% •- 
 
 
 6" 
 
 
 
 '^^ -^^ •- 
 
 

 •*■" »! 
 
 
 
 
 '.♦ «.(•" 
 
 
 
 I vP <p^ • , 
 
 "^^ A^ *y 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .** .Wa^ %^^^ ,^-, \/ ,^.. -^ ,." .'^ 
 
 
 
 
 "«s>_^ 
 
 n^ ,^", ^n 
 
 A r " » • '^. 
 
 
AN 
 
 O K ATI O N 
 
 DELIVERED AT 
 
 FLUSHING, LONG ISLAND, 
 
 Jf0«rllj of lub, 1S62. 
 
 JOHN J. ARMSTRONa, 
 
 J' 
 
 OF JAMAICA, LONG ISLAND. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 PRINTED BY EDWARD O. JENKINS, 
 
 20 NORTH WILLIAM STREET. 
 
 1862. 
 
'^la-. 
 
 
 
Flusiiixg, July 10, 1862. 
 J. J. ARMSTitoNG, Esq. : 
 
 Dear Sir, — The undersigned, in common with many other citizens of 
 Flushing, having had the pleasure and satisfaction of listening to your 
 excellent and patriotic Oration on the Fourth of July, respectfully request 
 a copy for publication, in order to give it a wider sphere of usefulness, 
 and strengthen public opinion in favor of our national causo. 
 
 Very resjjectfully yours, 
 
 JOSEPH H. KING, 
 HENRY CLEMENT, 
 NELSON J. GATES, 
 B. W. DOWNING, 
 L. B. PRINCE, 
 CHARLES LEVER. 
 
 Jam.\ica, July 12, 1862. 
 Gentleinev, — Yours of the lOtli inst. is before me. The Oration deliver- 
 ed by me before the citizens of your Town, on the " Fourth," was the 
 work of haste, and in consequence of the short time allowed me, it did 
 not receive that care the importance of the subject discussed demanded. 
 iVlthough conscious of its imperfections, I cannot do otherwise than com- 
 ply with your request so flatteringly made, and coniimmicated in terms so 
 
 oi'.rteous. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 JNO. J. ARMSTRONG. 
 
 To Joseph II. King, Henry Clement, Ch.\rles Lever, 
 
 N. J. Gates, B. W. Dow.mng and L. B. Prince, Esqs. 
 
ORATION. 
 
 So numerous have been the celebrations of this day, 
 extending back for a period of more than three quarters 
 of a century, that a speaker far more competent than the 
 one who now addresses you, might well entreat, at the 
 commencement of his remarks, as I now do, your in- 
 dulgence, while he asks deliverance from your qj-iticisni. 
 
 The history of the United States has many days that 
 are sacred to every American heart ; but this one is sur- 
 rounded with incidents well calculated to arouse our 
 national pride, the remembrance of which should induce 
 all of us in the present crisis to feel the great respon- 
 sibility resting upon each one to labor more earnestly, 
 devotedly and faithfully than ever, for the preservation 
 and perpetuity of those principles and institutions under 
 which we have, as a nation, prospered. 
 
 On this day, eighty-six years ago, a small body of men 
 witliout the pomp or pride of official station, assembled 
 at Philadelphia to perform an act of the most solemn im- 
 portance to them and of the greatest interest to the whole 
 civilized world— they were men of no common order— each 
 one a patriot, and for wisdom, courage, energy and counsel, 
 well qualified to become a leader in the great cause to the 
 support of which they solemnly pledged " their lives, 
 their fortunes, and their sacred honor." It was upon 
 this day, and in the document just read to you, that they 
 asserted in the broadest sense the right of man to self gov- 
 ernment, and his capacity for its full and free exercise, so 
 that upon this Western Continent they and their posterity 
 
6 
 
 miglit enjoy a nation's independence, and might for ever 
 be free from the fraudnlent theories, the unjnst usurpa- 
 tion of power, and the base pretensions of those who de- 
 sired to establish over them a despotic rule. In doing 
 of which they encountered not only the strong opposi- 
 tion of the home government, but in their own midst 
 were the mercenary, the treacherous and the timid, who 
 derided and opposed their daring effort. 
 
 The seeds of liberty then connnitted to the virgin soil 
 of America, were tenderly nourished and sustained by 
 the warm hearts of brave men and fair women, until 
 
 " Watered by Heavenly dew 
 The germ of Empire grew 
 Freedom its root." 
 
