrifts death is which they blafphemoufly make mans finne to 
 bee. 
 
 For further proofe that they make little ufe of Chrift and his 
 death, then as hath been faid, their owne interpretation of the flay- 
 ing of the two witneffes, Pag. 17. 18. feemeth to confirme, for they 
 make thefe two witneffes the life and the death of Chrift in men, the 
 life of Chrift they call his ftrength, and the death of Chrift they call 
 his wea'kneffe, viz. as it is, alnd appeares in weake, foolifh, igno- 
 rant, unexperienced, and ill-reported of men, and therefore they 
 blameus for killing of Chrifts death (for it feemes it is fuch a death 
 as may bee killed) in that wee chufe honourable, wife, learned men, 
 and of good report to place of rule, excluding others. 
 
 Nowfome of thefe blafphemies might have beene the better borne 
 if they had let Chrift and his death alone, and his word alone, but 
 to call the holy word and Sermons of Salvation tales,the Sacrament 
 an abomination, madding and making drunke the world, to call the 
 Minifters of Chrift who difpenfe Word and Sacraments, Necro- 
 mancers and Magicians, and they who hold and beleive him to bee 
 the Aleffiah and Chrift who fuffered under Pilate, Wifards, and all 
 this in coole bloud, in the open face of the Court, obftinately refu- 
 fing to alter a title of what they had writ, let the world judge if ever 
 Antichrift that beaft fpoken of Rev. 13. 5, 6. did ever fpeake greater 
 blafphemies againft God, his name, and tabernacle, and whether 
 fuch men deferve to live, that live thus to blafpheme; may not fuch 
 civill ftates that tolerate f uch,f eare that f entence of Godagainftthem 
 as was pronounced againft Ahab for letting blafphemous Benhadab 
 efcape with his life, thy life for his life} however mens charity may 
 enlarge it felfe this way, yet let wifedome preferve us and make the 
 wifehearted wary of fuch impoftors,who want not their wiles to fay 
 
 and 
 
againft the holy things of Cod. 5 1 
 
 and unfay, as may beft fute their advantage, for they can hold forth 
 at fome time and to fome perfons, wholefome and orthodox truths 
 and beare them in hand that this is all that they hold, but they have 
 depths of abomination to give to drinke when theyfee their feafons, 
 in fuchgolden cups ;they have hidden fecrets, which their youngPro- 
 felytes mall not prefently fee, much leffe others; for fo they tell us 
 Pag. 17. " that tis not their purpofe to open to every one the houfe 
 "of their treafures, the filver and gold, and f pices, and precious 
 "ointment, nor the houfe of their armour, becaufe they may take 
 "them all as execrable and put them to a prophane ufe, nor can 
 "every fpirit comprehend the breadth of the land of Emanuel, (as 
 "they call it Pag. 12.) nor know the Cherubims of glory, nor the 
 "voice of the oracle from the Mercy-feate : and indeed their un- 
 couth, tumorous and fwelling words (as Jude cals them Jude 16). 
 like fwellings, and tumours of the flefh, arethe undoubted fignes of a 
 fecret and feducing humour, whereby they are fit to deceive the fim- 
 ple and infecl the ftrong, if men bee not watchfull. 
 
 The Publifher to the Reader. 
 
 HP HE reafon wherefore nothing is anfwered to the great charge 
 in his voluminous Poftcript, is becaufe it hath beene anfwered 
 already by a former treatife printed: but more efpecially becaufe 
 many of the friends, children and kindred of the dead are in good 
 efteeme with us, whom I am loath to grieve. 
 
 But fince by courfe thou art next to caft thine eye Gentle Reader 
 upon the f umme of a Prefentment which the Court at Road Hand re- 
 ceived from theirGrandJewry being prefent when SamuelGorton had 
 fo much abufed their Government in the face of the Country,yea in 
 open Court, their owne eyes and eares bearing witneffe thereunto, 
 they I fay prefented thefe abufes to the Court, as fuch which they 
 conceived ought not to bee borne without ruine to their Govern- 
 ment, and therefore befought the bench to thinke offome one pu- 
 nifhment for examples fake as well as otherwifeto bee inflicted on 
 the Delinquent. 
 
 And therefore that thou maift fee the occafion thereof, take no- 
 tice that an ancient woman having a Cow going in the field where 
 
 H 2 Samuel 
 
52 The Publifher to the Reader. 
 
 Samuel Gorton had fome land. This woman fetching out her Cow, 
 Gortons fervant maid fell violently upon the woman beating and no- 
 torioufly abufing her by tearing her haire about her, whereupon 
 the old woman complaining to the Deputy Governour of the place, 
 hee fendeth for the maid, and upon hearing the caufe, bound her 
 over to the Court. The time being come and the Court fet, Gor- 
 ton appeares himfelfe in the defence of his maid, and would not fuf- 
 fer his maid to appeare or make anfwer, but faid exprefly fhe mould 
 not appeare, and that if they had any thing againft her they mould 
 proceed with him. And though hee was lovingly diffwaded by 
 fome of the Bench not to engage himfelfe but let his maid appeare, 
 yet hee refufed: but when hee could not bee prevailed with, the 
 aclion was called and witneffes produced, fworne, and examined: 
 which being done, hee moved for another witneffe to bee called, 
 which hee perfwaded himfelfe and the Bench was an honeft wo- 
 man and would fpeake the truth. Now fhee being fworne, faid, 
 Mr.Gorton, I can fpeake nothing will helpe your maid. And indeed 
 her whole teftimony was againft her and for the old womans caufe, 
 whereupon hee openly faid, Take heed thou wicked woman, the 
 earth doth not open and fwallow thee up. And then hee demand- 
 ed of the Court if hee mould have equity and juftice in his caufe or 
 no? To which was anfwered, if he had either plea or evidence to 
 produce in his maids caufe it mould be heard. Then hee nomina- 
 ted one Weekes who could fay fomething to it. Weekes was called 
 and required to take his oath before hee fpake; at which Gorton 
 and/F<?^.rbothof them jeered and laughed and told the Court they 
 were skilled in Idols, and that was one, and ftood ftoutly a long time 
 to make it good. Hereupon fome of the Court put him in mind how 
 they had forewarned him of fuch carriages fearing he would fall in- 
 to fome extreames. At length the Governour gathering up the 
 fumme of what was witneffed, commends it to the Jewry. At which 
 time Gorton faid, the Court had perverted Juftice and wrefted the 
 witneffes, with very many high and reproachfull termes; and in 
 the midft of his violence throwing his hands about, hee touched the 
 Deputy Governour with his handkerchiefe buttons about his 
 eares (who it feemes fate at a Table with his backe towards him) 
 whereupon the Deputy faid, what will you fall about my eares? To 
 which Gorton anfwered I know not whether you have any eares or 
 no? and if you have, I know not where they ftand; but I will not 
 
 touch 
 
The Publiflier to the Reader. 53 
 
 touch them with a paire of Tongues. The Governour often cal- 
 ling upon the Jewry to attend the Caufe, was as often interrupted 
 by him. Whereupon many of their Freemen being prefent, defi- 
 red the Court they would not fuffer fuch infolencies,profeff ing they 
 were troubled the Court had borne with them fo long. For which 
 in briefe, hee was committed, but when the Governour bade the 
 Marfhall take him away ; hee bade take away Coddington, which 
 was their Governours name: a thing I thought meet to explaine,left 
 thou fhouldft not underftand it by the Heads of the Presentment 
 here following, abufmg all and every particular of the Magiftrates 
 with opprobrious terms. But note when hee was committed upon 
 his mutinous and feditious fpeeches, fVeekes, Holden, &c. his abet- 
 tors, ftopped the way with fuch infolency, as the Governour was 
 forced to rife from the Bench, to helpe forward the Command 
 with his perfon, in clearing the way, put Weekes in the ftocks, and 
 was forced to command a guard of armed men to preferve them- 
 felves and the peace of the place: And this they did becaufe of 
 fome fore-going jealoufies; and now taking occafion to fearch the 
 houfes of that party that adhered to him, they found many of 
 their peeces laden with bullet: and by meanes hereof they were for- 
 ced to continue their guard, whilft upon their banifhment they were 
 forced from the If land. 
 
 And however it were enough for a Book alone to relate all the 
 particulars of his infolent carriage, yet take notice onely of two 
 or three particulars: 1 When hee was cenfured to bee whipt and 
 banifhed, he appealed to England; they asked to whom? Hee faid 
 with a loud voice, To King Charles. They told him, hee mould 
 firft have his punifhment, and then afterwards hee might complain. 
 To which hee reply ed, take notice / appeale to King Charles, Celo, 
 or Selah; the party who was prefent told mee hee could not tell 
 which , but that word was fpoken with an extraordinary high 
 and loud voice. 
 
 A fecond thing to be obfervcd, was , that after hee had been fo 
 defervedly whipt, fome of his faction faid, Now Chrift Jefus had 
 fuffered. 
 
 And thirdly, although the weather was very cold, the Governour 
 going away after execution of Juftice upon him, yet he ran a good 
 way after the Governour, drawing a chaine after one of his legs, 
 the upper part of his body being ftill naked, and told him, He had 
 
 H 3 but 
 
for by read in. 
 
 54 The fum of the Prefentment of Samuel Gorton 
 
 but lent him this, and hee mould furely have it again. All this I 
 had from a man of very good repute, who then lived with them, 
 and was an eye and eare witneffe to all thefe proceedings. 
 • In the next place take notice good Reader, that when hee went 
 from hence well whipt, as before, and entred upon his banifhment, 
 the place hee went to (in a fharpe feafon) was a Town called Provi- 
 dence, i where Mr. Roger IFilliams,8c divers others lived, who in regard 
 of the feafon, entertained them with much humane curtefie, but 
 the Gortonians anfwered all like Aifops fnake, as thou maift read 
 [Errata: L io, by the feverall Letters of the chief Inhabitants of that place, by 
 a notorious faction there alfo by them raifed, to the great diftracti- 
 on and amazement of the Inhabitants, as appeareth by their dole- 
 full complaints in their own Letters, a true Copy whereof I prefent 
 unto thee. 
 
 The fum of the Prefentment of Samuel Gorton at Portf- 
 mouth in Roade-Ifland, by the Grand Jury. 
 
 X7 Irft, that Samuel Gorton certaine dayes before his appearance at 
 this Court, faid, the Government was fuch as was not to bee 
 fubjected unto,forafmuch as it had not a true derivation, becaufe it 
 was altered from what it firft was. 
 
 2 That SaM«<?/ Govern contumelioufly reproached the Magiftrates 
 calling them Juft Affes. 
 
 3 That the faid Gorton reproachfully called the Judges, or fome 
 of the Juftices on the Bench ( corrupt Judges) in open Court. 
 
 4 That the faid Gorton queftioned the Court for making him 
 to waite on them two dayes formerly, and that now hee would 
 know whether hee mould bee tryed in an hoftile way, or by Law, 
 or in fobriety. 
 
 5 The faid Gorton alledged in open Court, that hee looked at 
 the Magifltates as Lawyers , and called Mr. Eafton , Lawyer 
 Eafton. 
 
 6 The faid Gorton charged the Deputy Governour to bee an 
 Abetter of a Riot, Affault, or Battery, and profeffed that he would 
 not touch him, no not with a paire of tongues : Moreover he faid, 
 I know not whether thou haft any eares,or no: as alfo,I think thou 
 
 knoweft 
 
at Portf mouth in Roadc-Ifland by the Grand-Jury. 55 
 
 knoweft not where thy ears ftand, and charged him to be a man un- 
 fit to make a Warrant. 
 
 7 The faid Gorton charged the Bench for wrefting witneffe, in 
 this expreffion,I profeffe you wreft witneffe. 
 
 8 The faid Gorton called a Freeman in open Court (faucy Boy, 
 and Jack-an-Apes;) and faid, the woman that was upon her oath, 
 would not fpeake againft her mother , although fhe were damned 
 where fhe ftood. 
 
 9 The faid Gorton affirmed that Mr. Eafton behaved himfelfe not 
 like a Judge, and that himfelf was charged either bafely orfalfly. 
 
 10 The faid Gorton faid to the Bench, Ye intrude Oaths, and goe 
 about to catch me. 
 
 1 1 The faid Gorton being reproved for his mifcarriage, held up 
 his hand, and with extremity of fpeech fhooke his hand at them, 
 infomuch that the Freemen prefent faid, Hee threatens the Court. 
 
 12 The faid Gorton charged the Court with acting the fecond 
 part of Plymouth Magiftrates, who, as hee faid, condemned him in 
 the Chimney corner,ere they heard him fpeak. 
 
 13 The faid Gorton in open Court did profeffe to maintaine the 
 quarrell of another being his Maid-fervant. 
 
 14 The faid Gorton being commanded to prifon , imperioufly 
 refifted the authority, and made open Proclamation, faying, take a- 
 way Coddington, and carry him to prifon; the Governour faid again, 
 all you that owne the King,take away Gorton and carry him to pri- 
 fon; Gorton replyed,all you that own the King,take away Codding- 
 ton, and carry him to prifon. 
 
 William Dyre Secretary. 
 
 Mr. Roger Williams his Letter unto Mr. VVinthrop, 
 concerning Samuel Gorton. 
 
 Providence 8. i ft . 1640. 
 
 TV/F After Gorton having foully abufed high and low at Aquednick, 
 is now bewitching and bemadding poore Providence, both 
 with his uncleane and foule cenfures of all the Minifters of this 
 Country, (for which my felf have in Chrifts name withftood him) 
 and alfo denying all vifible and externall Ordinances in depth of 
 
 Familifme, 
 
56 A Letter from the Inhabitants 0/ Providence, 
 
 Familifme, againft which I have a little difputed and written, and 
 fhall (the moft High aff ifting) to death : As Paul f aid of Afia , I of 
 Providence (almoft) All fuck in his poyfon, as at firft they did at 
 Aquednick. Some few and my felfe withftand his Inhabitation, 
 and Towne-priviledges , without confeffion and reformation of 
 his uncivill and inhumane pracl:ifes at Port/mouth : Yet the tyde 
 is too ftrong againft us, and I feare (if the framer of Hearts helpe 
 not)it will force mee to little Patience, a little Ifle next to your 
 Prudence. Jehovah himfelfebee pleafed to bee a Sanctuary to all 
 whofe hearts are perfect with him; In him I defire unfainedly to 
 be 
 
 Your Worfhips true and affeclionate 
 
 Roger Williams. 
 
 Providence this 17. of November, Anno 1641. 
 
 To the Honoured Governour of Maffachufett, together with the 
 Worfhipfull Afjiftants ,and our loving Neighbours there. 
 
