Qass -±--J£jL1l_ th3u \^ in- formed me of the contents of the letters, I requested her to permit me to copy her duplicates. When she brought them to me, she enjoined prudence in their use. They are verv extraordinary papers as verified by the result. So far as I know or believe, our unparalleled victories on the Tennes- 20 see and Cumberland rivers may be traced to her sagacious observations and intelligence. Her views were as broad and sagacious as the field to be occupied. In selecting the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers instead of the Mississippi, she set at naught the opinions of civilians, of military and naval men. Justice should be done her patriotic discern- ment. She labors for her country and for her whole coun- try. ELISHA WHITTLESEY. Your memorialist invites your attention to the following letters received from distinguished men who have examined her claim : Baltimore, October 12, 1872. My Dear Miss Carroll : I have examined as far as I have been able, because of pressing engagements, the papers you placed in my hands relating to your claim for services rendered the Government during the civil war. That very valuable services were rendered, and that they contributed very materially to the success of the Union arms in the "West is very satisfactorily established. Amongst other proofs, the letters of Messrs. Wade and Scott are conclusive. Each had the best means of knowing what your services were and how valuable they proved in their result. Every fair-minded man, with this evidence before him, will, I am sure, concur in the opinion that you should be liberally compensated by the Government. And hoping this may be so, I remain, with regard, your friend and obedient servant, REVERDY JOHNSON. Hon. George Vickers, United States Senator, writes : Chestertown, Md., July 19, 1872. * * * I have read a printed copy of your memorial and exhibits with a great deal of pleasure, and concluded your case was a much stronger one than I had been apprised of. The letters of Judge Evans, Mr. Wade, and Mr. Scott are explicit, pointed, and strong. There can be no doubt that you originated the plan of the Tennessee campaign, and of its subsequent adoption by the Administration. Very sincerely, yours, GEORGE VICKERS. Hon. Truman Smith, of Connecticut, 20th of January, 1873, Bays ; 23 I trust that whilst land, and rank, and pensions are allowed union men, that the union women who risked life and health, as well in the sanitary and in other departments, should share those similar rewards. Be that as it may, your case stands out unique — for you towered above all our generals in military genius, and it would be a shame upon our country if you were not honored with the gratitude of all and solid pecuniary reward. C. M. CLAY. Again Mr. Clay refers to the claim of your memorialist. White Hall, Madison County, Kentucky, April, 23, 1873. My Dear Miss Carroll: Your favor enclosing your let- ter to Dr. Draper is received. After the exhaustive proof of your being the projector of the Tennessee line of attack upon the confederacy, it seems a waste of time to consider General Hal leek's claim. * * * Were he proven capable of such a conception as Dr. Draper awards him, your pre- sentation of the case is conclusive against its actuality. I cannot believe that Congress will hesitate to admit your claim with all honor and substantial pecuniary reward — compensation such as all Governments bestow upon those who assist in saving their nation. Perhaps I am all the more interested in your case because of your historic name, and because it seems to me that those of the South who stood by the Union of these States, gave higher proof of disinterested patriotism than any other citizen of the Republic. C. M. clay. The following is from Hon. J. T. Headley, the distin- guished historian of the civil war: Kewburg, K Y., February 6, 1873. My Dear Madam : 1 am much obliged for the pamphlet you sent me. * * * 1 yiever knew before with whom the plan of the campaign up the Tennessee river originated. There seemed to be a mystery attached to it that I could not solve. * * Though General Buel sent me an immense amount of documents relating to this campaign, I could find no reference to the origin of the change of plan. Afterwards I saw it attributed to Halleck, which I knew to be false, and I noticed he never corroborated it. It is strange that, after all my research, it has rested with you to 24 enlighten me. Money cannot pay for the plan of that campaign. I doubt not Congress * * will show, not lib- erality, but some justice in the matter. Yours, very sincerely, J. T. HEADLEY. The Military Committee of the United States Senate, at the third session of the Forty-first Congress, reported (No. 339) that your memorialist did furnish the plan of the Ten- nessee campaign, and that it was adopted by the Govern- ment; and they further reported that, in view of her highly meritorious services throughout the whole period of our national troubles, and especially at that epoch of the war to which her memorial makes reference, and in consideration of the further fact that all the expenses incident to these ser- vices were borne by herself, the committee believe her claim to be just, and that it ought to be recognized by Congress. In preferring her claim for originating the Tennessee campaign, your memorialist detracts not from the fame of any one, for, so far as she is aware, no one has ever laid claim to it ; and she has carefully examined every official order, letter, and telegram hitherto published in connection with this campaign. And she now submits, had these papers your memorialist laid before the Government — suggesting the Tennessee campaign in advance of all others — been the work of one in the military or naval service, would he not have been heralded as the foremost strategist of the war? Would he not have been commissioned to the highest grade of the service and insured corresponding pay for life? In the name of all that is just and equal, can you withhold a similar recognition from one on whom, in the hour of the nation's desperate emergency, the Government relied, be- cause not trained under the rules and axioms of war? Other services were rendded by your memorialist. She wrote and published in aid of ihe Union from the inception of the rebellion to its close. In the summer of 1861 she pub- lished a replv to the speech of Senator Breckenridge, deliv- ered in the July session of Congress. Colonel Scott, Assist- 2$ ant Secretary of War, to whom she was referred by the Secretary, decided to circulate a large edition as a war meas- ure. At the same time she had an agreement to write other pamphlets in aid of the Union, and particularly upon the power of the Government in the conduct of the civil war, to be submitted to the Department for approval, and if approved, to be paid their value. Under this agreement the second, entitled the. "War Powers of the Govern- ment," was submitted to the Department in December, 1861, examined, approved, and its publication ordered ; but she was requested to wait for settlement until another appro- priation. The third, entitled " The Relations of the Revolted Citi- zens to the National Government," was written to meet the express views of President Lincoln, to whom it was directly submitted, and by him approved in advance of publication. At his request she prepared several papers on the coloni- zation of the freedmen, a measure in which at the time he evinced great interest. And she wrote and published sub- sequently, on various subjects, as they were evoked by the war, and throughout the struggle, without any reference to pecuniary compensation. For the writing, publishing, and circulation of these, prepared under the auspices of Government, your memo- rialist presented an account of $6,750. Hon. Thomas A. Scott, with whom the agreement was had, having left the Department before her account was presented, wrote as follows to Hon. John Tucker, then Assistant Secretary of War : Philadelphia, January, 16, 1863. Hon. John Tucker, Assistant Secretary of War : I believe Miss Carroll has fairly earned and ought to be raid the amount of her bill, ($6,750,) and if you will pay her will certify to such form as you may think necessary as a voucher. THOMAS A. SCOTT. 