 The men who thus labored have all gone to their 
 final reward, and years hence, (when all who now live 
 have passed from the busy scenes of life,) their names 
 and character will become the subject of more general 
 enthusiasm the world over, than they are to-day — their 
 names have stirred the heroism of the world, and the bat- 
 tle fields, rendered sacred by their toils and privations, 
 have become the Thermopylas's of liberty. Statesmen 
 are proud to utter the sentiments expressed by these il- 
 lustrious men, and historians revel with delight amid the 
 incidents connected with their lives. Wherever Liberty 
 has an abiding place their names will be cherished, and 
 wherever Tyranny crushes with its iron heel, their ex- 
 ample will inspire others to noble deeds and heroic 
 actions. Year after year will these speak of patriotism 
 and self-sacrifice, and teach their lessons of duty and 
 faith, and continually plead for the preservation of the 
 best government of the world. Their names and char- 
 acter, their generous deeds, their sterling patriotism, and 
 their warm devotion to their whole countrv will be re- 
 
membered until virtue sliall cease on eartli, and earth 
 itself be lost in chaos. 
 
 How great and wonderful are tlie changes tliat have 
 been wrought since America assumed that position among 
 the nations of the earth, to which by the " laws of nature 
 and of nature's God," she was entitled. From three, our 
 population has become thirty millions, and instead of 
 tliirtcen Colonies, we have thirty-four States. We have 
 a written Constitution securing popular rights, freedom 
 of speech, of conscience, and of the press, and were rapid- 
 ly becoming that " mighty continent," so well described 
 by Charles Phillips, as the one that would " emerge from 
 the horizon to rule for its time, sovereign of the ascen- 
 dant." 
 
 But how stands the case now ? The Union — the off- 
 spring of oppression — nursed in the cradle of blood, but 
 strong enough in its infancy to destroy the serpent that 
 sought its life — respected, honored, aye, and feared too 
 by almost every nation — venerated and admired by the 
 oppressed and down trodden of other lands — is now 
 stained with the blood of its own children, shed in a 
 strife provoked by passion and madness. 
 
 In' a quiet bay upon the South Eastern coast of the 
 United States, there is a fortress erected by the American 
 government for the defence of a Southern commercial 
 capital. Within its massive walls were gathered a band 
 of seventy men, v/ith but three day's rations ; above their 
 heads waved in graceful majesty the banner they and we 
 so tenderly love ; and a short distance from them was a 
 mighty host, eager for their destruction. The stars of 
 heaven looked down in solemn silence upon the scene. 
 The evacuation and surrender of that fortress had been 
 demanded, and from a sense of " duty" and of" obliga- 
 tions " to the government, the demand was courteously, 
 but bravely refused. Sixty minutes were given before 
 this host would open their fire U]5on that fortress. Oh ! 
 
wliat an lioiir was that — metliinlvs that while the angel 
 hosts of the sky averted their faces from the sight, the 
 shout of wild exultation rang from the infernal spirits. 
 The hour expired, and with it the angel of peace winged 
 herself from that scene and left America. For hours 
 " the leaden i-ain and iron hail " fell upon that fortress; 
 but thank God, the seventy were not only unharmed, but 
 were not dismayed. And not until the quarters within 
 the fortress had been " entirely burned, the main gates 
 destroyed by lire, the gorge walls seriously injured, the 
 magazine surrounded by the flames and its door closed 
 from the effects of heat, four barrels and three cartridges 
 of powder," only being available, and a small quantity of 
 provisions remaining, the commandant evacuated the for- 
 tress, and marched from it " with colors flying and drums 
 beating, bringing away company and private property " 
 and saluted his flag with " flfty guns." Those who then 
 left that fortress, were greater in their defeat than those 
 who entered it. And while the history of that bombard- 
 ment will ever stand as a record of infamy to all who 
 were engaged in it, it will at the same time enable 
 Anderson and his little band to live in the grateful re- 
 collections of an admiring nation, and to share with Leon- 
 idas and his Spartan three hundred the renown due to 
 heroic action. 
 
 Then it was that tyrants laughed, for, to them it seem- 
 ed the downfall of the Republic ; and the friends of con- 
 stitutional liberty wept, for, to them it seemed the knell 
 of freedom. Then it was that a rebellion, the most 
 wicked the world has ever known, raised its horrid 
 front, and cast a shade of gloom over the whole land, 
 for it comprehended every ingredient that could add 
 bitterness to the cup. 
 
 It touched New England's heart to the core ; the 
 same thrill of anguish pierced the soul of New York 
 and Pennsylvania, and the great North West ; and, in- 
 
9 
 
 deed, reached every patriot lieart in the land. Tlic 
 genius of Liberty, in sorrow and pain, called her chil- 
 dren -from their quiet homes and firesides, to protect and 
 defend all that was dear to them. The North, East and 
 West have heard the cry, and have gone forward, not 
 as invaders, but as Americans and patriots — as the sons 
 of the sires of the Revolution — as lovers of their country, 
 and ready, with their lives, to offer themselves as a 
 sacrifice, so that the glorious visions of American liberty 
 and independence, of American institutions and ideas, 
 may be realized. 
 