 \/ r \/'Ee the Inhabitants of the Town abovefaid, having faire 
 occafions, counted it meet and neceffary to give you true 
 intelligence of the infolent and riotous carriages of Samuel Gorton 
 and his company,which came from the If land of Aquednick; which 
 continue full as fojourners amongft us; together with John Greene, 
 and Francis fVefion, two which have this long time ftood in oppofi- 
 tion againft us, and againft the faireft and moft juft and honeft ways 
 of proceedings in order and Government , that wee could rightly 
 and truly ufe, for the peaceable prefervation and quiet fub- 
 fiftence of our felvcs and families, or any that fhould have 
 faire occalion to goe out or come in amongft us. Alfo fix or feven 
 of our Townfmen which were in peaceable Covenants with us, 
 which now by their declamations doe cut themfelves off from us, 
 and jointly under their hands have openly proclaimed, to take 
 party with the afore-named Companies, and fo intend for ought 
 wee can gather, to have no manner of honeft order, or government 
 either over them or amongft them, as their writings, words, and 
 
 actions 
 
again ft Gorton and his Accomplices. 57 
 
 actions doe moft plainly fhew. It would bee tedious to relate the 
 numberleffenumberof their upbraidingtaunts,affaults, and threats, 
 and violent kinde of carriage daily practifed againft all that either 
 with care or counfell feek to prevent or withftand their lewd licen- 
 tious courfes. Yet in briefe to commit fome few of them to your 
 moderate Judgements, left wee our felves mould bee deemed fome 
 way blinded in the occurrences of things, here is a true Copy of 
 their Writing inclofed , which Francis Wefton gave us the 13. of 
 this prefent Moneth, they having alfo fetup a Copy of the fame 
 on a tree in the fUeet, in ftead of fatisfaction for fifteene pounds, 
 which by way of arbitration of eight men orderly chofen , and 
 all caufes and reafons that could bee found, daily and truly exami- 
 ned, and confidered jointly together, when hee the faid Francis 
 Wefton was found liableto pay , or make fatisfaction in Cattle or 
 Commodities, but on the 15. of this prefent moneth, when wee 
 went orderly, openly, and in a warrantable way to attachfome of 
 the faid Francis Weftons Cattle, to drive them to the Pound, to make 
 him, if it were poffible,to make f atisf action : which Samuel Gorton 
 and his company getting notice of, came and quarrelled with us 
 in the ftreet, and made a tumultuons Hubbub ;and although for our 
 parts wee had before-hand moft principally armed our felves with 
 patience, peaceably to fufFer as much injury, as could poffibly bee 
 born, to avoid all fhedding of blood, yet fome few drops of blood 
 were flied on either fide: And after the tumult was partly appea- 
 fed, and that we went on orderly into the Corne-field, to drive the 
 faid Cattle, the faid Francis Wefton came furioufly running with a 
 rlayle in his hand, and cryed out, Helpe Sirs, helpe firs, they are go- 
 ing to fteale my cattle, and fo continued crying till Randall Holden, 
 John Greene, and fome others came running and made a great out- 
 cry, and hollowing and crying, Theeves, theeves, ftealing cattle, 
 Healing cattle, and fo the whole number of their defperate compa- 
 ny came riotoufly running, and fo with much ftriving in driving, 
 hurried away the cattle, and then prefumptuoufly anfwered , they 
 had made a refcue , and that fuch mould bee their practife if any 
 men at any time, in any cafe attach any thing that is theirs. And 
 fully to relate the leaft part of their fuch like words and actions, 
 the time and paper would fcarce bee profitably fpent, neither need 
 wee to advife your difcretions what is likely to bee the fad events 
 of thefe diforders, if their bloody currents bee not either flopped, 
 
 I or 
 
58 A letter from the Inhabitants of Providence, &c. 
 
 or turned fome other way. For it is plaine to us, that if men 
 fhould continue to refift all manner of order, and orderly anfwe- 
 ring one of another in different cafes, they will fuddenly praclife, 
 not onely cunningly to detaine things one from another, but, o- 
 penly in publike, juftly or unjuftly, according to their own wills 
 diforderly take what they can come by; firft pleading neceffity, or 
 to maintaine wife and family; but afterwards boldly to maintain 
 licentious luft, like favage brute beafts, they will put no manner of 
 difference between houfes, goods, lands, wives, lives, blood, nor 
 any thing will bee precious in their eyes: If it may therefore pleafe 
 you of gentle curtefie, and for the prefervation of humanity and 
 mankinde, to confider our condition, and lend us a neighbour-like 
 helping hand, and fend us fuch aff iftance (our neceffity urging us to 
 bee troublefome unto you) to helpe us to bring them to fatisfacti- 
 on,and eafe us of our burden of them, at your difcretions; wee 
 mail evermore owne it as a deed of great charity, and take it 
 very thankfully,and diligently labour in the beft meafure wee can, 
 and conftantly practife to requite your loving kindneffe, if you 
 fhould have occafion to command us, or any of us in any lawfull 
 deligne: And if it fhall pleafe you to fend us any fpeedy anfwer,we 
 fhall take it very kindly, and bee ready and willing to fatisfie the 
 Meffengers, and ever remaine 
 
 Your loving Neighbours, and refpeclive Friends 
 
 William Field 
 Jofhuah Winfor William Harris 
 
 Benedicl Arnold William Wickenden 
 
 William Mean William Reinolds 
 
 William Hawkings Thomas Harris 
 
 Robert Weft Tho. Hopkins mark 
 
 Hugh Bennit 
 William Carpenter. 
 
 Providence 
 
59 
 Providence the2$. of the 3. month, 1641. 
 
 To the reft of the five Men appointed to manage the affaires of 
 our Towne aforefaid, Thefe are further to give you to un- 
 derftand; VIZ. That 
 
 T Doe not onely approve of what my neighbours before me have 
 written and directed their Reafons to a ferious confidera- 
 tion with us, concerning Samuel Gorton and his Company: but 
 this much I fay alfo, that it is evident and may eafily bee proved, 
 that the faid Samuel Gorton nor his Company are not fit perfons to 
 bee received in, and made members of fuch a body, in fo weake a 
 ftate as our Town is in at prefent. 
 My Reafons are, Viz. 
 Firft, Samuel Gorton having {hewed himfelfe a railing and turbu- 
 lent perfon, not onely in and againft thofe ftates of Government 
 from whence hee came, as is to bee proved; but alfo here in this 
 Towne fince hee have fojourned here; Witneffe his proud chal- 
 lenge, and his upbraiding accufations in his vilifying and oppro- 
 brious terms of, and againft one of our Combination moft wrath- 
 fully and fhameleffly reviling him, and difturbing of him, and med- 
 ling with him, who was imployed and bufied in other private 00- 
 cafions, having no juft caufe fo to revile and abufe him, faying alfo 
 to him (and that of another ftate) in a bafe manner, they were 
 like fwine that held out their Nofe to fuck his blood, and that now 
 hee and the reft of his Company would goe and wallow in it alfo; 
 which are indeed words unfufTerable; and alfo defpitefully calling 
 him Boy, as though hee would have challenged the field of him, 
 in fuch an inhumane behaviour as becomes not a man that fhould 
 bee thought to be fit by any reafonable men to be received into fuch 
 a poor weak ftate as we are in at prefent. 
 
 Secondly, another of his Company, one who is much in efteem 
 with him, who openly in a fcornfull and deriding manner, feeing 
 one of the five men that was chofen by the Towne, and betrufted in 
 the Towne affaires, comming towards him in the ftreet, hee asked 
 of one that ftood by him, who that was; the other anfwered him, 
 it was one of the five men appointed for managing of our Towne 
 
 I 2 affaires, 
 
60 A Letter from the Inhabitants of Providence, 
 
 affaires, or the like: Yea, faid hee , Hee lookes like one of 
 the five, which words import not onely a fcorning and deri- 
 ding of his perfon ofwhom then hee fpake,but alfo a defpifing and 
 fcorning of our Civill State, as it were trampling it under foot, 
 as they had done by other States before they came hither, who 
 were of greater ftrength then wee are ; for which caufe I cannot 
 fee fuch perfons to bee fit to bee received into fuch a State as our 
 Towne is. 
 
 Thirdly, I cannot finde thefe men to bee reafonable men in their 
 fuite unto the Towne, to be received in as Townfmen, feeing they 
 have already had a plaine denyall of their requeft, and that by the 
 confent of the major part of the Towne, or very neare, &c. and 
 are yet unanfwerable ; and alfo that they feeing that their com- 
 ming to our Towne , hath brought the Towne into a hurry, 
 almoft the one halfe againft the other, in which eftate no Towne or 
 City can well ftand or fubfift ; which decjareth plainly unto us, 
 that their intent is not good, but that their abode fo long here a- 
 mongft us, is in hope to get the viclory over one part of the Town, 
 but fpecially of thofe that laid the firft foundation of the place, and 
 bought it even almoft with the loffe of their lives , and their whole 
 eftates, and afterwards to trample them under their feet, as fome 
 of their words hold forth, or elfe to drive them out into the fame 
 condition, to feek out a new Providence, and to buy it with the like 
 hardneffe as they firft bought this place; thefe, and many other 
 like reafons that may be fnewed, declare that they are not fit perfons 
 to be received into our meane and weake State. 
 
 Fourthly, and feeing hee who is fo well knowne to bee the 
 ring-leader unto the breach of peace, that have been fo notorioufly 
 evill to bee a trouble of Civill States where hee hath lived, that are 
 of farre greater force then wee are of, fpecially that State who have 
 their Commiffion and Authority from the Higher Powers; what 
 may wee then expecft if he could get himfelf in with, and amongft fo 
 many as wee fee are daily ready to tread us under their feet , and 
 his,whom he cals friends,&c.Surely,firft a breach of our civill peace, 
 and next a ruine of all fuch as are not of his fide, as their daily pra- 
 ctife doth declare ; Ergo, they are not fit perfons to be received into 
 our Towne, &c. 
 
 Objecl. If it bee objected, as fome have blafphemoufly faid, 
 that wee are perfecutors, and doe perfecute the Saints , in not 
 
 receiving 
 
again ft Gorton and his Accomplices. 61 
 
 receiving of them into our Towne-fellowfhip, &c. 
 
 Anjzv. To this I anfwer, there cannot bee proved the leaft fhew 
 of any perfecution of thofe perfons, either by us, or by any other 
 amongft us to our knowledge. For I they have quiet abode a- 
 mongft us, none molefting or troubling of them, nor any thing 
 they have. 2 It cannot bee proved but by their owne relation, the 
 which hath been difproved; that they were fent out from thofe 
 places from whence they came for Religion, neither are they med- 
 led with here for any fuch matter, but rather that they themfelves 
 in their bravery are more ready to meddle with others. 3 They 
 themfelves and others of their followers, have rather been trou- 
 blers and perfecutors of the Saints of God that lived here before 
 they came, and doe but waite their opportunity to make them- 
 felves manifeft in that they intend; Ergo, it cannot bee truly faid of 
 any, that any perfecution is offered by us unto them, if it could pof- 
 fibly be faid of them that they are Saints. 
 
 Obj. But if it be further objected, that we doe not give them the 
 liberty of men, neither doe wee afford them the bowells of mer- 
 cy, to give them the meanes of livelihood amongft us, as fome have 
 laid. 
 
 Anjzv. To this I fay; 1 there is no State but in the firft place will 
 feeke to preferve its owne fafety and peace. 2 Wee cannot give 
 land to any perfon by vertue of our combination , except wee firft 
 receive them into our ftate of combination , the which wee cannot 
 doe with them for our owne and others peace-fake, &c. 3 Where- 
 as their neceffity have been fo much pleaded, it is not knowne that 
 ever they fought to finde out a place where they might accommo- 
 date themfelves, and live by themfelves, with their friends, and fuch 
 as will follow after them, where they may ufe their liberty to live 
 without order or controule, and not to trouble us, that have taken 
 the fame courfe as wee have done for our fafety and peace, which 
 they doe not approve nor like of,but rather like beafts in the fhape 
 of men to doe what they fhall thinke fit in their owne eyes , and 
 will not bee governed by any State. And feeing they doe but here 
 linger out the time in hope to get the day to make up their penny- 
 worths in advantage upon us, we have juft caufe to heare the com- 
 plaints of fo many of our Neighbors that live in the Town orderly 
 amongft us, and have brought in their complaints, with many rea- 
 fons againft them, and not to admit them, but anfwer them as unfit 
 
 I 3 perfons 
 
62 A letter from the inhabitants of Providence, &c. 
 
 perfons to bee received into our meane State, &c. 
 
 Now if thefe Reafons and much more which have been truly 
 {aid of them, doe not fatisfie you, and the reft of our neighbours, 
 but that they rnuft be received into our Towne-ftate, even unto our 
 utter overthrow, &c. then according to the order agreed upon by 
 the Towne,I doe firft offer my houfe and land within the liberty of 
 the Towne unto the Towne to buy it of mee, or elfe I may, and 
 fhall take liberty to fell it to whom I may for mine advantage, &c. 
 
 William Arnold. 
 
6 3 
 
 Sp crTrs 
 
 »«EB<S!»<S 
 
 PARTICVLAR ANSWER 
 
 TO THE 
 
 Manifold Slanders and abominable Falfehoods 
 
 contained in a Book, called Simplicities defence againji 
 
 Seven-headed Policy: Wherein Samuel Gorton 
 
 is proved a difturber of Civill Societies, defpe- 
 
 rately dangerous to his Country-men 
 
 the Englifh in New-Engl. and 
 
 notorioufly flanderous in what 
 
 he hath Printed of them. 
 
 HEN firft I entertained the defires of the 
 Countrey to come over to anfwer the com- 
 plaints of Samuel Gorton, &c. and to render a 
 reafon of the juft and righteous proceedings of 
 the Countrey of New-Engl. in the feverall parts 
 of it, againft him being a common difturber of 
 the peace of all Societies where hee came, witnes 
 New-Plymouth, 2 Roade-Ifland, 3 Providence, and laftly the Majja- gam. Gorton a 
 chufets, being the moft eminent; I little thought then to have ap- common diftur 
 peared in print: but comming into England , and finding a Booke beroftheGviI 
 written by~Mr.Gortonca\\ed Simplicities defence againft Seven-headed Societies hee 
 policy : or , Atrue complaintof apeaceable people ,beingpartof theEnglifh there lived in. 
 in New-Engl. made unto the State of Old-England, againft cruell per- 
 fecutors united in Church-Government in thofe parts. I then concei- 
 ved my felfe bound in duty to take off the many groffe and publike 
 fcandalls held forth therein, to the great amazement of many ten- 
 der confeiences in the Kingdom, who are not acquainted with his 
 
 proud 
 
6\ The principall motive inducing to plant New-England. 
 
 proud and turbulent carriage, nor fee the Lion under his Lambe- 
 skinne coate of fimplicity and peace. The Lord knowes how unwil- 
 ling I was perfonally to engage: and I truft hee will alfo guide mee 
 in anfwering his booke, as I fhall bee farre from bitterneffe: tis 
 true, time was when his perfon was precious in mine eies, and 
 therefore I hope and defire onely to make a righteous and juft de- 
 fence to the many unworthy things by him boldly, ignorantly, 
 proudly, and falfly publifhed to the great difhonour of God in 
 wronging and fcandalizing his Churches, which the Lord Jefus 
 Chrift will not leave unpunifhed. 
 
 I know theworld is full of controverfies and tis my great griefe to 
 fee my dearnative Country fo engaged in them,efpecially one god- 
 ly perfon againft another. 'Tis my prefent comfort I come not to 
 accufe any ; but to defend New-England againft the injurious com- 
 plaints of Samuel Gorton, &c. but as it comes to paffe oftentimes 
 that men wound others unavoidably in defending their perfons 
 from the violent affaults of fuch as draw upon them, which other- 
 wife they would never have done: fo if Mr. Gorton receive any 
 fuch hurt (which is unavoidable) hee becomes an acceffary there- 
 unto: by forcing mee to defend the Country, without which I 
 mould beeunfaithfull. 
 
 I know the world is too full of bookes of this kinde, and there- 
 fore however I am unfitted of many things I have and could pro- 
 cure at home would well become a relation of the late and prefent 
 ftate of New England, yet I fhall now onely with as great brevity as 
 may bee give anfwer to fuch injurious complaints as hee maketh 
 of us. And however his Title, Preface, and every leafe of his booke 
 may bee juftly found fault with, I fhall clearely anfwer to matters 
 of fa<5t, fuch as hee chargeth the feverall Governments withall,fo as 
 any indifferent Reader may eafily difcerne how grofly wee are a- 
 bufed, and how juft and righteous cenfures were againft him for di- 
 sturbing the civill peace of all focieties where hee came, in fuch a 
 manner as no Government could poffibly beare: and for the blaf- 
 phemies for which hee was proceeded againft at Maffachufets, they 
 fell in occafionally by his owne meanes withoutany circumftance 
 leading thereunto. 
 Pag. i. And firft whereas hee accufeth us in the firft page of his booke to 
 goe over to jupprejfe hereticks. 'Tis well knowne we went thither 
 for no fuch end laid downe by us, but to enjoy thofe liberties the 
 
 Lord 
 
The principall motive inducing to plant New-England. 65 
 
 Lord Jefus Chrift had left unto his Church to avoid the Epifcopall 
 tyranny, and the heavy burthens they impofed,to which fufferings 
 the kingdome by this ever to bee honoured Parliament have and 
 doe beare witneffe to, as religious and juft. And that wee might 
 alfo hold forth that truth and ancient way of God wherein wee 
 walke, which Mr. Gorton cals herefie. Next in the fame Pag. hee 
 chargeth us with affeclion of Titles, &c. To which I anfwer,either we 
 muft live without Government, or if wee have Governours wee muft 
 give them wee call fuch Titles as are futable to their offices and pla- 
 ces they beare in Church and Common-wealth, as Governours and 
 Affiftants, Paftors, Teachers, Rulers, Deacons, &c. thefe are our 
 higheft Titles we give. 
 