26 To Assistant Secretary "Watson, who had the settlement of the claim, he wrote the following: Philadelphia, January 28, 1863. All my interviews with Miss Carroll were in my official capacity as Assistant Secretary of War. The pamphlets published were, to a certain extent, under a general author- ity then exercised by me in the discharge of public duties as Assistant Secretary of War. No price was fixed, but it was understood that the Gov eminent* would treat her with sufficient liberality to compensate her for any service she might render. I thought them then, and still believe they were, of great value to the Government, and that she fairly earned and should be paid the amount she has charged, which I would have allowed in my official capacity, and which is certified as reasonable by many of the leading men of the country. THOMAS A. SCOTT. Assistant Secretary of War Watson subsequently paid $750 of this claim. This amount scarcely sufficed to detray the actual cost of the publications. She received. nothing for the time and labor in their preparation, yet they were pre- pared with the understanding she whould be compensated somewhat in proportion to their value to the Government. The creation of an intelligent and healthful public opinion at that time was as essential to the preservation of the Union as the creation and maintenance of armies in the field. As to the influence exerted upon public sentiment by these publications, your memorialist submits the follow- ing from the report of the Senate Military Committee in the 41st Congress, made through Senator Jacob M. Howard : "From the high social position of Miss Carroll and her established ability as a writer and thinker, she was prepared at the inception of the rebellion to exercise a strong influ- ence in behalf of Liberty and the Union. That it was felt and respected in Maryland during the darkest hours in that State's history, there can be no question. Her publications throughout the struggle were eloquently and ably written and widely circulated, and did much to arouse and invigorate the sentimentof loyalty in Maryland and other border States. It is not too much to say that they were among the very ablest pub- 2t lications of the time, and exerted a -powerful influence upon the hearts of the people. Some of these publications were prepared under the auspices of the War Department, and tor these Miss Carroll preferred a claim to reimburse her for the expenses incurred in their publication, which ought to have been paid." She also submits the opinions of some of the eminent men at that period : Hon. Edward Bates, Attorney General, ou the 21st of September, 1861— I have this moment, 11 o'clock Saturday night, finished reading your most admirable reply to the speech of Mr. Breckenridge. And now, my dear lady, I have only time to thank you for taking the trouble to embody for the use of others so much sound constitutional doctrine and so many valuable historical facts in a form so compact and manage- able. The President received a copy left for him and requested me to thank you cordially for your able support. This delay was not voluntary on my part. For some time past my time and mind have been painfully engrossed by very urgent public duties, and my best affections stirred by the present condition of Missouri, my own neglected and almost ruined State. And this is the reason why I have been so long deprived of the pleasure and instruction of perusing your excellent pamphlet. I remain, with great respect and regard, your friend and obedient servant, EDWARD BATES. Hon. Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of Interior — Your refutation of the sophisteries of Senator Brecken- ridge's speech is full and conclusive. I trust this reply may have an extended circulation at the present time, as I am sure its perusal by the people will do much to aid the cause of the Constitution and the Union. Globe Office, August 8, 1861. Allow me to thank you for the privilege of reading your admirable review of Mr. Brecken ridge's speech. 1 have enjoyed it greatly. Especially have I been struck with its very ingenious and just exposition of the constitutional law, bearing on the President, assailed by Mr. B., aucl with the very apt citation of Mr. Jefferson's opinion as to the pro- priety and necessity of disregarding mere legal punctillio, when the source of all is in danger of destruction. The gradual development of the plot in the South to overthrow the Union is also exceedingly well depicted and with remark- able clearness. If spoken in the Senate your article would have been regarded by the country as a complete and masterly refutation of Mr. B.'"s heresies. Though the peculiar position of the Globe might preclude the publi- cation of the review, I am glad that it has not been denied to the editor of the Globe to enjoy what the Globe itself has not been privileged to contain. I remain, with great respect, your obedient servant, SAM'L T. WILLIAMS. In the House of Representatives, on the 22d of January, 1862, Hon. A. S. Diven, of New York, said : A specious argument in favor of what may be done under the war power by way of confiscation has been made. * * * Any one who desires to see it answered will find that a clever woman has done it completely. * * * The same one, in her cleverness, has answered nry friend from Ohio, [Mr. Bingham.] A Member. What is her name ? Mr. DIVEN". She signs herself, in her pamphlet, Anna Ella, Carroll. I commend her answer on the doctrine of the War Power to those who have been following that phan- tom and misleading the people; and I commend it to another individual, a friend of mine, who gave a most learned disquisition on the writ of habeas corpus and against the power of the President to imprison men. He will find that answered. I am not surprised at this. The French revo- lution discovered great political minds in some of the French women, and I am happy to see a like development in our women. Judge Diven subsequently addressed the following letter to your memorialist: Washington, February 9, 1862. I thank you for the note of the 6th. Your pamphlet I have read with satisfaction, as I had your former publica- tion, I have no desire to appear complimentary, but cannot 29 forbear the expression of my admiration of your writings. There ia a cogency in your argument that I have seldom met with. Such maturity of judicial learning with so com- prehensive and concise a style of communication, surprises me. Ladies have certainly seldom evinced ability as jurists — it may be because the profession was not their sphere — but you have satisfied me that at least one might have been a distinguished lawyer. Go on, madam, in aiding the cause to which you have devoted your talent; your country needs the labor of all her defenders. If the time will ever come when men will break away from passion and return to reason, your labors must be appreciated. Unless that time soon arrives, alas for this Republic! I have almost despaired of the wisdom of men. God's ways are mysteri- ous, and my trust in Him is left me as a ground of hope. I have the honor to be, madam, Your odedient servant, A. S. DIVEN. Hon. Richard S. Coxe, on the 15th of May, 18t>2, said : I have never read an abler or more conclusive paper than your " War Power" document in all my reading. Your charges are very reasonable. Washington, May 22, 1862. I most cheerfully endorse the papers respecting your publications under the authority of the War Department. Mr. Richard S. Coxe, I can say, is one of the ablest lawyers in this District or in the country. In his opinion of your- writings I entirely concur, as with other men who have expressed one. I regret I am without the influence to serve you at the War Department, but Mr. Lincoln, with whom I have conversed, has, I know, the highest appreciation of your services in this connection. Judge Collamer, whom I regard as among the first ot living statesmen and patriots, is enthusiastic in praise of your publications, and indeed I have heard but one opinion expressed by all the able men who have referred to them. Sincerely yours, R. J. WALKER. P. S. — I expect shortly to control a monthly, where your contributions will ever find a welcome place, especially m connection with the war, 30 Hon. Edgar Cowan, IT. S. Senator from Greensburg, Pa., 11th September, 1862, wrote: * * * I am ignorant of the value in money of the articles in question. I believe they were eminently useful and ought to be paid for fully. Hon. Eeverdy Johnson said : From the opinions of able men, in whose judgment I have all confidence, your charges are moderate. Hon. Charles O'Conor, of the New York bar, on the 10th of October, 1862, said: Without intending to express any assent or dissent to the positions therein asserted, but merely with a view of form- ing a judgment in respect to their merits as argumentative compositions, I have carefully perused Miss Carroll's pam- phlets. The propositions are clearly stated, the authorities relied on are judiciously selected, and the reasoning is natural, direct, and well sustained, and framed in a manner extremely well adapted to win the reader's assent, and thus to obtain the object in view. I consider the charges quite moderate. Hon. Edward Everett, on the 20th of September, 1862, said : I distinctly recollect that I thought them written with very great ability and research, and as Miss Carroll has unquestionably performed