 " Oh ! mother, when around your hearth, ye count your cherished 
 
 ones, 
 And miss from the enchanted ring, the flower of all your sons. 
 Oh ! wives, when o'er the cradled child, ye bend at evening's fall, 
 And voices which the heart can hear, across the distance call. 
 Oh ! maids, when in the sleepless night, ye ope' the little case, 
 And look till ye can look no more, upon that proud young face — 
 Not only pray the Lord of life, who measures mortal breath, 
 To bring the absent back, unscathed out of the fire of death. 
 Oh ! pray, with that Divine content, which God's best favor draws, 
 That whosoever lives or dies, he will save his holy cause." 
 
 But who are the men upon whose souls rest the ter- 
 rible responsibility of this conflict ? They are those who 
 have torn away from all the ties of country, and all of 
 the glorious recollections of America in the past — many 
 of whom have solemnly sworn, before Heaven, to suj)- 
 port the Constitution, and have enjoyed the honors of 
 official station under it ; in their souls the thirst for 
 power predominates, and self is made paramount to 
 country. 
 
 For thirty years they have been plotting their work 
 of mischief and national death, and now seek to establish 
 upon the ruins of the United States, a Confederacy, 
 whose foundation is a violated constitution and broken 
 oaths, conceived in treason, born of outrage and fraud. 
 
10 
 
 nurtured upon falsehood, and baptized at a font over- 
 flowing with fraternal blood. Around this band of 
 leaders are vast bodies of soldiers, who, a few months 
 since gloried in the name of American citizens, and who 
 would gladly have shed their life's blood to protect the 
 flag tliey now oppose. The most atrocious and wicked 
 appeals were made to them by their leaders, by which 
 their judgment, their sense, and their patriotism have 
 been swept away ; they have been made to believe that 
 they were oppressed, but they have never felt it; and 
 also, that their rights were jeopardized, when, as a 
 matter of fact, they were as secure as ever they had 
 been. In this way they had been induced to commit a 
 crime, the effects of which will fall more heavily upon 
 them than upon their more guilty leaders. And sad 
 indeed for them will be the day, when they shall 
 awaken from their delusion, as they are now doing, and 
 realize, in all of its horror, the terrible work in which 
 they have been engaged. 
 
 Upon what ground do these leaders assert their right ? 
 Is it the doctrine of State Sovereignty — the State greater 
 than the general government ? 
 
 Examine this in whatever light you please, and it can- 
 not be maintained. The history of the Constitution re- 
 futes the claim ; the instrument itself repudiates it ; and 
 the action of every administration, from that of Wash- 
 ington to the present time, rebukes and overthrows it. 
 It is at war with reason, and subverts any union of the 
 States. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence was issued by thir- 
 teen distinct, but united colonies, in the name and by 
 the authority of the people. They, in the name of the 
 " good people," declared " that the Umtecl Colonies were, 
 and of right ought to be, free and independent States." 
 Tliey not only, by this declaration, dissolved the tie by 
 which they were connected to Great Britain, but, by 
 
11 
 
 their act, declared that the people had hound themselves 
 before God and the world, in the holy bonds of union, 
 freedom and independence. From that hour, no one of 
 the Colonies who were parties to the Declaration, could, 
 without a violation of that instrument, of its own will 
 separate from the others. Each was pledged to all, and 
 all were pledged to each, loithont limitation as to tune. 
 
 And although, by their Declaration they had de- 
 clared themselves "■ tree and independent," yet they did 
 not form for themselves a government. They flattered 
 themselves that none other than the system adopted by 
 them would be needed. 
 
 The Revolution, under which they had been gasping 
 for life, the war in which they had been, and then were 
 engaged, had carried desolation into their dwellings, and 
 mourning into every family, and had aroused in their 
 minds somewhat of a fear with regard to a delegation of 
 power to one general government. Accordingly, their 
 union relapsed into a league of friendship between the 
 several States, and they thereupon organized a con- 
 federated government for the whole. From this period 
 the nation began to weaken and lose its power. A 
 torpid numbness seized upon all its faculties ; it became 
 a source of trouble with fi;)reign powers, and gave rise to 
 much irritation and discord at home ; it disabled the na- 
 tion from performing its own contracts, and left it en- 
 tirely powerless as to enforcing those in its own favor ; 
 and matters continued to grow worse, until domestic in- 
 surrection seemed almost inevitable. 
 