 In his fecond pag. hee chargeth the Maffachufets to unite with other Pag. 2 
 Colonies to the endtheymight bathe them] 'elves in blond and ieedthemj elves 
 fat with the lives of their brethren, 13c. This is a notorious flander. 
 'Tis true that the Maffachufets new Plimouth, Conectacut, and New- 
 haven, I meane the feverall Colonies there entred into a civill com- 
 bination, and are called by the name of the United Colonies, and this 
 was occafioned by a generall confpiracy of the Indians againft the 
 body of the Englifh there feated, together with the diftracted condi- 
 tion of England, from whom we could expect no helpe at that time. 
 But Mr. Gorton and his company fell at that time into more then 
 ordinary familiarity with the Nanohigganfet Indians,who were the 
 principal contrivers of the Villany; who where they could not 
 draw others to them by force or flattery , they did it by large 
 gifts, &c. as I could prove by many teftimonies of the Indians, ma- 
 ny hundred miles afunder from each other, in which defigne had 
 not the finger of God in much mercy prevented, I had beene the firft 
 had fallen; which I forbeare to relate here,being what I now doe, is 
 but an anfwer to his invedtive, 
 
 Next in the fame pag. hee tels us at his landing how hee found his 
 Country men at great variance at Bofton in point of Religion; But had 
 not hee holpen to blow the bellowes the flame might never have 
 beene fo great. And whereas hee f aid that Mr. Williams was banifli- 
 edthence for differing f romusbeing amanof goodreport,&c. In anfwer, 
 1. take notice,I know thatMr. Williams (though a man lovely in his 
 carriage, and whom I truft the Lord will yet recall) held forth 
 in thofe times the unlawfulneffe of our Letters Patents from the King, 
 &c. would not allow theColours of our Nation, denyed the lawful- 
 
 K neffe 
 
66 The true caufe of S. Gortons fufferings in New-Engl. 
 
 nejfe of apublique oath as being needleffe to the Saints, and a prophana- 
 tion of Gods name to tender it to the wic k ed, iff c. And truly I never heard 
 but he was dealt with for thefe and fuch like points: however I am 
 forry for the love I beare to him and his, I am forced to mention it, 
 but God cals mee at this time to take off thefe afperfions. 
 
 In pag.j.hee mentions the proceedings of theMaffachufets againft 
 Mr. John Wheelwright l$c. Had it beene the will of God I would 
 thofe differences had never been: But the maine difference was about 
 a Petition by way of Remonftrance, which the Government tooke 
 very offenfive: But Mr. Wheelwright and they are reconciled, hee 
 having given fatisfadtion, &c. In the fame pag. hee wrongs the do- 
 ctrine of our Churches, which is well knowne to bee found. But 
 whereas hee tels us in the fame pag. of denying cohabitation, and 
 of whippings, confinement, imprifonment, chaines, fines, banifhment. I 
 confeffe all thefe things befell him, and moft juftly: for hee was 
 bound to the good behaviour at Plimouth and brooke his bonds in 
 the face of the Court, whipt and banifhed at Roade Ifland for mu- 
 tinie and fedition in the open Court there: alfo at Providence as 
 factious there though his party grew greater then Mr. Williams his 
 better party, as appeares by his and their fad letters to the Govern- 
 ment of the Maffachufet for helpe and advice ; and afterwards ba- 
 nifhed the Maffachufets: all which appeares in another place of this 
 booke, and the juft caufes of their proceedings annexed thereunto. 
 Laftly in this pag. hee tels us of his hardfhip divers nights together, 
 that himfelfe and the reft of his mutinous companions, as Weekes, 
 Holden, &c. endured, which was juft with God and man, for extream 
 evils muft have extreame remedies, and yet tis well knowne tis not 
 a full dayes journey from Roade Ifland to Providence. And whereas 
 a ftranger would thinke hee was then forced to goe to Nanhiganfet- 
 Bay amongft the Indians, hee went not from Providence till they 
 were as weary of thefe Mutineeres as either Plimouth oxRoadelfland 
 had beene before them. 
 
 And becaufe hee often mentioneth the hard meafure hee received 
 at Plimouthftill carrying it on as if difference in Religion had beene 
 the ground of it: I thought good here to give the Reader to under- 
 ftand what was the ground of his troubles there, that fo all men may 
 know what Religion this man is of: for the tree is beft knowne by 
 its fruite. The firft complaint that came againft him for which hee 
 was brought before authority, was by Mr. Ralph Smith a Minifter, 
 
 who 
 
The caufe of S. Gortons fuffering at Plymouth. 67 
 
 who being of Gortons acquaintance received him with his family in- 
 to his houfe, with much humanity and Chriftian refpect,promifing 
 him as free ufe of it as himfelfe, &c. but Mr. Gorton becomming 
 troublefome, ( after meanes ufed to remove the offences taken 
 by Mr. Smith, but to no purpofc, growing ftill more infolent) Mr. 
 Smith defired him to provide elfewhere for himfelfe: but Gorton 
 refufed, faying, hee had as good intereft in the houfe as Mr. Smith 
 had. And when hee was brought before Authority, ftood ftoutly 
 to maintaine it to our amafement. But was ordered to depart and 
 provide other wayes by a time appointed. And not long after 
 there comming a woman of his acquaintance to Plimouth, divers 
 came to the Governour with complaints againft her, being a ftran- 
 ger,for unworthy and ofFenfive fpeeches and carriages ufed by her. 
 Whereupon theGovernour fent to her to know herbufmeffe,&c.and 
 commanded her departure, and ordered the Sea-man that brought 
 her, to returne her to the place from whence fhee came,at his next 
 paffage thither. But Gorton faid ihee mould not goe, for hee had 
 occafion to employ her, &c. Hereupon the Governour (it being in 
 the time of a Court) fent for him, and becaufe hee had hidde her, 
 ftood in juftification of his pradtifeand refufed to obey the command 
 of the Court (who feconded the Governours order.) He was com- 
 mitted till hee could procure fureties for his good behaviour till the 
 next Court which was a generall Court, and there to anfwer to this 
 contempt. The time being come and the Court fet, Gorton was 
 called; But the Governour being wearied with fpeech to other 
 caufes,requefted one of his Affiftants who was prefent at his com- 
 mitment and privy to the whole caufe to declare the fame. This 
 Affiftant no fooner ftood up to fhew the Country the caufe of his 
 bonds in the great affront hee had given the Government, but Gor- 
 ton ftretching out his hand towards his face faid with a loud voice, 
 // Satan will accuje the brethren, let him come downe from Jehofhuabs 
 right hand and ftand here, And that done, in a feditious manner tur- 
 ned himfelfe to the people and faid, with his armes fpread abroad; 
 Yee fee good people how yee are abufedl Stand for your liberty; And let 
 them not bee par tie s andjudg e s, with many other opprobrious fpeeches 
 ofthatkinde. Hereupon divers Elders of Churches being prefent,de- 
 firing leave of the Governour to fpeake, complaining of his fediti- [Errata: 1. 37, 
 ous carriage, and requefted theCourt not to fufrer thefe abufes, butto f or complain- 
 inflicT: condigne punifhment. And yet notwithftanding all wee did plained l' " 
 
 K2 to 
 
68 The caufe of Samuel Gortons fuffering at Plimouth. 
 
 to him was but to take the forfeiture of his forefaid bonds for his 
 good behaviour. Nay being but low and poore in his eftate, wee 
 tooke not above eight or ten pounds of it, left it might lie too heavy 
 upon his wife and children. But he muft either get new fureties for 
 the behaviour till the next generall Court,orfuch time as hedeparted 
 the Government, or lie in prifon till hee could : now hee knowing 
 his outragious paffions which hee could not reftraine, procured 
 fureties, but immediately left Plimouth and went to Roade I/land, 
 where upon complaint of our perfecutions hee found prefent re- 
 liefe there : yet foone afterward he abufed them in a greater meafure 
 and had heavier yet too light a punifhment inflicted on him, and all 
 for breach of the civill peace and notorious contempt of Authority 
 without the leaft mention of any points of Religion on the Govern- 
 ments part,but as before. 
 
 And whereas in pag. 4. Mr. Gorton further accufeth us that they 
 were deprived and taken away from their quiet poffeffions,&c. Such 
 was his carriage at Plimouth and Providence at his firft fettling as 
 neither of the Governments durft admit or receive him into cohabi- 
 tation, but refufed him as a peft to all focieties. Againe in the fame 
 pag. he accuiethMaffachufetsandPlimouthtohave denyed them to be 
 in our Government, but when wee perceived the place to bee arefuge for 
 fuch as were oppreffed then,&c. 'Tis true that Plimouth gave way to 
 Mr. Williams and his company to fit downe at Providence and have 
 never molefted them to this day, but refufed Gorton and Weekes,&c. 
 uponfVeekes his follicitation when I was atProvidence for the reafons 
 before mentioned, &c. And for thofe particular relations he makes of 
 Robert Cole, William Arnold, and Benedict his fonne, I wave, as 
 not being fo well acquainted with their cafes, but fee hee writes 
 with a venomous pen; onely take notice he would make it a great 
 crime in them to trade on the Sabbath (as it is) when himfelfe at 
 that time denyed the fanclification of it. 
 
 In pag. 5. hee complaines that powder was traded to the Indians 
 and denyed to them. Anfw. If it were traded to the Indians, for 
 my part I approve it not, it being againft the expreffe law of the 
 Country, and a large penalty annexed: but there was good reafon 
 to refufe it to them which held fuch familiarity with Malignant 
 Indians efpecially during the time of their confederacy againft 
 us. 
 
 \vipag. 6. he fpeakes as if hee had beene under fome cenfure of the 
 
 Maffachufets 
 
A particular Anfwer to Pag. 5, 6, 7, 8. 69 
 
 Mafachufets at the time of the warrant there by him fpecified, how 
 truly copied I know not: but am fure at this time he was perfonal- 
 \y under no cenfure of theirs. 
 
 In pag. 7. hee accufeth Magiftrates and Minifters for bringing in 
 all the accufations that came in againft them. Who but publique per- 
 fons mould take notice of publique infolencies? And as for Mr. 
 Collens his ftory I am a ftranger to, but beleeve it is mifreported as 
 well as others. 
 
 In pag. 8. hee manifefts hee durft not live under a forraigne Prince, 
 meaning the Dutch, having never been falfe to his King and Coun- 
 try, &c. with many ignorant fwelling words; as if it were treafon 
 to ones Prince to live under a forraigne State though an Ally. And 
 in the fame pag. hee would lay the death of Miftris Hutchenfon who 
 was mother in law to Mr. Collens,on us: although they went from 
 Road Ifland which is not under the Mafachufets where fhee had li- 
 ved fome yeares after her remove from the Bay, and not from the 
 Mafachufets to the Dutch of her owne accord where they were cut 
 offby the Indians. 
 
 In pag. 9. he fhewes how they bought lands of Myantonimo Prince 
 of thofe parts. Anfw. 1. Hee was not the Prince of that part as 
 was proved publiquely at Mafachufets himfelfe being prefent. 2. He 
 had no proper right in it, as is fhewed at large elfewhere. 
 
 In the fame pag. he beginneth a large letter full of railing blafphe- 
 mies which continueth to pag.31. and however it bee not exactly 
 fet downe as it was fent,yet I admire at Gods providence, for hee is 
 falne into the fnare he laid, this being brought againft him to accufe 
 him of blafphemy, before a Committee of Parliament, who called 
 in his book,and referred him to the Houfe,&c.but I forbeare to fhew 
 his folly here, which is referred to another place and his wicked- 
 neffe difcovered therein. 
 
 In pag. 32. hee faith the Government of the Mafachufets had no 
 fhew of any thing againft them but Religion, and yet the whole 
 carried on in his owne way as well as what wee now print, fhewes 
 it was in the right of two Indian Sachims, namely Pumham and So- 
 cononoco, who placing themfelves under the protection cfthe Mafa- 
 chufets complained of violence offered them by Mr. Gortonand his 
 company, it being our manner both in Capitals and Criminals 
 to doe them the like juftice wee doe one to another, wherein walk- 
 ing by the fame rules of righteoufneffe towards them, they 
 
 K 3 have 
 
jo Divers fcandaloiis accufations anfwered. 
 
 have the leffe caufe to take offence at us. 
 
 From pag.33. forward, are many Letters which I cannot beleeve 
 al is in them, and therfore remain jealous of his fincerity in Printing 
 them. 
 
 In pag.^J. hee holds forth converfion to be the ground of the 
 Maflachnfets fending to them, now to that end, faith hee, they fent 
 a Minifter. 'Tis true, there was a gracious young man one Mr. Joh. 
 Bulkley then a Student, but in no miniftery, went to teach to the 
 Company they fent to guard their owne Commiffioners, and to 
 bring in Gorton if need required: but I dare not beleeve what hee 
 affirmes. And for the Copy of a Letter hee fathers upon the Com- 
 miffioners fent by the Government of the Majjachufet; I conclude 
 'tis rather fet downe upon memory then right, becaufe of fome at- 
 teftations I have by me to make ufe on elfewhere, which feeme to 
 hold forth the contrary, and fo I doe not credit it. 
 
 In pag. 38, & 39. hee relates how their wives were frighted at 
 mens prefenting their muskets at them,&c. and fuffering fuch hard- 
 fhips as occafioned death, &c. Which muft alfo bee falfe, for honeft 
 men have depofed there was no fuch prefentment, and that their 
 wives came freely and familiarly to them, both before and after they 
 were taken. So alfo hee affirmes our men would allow of no par- 
 ley but private, or elfe they would difpatch them in a quarter of an 
 houre, which I will never beleeve, becaufe I know the men to bee 
 men fearing God , and durft not proceed as hee relateth it. 
 
 In pag. 40,& 41. he alfo taxeth the Commiffioners and fouldi- 
 ers with breach of Covenants in time of treaty, as, breaking open 
 their houfes, desks, killing their cattle $3 V. All which is falfe, for oath 
 is made to the contrary, which I fhall make ufe of before my 
 Lord of Warwick Governour in chiefe, and the reft of the honou- 
 rable Committee for foraign Plantations in due time and place, that 
 whereas they were by agreement to have two houfes for their com- 
 pany being about 40 men, they made ufe of but one, nor did any of 
 thefe things laid to their charge. 
 
 In pag.\^. he would make Pumham and Socononoco, the naturall 
 fubjedts of Myantonimo their Prince; but this was difproved. And 
 in the fame page, he faith, the Magiftrates fuggefted to the people 
 as though there were/*? are of fome combinationbetzveenthe Indians and 
 them. Anfzu. I dare not fay you had a hand in the depth of their 
 confpiracy: but this I thinke you dare not deny, that Weekes one 
 
 of 
 
The ground of a war like to enfue. Ji 
 
 of your ftouteft Champions, lent Myantonimo an Armour,in which 
 he was taken in battell againft Uncus, who was under the protecti- 
 on of the Englifh united Colonies: for which Uncus put him to 
 death ;and in your own book you hold forth more familiarity then 
 becomes you. 
 