her part of the agreement with fidelity and a truly patriotic spirit, that of the Department, I have no doubt, will be fulfilled with liberality. Hon. William M. Meredith, of Pennsylvania, on the 4th of October, 1862, said : I had the pleasure of reading the publication on the War Powers of the Government, and it certainly exhibits very great ability and research. Hon. Horace Binney, sr., of Philadelphia, in October, 1862, said: No publications evoked by the war have given me greater pleasure. They exhibit great ability ai d }atknt investiga- tion, and the pamphlet on the War Powers of the Govern- 31 ment has the additional merit of being in advance of any similar one, and rendered a timely and valuable service to the country. Hon. Jacob Collamer, late United States Senator, Decem- ber 5, 1862, said: There can be no question of the great intellectual value of these productions, or of their eminent usefulness to the cause of the Union. Were I Secretary of War I would cheerfully pay every dollar charged. Ex-Governor Hicks, of Maryland, then United States Senator, February 5, 1863, said : I know if Secretary Stanton could give his attention to your business matter it would be settled to your satisfaction ; for he could not express himself stronger than he has done to me of your services to the country. And President Lincoln has talked of you to me several times in the same way, and so have many of the ablest Unionists in Congress. I said at the War Department to Mr. Watson that I did not pretend to be competent to judge of the money value of literary performances, but I could say that your writings had had a powerful influence in Maryland for good, and that your defense of the war and the administration of Mr. Lin- coln did more of itself to elect a Union man as my successor than all the rest of the campaign documents put together. As you know, I am ready to serve you in any way I pos- sibly can. Your moral and material support I shall never forget, in that trying ordeal, such as no other man in this country ever went through. Greensburg, Pa., May 3, 1873. Miss Carroll : * * * 1 do remember well that Mr. Lincoln expressed himself in wonder and admiration at your papers upon the proper course to be pursued in legis- lating for the crisis. * * * In this connection I know that he considered your opinions sound and coming from a lady most remarkable for their knowledge of international and constitutional law. EDGAR COWAN. Rev. Dr. Breckenridge on the 6th of December, 1864, in referring to the part performed in the civil war by himself and your memorialist, writes : 32 * * * Is it not a purer, perhaps a higher ambition, to prove that in the most frightful times and through long years a single citizen had it in his power, by his example, his voice and his pen — by courage, by disinterestedness, by toil, to become a real power in the State of himself, which no powerbeside could wholly disregard. And have not you deli- icately nurtured women as you are, also cherished a similar am- bition and done a similar work even from a more difficultposition. * * It gives me great pleasure to learn that you propose to publish annals of this revolution, and I trust you will be spared to execute that purpose. Your friend and servant, R. J. BRECKINRIDGE. Danville, Ky. Your memorialist will now state that it is conclusively shown in the foregoing pages that the plan for opening the Mississippi and destroying the rebel power in the Southwest, was submitted to the Government iu November, 1861, as set forth in her memorial. 2. That the armies advanced along the line of the Tennessee river to the decisive position on the Memphis and Charleston rail- road as pointed out in the plan and by consequence the Mis- sissippi was opened and the power of the rebellion effectu- ally broken. 3. That Assistant Secretary of War, Thomas A. Scott, through whom the plan was submitted, and President Lin- coln and Secretary Stanton, by whom the campaign was inaugurated, recognized your memorialist as its author, and awarded to her its merit. 4. That the pamphlets published under the auspices of the War Department were of great value to the Government, and her charges were moderate, and should have been fully paid. 5. That your memorialist gave her time and energies ex- clusively to the cause of the Union throughout the struggle, and it was understood by the Assistant Secretary of War, Colonel Scott, as well as by your memorialist, that the Gov- 33 ernment should treat her with sufficient liberality to compensate her for any service she might render. Your memorialist respectfully asks you to make the ser- vice she rendered the people and Government of the United States the basis of your action, and reward her somewhat in proportion to the benefits received. ANNA ELLA CARROLL. March 28, 1874. APPENDIX 1 . EXTRACTS FKOM THE DEBATES IN CONGRESS IN 1861-62 ON THE MILITARY SITUATION— THE TENNESSEE CAMPAIGN— PREVENTING FINANCIAL BANK- RUPTCY, AND FOREIGN INTERVENTION. IN THE HOUSE OF KEPRESENTATIVS. DECEMBER 16, 1861. Mr. Wickliffe : One thing I do know that whenever your array moves take possession of Columbus, a position seized and fortified, since the adjournment of the last Con- gress, you will require every soldier that can be brought to bear to take that place, and make an advance down the Mississippi river. When the array moves with the view of carrying out the plan of campaign, I do not waut that we shall have to leave one tenth of its force behind to protect the base of its operations in this campaign. And the first decisive battle that is to be fought in this campaign against the rebel army, will be fought on Kentucky soil. Mr. Morrill: If the people are willing to furnish 20,000 more men to put down this rebellion I say let us bid them God speed in the work. "We know there is necessity for a very large force in that State. There is a large Confederate army at Columbus, and another at Bowling Green. We know that under Zolii coffer, Kentucky ia invaded through. Cumberland Gap aud * * Humphrey Marshall 13 iu another direction. Mr, Maynard : Kentucky occupies a peculiar situation in connection with our public affairs. * * She is not Only invaded by armies in large force and g;eat strength, but she has the elements of disorder within her own borders. She is surrounded by hostile forces on three sides who wish to make her union and loyal citizens feel the full force of their wrath. * * Hence she is subject to invasion from these quarters. * * You want, men familiar with the country, who have that sort of local knowledge to enubie them to meet this iuvading insurrectionary force, 36 Mr, Blair : We see the fact plainly as the Administration can see it, that our armes are not advancing, and that we have never met the enemy except when the enemy was in an overwhelming superior numbers. Mr. Richardson : The misfortune that has attended us heretofore has been that we have not been familiar with the country where we have to fight. * * Our base of operations has got to be Louisville. Mr. Diven : This rebellion must be put down speedily or it will wear out the resources of the country. * * * Let it be made apparent that by an additional force in Ken- tucky, this rebellion can be put down one month sooner. No better economy can be employed than by the expenditure of this money in Kentucky. Suppose it will be $10,000,000 or $20,000,000, and that it will end the rebellion one month sooner, why we will then save $30,000,000, for I believe the current expenses of the Government are $30,000,000 per month. The question with me is, whether granting this increase of appropriation will hasten one hour the crushing of the rebellion ? Mr. Wright: If the great battle which is to determine the question whether the Government is to exist or not, is to be fought in Kentucky or in the vicinity of Kentucky, I think the time may come when we shall be very glad to avail ourselves of this force raised bv Kentucky. * * The rebellion has now assumed such formidable proportions we must call it war — that is its proper and legitimate name * * * and in its issue is involved the cause of freedom and the power of man for self government. Mr. Conway: The report of the Secretary of Treasury tells a fearful tale. Nearly two millions a day will hardly suffice to cover our existing expenditures. Eight hundred thousand strong men in the prime of life are abstracted from the laboring population to consume and be a tax on those who remain to work. * * Up to this time we have not encountered the enemy in a single engagement of import- ance in which we have had an unquestioned victory. Mr. Thadeus Stevens : I confess I do not see how, unless the expenses are greatly curtailed, this Government can po$* 37 sibly go on over six months. If we go on * * * aa we are doing * * * the finances, not only of the Gov- ernment, but of the