 It was this idea of State sovereignty, identified with 
 unlimited power, that destroyed the Confederacy from 
 its commencement. It was an alliance of States, each 
 intent upon preserving its own sovereignty, averse to 
 conferring power, lest it would be abused ; and for the 
 additional reason, that each successive grant of power 
 
12 
 
 would be an abridgment of tlieir own. These were 
 errors of inexperience, and not of intention. 
 
 It was to remedy these defects that the Constitntion of 
 the United States, under whicli we now live, M-as adopt- 
 ed ; its object being " to form a more jyeifed Union.''^ 
 And this Constitution, after having been adopted by the 
 people of all the States, became, and now is, the " su- 
 preme law of the land," anything in the Constitution, 
 or laws of the several States, to the contrary notwith- 
 standing. The reasons for this are obvious. The peoj)le 
 of the different States were in lineage, language and in- 
 stitutions, essentially one ; bound together by a com- 
 munity of origin, but by the nearer and more endearing 
 ties of kindred and affinity; they were, with partial ex- 
 ceptions, of the same religious faith ; the history of 
 England was the history of their fathers, and whatever 
 of glory was therein contained, was, by right, their com- 
 mon inheritance. In short, by every circumstance sur- 
 rounding their homes, by their relation to each other, as 
 well as by their own express assent, they were in mind, 
 in heart, and in destiny, one people. It is this feeling 
 that has made us what we are — the only one that can 
 give us a future, such as we desire, and secure to our- 
 selves, and to those who shall succeed us, stability aiid 
 power. 
 
 By giving to the General Government this power there 
 need be no interference or clashing with the State Govern- 
 ment. Each in its own sphere can perform its allotted 
 duty, and at the same time not mar the harmony of the 
 system. This power to the General Government came 
 from the States, and it cannot be relinquished, except in 
 the manner provided by the Constitution. To the States 
 is given the full control of their domestic and internal af- 
 fairs, upon all of which the people are free to act for them- 
 selves. 
 
 And as to the more important matters, by which our 
 
relations to tlie other powers upon the high seas and be- 
 yond our own domain are governed, our system wisely 
 confides these to a central power, by which they may at 
 all times be regulated and controlled. 
 
 Intimately connected with the questions just consid- 
 ered, is another of vital importance, and without which 
 we could not w^ell exist as a government, viz, that of al- 
 legiance — but to what power ? 
 
 It must be admitted that we owe this duty to some 
 authority. Society without it would be anarchy — gov- 
 ernment without it would be a mockery, and the people 
 who reject it would be but little better than a mob. It 
 is the tie that connects the citizen with the government. 
 The events of the past eighteen months show us that 
 over a large and extensive portion of the country the 
 people, or a large part of them, have seemingly blot- 
 ted out all sense of this duty. It has been a part of the 
 scheme of this rebellion to burn out, as it were, the 
 popular heart and to subvert all national honor and 
 pride. It appeals to State pride, to local jealousy, to 
 sectional animosity, and to every passion opposed to a 
 broad and patriotic nationality. 
 
 To the individual who rejects this obligation of alle- 
 giance to the General Government there is no country but 
 his State — lead him where you will, and he is certain to 
 regard that as above all else, and he cannot raise his 
 head to admire, love and support the glorious country 
 which ought to claim his devotion as an American, and 
 his highest love as a freeman. This allegiance is due 
 from the citizen to the Supreme power, which with us is 
 the government, whether upon the sea or the land, at 
 home beneath his own flag, or abroad. He may give up 
 his State citizenship, as often as he desires, but that of 
 the United States will follow him wherever he may go. 
 "When once due, it is always due. He who is " native 
 born" owes it from the cradle to the grave : while the 
 
14 
 
 man who becomes a citizen by adoption assumes that 
 obligation at the hour of his naturalization. No such 
 ties rest upon the citizen of a State. Massachusetts has 
 no power to demand that any of her children should re- 
 turn from a neighbouring State to defend her soil. But 
 the United States can call her citizens from any spot 
 within her limits to defend, maintain and support the 
 nation. If abroad, he is wont to claim his rights as an 
 American citizen, and if in trouble, seeks the aid of that 
 government, aud not of his State. 
 
 The honest, patriotic and loyal citizen rejects this no- 
 tion of allegiance to State as his jprhnary duty j but 
 adopts that broad and expansive idea so well conveyed 
 in one of our national odes — 
 
 " Who would sever Freedom's shrine ? 
 Who would draw th' invidious line ? 
 Though by birth one si:)ot be mine, 
 
 Dear is all the rest — 
 Dear to me the South's fair land, 
 Dear the central mountain band, 
 Dear New England's rocky strand, 
 Dear the prairied West." 
 