 But here it will bee neceffary for mee to fhew you the ground of 
 this warre. There was a people called by the name of the Pecoats, 
 being a ftout warlike people, who had been at warre with the Na- 
 nohigganfets many yeares, and were too ftrong for them; fo alfo 
 were they at fome diftance of affection with this Uncus , who was 
 Sachim of a people called the Mohegans, neare the head of a River 
 falleth into the lea at Pecoat. The chiefe Sachim of this people of 
 Pecoat, was called Tatobam, a ftout man. The Nanohigganfets and 
 thefe ftrove who mould be greateft. This Tatobam envied the En- 
 glifh, and was the firft ftirrer and contriver of this generall Plot, 
 that they might all joyne together to deftroy the Englifh; but the 
 Nanohigganfets refufed to joyne with them, knowing if that were 
 once done, the next ruinc muft be their owne. Afterward having 
 fubdued many fmall peoples, and one as great as themfelves, and 
 and fome Englifh planting more neare then the body of our Planta- 
 tions, though without wrong to him, or any of them, hee cut off 
 Captaine Stone his Barke and Company, and after this killed divers 
 ftragling Englifh. This ftirred up the Englifh to take revenge : The 
 Nanohigganfets and Uncus, Sac him of the Moheges feeing this,becaufe 
 it was againft their comon Enemy,ofTered their fervice to joyn with 
 the Englifh: the Nanohigganfets did no confiderable fervice in com- 
 parifon of the Moheges, who did as much as could bee expected, but 
 the Nanohigganfets rather gathered up the fpoile, to the great offence 
 of the Englifh and Moheges , feldome ingaging in any fight. The 
 Englifh killed and deftroyed this people utterly, fo that thofe that 
 were left remaining utterly deferted the Countrey, and the Englifh 
 wonne it, and are now poffeffed of it. After this victory, Myan- 
 tonimo Sachim or Lord of the Nanohigganfets, and Uncus Lord of the 
 Moheges, manifefted no good blood towards each other; the En- 
 glifh at Hartford where the Government for Coneetacut is held, hea- 
 ring of it, got them together, and made a peace and threefold Co- 
 venant between the Government of Coneetacut, N anohigganf et, and 
 Mohege, which was figned by the Governour of Coneetacut, Myan- 
 tonimo SachimoiN anohigganj 'et,andU?icus Sachimoi Mohegan. The 
 
 Cove- 
 
72 The ground of a Warre like to enjue. 
 
 Covenants ran to this purpofe, To confirme their League between 
 the Englifh and them, and either to other, and to hold forth a 
 league of perpetuall peace between them. And in cafe any diffe- 
 rence mould arife between thefe two Indian Sachims, or their peo- 
 ple, the party offended mould complaine to the Governour of Co- 
 neetacut,who was to mediate and to determine the controverfie be- 
 tween his two friends and their people: And in cafe the injury were 
 great, and the party wronging would not ftand to the forefaid 
 award and determination, then it mould not onely bee lawfull for 
 the wronged to right himfelfe by force of Armes, but for the En- 
 glifh party alfo to affift the innocent in that kind. And to this they 
 all firmed as before. 
 
 The Nanohigganjet Sachim never regarded this Covenant, the 
 Mohege Sachim ever faithfully obferved it. But Myantonimo of Na- 
 nohigganjet had thoughts now to profecute the Pecoats defigne , and 
 to deftroy the Englifh , (the Pecoets Nation being rooted out by 
 Gods juft judgement as before) and travels farrc and neare to draw 
 all the Indians in the Countrey into this horrid confederacy with 
 him; but this Uncus would not bee wonne, though he would have 
 taken his daughter in marriage, but ever acquainted the Englifh 
 with his working. At length an inferiour Sachim, fubordinate to 
 Nanohigganjet affronts him and his men,hee complaines to the En- 
 glifh, they fend to this inferiour Sachim, hee fleights their admoni- 
 tion, goes on his courfe ; whereupon the other demands leave to 
 make warre upon him, not requiring any aide. Still the Englifh 
 forewarne the other party of the evill they were like to bring upon 
 themfelves;till at length theyprofeffe theyhave had peace enough, & 
 now it is time to war. Whereupon the Englifh give way to Vncus to 
 revenge himfelfe , he doth it; theother are beaten. Now Myantonimo 
 he prepares an Army of above iooo men, and comes upon a fud- 
 den upon Uncus without any refpect to Covenants, and took Uncus 
 at advantage, not with above 300 men; by which meanes they be- 
 fet him every way in his Fort, which ftands upon a point of Land 
 between two Rivers. Myantonimo fo difperfed his men to prevent 
 their flight, as Uncus making a defperate falley with almoft his full 
 force, routed the other , flew neare upon an hundred, and forced 
 them tofly : But Mr. Weekes one of Samuel Gortons company (as I 
 am credibly informed) lending the GreatSachim a complete Armor; 
 and having it on in the fight, was not able to fly fo faft as his men, 
 
 and 
 
The ground of a War re like to enfue. 73 
 
 and was taken by this meanes. Yet fuch was Uncus refpecft ftill to 
 the Englifh, as hee kept him till hee fent to the Englifh, viz. to the 
 Right Worfhipfull George Fenzvicke Efquire,to know what he fhould 
 doe with him, who lived next to him, Hee wifhed him to follow 
 their owne Cuftome, and to deale with him, as if hee had not ad- 
 vifed with him, or there were no Englifh in the land to advife with- 
 all. Hereupon hee refolved to have killed him forthwith, accor- 
 ding to their Cuftome. But no fooner were the Nanohigganfets got 
 home, who had loft divers Sachims, Captaines, and chiefe men in 
 this fight, but they fend to Mr. Gorton, &c. who fent a Note to Un- 
 cus, with a command by the bearer, that they put him not to death, 
 but ufe him kindly and returne him. This the Meffenger either faid 
 or they fuppofed came from the Maffachufets Governour , and did 
 much daunt Uncus and his men: but to cleare up all, they advifed 
 with the Gent, of Coneetacut, who wifhed him to keep him prifo- 
 ner, and to advife with the Commiff ioners of the United Colonies 
 whereof they were part , whofe meeting would bee ere long by 
 courfe at the Maffachufets -.which counfell hee followed, and entrea- 
 ted the Governour of Coneetacut (Myantonimo alfo defiring it) to 
 keep him fafe for him till then, whereupon hee was brought to 
 Hartford: And many gifts were fent to the prifoner; which hee 
 beftowed like himfelfe, fome on him that took him, fome on Uncus, 
 fome on his wife, fome on Uncus brother being a great Captaine, 
 and fome on others where he had received kindneffes, and this was 
 all the ranfome was paid , there being not fo much as a ranfome 
 propoftrd by the Nanohigganfets, nor fet down by Uncus. But hee 
 adviling with the Commiffioners, theyconfidering how many ways 
 befides open hoftility he had fought the life of Uncus , by poyfon, 
 fecret murther, witchcraft, &c. advifed him to put him to death, 
 there being no fafety for him whilft hee lived , being fo reftleffe in 
 his practice againft his life; and therefore wifhed Uncus to proceed 
 with him according to their owne Cuftome towards prifoners of 
 Warre, which is to put them to death; according to which advice 
 he proceeded, knowing now that none of the Engl, would intercede 
 for him. And hereupon Uncus went to Hartford and demanded 
 his prifoner, and led him to an houfe of his owne, out of the li- 
 mits of the Englifh, and there killed him, where was an Englifh 
 man or two by to prevent their accuftomed cruelties, in cutting off 
 not onely the head and hands of their prifoners when they are 
 
 L dead, 
 
74 The ground of a war like to enfue. 
 
 dead, and make bracelets of the fore-joints of their fingers, &c. but 
 to torture them whilft living with moft inhumane cruelties. After 
 this, the Nanohigganfets would warre upon him in revenge of his 
 death; wee forbade them, and at our next meeting of Commiffioners 
 to confult about the Weale publike of the United Colonies , in re- 
 gard iheNanohigganfets pleaded they had taken a ranfome for his 
 life, and his life alfo, which the other denyed; Wee fent for Un- 
 cus, and fent to the great Sachims of Nanohigganfet to come alfo, or 
 appeare by Commiffioners ;but they fent foure Commiffioners with 
 full authority to treate, where we found neither ranfome, nor co- 
 lour of ranfome in the leaft meafure.And fo a truce was agreed on, & 
 if Uncus brake it,we were then freed from our engagement to defend 
 him any further, for they defired no more: And if the Nanohiggan- 
 fets broke it, then it fhould be lawfull for us the United Colonies to 
 take part with him, &c. But the truth is, though before they had 
 fo neare neighbours of the Englifh, as Gorton, &c. and till Myanto- 
 nimd's Government, as they were the moft in number, and moft 
 peaceable of all the Indians, yet now they werechanged, as if they 
 had not been the people, and had their Tutors, Secretaries, and 
 promptors to fuggeft their greatneffe and our weakneffe to them, as 
 his Book witneffeth, in fuch manner as I am confident if the Gorto- 
 nians (for I take the phrafe from his owne Book here, never hearing 
 it before) bee fuffered to live fo neare them, it will bee our ruine, or 
 thefe Indians (which we defire not) in fhort time. I thought good 
 to infert this Narration thus briefly, that the Reader might under- 
 ftand the ground of his many charges, calling God to witneffe I 
 know not the leaft falfhood related in it, but many things for bre- 
 vities fake omitted worthy a hiftory ;but I am now about an anfwer, 
 not an hiftory,and therefore thus briefe. But to return. 
 
 In pag. 47. fee how he fcoffes at the Sabbath as if there were no 
 other ground for our religious obfervation of it, then Mr. Cottons 
 judgement. And in pag. 48. hee is full of many feoffs, as if hee 
 and his Gortonians would not , nor did fhoot at all , when as I 
 have oath to prove they fhot alfo at the other, but the truth is, I 
 heard fome fay that their powder was fo dampe and moift as they 
 could not without great difficulty difcharge a peece, which I well 
 beleeve might bee the reafon they fhot no more then they did. 
 
 In pag. 49. hee chargeth Captaine Cooke with breach of Articles: 
 And yet I have it attefted uponoath,that there were none agreed on; 
 
 onely 
 
A falfc accufation anjwered. 75 
 
 onely they defired they might not goe bound; which was eafily 
 affented to, they behaving themfelves quietly. And for their cat- 
 tle, I never heard the number to be fo great by farre; but asking the 
 Governour of the Maffachufets about them, hee profeffed they did 
 not amount to halfe their charges. And if any aske by what au- 
 thority they went out of their own Government to do fuch an acfl? 
 Know that his former feditious and turbulent carriage in all parts 
 where he came, as Plymouth, Roade-Ifland, a place of greateft liberty, 
 Providence that place which relieved him in that his fo great extre- 
 mity, and his fo defperate clofe with fo dangerous and potent ene- 
 mies, and at fuch a time of Confpiracy by the fame Indians, toge- 
 ther with the wrongs done to the Indians, and English under the 
 protection of that Government of the Maffachufets, who com- 
 plained and defired reliefe; together with his notorious contempt 
 of all Civill Government, as well as that particular, and his blaf- 
 phemies againft God needlefly manifefted in his proud letters to 
 them, one whereof hee hath printed , and the other I have herewith 
 publifhed for him. All thefe confidered , you fhall fee hereby caufe 
 enough, why they proceeded againft him as a common enemy of 
 the Countrey. And as fuch an one, the faid Commiffioners being 
 then met together at Maffachufets by courfe, for the Weale of the 
 whole, upon juft complaint ordered and thought meet that the 
 Government of the Maffachufets mould call them to accompt , and 
 proceed with them fo farre as ftood with righteoufneffe and juftice: 
 And by their declaration thou maift eafily fee they went no further, 
 for they refufing fafe conduct to come to anfwer to the matters a- 
 gainit them, forced them upon this charge needlefly , which they 
 made them beare part of as before. So that here's caufe enough be- 
 fides blafphemy for their proceeding with them I fuppofe. 
 
 In pag.^Y. he chargeth AVw-iswg/.Minifters to pray in the ftreets: 
 but take notice I have been there thefe 26 yeares, and better , but 
 never heard of fuch a pra(5tife,till I now reade it in his Book. 
 
 In pag. 52. he faith, the Governour to fatisfie the people, faid, we 
 were apprehended for divers groffe opinions, &c. Anfw. You may 
 fee in the laft Seclion but one there was caufe enough. And yet for 
 Opinions, let mee tell you that you held, That that Image of God 
 after which man was created was Chrift; and that when Adam fell 
 Chrift was flaine, &c. And as for your opinion concerning Chur- 
 ches, Mr. Williams by way of fad complaint told me, you denyed 
 
 L 2 any 
 
j6 S. Gortons abufe of M. Cotton and M. Ward anjwered. 
 
 any true Churches of Chrift to bee in the world: alfo Baptifme it 
 felfe, and the Lords Supper, Sabbath, Magiftracy as it was an ordi- 
 nance ufed amongft Chriftians. And for the Lords Supper, that 
 it is but a fpell, the Minifters Necromancers, and the Commu- 
 nicants drunke with the juice of the grape, &c. And for this laft 
 paffage here mentioned, the Reader fhall have it at large in a fecond 
 Letter fent by him and his companions to the Government of the 
 Maffachufels, concealed by himfelf in his Book, though he pretend- 
 eth to have printed all, &c. 
 
 In pag. 53. as he abufeth others, fo Mr. Cotton and Mr. Ward, in 
 affirming that Mr. Ward put himfelfe into a paffion, and ftirred up 
 Carder to recant, &c. as being no difcredit to him, becaufe Mr. Cot- 
 ton ordinarily preached that publiquely once a yeare,whichthe next 
 yeare he recants, &c. But Mr. Ward being in Towne, a man well 
 knowne and reputed, I fhewed him the Booke, and hee gave mee 
 thanks, and returned this anfwer to it verbatim : Samuel Gorton 
 having made mee a Mar gent note in the 53 page of his Booke, I hold my 
 felf called to make this anfwer to it; I cannot call to minde that ever I 
 knew or f pake withfuch a man as Richard Carder, nor that ever I had 
 any fpeech with any prifoner at a windozv, nor fhould I need it in New- 
 England, where there is liberty enough given for conference with prif oners 
 in more free and convenient places. This I remember, that one Robert 
 Potter who went in the fame Ship with mee into New-England, andex- 
 pr effing by the way fo much honefty and godlineffe as gained my good 
 opinion and affeclion towards him : I hearing that hee was affected with 
 Samuel Gortons blafphemous conceits and carriages, andtherefore now 
 imprifoned with him, I went to vifit him, and having free fpeech with 
 him inthe open prif onyard,ivhojheddingmanyte ares might happilymove 
 me to expreffe my affection to him, which Samuel Gorton calls paffion : 
 After fome debate about his new opinions, I remember I ufed a fpeechto 
 him to this effect: That hee fhould doe well and wifely to make fuch ac- 
 knowledgement of his errours as his confcience would permit ; telling him 
 that Mr.Cotton whom hee had fo much reverenced in Old England, 
 and New, had given him a godly example in that kinde, by a publique 
 acknowledgement upon a folemneF aft day with many teares; That in the 
 time when errours were foftirring,God leaving himf or a time, he fell into a 
 fpirituall flumber ; and had it not been for the watchfulneffe of his bre- 
 thren the Elders, iffc. hee might have fie pt on ; and bleffed God very cor- 
 dially for awakening him, and was very thankefull to his Brethren, for 
 
 their 
 
S. Gortons abufe of M. Cotton and M. Ward anjzvered. yj 
 
 their watchfulneffe over him, and Jaithfulnejje towards him -.wherein hee 
 honoured God not a little, and greatly rejoyced the hearts of his hearers; 
 and therefore it would bee no fliame for him to doe the like. 
 
 Concerning Mr. Cotton, were I worthy, I would prefume to fpeake 
 that now of him ,which I have f aid more then many times of him elf where, 
 That I hold him fuch an eminent Worthy of Chrift, as very few others have 
 attained u ntohim ; and that I hold myfelfe not worthy to wipe his flippers 
 for matters of grace, learning, and induftry in the worke of God. 
 
 For the Author Samuel Gorton, my f elf and others farre more judi- 
 cious, take him to bee aman whofefpirit isftarke drunke with blafphemies 
 and infolencies, a corrupter of the Truth, and a difturber of the Peace 
 where ever hee comes; I intreat him to read Titus I. 13. with an humble 
 heart, and that is the greateft harm I zvifh him. 
 
 N. W. 
 
 Thus much of the Anfwer and teftimony of that Reverend and 
 Grave Divine,wherein the Reader may fee how Mr. Gorton abufeth 
 all men, by cafting mire and dirt in the faces of our beft deferving In- 
 ftruments. 
 
 In page. 54. he accufeth Mr. Wilfon and Mr. Cotton for ftirring up 
 the people againft them, &c. Anfw. What they preffed in their 
 Sermons, I was not prefent to heare; but this I can affirme, that 
 from the time of their liberty to my departure from New England, 
 which is not much abovetwo moneths, I have heard many preci- 
 ous godly men affirme, that Sam. Gorton and his company needlefly 
 in their writings and conference belched out fuch blafphemy as 
 they thought God was offended with the Country for giving them 
 the liberty they had. And that you may the better fee his carriage, 
 (it being the manner of the Countrey to let their prifoners come to 
 heare the Word preached) Mr. Gorton, &c. being there after Mr. 
 Cotton hadended his Sermonona Sabbath day,askedleavetofpeake, 
 which Mr. Cotton affenting to, the Governour being prefent gave 
 him leave, where with a loud voice before the whole Congregation 
 being very great, hee declared, That the Miniftery of the Word, Sacra- 
 ments, Cenfures, and other Ordinances of Religion in the hands of Mi- 
 nifters,are like the fiber Shrines of Diana in the hands of the craftfmen 
 of Ephefus,&c. And if the truth of this be queftioned,I have teftimo- 
 ny upon Oath to make it good. 
 