whole country, must give way, and the people will be involved in one general bankruptcy and ruin. Mr. Crittenden : We are engaged now in the greatest war the world ever saw * * * The fall of the Roman empire was nothing to the civilization of the world in com- parison with the preservation of this great Union. * * * Men were never intrusted with such an issue as we are. * * * All other policies are insignificant in comparison with the rescue of our country from the perils which sur- round it on every side. * * * Make sure you give us and our posterity a homestead, before you talk about the smaller policies. * * * Your homestead is in question to- day, mine, the national existence. ' IN THE SENATE. DEC. 17, 1861. Mr. Lane, of Kansas : I do not wish to risk a battle with inferior numbers — but a battle with equal or superior num- bers, a well contested bloody battle we must fight. This war cannot draw its slow length along until Spring. There must be a decisive stroke within the next few weeks. Gain a victory before Englaud send her armies and navies upon us, and England will not send that navy nor these armies. It is a victory we want aud a victory we must have. Mr. Grimes : This war is exceedingly oppressive upon that section of country in which I have the honor to reside. "We arethe only people of the loyal States that feels this war oppressively. The result is there is no money in the North- west. Mr. Browning : We are probably on the very verge of a rupture with one of the most powerful nations of the earth, whose power is to be united with the rebels in their fierce struggle against us. . IN THE HOUSE. DEC. 30, 1861. Mr. Thadeus Stevens : We see why certain leading journ- als in England sympathize with the South and suggest means to evade the blockade and kindly advise us to settle peaceably 38 with the rebels. * I doubt not she will use every means in her power to open the Southern ports. The most surprising thing is the impertinent interference of France. JANUARY 7, 1862. Mr. Divens : The enemies of this Government began long since to prepare the way for their success. * * They labored to create prejudices against us in Europe. They had their emis- saries in every capitol of.Europe to instil into the minds of the merchants and manufactures and traders there, the necessity in case of a separation, of their siding with the South and to show them the great advantage of opening the Southern ports to free trade with them — and thus the commer- cial and trading mind of Europe was prepared and its sympathies were years ngo enlisted on the side of the South in this struggle, that they have been secretly bringing upou the country. The seed thus sewn had grown, and the com- mercial mind of England had a strong attachment to the South, and strong expectations from the South. That state of feeling existing, every circumstance that was calcu- lated to provoke them against the North would be seized upon and uie most would be made of it. Mr. Kelley : I think our whole course of action or rather inaction invites them to declare war. * * I think the condition of this Capitol to-day invites war. It is environed within a narrow circle of two hundred thousand men in arms. And yet, sir, that short river which leads to the Capitol of a great and proud country, thus defended and encircled by patriot troops is so thoroughly blockaded by rebels, that the Government, though its army has not an adequate supply of forage, cannot bring upon it a peck of oats to leed a hungry horse. * * Call it what you may it is a sight at which men may well wonder. We have six hundred thousand men in the field. We have spent I know not how many millions of dollars and what have ire done ? What one evidence of determined war or military skill Jiave tee exhibited to foreign nations or to our own people ? * * We have been engaged in war for seven months. * * England djes respect power. * * Let her hear the shouts of a victorious army * * and England and the powers of the continent will pause with bated breath. Sir, it was said yesterday the last day had come ; * * my 39 heart has felt the last day of our dear country was rapidly ap- proaching. Before we have achieved a victory we have reached bankruptcy. We are to-day flooding the country with an irredeemable currency. In ninety "day 3, with the patriot- ism of the people paralyzed by the inaction of our great army; * * the funded debt of the country will depreciate with a rapidity that will startle us. In ninety days more, * * the nations of the world will, I fear, be justitied in saying to us: " You have no more right to shut up the cotton fields of the world by a vain and fruitless endeavor to reconquer the territory now in rebellion than China or Japan has to wall themselves in." And in the eyes of international law, in the eyes of the world, and I fear in the eyes of impartial history they will ha justified in breaking our blockade and giving to the rebels means and munitions of war. * * But, sir, in less than ninety dctys to come, back to the point of time, we shall be advancing iu the month of April when North- ern men will begin to feel the effects of heat in the neigh- borhood of Ship Island and the mouth of the Mississippi. Looking at the period of ninety days, I say it is not a double but a triple-edged sword approaching, perhaps, the single thread of destiny upon which the welfare of our country hangs. Bankruptcy and miasmetic pestilence are sure to come with the lapse of that period, and foreign war may add its horrors to theirs. Mr. Wright : We are gasping for life. This great Gov- ernment is upon the brink of a volcano which is heaving to and fro, and we are not certain whether we exist or not. Mr. F. A. Concklinq : In this crisis of our history when the very existence of the Republic is threatened, when in all human probability the next thirty days will decide forever whether the Union is to maintain its place among the powers of the earth, or whether it is to go down and con- stitutional liberty is to perish. * * At this time it does appear to me that every effort should be made to economize the energies of the Treasury. IN THE SENATE. Mr. Wilson of Mass. : Why, sir, you can be borne all over this country upon a wave of popular murmur against the Government at this time, and I must say, too, in regard 40 to the men controlling the civil and military affairs of the country. * * It springs from that deep disappointment of the people of the country, who have poured out five hundred thousand men, and hundreds of millions of dollars, and who see no results. They see no policy in the Administration of the country, they see no plans — they read of no victories. m THE HOUSE. JANUARY 13, 1862. Mr. Dawes : Mr. Speaker, it takes $2,000,000 every day to support the army in the field. One hundred millions have thus been expended, since we met here in December, upon an army in repose. What they will be when that great day shall arrive when our eyes may be gladdened with the sight of the army in action I do not know. * * What it may cost to put down this rebellion I care very little provided it may be put down. * * * When the history of these times shall have been written, it will be doubtful on whom the guilt will rest most heavily, upon him who conspired to destroy, or upon him who has proved incom- petent to preserve the institutions bequeathed to us by our fathers. * * * Amid all these things, is it strange the public Treasury trembles and staggers like a strong man with a great burden upon him ? Sir, that man beneath an exhausted receiver, gasping for breath, is not more helpless to-day than the Treasury of this Gov- ernment. * * * Without income from your custom- houses, from your land sales, from any source whatever, to sustain the Treasury note3 you are now issuing, they are already beginning to fall in the market. Already they are sold at five per cent, discount at the tables of the money- changers — six per cent, my friend near me says. * * * Sixty days of the present stale of things will bring about a consum- mation. It is impossible for the Treasury of the United States to meet this state of things sixty days longer, and an ignominious peace is upon this country and at our very doors. JANUARY 14, 1862. Mr. Julian : In the opinion of many the great model republic of the world is in the throes of death. This is one of the grand judgment days of history. * * Mr. Seward in his letter to Mr. Clay, of May 6th, admits that u the object of this rebellion is to create a nation built upon the principle that African, 41 slavery is a blessing, to be extended over this continent at whatever sacrifice..'''' * * We are still in eminent peril of foreign war. * * What is it that has callecl into deadly conflict from the walks of peace, more than a million of men. brethren and kin- dred, and the joint heirs of a common heritage