 But, fellow citizens, do not the dangers and difficulties, 
 the trials and sacrifices, to which the people of this 
 Union have been subjected, since the commencement ot 
 this rebellion, teach us all lessons not very soon to be for- 
 gotten ? Not one of us in all human probability, will live 
 long enough to see our beloved land fully recovered from 
 the effects of this dreadful carnage ; yet the issues invol- 
 ved, and their importance to us as a people, will in some 
 degree mitigate the anguish and distress incident to the 
 struggle. While we are called upon to-day to mourn 
 the loss of brave and distinguished officers, such as Ells- 
 worth, Greble, Winthrop, Lyon, Lander and Baker, 
 
15 
 
 whose valor, skill and bravery, have placed theirs among 
 " the immortal names that were not born to die," we can 
 still rejoice that there yet remain, not only the veteran 
 chief, (whose counsel is yet sought, and who is ever 
 ready to assist in guiding the shij:) of state safely through 
 the dangers by which she is now environed,) but such 
 others as McClellan, (who in the recent terrible conflict 
 before Richmond, in which he shared the perils of the 
 common soldier, and although outnumbered, surrounded 
 and liable to be cut oif from all supplies, with unsur- 
 passed skill, and brilliant strategy saved the army from 
 destruction,) Halleck, Burnside, Mitchell, Wool, Pope, 
 Siegel, and others like them, to maintain the honor and 
 vindicate the dignity of our flag ; and that under them, 
 there is an army, the noblest and most patriotic the 
 world has seen, and Avith them may we not hope soon to 
 see treason crushed and the Union restored. Then, 
 
 " Foreign foe, or false beguiling 
 Shall our Union ne'er divide ; 
 Hand in hand while peace is smiling, 
 And in battle side by side." 
 
 While we shall ever do honor to the living, who have 
 taken part in so glorious a cause, are there not others who 
 claim our regard, but whom no song of glory will ever 
 awaken ? Ask the parents whose children have fallen 
 beneath the flag of their country, and who as death closed 
 their career, amid the tramp of marching squadrons and 
 the thunder of artillery, invoked Heaven's blessings upon 
 that flag ! Ask the sister around whose heart affection's 
 chords were entw^ined, for the brother wdio left her side, 
 stalwart in frame and in sound health, but whose lifeless 
 corpse is brought her from the held of glory, with the 
 starry banner as his winding sheet ! Ask her who but 
 yesterday crowned her brow with the bridal wreath, but 
 
16 
 
 who now wears with it the widow's weeds ! These were the 
 unknown ones, whose names appear only upon the mus- 
 ter rolls, and whose courage, skill and endurance will be 
 remembered only by their surviving associates. These 
 have all died in a noble cause, defending the rights of 
 man and the existence of a free government. 
 
 If it be possible, the country ought not, and I believe 
 will not, allow a single name to be lost. 
 
 " When Spring with dewy fingers cold, 
 Returns to deck their hallowed mold, 
 She there shall dress a sweeter sod, 
 Than fancy's feet have ever trod. 
 By fairy hands their knell is rung 
 By forms unseen then- dirge is sung, 
 There honor comes a pilgrim gray, 
 To bless the turf that wraps their clay ; 
 And freedom shall awhile repair, 
 To dwell a weeping hermit there." 
 
 Am I not justified in saying, to-day, that we are to re- 
 main as a nation, one and indivisible ? This my friends, 
 is our manifest destiny, and the cause of humanity, of 
 political freedom and of the masses, absolutely require 
 it. Those who have derided our form of government, 
 and hoped by means of foreign intervention or otherwise, 
 to secure our overthrow, are doomed to be disap23ointed. 
 We shall undoubtedly feel the shock incident to such a 
 contest, but the nation will come from the fiery ordeal 
 glorious in its strength, its power for good undiminished, 
 and in all respects able to maintain its position among 
 the nations of the earth with dignity and honor. The 
 words of the hero and statesman, " The Union — it must 
 and shall be preserved," are not forgotten, and will be 
 verified. Yes, it will be preserved for its elements of 
 good, for the sake of those who have periled their lives 
 
17 
 
 in its behalf ; for the success with which it has been 
 crowned in the past, and for the good it has to aecijni- 
 plish in the future. Rebellion to law and order, to g-ood 
 Government and duly enacted laws, to a wise Constitution 
 and a noble Union, must lay down its arms. The Govern- 
 ment never can, and I trust never will. 
 
 " The right shall live while faction dies, 
 All traitors draw a fleeting breath ; 
 But patriots drink from God's own eyes 
 Truth's light, that conquers death." 
 