 In pag. 55, 56, 57. many things might bee excepted againft, as 
 
 L 3 firft 
 
78 Divers Errours maintained by S. Gorton. 
 
 \np. 55.hisgreatrefpe<5t manifefted to that government,becaufe deri- 
 ved from the State of England, which, what it was thou maift largely 
 fee in certaine Obfervations of a godly Divine annexed hereunto, 
 upon his owne two contemptuous and blafphemous Letters, or 
 rather Bookes, wherein are 48 feverall afperfions caft on them. 
 Secondly,hisappealing,£<2g.56.from their Juftice when their Char- 
 ter enjoynes none. 
 
 In pag. 56,&57,the Queftions as hee hath fet them downe, and 
 the relation about the time allowed him to give his anfwer; I que- 
 ftion whether he have dealt fairely therein, becaufe hee is fo often 
 found faulty. 
 
 To paffe by his Anfwer, and his large explanation of himfelfe, 
 pag. 58. and come to 59. &c. and fo the reft of his Anfwers to the 
 Queftions to 64. I anfwer, though I know not whether hee doe 
 right as hee ftates things; yet this I know, being attefted by reve- 
 rend perfons, That hee then maintained, that God made man after 
 his owne image ; and that God hath but one image, and that is Christ ; and 
 this was the Incarnation of Chrift, his exinanition by which we arefaved. 
 And when it was objected, wee are not faved by the incarnation of 
 Chrift, but by the death of Chrift. True, faith hee, therefore Adam 
 fell, andfo destroyed Gods image, and that was the death of Chrift. When 
 it was objected againe, Adams fall was not our falvation, but con- 
 demnation, but the death of Chrift was our falvation: and there- 
 fore Adams fall could not be the death of Chrift. Hee would by 
 no meanes either revoke or explaine his fpeech (though much ur- 
 ged thereunto) to agree with the principles of Chriftian Religion. 
 Being further demanded what he then thought of that Chrift in 
 whom we beleeve, borne of the Virgin Mary, and who fuffered under 
 Pontius Pilate'} He anfwered, That that Chrift was a fhadow, and but 
 arefemblance of what is done in mee and every true Chriftian. And now 
 judge good Reader, whether this be like what hee mentioneth , or 
 whether it were a trifle not worthy the mentioning: But if he will 
 be fo unfaithfull as to omit it, I dare not. 
 
 As for his cenfure, pag. 64, I know not whether it bee right 
 fet downe ; and fo the charge, pag.6^. wherein I dare fay he wron- 
 geth the Minifters, in faying; They ftirred up the people to famifh 
 them. 
 
 As for his long and tedious Letter to Mr. Green, from page 66 to 
 74. I paffe it by, as he faith Mr. Green did. But in 74. hee would 
 
 make 
 
why the Maffach. fetched S. G. out of their Government. 79 
 
 make it an afpcrfion upon Mr. Endecot for faying that God hadftirred 
 them up to goe outof their owne jurifdiclion to f etchthem f rom their ozvne 
 places. Take notice as it is litterally within the line of Plimouth 
 Government in their Grant, yet the Indians before mentioned 
 having fubjected themfelves to the Maffachufets, the Commiffioners 
 for Plimouth as well as thofe for Coneetacut , and New-Haven, upon the 
 manifold complaints and reafons before mentioned, being met to- 
 gether at their ordinary time and place appointed and ordered it 
 mould beefo, as appearesby the copy of their a (ft. 
 
 At a meeting of the Commiffioners for the United Colonies of 
 New-England holden at Bofton the feventh of September 1643. 
 
 Whereas complaints have beene made againft Samuel Gorton and his 
 company, and fome of them weighty and of great confequence; Andwhere- 
 as thefaidGorton and the reft have beene formerly fent for, and now lately 
 bythegener all Court of the Maffachufets with afafeconduclboth for their 
 comming andreturne ,that they might give anfiver andf atisf aclion zvherein 
 they have done wrong. If yet theyjhallftubbornely refufe, the Commiffion- 
 ers for the United Colonies think fitthat the Magiftrates in the Maffachu- 
 fets proceed againft them according to what they fhall finde juft ; and the 
 reft of theYJurisdiclions will approve andconcurre in whatfhallbeefo war- 
 rant ably done, as if their Commiffioners had beene prefent at the conclu- 
 fions, provided that this conclufion doe not prejudice the Government of 
 Plimouth m any rightthey can juftly claime unto any Tracl or Tracls ,& c . 
 
 By which Order it appeares they were ftirred up and allowed by 
 Plimouth it felfe as well as the reft, as afore, to fend for and deale 
 with as indeed the common difturbers of the peace of the Coun- [Errata; 1. 26, 
 
 for with as m- 
 ' J * t _ deed, read with 
 
 And whereas in pag. 76. He complaineth of the Governours laft them as in- 
 order for breaking the order of Court,yet take it as he relates it and deed -J 
 any underftanding man will eafily fee on the other fide the fame 
 leafe that they ftill were bound to the reft of the Articles at their 
 confinement,which they were now in a high way to break. And for 
 that little Ifland called Roade Ifland they were forced to fhelter in, 
 take notice 'tis 30 miles about, very fruitfull, and plentifully a- 
 bounding with all manner of food the Country affordeth, and 
 
 hath 
 
8o A falfe Gloffe of State fervice dif covered. 
 
 hath two Townes befides many great Farmes well ftocked in the 
 
 fame. 
 
 In pag.79. Hee complaines of us for calling them Gortonians, and 
 fo thelndians calling themGortonoges and notEnglifhmen,with many 
 affected foppifh vanities, phrafes and termes I never heard on be- 
 fore, and yet have lived in New-England from the beginning, being 
 now above 26 yeares. I wifh hee ftudy not, nor affecl: thefe things, 
 but I much feare it. 
 
 In pag. 80. Hee tels a tale of a tub , of My antonimo' s being flain 
 as hee marched, which is falfe, for hee was put to death, and in an 
 houfe, but not upon a march. And is it to bee wondered at, that 
 two Englifh were prefent to fee the manner of their proceeding in fo 
 weighty a caufe as one Prince putting another his perfidious enemy 
 and captive to death, efpecially when they were required by the 
 Commiffioners to forbeare their accuftomed torments and to give 
 him honourable buriall, which they did and had thanks returned 
 by the Nanhigganfets for thofe particulars. Now if any would know 
 how it was done? It was onely at one blow with an hatchet on the 
 fide of the heade as hee walked eafily in the roome (expecting no 
 leffe) which fully difpatched him at once. And thus mnch for an- 
 fwer to this charge. 
 
 To let paffe pag. 81. what hee faith about Myantonimo's death 
 as being anfwered before, and come to pag. 82. &c. where he mentio- 
 neth a confultation held amongft the Indians to put themfelves un- 
 der the fubjection of the State of England, &c. Anjw. Wee heard 
 indeed of this defperate plot by this unfaithfull people, who had 
 beene in Covenant with the feverall Governments long before, but 
 never obferved any one Article farther then it might further their 
 owne defigne which was to bee abfolute Lords of the Country 
 though with the ruine of us all. And truly had he not publifhed this 
 and the following difcourfe wee could never have proved it though 
 wee heard of it both from Englifh and Indians. And however My- 
 antonimo dyed, yet the plot liveth and continueth to this day. Now 
 though I dare not fay, nor doe I thinke they joyne with them 
 in aiming at the ruine of all the Englifh, yet they joyne with them 
 in many of their Councels, contrive their fturdy anfwers by wri- 
 tings, and become their Secretaries. Who knowes not that they 
 cannot write? and who knowes not their owne anfwers from thofe 
 that come under your hands? And if the State of England (which 
 
 God 
 
A falfe Glojje of State jervice dif covered. 81 
 
 God defend) fhould eftablifh your and their joynt pro*pofitions : 
 then were their plot accomplished: for they might and would 
 worke freely our ruine when as wee might not take up armes againft 
 them, but by vertue of warrant or writ from hence procured upon 
 our complaints here, which alfo would bee fix months in ordinary 
 courfe in procuring and returning, when as in one of thefe all our 
 throates might bee cut, and thofe hopefull beginnings fo much fa- 
 voured by our gracious God hitherto in a high way to bee 
 overthrowne. Indeed wee heard further , and for my part 
 I beleeve it, that for the better accomplifhment hereof, Samuel Gor- 
 ton and fome of his company had perfwaded the Nanohigganjets to 
 fend the King a very large Prefent of Beaver and otter skins which 
 they mould bring in, and accordingly did: but withall the Eng- 
 lifh reporter faith, that if he could finde favour with the Parliament, 
 then hee would reft there: but if they frowned on him, hee doubt- 
 ed not to but obtaine what was meet from the King. But the times 
 would not fuffer him to publifh this alfo, elfe I fee wee fhould have 
 had all: and this take notice of, That (as the fame report teftified) 
 at his departure hee wifhed them by no meanes to warre with us 
 the United Colonies, but compound though it coft them never fodeare, 
 but affured them at his returne hee would come ftrengthened with 
 fuch authority and fo many of his friends as that the Nanohiggan- 
 jets and themfelves fhould not need to feare any thing the reft of 
 the Englifh could doe. And that we heard thefe things from cre- 
 dible teftimony and are not faigned by mee, I take the fearcher of 
 the heart to witneffe, yeafayfurtherthat I beleeve them to bee true. 
 
 His glorious feeming well-deferving acls follow in pag. 82. &c. to 
 89. but note that JVeekes, Holden, and Warner, (though I leaft know 
 the laft, but am fure for the other two ) were his ftrong Affiftants 
 in his former feditious and mutinous carriages both at Roade Ifland 
 and Providence, and therefore fit Commiffioners as he terms them, 
 for the accomplifhing fuch a defigne. And in pag.8$. note firft, their 
 complyance with the Nanohigganjets, and his falfe relation in fay- 
 ing Myantonimo's ranfome was taken and his life alfo, which is 
 moft falfe, as I made appeare in my former relation. And for the 
 Kings being our and their Judge,as in pag. 86. Know the Indians 
 care no more for the King then they doe for us, whom they would 
 deftroy if they could. 
 
 And in pag. 88. take notice of the Gortonijts complying and joyn- 
 
 M ing 
 
82 The Gortonifts and Nanohigganf. in feeming confederacy. 
 
 ing with them, firft, by calling them their fellow-fubjecls, and fe- 
 condly, (peaking of the Maukquagges (whom wee ordinarily call 
 Mo-whakes) as being the moft fierce and warlike people in the Country, 
 where {faith hee) wee are furnifhed with 3700 Guns, men expert in the 
 ufe of them, l$c. Now thefe indeed as the Switzers ferve for hire. 
 And the Nanohigganf ets being rich have hired them to affift them in 
 their warre. But though the Gortonifts it feemes are interefted with 
 the Nanohigganf ets in their ftrength againft us, yet are they neither fo 
 many men nor have fo many arms, but have too many and are very 
 expert in them; being continually fupplyed by the French and 
 Dutch, whofe aime is chiefly at the trade of Furs, and hereby not 
 onely robbe us of that fhould helpe to maintaine our plantations 
 which are growing up into a Nation , but furnifh the Indians with 
 all manner of armes, which I would to God, and humbly befeech 
 this High Court of Parliament to take into ferious confideration, 
 and treate with their feverall Ambaffadors about it, as a thing un- 
 reafonable in it felfe, and fuch as hath beene pernicious to French 
 and Dutch, and may bee destructive to them and us, if fome due 
 courfe bee not taken. But to returne from my humble requeft to 
 the State,to my anfwer to Samuel Gorton ;although this be a moft un- 
 worthy vaunt of his, yet I truft the State will make fuch ufe of it as 
 never to fuffer this defperate crew to live fo neere our malicious ene- 
 mies the JVtfWo/ugaw/.andthattheywillnotonly countenance the fen- 
 tence of the Maffachuf. Government againft them, but hinder the faid 
 Gortons returne thither, by forbidding him to fet foot on that land 
 of New-England he hath filled with fo many troubles in all the parts 
 where he hath beene. 
 
 In pag. 91 . Hee taxeth Plimouth to joyne with the Maffachufets to 
 fruftrate their Government by vertue of their new Charter. 'Tis 
 true, we would have had the Maffachufets to have then fent, and ren- 
 dered a reafon to the State of their proceedings, knowing as before 
 that Mr. Gortons journey was for evill and not for good : but they 
 being then taken up with more weighty concernments neglected it: 
 but Plimouth did then petition the right honourable Robert Earle of 
 Warwicke the Governour in chiefe of the Englifh plantations in A- 
 merica and the reft of that honourable Committee joyned in Com- 
 miffion with him, that wee might enjoy our ancient limits of Go- 
 vernment granted in our letters Patent, and withall fhewed that 
 their Charter for the limits of it now granted, was contained 
 
 within 
 
S.G.that Preached againft Magiftracy, accepts it in his pcrfon. 83 
 
 within our line of Government: and truft I fhall now receive an- 
 fwer. Tis true'alfo that we fent Mr. John Brown fur mihed with thefe 
 following inftruction to fignifieto all that were intereffed in that 
 new erected Government as followeth by Commiffion given at 
 New-Plimouth, Nov. 8. 1644. 
 
 /. That a great part of their fuppofed Government is within the line 
 of the Government o/New-Plimouth. 
 
 2. That wee affuredly knew that this ever to bee honoured Houfe of 
 Parliament would not, nor will when they fliall know of it, take from us 
 the moft ancient Plantation, any part of the line of our Government 
 formerly granted; it being contrary to their Principles. 
 
 3. To forbid them and all and every of them to exercife any authority 
 or power of Government within the limits of our Letters Patents. 
 
 4. To ceriifie them that Coweefet is not onely within the f aid limits, 
 but that the Sachim thereof and his fonnes have taken proteclion of this 
 our Government. And therefore to forbid them to enter upon any part 
 of his or their lands without due order and leave from our Government. 
 
 Now thefe instructions were figned by the Governour. And Mr. 
 Browne going to Roade Ifland for this end came very feafonable 
 when a publique meeting was appointed for your new Magiftrates 
 and people, (but as he reported, for a moft vile end; viz.to take into 
 confideration a new difpofall of the lands formerly given out, as if 
 fome had too much andfome too little, & for now refpect of perfons, [Errata: 1. 24, 
 and their eftates was to bee laid afide.) And here note that Mr. Cod- for & put (.] 
 dington, Mr. Briuton, &c. that we at Plimouth had fpeciall eye to, 
 when wee commended them thither,abhorred their courfe, abftain- 
 ed from their meetings, looked upon themfelves as perfons in great 
 danger, and bemoaned their condition to divers their friends, being 
 now overwhelmed with cares and feares what would bee the iffue 
 of things. And note that now alfo Mr. Samuel Gorton that before 
 had fuffered fo much by authority for his evill doing, and was 
 come to deny it and preach againft it , being now by thefe Inhabi- 
 tants called to place, accepts it, and became a Magiftrate amongft 
 them, &c. But whereas hee intimates, as if Mr. Brozvne had onely 
 done his meffage (according to his instructions) in a private way 
 from houfe to houfe, therein hee wrongs him: for hee did it pub- 
 liquely in the place of their Affembly, who were fo daunted at it as 
 they brake up, and did no act intended for that day , as hee rela- 
 ted it: but fome would have had him imprifoned, others punifhed, 
 
 M 2 others 
 
84 A groffe /lander cleared. 
 
 others fent to the Dutch and fo for England. Yea Mr. Gorton him- 
 felfe told Mr. Brownes fonne that his father had done that which he 
 deferved to die for, and were hee in any other place it would coft 
 him his life. So fit for Government were thefe men, as to judge a 
 peaceable claime of right without any further difturbance or ftirre 
 made mould thus deferve. Neither indeed have wee further ftirred 
 then as before, ever refolving to reft in the determination of the 
 right honourable the Governour in chiefe and the reft of his ho- 
 nourable Affiftants of that Committee bee trufted with the affaires 
 of the Forraigne Englifh Plantations, affuring our felves what ever 
 might proceed either from mifmformation or want of due know- 
 ledge what was formerly done, would bee rectified upon the firft in- 
 formation and complaint made: Such were our thoughts of 
 them, and the juftice wee expected, and ftill hope to receive from 
 them. And thus much for anfwer to that complaint. 
 