of liberty. * * The solemn issue of life and death must be disposed of upon its merits. * * Lithe beginning neither the Administration nor the people foresaw the magnitude of this struggle. JANUARY 15, 18G2. Mr. Morrill: Unless we propose to ignominionaly back down from the vigorous prosecution of the war, every man I suppose in this House will vote in favor of the resolution. This resolution is to assure the country which has an impatience wdiat is becoming chronic, that whatever the army may be doing, the Committee of Ways and Means have not hutted nor gone into winter quarters. Mr. Wadswoutii : There are two dangers which threaten the Union. One is a foreign war — the other dissensions among its friends * * Foreign war would possibly secure the present position of the rebellious States. * * Its worst effect would be to fix their boundaries where they now stand. * * Mr. Campbell: How long will it be, in the judgment of this House, before a hostile foe will strike at the commerce of this country on the high seas? * * How long will it be before she attempts to drive our commerce from the ocean ? Mr. Crittenden : We are guarding against a foreign war by these appropriations. * * We have a more formidable and more important war. * * It is waged in the heart of the coun- try, and the life of the country depends upon it. * * We have not money enough to carry on the war * * which demands of us the defense of our country and our whole government. Mr. Lovejoy : Nothing in the future, if we can prophecy that which will come to pass and from indications of the preseut, than that we shall need protection against foreign powers. JANUARY 20, 1862. Mr. Wright: There is one great abiding and powerful issue to-day, and that is the issue whether the country and the Constitution shall be saved, or whether it shall be utterly and 42 entirely annihilated. With Pennsylvania it is a question of national existence of life or death. * * The great heart of Pennsylvania is beating to-day for the cause of the Union ; * * it is to decide the great question, whether the liberty which has been handed down to us by our fathers shall be permitted to remain in the land, or whether chaos and deso- lation shall blot out the country and Government forever. IN THE SENATE. JANUARY 22, 1862. Mr. Wade: But, sir, though the war lies dormant, still there is war, and it is not intended that it shall remain in this quiescent state much longer. The committee to which I have the honor to belong are determined * * that it shall move and move with energy. If Congress will not give us or give themselves power to act with efficiency in war, we must confide everything to the Executive Government, and let them usurp everything, if you would not fix your machinery so that you might advise with me and act with me, * * * I would act independent of you, and you might call it what you please. This is for the suppression of the rebellion, and the meas- ures that we are to sit in secrecy upon look to that end and none other. No measure rises in importance above that con- nected with the suppression of this rebellion. * * We stand here for the people, and we act for them. * * There is no danger to be apprehended from any secrecy which, in the consideration of war measures, we may deem it proper to adopt. It is as proper for us as it is for the general in the field, as it is for your Cabinet ministers to discuss matters in secret when they pertain to war. Mr. Garrett Davis : Secession now has reduced your Republic, its power, its character, and its moral influence to contempt all over the world. This Government is struggling for its existence — it is a life and death struggle, whether its laws be executed or not. * * The people will give their blood and their lives to carry on this war, longer than they will give their money, but will eventually become tired of both con- tributions. * * No man has been able to say whether to-morrow's sun would shine upon the re-establishment or the dissolution of the Union, and whether the Government w T ould ever rally the energy, and power, and means, and men enough to recon- struct it. 43 IN THE HOUSE. JANUARY 22, 1862. Mr. Thadeus Stevens : The enemies of free Government predicted with the utmost confidence the overthrow of this Union by internal dissensions. * Eighty years of unexampled prosperit}' seemed to belie their predictions. We were establishing on a firm basis the great truths proclaimed by our fathers. * * If we meet and conquer in this dreadful issue, it will produce benefits which will compensate for all it costs. It iv ill give to this nation centuries of peace, and constitutional freedom. * * They have a vast country to overrun. ** Every means in the power of nature must be exhausted before our sacred duty is abandoned. * * If the Government submits it * * loses its character and ceases to be a power among the nations of the earth. * * If no other means were left to save the Republic, I believe we have the power * * to declare a dictator without confining our choice to any officer of the Government. Rather than the nation should perish, I would do it. Rather than see the Union dissolved — nay, rather than see one star stricken from its banner — I would do i( now. ::: * Remember that every day's delay costs the nation $1 ,500,000 and hun- dreds of'lives. * * "What an awful responsibility rests upon those in authority. T l>o ir mistalces may bring mourning upon the land and sorrow to many a fireside. * * " If we can- not save our honor, save at least the lives and treasure of the natiou." m THE SENATE. JANUARY 28, 1862. Mr. Wilson, of Mass. : We have assembled large armies. It is expected that these armies are to move. The public voice demands action. They have to move over large spaces of country; railways must be a great means of tranporta- tion for them. * * The object is to concentrate our forces * * without the knowledge or consent of anv'oodv, or letting these troops know where they are to go, or how many are to go. * * The purpose of the Government in wishing to have power over the railways of the country is, to be enabled to move the armies of the United States during the next few months; * * to move them by the will of the Government, in such numbers a3 it pleases and where it pleases. * * 44 Mr. Wade : The Secretary of War does not want to take possession of these railroads permanently, but for certain expeditions, to give energy to the Department, to give efficiency to the cause. * * One of our undoubted powers is to seize all the railroads in this nation if the Government wants them for transportation of troops and munitions of war. * * All I want is to regulate by law that power the Executive already has. * * Look at the complaints against the President because he has undertaken to suspend the habeas corpus. * * I justify the President in all he has done, because he acted from an over willing necessity. Mr. Garrett Davis : I have in my imagination fancied this Union subsisting for a thousand years, extending through the centuries that numbered the history of Car- thage, of Rome, and of the modern kingdoms of France and England. It was to me the most grievous disappointment * * that ibis Union in the first century after the founda- tion of the Government it should be broken up. * * I still cherish the hope that we shall bring 'back this Union, and place it upon the firm foundation it occupied before these Southern discontents rocked it to its basis. IN THE HOUSE. JANUAEY 28, 1862. Mr. Spalding : VJc. were never in greater peril than this mo- ment. * * But, sir, I will not, I dare not, I hope none of us will shrink from the responsibility of performing every duty devolved en us in this great crisis of our national affairs. The bill before us is a war measure — a measure of necessity and not of choice * * to meet the most pressing demands upon the Treasury to sustain the army and navy until they can make a vigorous advance ** and crush the rebellion * * extraordinary means must be resorted to, in order to save our Government and preserve our nationality. * * This bill is a Government measure. * * By the time the Secretary of the Treasury can get these notes engraved, printed and signed ready for use, all other means at his command and in" the Treasury will be exhausted. This measure then is presented under the highest prerogative of the Govern- ment. The army and navy now in the service must be paid, They must be supplied with food, clothing, arms, amma.nl. 45 tion, and all other material of war, to render them effective. * Uaving exhausted other means of sustaining the Govern- ment this measure is brought as the best that can be devised in the present exigency to relieve the necessities of the Treasury. * * With the enormous expenditures of the Gov- ernment, to pay the extraordinary expenses of the war,* * the Treasury must be