 Let us stand by with unfaltering attachment the Union 
 Washingtonde vised for us, and remembering his advice, 
 let us " frown upon the first dawning of any attempt to 
 alienate any portion of our country from the rest," and 
 " to distrust the patriotism of those wlio in any quarter 
 may attempt to weaken its bonds," and let us never for- 
 get that "it is the main pillar in the edifice of our real 
 independence, the support of our tranquility at home, our 
 peace abroad, of our safety and of that very liberty we 
 so highly prize." Let us not be false to these teachings, 
 nor permit the union to be broken upon the idea, that it 
 may again be re-constructed. 
 
 What said Webster upon this ? " It were but a trifle, 
 even if the walls of yonder Capitol were to crumble, if its 
 lofty pillars should fall, and its gorgeous decorations be 
 all covered by the dust of the valley. All these might 
 be rebuilt. But who shall reconstruct the fabric of de- 
 molished government ? Who shall rear again the well 
 proportioned columns of constitutional liberty? Who shall 
 frame together the skillful architecture, which binds 
 national sovereignty with state rights, individual security 
 and public prosperity ? l^o, if these columns fall they 
 will be raised not again. Like the Coliseum and Par- 
 thenon, they will be destined to a mournful, a melancholy 
 immortality. Bitterer tears however will flow over them 
 2 
 
18 
 
 than were ever shed over the monuments of Roman or 
 Grecian art ; for they will be the remnants of a more 
 p'lorious edifice than Greece or Rome ever saw — the 
 edifice of Constitutional American Liberty." 
 
 It will teach us the necessity of obedience, as well as 
 the folly of resistance, to the duly constituted authority. 
 Washington in his farewell address tells us that " respect 
 for the authority of government, compliance with its 
 laws, and acquiescence with its measures are duties en- 
 joined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty." 
 
 In a country like ours no other rule could with safety 
 be adopted. Our views with reference to the wisdom 
 or policy of the laws, or with the plan pursued by the 
 party in power, has nothing to do with the more impor- 
 tant one of submission, when those laws have been 
 enacted in the form and manner designated by the Con- 
 stitution. Tliis rule of obedience, on the part of all, fur- 
 nishes the best guarantee required for the protection of 
 the weak and defenceless from the grasp of the strong, 
 the avaricious and lawless. Our fitness for self-govern- 
 ment rests upon this principle, and so long as it remains 
 there need be no just cause for resistance, Wlienever 
 unjust laws are enacted the people, in their sovereign ca- 
 pacity, can correct the difficulty; and so long as we have 
 an intelligent, impartial and faithful judiciary we are 
 provided against unconstitutional laws and unjust usur- 
 pation of power. The Constitution, in framing of which 
 the noblest minds of the Republic participated, is the 
 shield for each one of us against the encroachment of 
 those who would tyrannize over the people, as well as 
 against the ambitious schemes of wicked and desio-nino^ 
 men. Above it there is no necessity, beyond it there is 
 no law, and outside of it there is no protection. 
 
 We also may learn from the experience of the past the 
 folly of the heresy of secessionism. If I have been for- 
 tunate enough, in what I have already said, to make 
 
19 
 
 myself understood, I think you will have no difficidty 
 in determining the fact, that secession is a principle op- 
 posed to the theory of our government, and entirely de- 
 structive of the Union. Until the spring of 1861 the 
 doctrine of secession had not been put in practice. Con- 
 ventions had met, and men had resolved to try it ; but — 
 tlianks to the nerve and patriotism of Jackson — the men 
 who concocted it did not proceed. The conspiracy 
 was crushed, but unfortunately the conspirators re- 
 mained. Under their teachings treason of the most ma- 
 lignant kind has been brought into existence, producing 
 solicitude at home and abroad, and filling our land, like 
 Rama, with wailing and lamentation. 
 
 Secession furnishes no remedy for the grievances, real 
 or imaginary, of the States who have attempted it ; nay, 
 it rather increases and aggravates every cause of disturb- 
 ance, and will reward those who have inaugurated it, 
 with an abundant harvest of disappointed expectations, 
 as well as of sorrow and degradation. 
 
 Shall it be said of us, much to our reproach, that when 
 the roll of nations is called, the one so dear to us 
 and the hearts of thousands — the United States of 
 America — shall be omitted ? Shall we as a nation, with 
 all that it is to us, and all that it may yet be to those 
 who shall succeed us, and with the high trusts and great 
 responsibilities which the hour and crisis have imposed 
 upon us, sluggishly fold our hands and permit star after 
 star to be plucked from our banner — and at the same 
 time make no adequate effort to keep ourselves upon the 
 path designed for us ? 
 