 In pag. 92. He layeth another groffe afperfion upon us, in faying, 
 There zvas diftance and alienation of affeclion betweene Plimouth and 
 the Maffachufets at their firft comming, each thinking I am holier then 
 thou : and as if wee were now united on purpofe to fcatter them. The world 
 knowes this to bee moft falfe. Never people agreed better, main- 
 taining both religious and civill Communion with each other, and 
 helping and being helpfull one to another upon all occafions: which 
 is fo well knowne, as if hee had not more then ordinary boldneffe 
 hee durft not affirme it. Nor came the men of Plimouth from Am- 
 fterdam as hee reporteth but Leyde?i, a people that many of that 
 Church of Amfterdam would hardly allow communion withall: 
 but his pen is no f launder, at leaft will not bee where this anfwer 
 mail follow it. And for his relation of the manner of the Indians 
 mourning for their Prince his death; Truely had hee dyed a na- 
 turall death, 'tis their manner not onely fo to mourne for their 
 great Sachims which are Princes, but for ordinary men, women and 
 children as hee well knoweth or might know. 
 
 In pag.93.He fnrther complaines of Plimouth and Maffachufets for 
 offering to goe out againft the Nanohigganfets to cut them off by the 
 fword. And fo complaines alfo of Captaine Standifh l$c. Anfw. 
 I told you before how the Commiffioners for the United Colonies 
 meeting at Hartford by courfe, whofe meeting alwayes begins the 
 firft Thurfday in Septemb. fent for both the Nanohigganfets and 
 Uncus, who appeared, and a league agreed on: but the Nanohig- 
 ganfets 
 
The caufe of taking up Arms againfl the Nanohigganfets. 85 
 
 ganjets broke againe, and warred upon Uncus needlefly. The Uni- 
 ted Colonies admonifhed them againe and againe: and after no 
 admonition nor perfwafions would ferve, wee were then forced 
 to call the Commiffioners together at an extraordinary feafon on 
 purpofe, who finding it meet to take up Armes in the behalfe of 
 Vncus our Confederate, whom by the agreement of the Nanohig- Errata: 1. 6, 
 ganjets fundry times , at divers meetings wee were bound , and f °L- w ^? m ' read 
 it was made lawfull to doe. Hereupon the Commiffioners a- 
 greeing as before , fent out their Warrants to their feverall 
 and fpeciall Governments, and accordingly Forces were raifed 
 at a dayes warning. But before this , in ftead of hearkening 
 to righteous Counfell, they threatened alfo the Englifh, faying, 
 they would make heapes of our dead bodies and cattle, as high 
 as their houfes , burne our habitations , make fpoile of our 
 goods, and ufed our Meffengers very difcurteoufly , &c. And 
 for Captaine Standifh , this I heard him relate, that being at 
 the place of Rendezvouze, before the Maffachufets Forces came, 
 obferving that fome of the Inhabitants of Providence received 
 the Indians into their houfes familiarly, who had put themfelves 
 alfo into a pofture of Armes, and the place within a mile of Secunck 
 or Rhehoboth where Captaine Standifh lay; hee fent to Providence, 
 and required them to lay afide their neutrality, and either declare 
 themfelves on the one fide or other: For the warre being once 
 begun, hee would not beare with their carriage in entertaining,fur- 
 nifhing,and relieving the common enemy,but would difarm them, 
 &c. And whether neceffity put him not upon this courfe, or no,let 
 the Reader judge. 
 
 And for the five hundred pound, 'tis true their hearts fayled to 
 fee Plymouth Forces appeare, and Maffachuf. both Horfe and Foot 
 upon their march on the one fide their Countrey,under Mr. Edw. 
 Gibbons who was chofen Generall of the United Colonies, with 
 the help of Woofamequin,who(e conftancy to Plymouth is welknown, 
 and Pumham and Socononoco with reference to Maffachufetswith all 
 their men, attending the Englifh word of command. And on the 
 other fide their Countrey the forces of Coneetacut and Nezvhaven , 
 with all the ftrength of Uncus, waiting but for the word from the 
 Commiffioners to fall on. Now I fay they were daunted efpecially 
 becaufe it came fo fuddenly upon them, wanting Mr. Gorton and his 
 friends who were not yet come; Hereupon they refolved to go to the 
 
 M 3 Com- 
 
86 The caufe of taking up of Arms againft the Nanohigganf. 
 
 Commiffioners to Maffachuf. and compound, and did figne new 
 Articles to obferve the peace not onely with the United Colonies 
 but with Uncus, Woofamequin, Pumham , and Socononoco, and o- 
 ther our Confederates, including all the Englifh in the land, to 
 make fatisfaction for wrongs to Vncus , and to pay five hundred 
 pounds to the united Colonies, for the charge they put us to,which 
 indeed would not neare make it good, if they had paid it: but as 
 at other times, fo now, notwithstanding their Hoftages,they abufed 
 us grofly, firft fending falfe perfons; fecondly, breaking all other 
 their Covenants, and came at laft to a refolution , they would ra- 
 ther give the money (which is a Beade,as current as coin in all that 
 part of America, of their owne making) to the Mozvhakes at once, to 
 cut us orF,then to pay it according to Covenant. 
 
 And thus contrary to my refolution, I fee a neceffity of more 
 large anfwers then I intended; and indeed otherwife I mould fpeak 
 riddles, and not fatisfie the Reader. Although were it an Hiftory, 
 I have many remarkable paffages which here for brevity fake I muft 
 omit. And if any think wee doe needlefly ingage in the troubles 
 betweene the Indians'? I. Let them know if wee mould not here 
 and there keepe correfpondency with fome of them/ they would 
 foone joyne all together againft us. 2. The quarrall betweene 
 Uncus and Nanohigganf et , arofe upon his cleaving to us: For the 
 great Sachim My antonimo would havemarryed Uncus daughter,and 
 fince Peffachus that fucceeded him would have marry t&Woofame- 
 quins daughter , and all in policy to take them off from us ; fo that in- 
 deed wee are neceffitated to it. And 3. we are not out of hope in 
 time to bring them to the knowledge of Jefus Chrift , as will ap- 
 peare by a fmall Treatife of that kinde. But this one thing I defire 
 the Reader to take notice of, that when that great Prince Myanto- 
 nimo hee fo much admires, had offered violence to fVoofamequin(who 
 was under the protection of Plymouth) and miffing his perfon, re- 
 turned onely with the plunder of his goods: Upon Woofamequins 
 complaint to Ply?nouth, that Government alone, it being before the 
 Union, fent Captain Standifh with a few men, not above 20. who 
 fent a meffage over the Bay of Salt water which parts Woofa- 
 mequin from them, Either to make reftitution of his goods fo injurioufly 
 taken, or elfe to expeclhim to fetch them with a vengeance to their coft. Here- 
 upon they fent over every particular that could bee demanded, even 
 to a woodden difh, and falved up all againe; but this was before 
 
 any 
 
Falfe Doclrine falfly charged upon our Minifters. 87 
 
 any malignant Englifh fate down fo neare them, and held counfell 
 with them, before they had violated our perfons to them, reported 
 us to bee bafe and low, out of favour with the King and State, &c. 
 things very unworthy, abominable to be named, but that in defen- 
 ding the abufed Governments of the Country, I am forced to dang 
 fuch ftrokes at thefe proud and turbulent enemies of the Countrey. 
 
 Next in pag. 94. that hee relateth of Mr. Williams; viz, the mef- 
 fengers taking him with them that were fent to the Nanohigganfets, 
 in'that troublefome time,m. being one caft out of the ChurchQsAv. Cot- 
 ton mould preach) It was all one to take counfell of a witch, and that 
 thofe that did it were worthy to die. Upon which Mr. Wilbour one of 
 the meffengers was ready to ^V,faith heejorfeare heefliould have been 
 hanged. This I cannot beleeve for thefe two Reafons: 1. Becaufe 
 all men that know Mr. Cotton, know his moderation, wifdome and 
 piety to bee fuch, as fuch an expreffion was not like to drop from 
 him. 2. The ftricteft Government in New-Engl. that I know,takes 
 no advantage in the law at a mans perfon for being excommunica- 
 ted; infomuch a.s if he have an office, he holds it nevertheleffe, and 
 this, I know practifed, and therefore his relation unlike. But that 
 theMeffengers were directed to another for their interpreter I know, 
 and that fome took offence at their practife I know alfo, but upon 
 different grounds , which I forbeare to mention, being now to 
 anfwer IsJh.Gorton, and not Mr. Williams. 
 
 In pag. 93. which is the laft page in his Booke that I fhall need to 
 make anfwer to, and the thing hee there brings againft us is an an- 
 fwer to a doctrine one of their wives mould heare delivered at Maf- 
 fachufets when fhee came to vifit them, from Matth. 24. 29. and al- 
 luding to Hebr. 12. 26, 27. briefly this doctrine there delivered, 
 fhould make the doclrine of the A po files and the Churches in theirtimes to 
 beebutdarkneffe. Thatthe Miniftery of the Apoftles was and fhould be re- 
 moved, l$c. which I defire the Reader to turne to; but bee affured 
 through Gods mercy, by meanes of the late Bifhop of Canterburies 
 perfecutions of the godly here, wee are fo excellently furni- 
 fhed with mining Lights of the Gofpel, as no fuch blafphemous 
 train as this could bee there delivered, and fo many able hearers, 
 as if it fhould have been delivered by any, the Lord with-drawing 
 his prefence from him, it would have been forthwith excepted a- 
 gainft and published to the world. But I am confident if fuch a 
 thing were there heard, it was either from one of their owne com- 
 pany, 
 
88 The ground or cauje of firft planting New-England. 
 
 pany, or difciples made by them. And therefore I will paffe by 
 the anfwer alfo, as not concerning any difference between him and 
 us, and fo the reft of his writings to that end, and could wifh that 
 Narciffus-Yike hee were not fo much in love with his owne fhadow, 
 left it prove his ruine; there needing no other matter againft him 
 then his owne words and writings to render him odious to the 
 State here, as well as to New-England from whence he came. 
 
 A ND now that I have finifhed what I conceive neceffary con- 
 cerning Mr. Gortons fcandalous and flanderous Bookes, let me 
 briefly anfwer fome objections that I often meet withall againft the 
 Country of New-England. The firft that I meet with is, concer- 
 ning the rife and foundation of our New-England Plantations; It 
 being alledged (though upon a great miftake by a late Writer) that 
 divifion or difagreement in the Church of Leyden, was the occafi- 
 on, nay caufe of the firft Plantation in New-England; for faith the 
 Author, or to this effect,when they could no longer agree together, 
 the one part went to New-England, and began the Plantation at 
 Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, of the reft of the 
 Churches, as if the foundation of our New-England Plantations 
 had been laid upon divifion or feparation, then which nothing is 
 moreuntrue: For I perfwade my felfe, never people upon earth 
 lived more lovingly together, and parted more fweetly then wee 
 the Church at Leyden did, not rafhly in a diftracted humour, but 
 upon joynt and ferious deliberation , often feeking the minde of 
 God by falling and prayer, whofe gracious prefence we not onely 
 found with us, but his bleffing upon us from that time to this in- 
 ftant, to the indignation of our adverfaries, the admiration of 
 ftrangers, and the exceeding confolation of our felves , to fee fuch 
 effects of our prayers and teares before our pilgrimage here bee en- 
 ded. And therefore briefly take notice of the true caufe of it. 
 
 'Tis true, that that poor perfecuted flock of Chrift,by the malice 
 and power of the late Hierarchy were driven to Leyden in Holland, 
 there to beare witneffe in their pracftife to the Kingly Office of 
 Chrift Jefus in his Church: and there lived together ten yeares 
 under the United States, with much peace and liberty: But our 
 Reverend Paftor Mr. John Robinfon of late memory, and our grave 
 Elder Mr. William Brewfier, (now both at reft with the Lord) con- 
 
 fidering 
 
The ground or caufe of fir ft planting in New-England. 89 
 
 fidering amongft many other inconveniences, how hard the Coun- 
 try was where we lived, how many fpent their eftate in it, and were 
 forced to return for England; how grievous to live from under the 
 protection of the State of England; how like wee were to lofe our 
 language, and our name of Englifh; how little good wee did, or 
 were like to do to the Dutch in reforming the Sabbath; how una- 
 ble there to give fuch education to our children, as wee our felves 
 had received, &c. They, I fay, out of their Chriftian care of the 
 flock of Chrift committed to them conceived , if Godwould bee 
 pleafed to difcover fome place unto us ( though in America) and 
 give us fo much favour with the King and State of England , as to 
 have their protection there, where wee might enjoy the like liberty, 
 and where the Lord favouring our endeavours by his bleffing, wee 
 might exemplarily fliew our tender Country-men by our example 
 (no leffe burthened then our felves ) where they might live, and 
 comfortably fubfift and enjoy the like liberties with us, being 
 freed from Antichriftian bondage , keep their names and Nation, 
 and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the Dominions of our State, 
 but the Church of Chrift alfo , if the Lord have a people amongft 
 the Natives whither hee mould bring us, &c. Hereby in their 
 grave Wifdomes they thought wee might more glorifie God, doe 
 more good to our Countrey, better provide for our pofterity, and 
 live to be more refrefhed by our labours, then ever wee could doe in 
 Holland where we were. 
 
 Now thefe their private thoughts upon mature deliberation 
 they imparted to the Brethren of the Congregation, which after 
 much private difcuffion came to publike agitation, till at the length 
 the Lord was folemnly fought in the Congregation by fafting and 
 prayer to direct us, who moving our hearts more and more to the 
 worke, wee fent fome of good abilities over into England to fee 
 what favour or acceptance fuch a thing might finde with the King. 
 Thefe alfo found God going along with them, and got Sir Edwin 
 Sands a. religious Gentleman then living, to ftirre in it, who procu- 
 red Sir Robert Nawnton then principall Secretary of State to King 
 James of famous memory, to move his Majefty by a private moti- 
 on to give way to fuch a people (who could not fo comfortably 
 live under the Government of another State) to enjoy their liberty 
 of Confcience under his gracious protection in America, where 
 they would endeavour the advancement of his Majefties Domini- 
 
 N ons, 
 
90 The ground or caufe of fir ft Planting New-England. 
 
 ons, and the enlargement of the Gofpel by all due meanes. This 
 his Majefty faid was a good and honeft motion , and asking what 
 profits might arife in the part wee intended (for our eye was upon 
 the moft Northern parts of Virginia) 'twas anfwered, Fifhing. To 
 which hee replyed with his ordinary affeveration, So God have my 
 Soule 'tis an honeft Trade , 'twas the Apoftles owne calling , t$c. 
 But afterwards he told Sir Robert Nawnton, (who took all occafions 
 to further it) that we mould confer with the Bifhops of Canter, 
 bury and London, &c. Whereupon wee were advifed to perfift up- 
 on his firft approbation, and not to entangle our felves with them- 
 which caufed our Agents to repair to the Virginia Company,who 
 in their Court demanded our ends of going; which being 
 related , they faid the thing was of God, and granted a large 
 Patent, and one of them lent us 300 /. gratis for three yeares,which 
 was repaid. 
 
 Our Agents returning, wee further fought the Lord by a pub- 
 lique and folemn Fait, for his gracious guidance. And hereupon 
 wee came to this refolution, that it was beft for one part of the 
 Church to goe at firft, and the other to ftay, viz. the youngeft and 
 ftrongeft part to goe. Secondly, they that went mould freely offer 
 themfelves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the Paftor to goe with 
 them; if not, the Elder onely. Fourthly, if the Lord mould 
 frowne upon our proceedings, then thofe that went to returne, and 
 the Brethren that remained ftill there, to affift and bee helpfull to 
 them, but if God mould bee pleafed to favour them that went, then 
 they alfo mould endeavour to helpe over fuch as were poore and 
 ancient,and willing to come; thefe things being agreed, the major 
 part ftayed, and the Paftor with them for the prefent , but all in- 
 tended (except a very few, who had rather wee would have ftayed) 
 to follow after. The minor part, with Mr. Brewfter their Elder, 
 refolved to enter upon this great work(but take notice the difference 
 of number was not great;) And when the Ship was ready to carry us 
 away, the Brethren that ftayed having againe folemnly fought the 
 Lord with us, and for us, and we further engaging our felves mutu- 
 ally as before; they, I fay, that ftayed at Ley den feafted us that were 
 to goe at our Paftors houfe being large, where wee refrefhed our 
 felves after our teares, with finging of Pfalmes , making joyfull 
 melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many 
 of the Congregation very expert in Mufick; and indeed it was 
 
 the 
 
The ground or caitfe of firft Planting in New-England. 91 
 
 the fweeteft melody that ever mine eares heard. After this they 
 accompanyed us to Delphs Haven, where wee were to imbarque, 
 and there feafted us againe; and after prayer performed by our 
 Paftor, where a flood of tearcs was poured out, they accompanyed 
 us to the Ship, but were not able to fpeake one to another for the 
 abundance of forrow to part: but wee onely going aboard (the Ship 
 lying to the Key) and ready to fet fayle, the winde being faire) wee 
 gave them a volley of fmall fhot, and three peeces of Ordinance, 
 and fo lifting up our hands to each other, and our hearts for each 
 other to the Lord our God, we departed, and found his prefence 
 with us in the midit of our manifold ftraits hee carryed us tho- 
 row. And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I heare, at 
 DelphsHaven preferve the memory of it to this day,and will inform 
 them. 
 