supplied from some source or the Government must stop payment in a very few days. * * A loan put upon the market, in the present depressed state of the United States stocke, to be followed by other large loaus, is not regarded as a favorable mode of maintaining the Goverment at the present time. * * The situation of the country is now different from what it was two months ago. The circum- stances have changed, and the Secretary and Congress will find it necessary to conform their action to what can be done aud not what they would like to do were it otherwise prac- ticable. * * With a navy and army of six hundred thousand men in the field, requiring with the other expenses of the Government an average daily expenditure of more than $1,600,000. This new system of banking will not afford the relief in time to enable the Secretary to meet the pressing demands made upon him. * * The tables from the Census Bureau shows that the true value of the property, real and personal, within the United States is $16,000,000,000, * * this is the capital on which your treasury notes and bonds rest. * * Congress is clothed with this mighty power to sustain the nation at this time. * * The exercise of the power is an imperative necessity in order to sustain the credit of the nation at this time. * * The life of the nation is in peril, and all that we have, and all that we hope for must be devoted to maintain its existence. * * An early and successful advance of our armies is of the utmost importance ; we need such an advance to sustain the financial credit of the Government ; we need it to prevent foreign intervention ; we need it to rouse the flagging energies of the people, and above all, we need it to vindicate the courage and invincibility of our brave soldiers. Mr. Sheffield : It requires our coolest, ripest judgment to consider the means to put down this rebellion. * * Popular government is now on trial, and in its success is involved the maintenance of the Union. It would be bet- ter, far better that every loyal man at the North should be slain than that this rebellion should not be suppressed. 46 The generations of future centuries will look back to this period of our history and calculate the effect of our conduct upon human civilization. * * It is a matter of consequence to the civilized world, not only the men of this generation but to the men of all future times, that this Government ehou'd not be overthrown. Our people desire it to be put down. They would sooner have all their property consumed and every man slain on the battle field * * than submit to this lawless power of rebel hosts. JANUARY 29, 18G2. Mr. Gurley: When a few more months have gone by it would be no strange thing it' the Southern Confederacy should be acknowledged by foreign powers, and when that takes place, if ever, our Government will stand before the civilized world, not only humiliated, but utterly disgraced. * * If we would have the moral support of this world, we must strike boldly for victory. * * Remember thiscontest must close, either in the ruin of a Republic that has tilled the eyes of the best men of the world with admiration, and possibly the destruction of civil and religious liberty in America, * * or in the renewed stability of our cher- ished institutions. * * Our arm}/ has been five months get- ting ready for its realization. * * The people everywhere are imploring for and demanding active movements against; the rebels in the South. * * Sir. it is a serious question With many honest minds, whether this Congress and Government, and this great nation are not to-day sleeping upon a volcano, Murmurs deep and strong are everywhere coming up from the people against the inaction of our army. * * Meanwhile the public Treasury is being drained for their support ; the fleets of three powerful nations are Hear- ing our shores, and if our military do not rouse themselves to speedy action, * * these fleets may make a visit to our Southern coasts * * and announce to us- that cotton is an absolute necessity in Europe, and the blockade must con- tinue no longer. * * All this is not only possible but in the contingency of continued inactivity * * highly probable. But * * the now Secretary of War, a man who, if report speaks truly, is like brave Ben. Wade of Ohio, a good combination of old Hickory and Z.ick Taylor * * will push on the war with all the vigor that characterized the people in rais- ing so vast, so mighty an army. 4T .TANUA.RY 30, 1862. Mr. S. S. Cox: General McClellan intended first to have General Buell get the Tennessee railroad; that for this end he has given all his energies to aid him. * * When General Buell took command he found his troops straggling and scattered. He had to gather them and concentrate and form them into regiments. * * I speak knowingly when I de- clare to this Congress and the people that no delay of Gen. Buell's movements are attributable to any orders from Gen. McClellan — on the contrary he has ordered him * * not to lose a day or an hour in the accomplishment of the design to seize the Tennessee railroad, to the end that not only shall Eastern Tennessee be opened to the army and Union * * but to the grand aim to cut off this rebel army of the Potomac, not alone from the line of their supplies, but from the line of their retreat. * * In fear for the fate of Memphis, Gen. Beauregard is hurried out to Columbus, Kentucky, to avert the Northern avalanche which impends there, while Buell is drawing with consummate skill his fatal line around the confederates, as the lines have been drawn in Virginia. * * Thousands of our people now regard witli dampened spirit and sad silence the condition of our country, and they are almost dismayed by our terrible present nd still more un propitious /attire. But what * * if the masses of the Union are to be quenched ? We shall lose our place among the nations, our relative importance on the globe, our physical independence, our weight in the equilibrium of powers, our frontiers, alliances, and geography. * * * These make up the immortality of a nation. * * He who remains silent when sueh interests are at stake is treacher- ous to his land and to his God. JANUARY 31, 1S62. Mr. Sargent: Had not the Trent ombroglio admitted of a peaceful solution, * * this day, as we sit here, the first blow would have been struck (by Great Britain) and the harbor of San Francisco sealed. * * To-day we are trying to provide means to pay, or secure to be paid, a debt of $1,000,000,000 on account of this war, of which we have but just commenced the first campaign. * * The hostile feeling towards this country which seized upon the late trivial affair still exists, and I say here that there is danger 48 of a war until * * England is incapable of giving or we of receiving an insult. FEB. 3, 1862. M. Wickliffe : Look, sir, at the condition of Kentucky at the beginning of this session. * * .Do we know how soon General Thomas will make an assault upon Bowling Greenl He will be obliged to leave a part of his army at every gap upon his line to prevent his rear being annoyed or cut off from communications. We want men from our own State. They know the fastnesses of the mountains. They know all the country, and will be better guards there than any others. * * We have information that General Beauregard and fifteen thousand of his trained bauds have gone to Kentucky to unite with the forces now there, against us. FEBRUARY 4, 1862. Mr. Bingham : Unless the people can, and will stand by the national credit and sustain it by such overwhelming majorities as to silence opposition, then the experiment of free representative Government must melt in the thin air. * * The nation's credit cannot be maintained by force unless the majority of the people with whom are the issues of the nation's life, voluntarily acquiesce in any and all need- ful legislation. Mr. Roscoe Oonkling : I was saying what the people must know about the use of their money. * * They simply want to know that the people's servants are using the people's money and the nation's army to hurl swift destruc- tion upon the nation's foes. * * Unless we appeal to the monied interest of the country with an adequate policy we can get no money, we ought not get it, we shall not deserve it. Debts funded or liquidated up to Jan. '62, $306,000,000 The floating debt, 200,000,000 The required ordinary and extraordinary, to July 1, 300,000,000 $806,000,000 This last item is at the rate of $2,000,000 per day for one hundred and fifty days. If $±5,000,000 a month is taken *9 as a estimate, it will be $225,000,000. * * The Secretary of War says, that 718,512 men have taken the field. * * Every one of this multitude of soldiers isentitled to at least thir- teen dollars beside subsistence and bounties. * * There has been no such occasion presei red, no suck demand made Upon a nation during the