 " On till you reassert the right 
 
 Of freemen to their native land ; 
 Till, vindicated in the sight 
 ' Of all the world, our flag shall stand ; 
 Till spotted ti;eason, crushed in blood, 
 
 Sinks to the pit from M'hence it rose, 
 And Freedom, in the name of God, 
 Shall triumph over all her foes." 
 
20 
 
 As a question of national strength before the civilized 
 world, and therefore of national independence; of national 
 life, struggling against anarchy, in the form of secession ; 
 as a question of law, government, and constitutional 
 freedom, measuring its strength with an utterly profligate 
 conspiracy, as well as of duty to our loyal citizens, there 
 is no course, either of honor or safety, left to the nation, 
 except to maintain the institutions of the country and 
 enforce the laws of the land by the whole power of the 
 American people. 
 
 Let the Government exhibit this fixedness of purpose, 
 as it has done ; but let the sword not be drawn for the 
 purpose of revenge or hatred to the people of the States 
 in which the rebellion has existed. Many of them have 
 been misled and deceived, and I doubt not would at this 
 hour gladly welcome the " old flag," as their protection, 
 and hail with delight the day when they can seek shelter 
 under the Constitution. Let this feeling be encouraged 
 by all means, and as great a triumph is gained as has 
 been won upon the field of carnage. 
 
 Let them understand (as the President desires and in- 
 tends they shall), that the object of the Government is to 
 preserve the Constitution and Union intact, to restore its 
 violated obligations, and enforce its sacred guarantees in 
 all parts of the land, and for the benefit of all ; to ensure 
 free government for the present, and to perpetuate it to 
 all future generations. Subdue the rebellion at all 
 hazards, but save the States. Take the leaders, and 
 deal with them as justice demands, but protect the 
 people — the misguided, deceived masses. 
 
 This war will teach us to love our whole country 
 more deeply than ever we have done. We have grown 
 great and powerful almost without our knowledge. 
 Prosperity has blinded us, and prevented us from see- 
 ing the true source of our greatness. The race for honor, 
 and the desire for gain, have left in the background 
 
21 
 
 devotion to country. State pride has engendered bitter 
 feelings, and made us almost forget that there were 
 other States than the one to which we belonsfed. Ad- 
 versity has now come upon us, to try our faith, our 
 courage, and our patriotism. Now we feel the import- 
 ance of a " Union of hearts and a Union of hands." 
 We now see, as we should have done before, that we 
 cannot well get along without it — our interest, our 
 hopes, and our destiny must be one. This love of 
 country is to be cherished by every honest and true 
 man ; it last forsakes a bad man, and adds crowning 
 excellence to the virtues of the good. Next to religion, 
 it challenges our admiration and support, and, need I 
 add, that the man who forsakes his country is very likely 
 to forget his God. 
 
 Let us go back and adopt the sentiment of a dis- 
 tinguished son of South Carolina, Christopher Gadsden 
 — would that his spirit and principles were predominant 
 there now ! " There ought to be," said he, " no New 
 England man, no New Yorker, known on the continent, 
 but all of us Americans." 
 
 Or take, if you prefer, the words of Patrick Henry, 
 uttered in the hour of our nation's birth-throes : " All 
 America is thrown into one mass. "Where are your 
 landmarks — your boundaries of colonies ? They are all 
 thrown down. The distinction between Yirginians, Penn- 
 sylvanians, New Yorkers, New Englanders are no more. 
 I am not a Virginian hut an American.'''' 
 
 We have heard much, during the present war, about 
 the intervention of foreign powers, in the matter of this 
 rebellion. What is the duty of our nation and people 
 in regard to all such intermeddling ? 
 
 We are bound to treat all the nations as friends— to 
 ask from them nothing but what we believe to be right 
 and just, and under no circumstances to submit to any- 
 thing that is wrong. This has been the policy of the Gov- 
 
22 
 
 eminent in the past, and has proved entirely satisfactory 
 in its results. Under it we have advanced steadily and 
 with rapid strides, to a position second to none. Tlie 
 destiny of this nation has not been accomplished, and it 
 must not be cut short. As a divided nation we would 
 be at the mercy of the despots of the old world ; but 
 united, we may defy Europe combined. 
 