 But falling with Cape Cod which is in Nezv-E?i gland, and 
 ftanding to the Southward for the place wee intended, wee met 
 with many dangers, and the Mariners put back into the Harbour 
 of the Cape, which was the 11. of November, 1620. where 
 confidering Winter was come, the Seas dangerous, the feafon 
 cold, the winds high, and being well furnifhed for a Plantation, we 
 entered upon difcovery, and fetled at Plymouth, where God being 
 pleafed to preferve and enable us, wee that went, were at a Thou- 
 sand pounds charge in fending for our Brethren that were behinde, 
 and in providing there for them till they could reape a crop of their 
 owne labours. And fo good Reader,I have given thee a true and 
 faithfull account, though very briefe, of our proceedings, wherein 
 thou feeft how a late Writer , and thofe that informed him, have 
 wronged our enterprife.And truly what I have written, is far fhort 
 of what it was,omitting for brevity fake many circumitanc.es, as the 
 large offers the Dutch offered us, either to have removed into Zealand 
 and there lived with them : or if we would go on fuch adventures, to 
 goe under them to Hudfons River ( where they have fince a great 
 plantation, &c.) and how they would freely have tranfported us, 
 and furnifhed every family with cattle, &c. Alfo the Englifh Mer- 
 chants thatjoyned with us in this expedition, whom wee fince 
 bought out, which is fitter for an Hiftory, then an anfwer to 
 fuch an Objection, (& I truft will be accomplished in good time.) By 
 all which the Reader may fee there was no breach between us that 
 went,and the brethren that flayed, but fuch love as indeed isfeldome 
 found on earth. N 2 And 
 
92 The Church at Leyden, and the Churches in New-Engl. 
 
 And for the many plantations that come over to us upon notice 
 of Gods bleffing upon us, whereas 'tis falfly faid, they tooke Pli- 
 mouth for their prefident as faft as they came. 'Tis true I confeffe 
 that fome of the chiefe of them advifed with us ( comming over 
 to be freed from the burthenfome ceremonies then impofed in Eng- 
 land ) how they mould doe to fall upon a right platforme of 
 worfhip,and defired to that end fince God had honoured us to lay 
 the foundation of a Common-weale,and to fettle a Church in it, to 
 fhew them whereupon our practice was grounded; and if they 
 found upon due fearch it was built upon the Word, they ihould be 
 willing to take up what was ofGod. We accordingly fhewed them 
 the Primitive practice for our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the 
 Apoftles, and the Epiftles written to the feverall Churches by the 
 faid Apoftles together with the Commandements of Chrift the 
 Lord in the Gofpell, and other our warrants for every particular 
 wee did from the booke of God. Which being by them well weigh- 
 ed and confidered, they alfo entred into Covenant with God and 
 one with another to walke in all his wayes revealed, or as they 
 mould bee made knowne unto them, and to worfhip him according 
 to his will revealed in his written word onely, &c. So that here 
 alfo thou maift fee they fet not the Church at Plimouth before them 
 for example,but the Primitive Churches were and are their and our 
 mutuall patternes and examples, which are onely worthy to be fol- 
 lowed, having the bleffed Apoftles amongft them which were fent 
 immediately by Chrift himfelfe and enabled and guided by the un- 
 erring Spirit of God. And truly this is a patterne fit to bee fol- 
 lowed of all that feare God, and no man or men to bee followed 
 further then they follow Chrift and them. 
 
 Having thus briefly fhewed that the foundation of our New-En- 
 gland Plantations was not laid upon Schifme, divifion, or Separati- 
 on, but upon love, peace, and holineffe; yea, fuch love and mutuall 
 care of the Church of Leyden for the fpreading of the Gofpel, the 
 welfare of each other, and their pofterities to fucceeding generati- 
 ons, as is feldome found on earth : And having fhewed alfo that the 
 Primitive Churches are the onely pattern which the Churches of 
 Chrift in New-England have in their eye, not following Luther, Cal- 
 vin, Knoxe, Ainjworth, Robinfon, Amies, or any other, further then 
 they follow Chrift and his Apoftles; I am earneftly requefted to 
 cleare up another groffe miftake which caufed many, and ftill doth, 
 
 to 
 
hold Communion with the Reformed Churches. 93 
 
 to judge the harder of New-England, and the Churches there , be- 
 caufe (fay they) The Church of Plymouth which went fir ft from Ley den, 
 were Schifmaticks, Brownifts, rigid Separatifts, 13c. having Mr. Ro- 
 binfon/or their Paftor, zvho made, and to the laft prof eff edf eparation from 
 other the Churches of Chrift,&c. And the reft of the Churches in New- 
 England holding communion with that Church, are to bee reputed fuch 
 as they are. 
 
 For anfwer to this afperfion, Firft, he that knew Mr. Robinfon, 
 either by his Doctrine daily taught, or hath read his Apology pub- 
 lished not long before his death,or knew the practife of that Church 
 of Chrift under his government,or was acquainted with the whol- 
 fome counfell he gave that part of the Church which went for New- 
 England at their departure and afterward, might eafily refolve the 
 doubt,and take off the afperfion. 
 
 For his Doctrine, I living three yeares under his Miniftery,before 
 we began the worke of Plantation in New-England ; It was alwayes 
 againft feparation from any the Churches of Chrift, profeffing and 
 holding communion both with the French and Dutch Churches, yea, 
 tendering it to the Scots alfo, as I fhall make appeare more par- 
 ticularly anon. Ever holding forth how wary perfons ought to bee 
 in feparating from a Church, and that till Chrift the Lord departed 
 wholly from it, man ought not to leave it, onely to beare witneffe 
 againft the corruption that was in it. But if any object, he fepara- 
 ted from the Church of England,and wrote largely againft it; I ac- 
 knowledge hee wrote largely againft it, but yet let me tell you, hee 
 allowed hearing the godly Minifters preach and pray in the publick 
 Affemblies; yea, hee allowed private communion not onely with 
 them , but all that were faithfull in Chrift Jefus in the Kingdome 
 and elfewhere upon all occafions; yea, honored them for the power 
 of godlineffe above all other the profeffors of Religion in the 
 world, nay, I may truly fay, his fpirit cleaved unto them, being fo 
 well acquainted with the integrity of their hearts, and care to walke 
 blameleffe in their lives, which was no fmall motive to him to per- 
 fwade us to remove from Holland, where wee might probably not 
 onely continue Englifh,but have and maintain fuch fweet communi- 
 on with the godly of that Nation, as through Gods great mercy we 
 enjoy this day. 
 
 'Tis true, I confeffe he was more rigid in his courfe and way at 
 firft, then towards his latter end; for his ftudy was peace and union 
 
 N3 fo 
 
94 The Church at Leyden,a?id the Churches in New-Engl. 
 
 fo far as might agree with faith and a good confcience;and for fchifm 
 and divifion, there was nothing in the world more hatefull to him: 
 But for the government of the Church of England, as it was in the 
 Epifcopall way,the Liturgy and ftinted prayers of the Church then; 
 yea, the conftitution of it as Nationall, and fo confequently the cor- 
 rupt communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers of the 
 Lords Supper, thefe things were never approved of him, but wit- 
 neffed againft to his death, and are by the Church over which he was 
 to this day. And if the Lord would be pleafed to ftir up the hearts 
 of thofe, in whom (under him) the power of Reformation lies, to 
 reform that abufe, that a diftindtion might once be put between the 
 precious and the vile, particular Churches might be gathered by the 
 powerfull preaching of the Word, thofe onely admitted into com- 
 munion, whofe hearts the Lord perfwades to fubmit unto the Iron 
 rod of the Gofpel; O how fweet then would the communion of the 
 Churches be! How thorow the Reformation! How eafie would 
 the differences be reconciled between the Presbyterian and Indepen- 
 dent way! How would the God of peace which commandeth love 
 and good agreement fmile upon this Nation ! How would the fubtle 
 underminers of it be difappointed, and the faithfull provoked to 
 fing fongs of praife and thankfgiving! Nay, how would the God 
 of order be glorified in fuch orderly walking of the Saints! And 
 as they have fought together for the liberties of the Kingdome, Ec- 
 clefiafticall and Civill; fo may they joyn together in the prefervation 
 of them (which otherwife, 'tis to be feared will not long continue) 
 and in the praifes of our God who hath been fo good to his poore 
 diftreffed ones, whom he hath delivered, and whom he will deliver 
 out of all their troubles. But I have made too great a digreffion,and 
 muft return. 
 
 In the next place I mould fpeak of Mr. Robinfons Apology,where- 
 in he maketh a briefe defence againft many adverfaries, &c. But be- 
 caufe it is both in Latine and Englifh,of fmall price, and eafie to bee 
 had, I fhall forbeare to write of it, and onely refer the Reader to it, 
 for the differences between his congregation, and other the Refor- 
 med Churches. 
 
 The next thing I would have the Reader take notice of, is, that 
 however the church of Ley den differed in fome particulars, yet made 
 no Schifme or feparation from the Reformed Churches , but held 
 communion with them occafionally :For we ever placed a large diffe- 
 rence 
 
hold communion with the Reformed Churches. 95 
 
 rence between thofe that grounded their pra<ftife upon the Word of 
 God(tho differing from us in the expofition or underftanding ofit) 
 and thofe that hated fuch Reformers and Reformation, and went 
 on in Antichriftianoppofition to it, and perfecutionof it, as the late 
 Lord Bifhops did, who would not in deed and truth (whatever their 
 pretences were)that Chrift mould rule over them. But as they often 
 ftretched out their hands againft the faints; fo God hath withered 
 the Arm of their power, thrown them down from their high & lof- 
 ty feats, and flain the chiefe of their perfons, as well as the Hierar- 
 chy, that he might become an example to all thofe that rife againft 
 God in his Sabbath, in the preaching of his Word, in his Saints, in 
 the purity of his Ordinances. And I heartily defire that others may 
 heare and feare withall. 
 
 As for the Dutch, it was ufuall for our Members that underftood 
 the language, and lived in, or occaiionally came over to London, to 
 communicate with them, as one John Jenny a Brewer long did, his 
 wife and family, &c. and without any offence to the Church: So 
 alfo for any that had occafion to travell into any other part of the 
 Netherlands they daily did the like : And our Parlor WLv.Robinfon in 
 the time when Arminianifme prevailed fo much, at the requeft of 
 the, moft Orthodox Divines, as Poliander, Feftus, Homlius, Sc. dif- 
 puted daily againft Epifcopiusiin the AcademyjatZ^y^n) and others 
 the grand champions of that error,and had as good refpedl amongft 
 them, as any of their own Divines; Infomuch as when God took 
 him away from them and us by death, the Univerfity, and Minifters 
 of the City accompanied him to his grave with all their accuftomed 
 folemnities; bewayling the great loffe that not onely that particular 
 Church had, whereof he was Paftor; but fome of the chief of them 
 fadly affirmed, that all the Churches of Chrift fuftained a loffe by 
 the death of that worthy Inftrument of the Gofpel. I could inftance 
 alfo divers of their members that underftood the Englifh tongue,and 
 betook themfelves to the communion of our Church, went with us 
 to A T ew-Y.ngland, asGodbert Godbertfon, &c. Yea, at this very inftant, 
 another called Mofes Symonfon , becaufe a child of one that was in 
 communion with the Dutch Church at Leyden, is admitted into 
 Church-fellowfhip at Plymouth in New-England,a.nd his children al- 
 fo to Baptifm,as wel as our own,and other Dutch alfo in communi- 
 on at Salem,&c. 
 
 And for the French Churches that we held, and do hold commu- 
 
g6 The Church at ~Ltyden,and the Churches in New-Engl. 
 
 nion with them, take notice of our praclife at Leyden, viz. that one 
 Samuel Terry was received from the French Church there, into com- 
 munion with us; alfo the wife of Francis Cooke being a Walloone, 
 holds communion with the Church at Plymouth, as fhe came from 
 the French,to this day, by vertue of communion of Churches ; There 
 is alfo one Philip Delanoy bovnoi French parents, came to us from Ley- 
 den to New-Plymouth,who comming to age of difcerning, demanded 
 alfo communion with us,& proving himfelf to be come of fuch pa- 
 rents as were in ful communion with the French Churches,was here 
 upon admitted by the Church of "Plymouth ;and after upon his remo- 
 val of habitation toDuxburrozv where M.Ralph Partridge is Paftor of 
 the Church ;and upon Letters of recommendation from the Church 
 at Plymouth, hee was alfo admitted into fellowfhip with the Church 
 at Duxburrow, being fix miles diftant from Plymouth; and fo I dare 
 fay,if his occafions lead him, may from Church to church through- 
 out Neiv-England. For the truth is, the Dutch and French Churches 
 either of them being a people diftincl from the world, and gathered 
 into an holy communion, and not Nationall Churches, nay,fo far 
 from it, as I verily beleeve the fixth perfon is not of the Church, the 
 difference is fo fmall (if moderately pondered, between them and 
 us)as we dare not for the world deny communion with them. 
 
 And for the Church of Scotland, however wee have had leaft oc- 
 cafion offered to hold communion with them; yet thus much I can 
 and doe affirme, that a godly Divine comming over to Leyden in 
 Holland, where a Booke was printed, Anno 1619. as I take it,fhewing 
 the nullity of Perth Affembled, whom we judged to bee the Author 
 of it, and hidden in hlolland for a feafon to avoid the rage of thofe 
 evill times (whofe name I have forgotten; ) This man being very 
 converfant with our Paftor Mr. Robinjon, and ufing to come to hear 
 him on the Sabbath, after Sermon ended, the Church being to par- 
 take in the Lords Supper , this Minifter ftood up and defired hee 
 might, without offence, ftay and fee the manner of his adminiftra- 
 tion, and our participation in that Ordinance; To which our Pa- 
 ftor anfwercd in thefe very words, or to this effedt, Reverend Sir, 
 you may not one ly ftay to behold us, hit partake with us,if youpleafejor 
 wee acknowledge the Churches oj Scotland to be the Churches of Chrift,&c. 
 The Minifter alfo replyed to this purpofe , if not alfo in the fame 
 words; That for his part hee could comfortably partake with the Church, 
 and willingly would, but that it is poffible fome of his brethrenof Scotland 
 
 might 
 
hold communion with the Reformed Churches. 97 
 
 might take offence at his ad; which he defired to avoid in regard of the 
 opinion the Englifh Churches which they held communion withall 
 had of us : However he rendered thanks to Mr. Robinfon , and defi- 
 red in that refpect to be onely a fpeclator of us. Thefe things I was 
 earneftly requefted to publiih to the world by fome of the godly Pres- 
 byterian party, who apprehend the world to bee ignorant of our 
 proceedings, conceiving in charity that if they had been knowne, 
 fome late Writers and Preachers would never havewritten and fpoke 
 of us as they did, and ftill doe as they have occafion: But what they 
 ignorantly judge, write, or fpeak of us, I truft the Lord in mercy wil 
 paffe by. 
 