life time of the human race. The history of free Government, the history of America, the history of Constitutional Liberty, begins or cads now. * * Our destiny is, without an ally in the world, with the nations banded against us to hold last a coutiuent in the midst of the greatest, guiltiest revolution the world has ever seen. Mr. Pike: Who knows what course this business shall take in the next ninety days ? With us here, it is a matter of guess work. We are the money partners in this Govern- ment concern. * * Still nobody is allowed to know any thing about it. * * If the plan shadowed forth by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Cox,] who spoke * * for the commanding general is really to be adopted, the sooner we supply ourselves with the money we want the better for the Treasury. * * The "Anaconda" scheme * * is to sur- round cut off communications with the world, and wait the result. In the meantime disease is ( wasting our noble army, and uneasiness is increasing in every portion of the loyal States. * * The Secretary of War on whom the country now leans with entire confidence,I trustingly believe that his strong will and clear bead shall prove sufficient ** in this time of great distress. * * The army will respond with enthusiasm and victories which are the best financiers in these days, will be the happy result. * * The next sixty days are to be the nations opportunity to reassert itself. Mr. Wright : What is humiliating to me is that the credit of the nation is not able to make loans of money from for- eign countries. It cannot be done. * * I do not think there is any government in Europe that we can expect to make any advance to us in a loan to carry on the war. ::: * Wo must rely solely on our own element of strength and power. * * The question of liberty itself is at stake. * * When the people see that something is to be done, they will furnish their money to the Government as readily as they have their men. * * I think the indications are, especially at the War Department, that something will be done. * * I am sorry to say it, but there has 50 been a gradual weakening of the faith of the people. * * I want something done to convince the people that the Ad- ministration are in earnest, and has a definite plan which it has to work out. * * The time for mysterious utterances about a movement that is in the wind, or seen or heard or whispered, and gave a little hope at the time, is passed by. * * I do not think the Secretary of the Treasury, when he goes to New York, will say * * there is to be a groat movement within such a time, and inspire the bankers with the hope that the good time is coming within fifteen days, * * but the people want action in the Administration in the military department of the Government. * * llow and when and the mode, I say nothing about, but there must be action everywhere. * * The people will then be- come inspired with the belief that the rebellion will be put down before harvest, and they will pour out their money like water. IN THE SENATE. FEBRUARY 4, 1802. Mr. Morrill: Well, sir, is the Senate prepared to-day to say that it will enter upon an enterprise, enter upon the construction of mail-clad steamers designed for the prose- cution of this war, to have a bearing simply upon this rebel- lion, which are not to be completed for the next twclvo months? Sir, if this whole thing is not brought to an end in the next six months the nation will be beyond the hope of relief. Mr. Grimes : You all know that Great Britian has now the Warrior and H(ro ready for use. We were told a little while ago, that the Warrior was coming to our coast — a large immense frigate which according to naval authorities is a complete success, and preparations have been made for building a great many more. FEBRUARY 5, 1862. Mr. Siierman : It is manifest that the people of this country will be called upon to bear an amount of not lea9 than §700,000,000. * * This is more than four times the aggregate currency of the country — it is more than the government of Great Britain bore in her struggle with Napoleon. * * It is more than any country in ancient or modern times has attempted to carry. There is nothing like it 51 in history. * * No nation ever attempted it or approached it, never for any length of time. FFURUAKT 0, 1862. Mr.. Sherman: That this condition of affairs is exciting attention abroad and at home is true. I have here an extract from a recent English paper, in which they speak of this very condition of affairs. Our friends across the water are now looking into all onr deficiencies, and all our difficulties. Here is a remarkable statement from the government organ, said to be owned by Lord Palmerston : "The monetary intelligence from America is of tho most important kind, national bankruptcy is not an agreeable prospect, but it is the only one presented by the existing stale of American finance." " What a strange tale does the history of the United States in the past twelve months unfold. What a striking moral does it not point. Never before was the world dazzled by a career of more reckless extravagance. Never before did a flourishing and prosperous State make such gigantic strides toward effecting its own ruin." — London Post, January 15, 1862. And you all have probahly read the recent extract in the "London Times" in which our country is denounced in the most unmitigated lano-uago that is too offensive to be read in the Senate. 1 merely quote these matters to show you that our financial condition has attracted the attention of foreign governments. It is an element of weakness, and they count upon it in all the political questions that will arise in the next sixty or ninety days, or the next year. They look at this vast expen- diture as a dangerous e'ementas a reason why we cannot succeed'm this contest, and as a reason why they should interfere in it. * * I do not show these facts which areplaiuand palpable on their face, in order to impair our public credit. What 1 state is known to qvqvv money lender in this land. There is not a bunk or a broker who doe3 not know these facts as well as I do. I do not do it for the purpose of stopping the prosecution of the war. * * Indeed I cannot contemplate tho condition of my country, if it shall be dissevered and divided. Take the loyal States as they now stand, and look at the map of the United States, and regard two 52 hostile confederacies stretching along for two thousand miles across the continent. * * Do you not know the normal con- dition of such a state of affairs would be eternal war, everlast- ing war. Two nations of the same blood, of the same lineage, of the same spirit, cannot occupy the same continent, much less stand side by side as rival nations, dividing rivers and mountains for their boundaries. * * Rather than yield to traitors or the intervention of foreign powers, rather than bequeath to the next generation a broken Union, and an interminable civil war, I would light the torch of fanaticism and destroy all that the labor of the two generations has accumulated. * * If you can show me the reason by which the present expenditures can be maintained by our national Gov- ernment y you show the means to success, to honor, to glory, to the preservation of the Union, and of our Government. Mr. Wilson of Mass : The credit of this Government is sinking .daily under our feet. * * Why, Mr. President, there was a time, and not far back, when the credit of this Gov- ernment stood high, when it could command its millions; but to-day, with $40,000,000 duo the people, of which the Government is unable to pay one red cent, we propose to issue one hundred or one hundred and fifty millions of dollars of paper money and make that paper money a legal tender. We are going to spend live or six hundred millions of dollars a year and no one has yet pointed out the way to obtain that money, and it will take along process to reach it. It is in vain to cry up the credit of this Government, to boast of it, or talk of it, unless ice -perform the acts necessary to sustain and uphold it. If there is one thing, more than another, that ■we need to show the people of this country, it is, that we are ready to make some sacrifices. Mr. Davis: I understand the Chairman of the Military Committee, Mr. Wilson, to state that the Government is now indebted $40,000,000, and has no means of paying it. I presume the Government will need in the next six months $800,000,000. The question is, how is the Government to raise this amount of money ? Sir, you cannot raise $300,000,000 by taxation, and the Government cannot get along without it. IN THE HOUSE. FEBRUARY G, 1862. Mr. Tiiadeus Stevens : Congress at the extra session au- 53 thorized the loan of $250,000,000; $100,000,000 of this was taken at seven and three-tenths per cent., and $50,000,000 of six per cent, bonds at a discount of