 While we do not desire any trouble with the foreign 
 powers, still our motto, our language must be, " Hands 
 off!" The United States needs no aid, and she cannot 
 permit any interference against her. When England 
 does justice to her own subjects and releases her iron rod 
 from the little island near home, then it will be time 
 enough for her to look abroad. Should she, or any other 
 power, attempt to aid this rebellion, by her or their in- 
 terference, it will then be found thut the blood of those 
 who fought in the Revolution and in the war of 1812 still 
 courses the veins of our people, and that while we are 
 capable of taking care of home affairs, we know how to 
 repel and punish interference in our domestic matters. 
 This continent is to be governed and controlled by the 
 American nation. Any interference on the part of Eng- 
 land, might provoke some inquiry by what right she 
 holds Canada, and it might be quite troublesome for her 
 to defend it. 
 
 'No, no, let the powers of Europe attend to their own 
 business, and Americafwill do likewise. 
 
 Americans ! the eyes of the world are now resting up- 
 on you. Far away in distant lands, where the wail of 
 oppression is heard, there ascend unto Heaven prayers 
 for your nation's safety and glory. Let not the hopes, 
 which your past career has created, be disappointed. 
 
 " Go forward," as become a great and mighty people. 
 See to it that no harm befalls the government. The 
 national heart is still sound, and its desire is that the 
 Union shall be preserved, in the spirit of its founders, for 
 
23 
 
 tlie benefit of all. Let tis remember that this, country is 
 too great, its history too rich in historic actions, and the 
 future too grand to forbid our pursuing any other than 
 a bold, manly and determined course towards those who 
 now seek to overthrow it. 
 
 Tlie ])ast twelve months furnishes an instance of devo- 
 tion to the Government, such as finds no parallel in 
 history. An army, such as the world has never seen, has 
 come into existence, almost by magic. It seemed 
 
 " As if the very earth again, 
 Grew quick with God's creating breath ; 
 And from the sods of grove and glen, 
 Kose ranks of lion-hearted men 
 To battle to the death." 
 
 Nor has this enthusiasm been confined alone to the 
 native-born. The German war song, the Hungarian bat- 
 tle cry, and the hearty Irish cheer, have on every battle 
 field mingled their notes with the stirring strains of our 
 national airs. 
 
 IIow well they fought, with what courage and skill 
 they have met and overcome greatly superior numbers, 
 let the fields rendered sacred by their bloody struggles 
 testify. These tell us that our nation shall stand to cheer 
 and bless the world. 
 
 The clouds that gather across the horizon will dis- 
 appear, the gathering storm has spent its fnry, and all 
 that treason, skill and cunning could do for our destruc- 
 tion, has been applied but in vain. 
 
 Our Union shall endure and its praises shall be heard 
 when its assailants and protectors all sleep the sleep of 
 Death. It shall be lisped in the earliest words, and 
 ring in the merry voices of childhood, and swell to Hea- 
 ven, upon the song of maidens — it shall live in the stern 
 resolve of manhood, and rise to the mercy seat upon 
 woman's availing prayer. Holy men shall invoke its 
 
24 
 
 perpetuity at the altars of religion, and it shall be whisp- 
 ered in the last accents of expiring age. 
 
 " Yon glorious bow 
 Of Freedom, bended by the hand of God, 
 Is spanning Time's dark surges. Its high arch, 
 A type of Love and Mercy, on the cloud 
 Tells that the many storms of human life 
 Will pass in silence, and the sinking waves 
 Gathering the foi"ms of glory and peace 
 Reflect the undimmed brightness of the Heavens." 
 
 In no delusion of national vanity, but with a feeling 
 of profound gratitude to the God of our Fathers, for 
 His protecting care in the past, let us indulge the hope 
 that our country and her people have been selected, and 
 are yet to be preserved, as the instruments for preparing 
 and maturing much of good yet in reserve for the hap- 
 piness of the human race. Great good has already been 
 produced by the solemn proclamation of our principles, 
 and much more by the illustration of our example. 
 
 Let us then invoke upon our efforts the blessing and 
 guidance of that Almighty Being " who is the Author 
 of peace and the lover of concord," and we shall then 
 find order springing out of confusion, harmony evoked 
 from discord, and years of freedom, prosperity and hap- 
 piness in reserve for our now bleeding and distracted 
 country. 
 
 " When the weary years are halting 
 In the mighty march of Time, 
 And no new ones throng the threshold 
 
 Of its corridors sublime ; 
 When the clarion call, " Close up," 
 
 Rings along the line no more, 
 Then adieu, thou blessed country, 
 Then adieu, and not lefore.^^ 
 
 «6 
 

 
 V <.> 
 
 \1P/ /%. °'TO^«' **' *^ --^P/ / "** °«? 
 
 
 
 
 
 '^o^ 
 .^^ 
 
 t* «.^ <^^ - 
 
 ^^ .y y^^'r \J^ yM£:^ %^^^ ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 UERT 
 BOOKBINDING