 In the next place, for the wholfome counfell Mr. Robinfon gave 
 that part of the Church whereof he was Paftor, at their departure 
 from him to begin the great worke of Plantation in New-England, 
 amongft other wholfome Instructions and Exhortations , hee ufed 
 thefe expreffions, or to the fame purpofe; We are now ere long to 
 part afunder, and the Lord knoweth whether ever he mould live to 
 fee our faces again :but whether the Lord had appointed it or not, he 
 charged us before God and his bleffed Angels, to follow him no fur- 
 ther then he followed Chrift. And if God mould reveal any thing 
 to us by any other inftrument of his, to be as ready to receive it, as 
 ever we were to receive any truth by his Miniftery : For he was ve- 
 ry confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth 
 out of his holy Word. He took occafion alfo miferably to bewaile 
 the ftate and condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come 
 to a period in Religion , and would goe no further then the in- 
 struments of their Reformation: As for example, the Lutherans they 
 could not be drawne to goe beyond what Luther faw , for whatever 
 part of Gods will he had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, 
 they will rather die then embrace it. And fo alfo,faith he, you fee the 
 Calvinifts, they ftick where he left them: A mifery much to bee la- 
 mented; For though they were precious mining light's in their 
 times, yet God had not revealed his whole will to them: And 
 were they now living, faith hee , they would bee as ready and 
 willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. Here 
 alfo he put us in mind of our Church-Covenant(at leaft that part of 
 it)whereby wee promife and covenant with God and one with ano- 
 ther, to receive whatfoever light or truth fhall be made known to us 
 from his written Word: but withall exhorted us to take heed what 
 
 O we 
 
98 The Church at ~Leyden,and the Churches in New-Engl. 
 
 we received for truth, and well to examine and compare, and weigh 
 it with other Scriptures of truth, before we received it; For, faith 
 he, It is not poffible the Chriftian world fhould come jo lately out offuch 
 thick Antichriftiandarkneffe,andthatfullperfeclionof knowledge fhould 
 breake forth at once. 
 
 Another thing hee commended to us, was, that wee mould ufe 
 all meanes to avoid and fhake off the name of Brownift, being a meer 
 nick-name and brand to make Religion odious, and the profeffors 
 of it to the Chriftian world; and to that end, faid hee, I mould be 
 glad if fome godly Minifter would goe over with you, or come to 
 you, before my comming; For, faid hee, there will bee no difference 
 between the uncomformable Minifters and you , when they come 
 to the practife of the Ordinances out of the Kingdome: And fo 
 advifed us by all meanes to endeavour to clofe with the godly party 
 of the Kingdome of England,and rather to ftudy union then divifi- 
 on; viz. how neare we might poffibly, without fin clofe with them, 
 then in the leaft meafure to affect divifion or feparation from them. 
 And be not loath to take another Paftor or Teacher, faith hee, for 
 that flock that hath two fhepheards is not indangered, but fecured 
 by it. Many other things there were of great and weighty confe- 
 quence which he commended to us, but thefe things I thought good 
 to relate, at the requeft of fome well-willers to the peace and good 
 agreement of the godly, (fo diffracted at prefent about the fettling 
 of Church-government in the Kingdom of England) that fo both 
 fides may truly fee what this poor defpifed Church of Chrift now 
 at New-Plymouth in New-England, but formerly at Ley den in Holland, 
 was and is; how far they were and ftill are from feparation from 
 the Churches of Chrift, efpecially thofe that are Reformed. 
 
 'Tis true, we profeffe and defire to praclife a feparation from the 
 world, & the works of the world, which are works of the flefh, fuch 
 as the Apoftle fpeaketh of, Ephef. 5. 19,20,21. 1 Cor.6.9,10,11. and 
 Ephef.2. 11,12. And as the Churches of Chrift are all Saints by 
 calling, fo we defire to fee the grace of God mining forth, (at leaft 
 feemingly, leaving fecret things to God)in all we admit into church 
 fellowfhip with us, & to keep off fuch as openly wallow in the mire 
 of their fins, that neither the holy things of God, nor the commu- 
 nion of the Saints may be leavened or polluted thereby. And if any 
 joyning to us formerly,either when we lived at Leyden in Hollander 
 fince we came to New-England, have with the manifeftation of their 
 
 faith 
 
hold Communion zvith the Reformed Churches. 99 
 
 faith and profeffion of holineffe held forth therewith feparation 
 from the Church of England, I have divers times, both in the one 
 place, and the other,heard either Mr. Robinfon our Paftor, or Mr. 
 Brewfier our Elder ftop them forthwith, fhewing them that wee re- 
 quired no fuch things at their hands, but only to hold forth faith 
 in Chrift Jefus, holineffe in the feare of God , and fubmiffion to 
 every Ordinance and appointment of God , leaving the Church 
 of England to themfelves,and to the Lord before whom they mould 
 ftand or fall, and to whom wee ought to pray to reforme what was 
 amiffe amongft them. Now this Reformation we have lived to fee 
 performed and brought about by the mighty power of God, this 
 day in a good meafure , and I hope the Lord Jefus will perfect his 
 work of Reformation, till all be according to the good pleafure of 
 his will. By all which I defire the Reader to take notice of 
 our former and prefent pradtife notwithftanding all the injuri- 
 ous and fcandalous taunting reports are paffed on us. And if 
 thefe things will not fatisfie , but wee muft ftill fuffer reproach, 
 and others for our fakes , becaufe they and wee thus walke , 
 our praclife being for ought wee know, wholly grounded on 
 the written Word , without any addition or humane invention 
 knowne to us , taking our patterne from the Primitive Chur- 
 ches , as they were regulated by the bleffed Apoftles in their 
 owne dayes, who were taught and inftrucled by the Lord Je- 
 fus Chrift, and had the unerring and all-knowing Spirit of God 
 to bring to their remembrance the things they had heard : I fay,if 
 wee muft ftill fuffer fuch reproach, notwithftanding our charity to- 
 wards them who will not be in charity with us; Gods will be done. 
 The next afperfion caft upon us,is,that we will not fuffer any that 
 differ from us never fo little to refide or cohabite with us; no not 
 the Presbyterian Government which differeth fo little from 
 us. To which I anfwer, our praclife witneffeth the contrary. 
 For 'tis well knowne that Mr. Parker and Mr. Noyce who are Mini- 
 fters of the Church at Newberry are in that way and fo knowne fo 
 farre as a fingle Congregation can bee exercifed in it ; yet never 
 had the leaft moleftation or difturbance, and have and finde as good 
 refpedt from Magiftrates and people as other Elders in the Congre- 
 gationall or Primitive way. 'Tis knowne alfo that Mr. Hubbard 
 the Minifter at Hengam hath declared himfelfe for that way: nay 
 which is more then ever I heard of the other two, hee refufeth to 
 
 O 2 baptize 
 
ioo New-Engl. praclife toward them that differ in Religion. 
 
 baptzie no children that are tendred to him (although this liberty 
 ftands not upon a Presbyterian bottome) and yet the Civill State 
 never molefted him for it: onely comming to a Synod held in the 
 Country the laft yeare, which the Magistrates called, requefting 
 the Churches to fend their Elders and fuch other as might bee able 
 to hold forth the light of God from his written word in cafe of 
 fome doubts which did arife in the Country: I fay hee comming 
 the laft fitting of the Affembly which was adjourned to the eighth of 
 June next,was in all meekneffe and love requefted to bee prefentand 
 hold forth his light hee went by in baptizing all that were brought 
 to him, hereby waving the pracftife of the Churches, which he promi- 
 fing to take into confideration they refted in his anfwer. So alfo 'tis 
 wel known,that before thefe unhappy troubles arofe in England and 
 Scotland, there were divers Gentlemen of Scotland that groaned un- 
 der the heavy preffaries of thofe times, wrote to New-England to 
 know whether they might freely be fuffered to exercife their Pref- 
 byteriall government amongft us. And it was anfwered affirma- 
 tively they might: and they fending over a Gentleman to take 
 a view of fome fit place; A River called Meromeck neare Ipfwich 
 and Newberry aforefaid,was fhewed their Agent, which he well liked, 
 and where wee have fince four townes fettled, and more may bee 
 for ought I know, fo that there they might have had a compleate 
 Presbytery and whither they intended to have come: but meeting 
 with manifold croffes being halfe Seas thorow they gave over 
 their intendments, and as I have heard thefe were many of the 
 Gentlemen that firft fell upon the late Covenant in Scotland: 
 by all which will eafily appeare how wee are here wronged by ma- 
 ny; and the harder meafure as wee heare impofed upon our bre- 
 thren for our fakes, nay pretending our example for their prefident. 
 And laft of all, not long before I came away certaine difcontented 
 perfons in open Court of the Maffachufets, demanding that liberty, 
 it was freely and as openly tendred to them; mewing their former 
 practices by mee mentioned: but willed not to expect that wee 
 mould provide them Minifters &c. for the fame, but getting fuch 
 themf elves they might exercife the Presbyterian Government at thei r 
 libertie, walking peaceably towards us as wee trufted we mould doe 
 towards them. So that if our brethren here mail bee reftrained they 
 walking peaceably,the example muft not be taken from us, but arife 
 from fome other principle. 
 
 But 
 
New-Engl. prattife towards them that differ in Religion. 101 
 
 But it will not bee objected though you deale thus with the Pref- 
 byterian way,!yet you have a fevere law againft Anabaptifts,yeaone 
 was whipt at Maffachufets for his Religion? and your law banifh- 
 eth them? Anjw. 'Tis true, the Maffachufets Governement have 
 fuch a law as to banifh,but not to whip in that kinde. And certaine 
 men defiring fome mitigation of it; It was anfwered in my hear- 
 ing. 'Tis true, we have a fevere law, but wee never did or will exe- 
 cute the rigour of it upon any, and have men living amongft us, nay 
 fome in our Churches of that judgement, and as long as they carry 
 themfelves peaceably as hitherto they doe, wee will leave them to 
 God,our felves having performed the duty ofbrethren to them. And 
 whereas there was one whipt amongft us; 'tis true wee knew his 
 judgement what it was: but had hee not carried himfelfe fo con- 
 temptuoufly towards the Authority God hath betrufted us with in 
 an high exemplary meafure, wee had never fo cenfured him: and 
 therefore he may thank himfelfwho fuffered as an evill doer in that 
 refpect. But the reafon wherefore wee are loath either to repeale 
 or alter the law, is, Becaufe wee would have it remaine in force to 
 beare witneffe againft their judgement and practife which we con- 
 ceive them to bee erroneous. 
 
 And yet nevertheleffe faid the Governour to thofe preferred the 
 requeft, you may tel our friends in England, whither yee arefome of 
 you going, fince the motion proceedeth from fuch as wee know 
 move it in love to us, wee will ferioufly take it into confideration at 
 our next Generall Court. So that thou maift perceive good Rea- 
 der that the worft is fpoken of things in that kinde. 
 
 Furthermore in the Government of Plimouth, to our great griefe, 
 not onely the Paftor of a Congregation waveth the adminiftration 
 of baptifme to Infants, but divers of his Congregation are fallen 
 with him, and yet all the meanes the civill power hath taken againft 
 him and them, is to ftirre up our Elders to give meeting and fee if 
 by godly conference they may bee able to convince and reclaime 
 him, as in mercy once before they had done by Gods bleffing upon 
 their labours. Onely at the forefaid Synod, two were ordered to 
 writeto him in the name of the Affembly,and to requeft his prefence 
 at their next meeting aforefaid to hold forth his light hee goeth by 
 in waving the praclife of the Churches; with promife if it be light, 
 to walke by it: but if it appeare otherwife, then they truft hee will 
 returne againe to the unity of practice with them. And for the o- 
 
 O 3 ther 
 
ioz New-Engl. praclife towards them that differ in Religion. 
 
 ther two Governments of Coneetacut and Newhaven, if either have 
 any law in force againft them , or fo much as need of a law in that 
 kinde, 'tis more then I have heard on. 
 
 For our parts (I mean the Churches of New-TLngl.) we are confi- 
 dent through Gods mercy, theway of God in which we walke,and 
 according to which wee perform our Worfhip and fervice to Him, 
 concurreth with thofe Rules our bleffed Saviour hath left upon re- 
 cord by the Evangelifts and Apoftles, and is agreeable with the pra- 
 ctife of thofe Primitive Churches mentioned in the Acls, and regu- 
 lated by the fame Apoftles, as appeareth not onely in that Evange- 
 licall Hiftory, but in their Epiftles to the feverall Churches there 
 mentioned; yet nevertheleffe if any thorow tenderneffe of Confci- 
 ence be otherwife minded, to fuch wee never turn a deafe eare, nor 
 become rigorous, though we have the ftreame of Authority on our 
 fides. Nay, if in the ufe of all means we cannot reclaim them, know- 
 ing the wifdome that is from above isfirftpure, thenpeaceable, gentle, eafie 
 to be intreatedjull of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and with- 
 out hypocrifie, and the fruit ofrighteoufneffe isfowne inpeace,of them that 
 make peace, according to James 3 . 1 7, 1 8. And if any differing from us 
 bee anfwerable to this Rule in their lives and converfations, we do not 
 exercife the Civill fword againft them. But for fuch as Gorton and 
 his company, whofe wifdome feems not to be from above, as appea- 
 reth in that it is full of envying, firife, confufion, Jam. 3.15, 16. being 
 therein fuch as the Apoftle Jude fpeaks on, v. 8. viz. earthly, fenfuall, 
 devillifh ; who v. 16. defpife dominion, and f peak evill of dignities. Thefe 
 v. 1 2, 1 3. are murmurers, complayners, walkers after their own lufts, and 
 their mouth fpeaketh great fwelli?ig words, being clouds without water, 
 carried about of winds, trees whofe fruit wither eth, without fruit, twice 
 dead, plucked up by the roots, raging waves of the fea, foaming out their 
 owne fhame, wandringftarres, to whom (without repentance, which I 
 much dehre to fee, or hear of in him, if it may ftand with the will of God) 
 isrefervedthe blackneffe of darkneffe for ever. Thefe I fay are to be pro- 
 ceeded with by another rule, and not to bee borne: who fuffer as evil 
 doers, and are a fhame to Religion which they profeffe in word, but 
 deny in their lives and converfations. Thefe every tender confcience 
 abhors, and will juftifie and affift the higher Pozvers God hath ordained, 
 againft fuch carnall Gofpellers, ivho beare not the fword in vaine, Rom. 
 1 3. but execute Gods vengeance on fuch: for the Civill Magiftrate is 
 the MinifterofGod,a Revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil. And 
 
 there- 
 
New-Engl. praclife tozvards them that differ in Religion. 103 
 
 therefore a broad difference is to be put between fuch evill doers, and 
 thofe tender confciences who follow the light of Gods Word in 
 their owne perfwafions , (though judged erroneous by the places 
 where they live) fo long as their walking is anfwerable to the rules 
 of the Gofpel,by preferving peace, and holding forth holineffc in 
 their converfations amongft men. 
 
 Thus much I thought good to fignifie,becaufe we ol N ew-TLngland 
 are faid to be fo often propounded for an example. And if any will 
 take us for a prefident, I defire they may really know what wee doe, 
 rather then what others ignorantly or malitioufly report of us, 
 affuring my felf that none will ever be lofers by following us fo far 
 as we follow Chrift: Which that we may doe, and our pofterities 
 after us, the Father of our Lord Jefus Chrift,& our Father,accept in 
 Chrift what is according to him,difcover,pardon,and reform what 
 is amiffe amongft us; and guide us and them by the affiftance of the 
 holy Ghoft for time to come,till time fhal be no more;that the Lord 
 our God may ftill delight to dwell amongft his Plantations and 
 Churches there by his gracious prefence, and may goe on bleffing 
 to bleffe them with heavenly bleffmgs in thefe earthly places, that 
 fo by his bleffing they may not onely grow up to a Nation, but be- 
 come exemplary for good unto others. And let all that wifh wel to 
 Sion fay Amen. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 In the title of p. 9, &c. to 37. in ftead,of the Magiftrates of Bo/ton in New-Engl. 
 r. of Maffachufets in New England; p II. 1. 27. for purpofe God, r. purpofe of God; 
 p. 14. for day of, r. day of the; p. 30 1. 17. for Cope, r. cup; alfo 1. 18 for cope, 
 r. cup; alfo 1. 21. for Judas, r. as Judas; p. 32. 1. 3. leave out to; p. 54. 1. 10. for by, 
 r. in; p. 67. 1. 37. for complaining, r. complained; p. 79. 1. 26. for with as indeed, 
 r. with them as; p. 83. I.23. for and, put ( p. 85. 1. 6. for whom, r. which.