over $5,000,000; $50,000,000 were used in demand notes payable in coin, leaving $50,000,000 undisposed of. Before the banks had paid much of this last loan they broke down under it and sus- pended specie payments. They have continued to pay the loan, not in coin, but in demand notes of the Government, * * but the last was paid yesterday, and on the same day the banks refused to receive them. They must now sink to depreciated currency. The remaining $50,000,000 the Sec- retary has been unable to negotiate, * * and there is now a floating debt of at least $180,000,000. The Secretary in- tended to use the balance of this authorized loan in paying it out to creditors in notes of seven and three-tenths; that becoming known, they immediately sunk four per cent., and had he persevered, it is believed they would have been down to ten per cent, discount. But even if this could be used, (about $40,000,000.) there would remain due about $90,000,000, the payment of which is urgently demanded. The daily expenses of the Government are now about $2,000,000. To carry us on to the next meeting of Con- gress would take $600,000,000 more, making, before legis- lation could be had next session, about $700,000,000 to be provided for. We have already appropriated $350,000,000, making our entire debt $1,050,000,000. The grave question now is, how can this large amount be raised ? The Secretary of the Treasury has used his best efforts to negotiate a loan of but $50,000,000, and has failed. IN THE SENATE. FEBRUARY 6, 1862. Mr. Trumbull: I will tell you what the people are clam- oring for. They are clamoring for action on the part of your armies. The Senator from Rhode Island wants to know how to raise money. Give us victories, tell your generals to advance. Gentlemen tell us there is no money and the fault is with Congress. Has not the Government had money? Did we not raise it by the hundreds of millions in July? Have you not had men, hundreds of thousands of them, and has not God Almighty given you a season for operations in the field, such as was never vouchsafed to a people before. * * Taxation will never save your country ; but it is the strong 51 arms and stunt hearts thnt yon want to pnt down this rebel- lion, and, as my friend Mr. Wade says, somebody to lead them. FEBRUARY 11,1862. Mr. Foster: I believe, sir, * * that our whole coast, our Atlantic coast, our Lake coast, our Pacific coast would be much better fortified and protected, by moving down the columns of our Army, now lying near the Upper Mississippi and along theOhio rivers, through the StatesofKentucky and Tennessee, and the States South, victoriously and triumphantly to the Gulf of Mexico. * * lint, sir, if tiiesc points are not very soon in possession of the United States forces, * * if we do not take possession of our Southern parrs within thirty or forty days, we shall need much more than the amount recom- mended by the Finance Committee to fortify all the exposed portions of our coast, * * I doubt whether eery muck more will protect them from foreign attack. * * Let us move our armies * * at the earliest moment we can, and more, (hem energelicrtly and successfully and these appropriations will not be needed. * * I think it is demonstrable that Maine is to be better fortified at New Orleans than at Portland, Chicago better at Charleston than on Lake Michigan, and Newport, better at Savannah and Mobile, than at the mouth of the, Narraganset bay. Let us place our armies and unfurl our flag in these Southern cities, and all these points we arc solicitous to protect, will be as sale as it is possible for human fortifications to make them. Without these we have not men, enough, nor money enough to defend them against the forces which will speedily threaten (hem. Mr. IIowm: It' it is not safe to publish to the country our own calculations as to the impoitaucc of different points on our coast, it may not be dangerous to lay before the coun- try the calculations of other powers and other Government?, and I should therefore like to have the Secretary read from the ''London Times," which 1 send to the desk: Extract from the London Times of January 7, 1862. "In the event of a renewal of hostilities which were ter- minated at the treaty of Client, * * the command of the water which separates Upper Canada from the Federal territories would be equivalent to a command in the field. * * It will be seen that the matter divides into two 55 periods, of which the first would be the most critical for Eng- land. It becomes a question therefore of the greatest import- ance how this superiority is likely to be determined. * * Up to the month of April next the. lakes may be regarded as inaccessible to the sea, and therefore whatever force is cre- ated must be created on the spot. * * As soon, however, as the St. Lawrence is opened there wilt be an end of our diffi- culty. We can then pour into the lakes sucJi a fleet of gunboats and other craft as will give lis the complete and immediate com- mand of these waters. Directly the navigation is opened wo can send up vessel after vessel without any restriction. * * The Americans would have no such resource. They would have no access to the lakes from the sea, and it would be impossible that they could construct vessels of any con- siderable power in the interval that would elapse before the ice is broken up. With the opening of spring the lakes would be ours, and if the mastery of these waters is indeed the mastery of all, we may expect the result with perfect satisfaction. * * On the whole, therefore, the conclusion seems clear that three months hence the field will be all our own, and in the m antime the Americans, if judiciously encountered, would not be able to do us much harm." Mr. Howe : The fact is apparent from this communication that in case of a war with a maritime power, and especially a war with England, the Northwest is that portion of the country which they design as the theatre of military opera- tions. * * Inasmuch as I had just received this extract from an English paper, I deemed it proper to bring the mat- ter to the attention of the Senate, for I deemed that one of the most important points to be fortified in the whole coun- try. It defends a portion of the country which is not only the granary of the nation but almost of the world. * '* Mr. Grimes: I do not believe they could get through, the Welland canal before sometime in the middle of May, even if the vessels were all scut before that time. * * But what are we going to do in the meantime if hostilities actually commenced, or if they were imminent. * * Are we ^oiiicr to stand by and fold our arms and not take possession ot the Welland canal ? * * The British Government has sent over into all the British colonies of North America some thirty thou- sand men. * * The Welland canal is only a few miles from our frontier. * * Is it expected that we will not not render it impassible for the British gunboats? 56 Mr. Fessenden : * * Does not everyone see the posi- tion in which we stand towards foreign nations. * * It is obvious to every man's mind that wo are engaged at present in a war, which in spite of all our endeavors to pre- serve peace, may bring about a collision with foreign poicers. If we speak of tilings at all we must speak of them as they are. * * It is not necessarily a threat to anybody, * * because we see that position and recognize it our- 8elve3. * * Sir, while there is no man in the Senate or the country who more strongly desires peace with all nations than I do, * * I cannot shut my eyes to the fact * * that such things may happen, * * especially when the Executive itself has recommended this bill. * My honorable friend from Illinois says * * our armies ought to do something, that would be the way to raise finances, and that would be the way to fortify the country. We all know it. * * Sir, it has been said, and it is well to remember, that there never was such a war as this in the history of the world — there never teas one so difficult to carry on — there never icas one which extended over so great a territory upon which so many points were to be defended and so many attacked. * * I look for and believe that the results which are to be accom- plished even before many days, will be such as not only lo gratify all our hopes, but to astound (he world. * * Let us wait for them calmly. Mr. Trumbull : I thought it might be necessary to repeat * * the necessity of more active operations on the part of our army, and 1 am gratified to know from the Senator that we are to have more active operations, and that we we are to have movements which will astonish the country and the world. I rejoice at it, but I believe we may learn something from the past. * * That we have suffered one summer to pass away, and one fall to pass away, and one winter to pass away, at an expense of $500,000,000 to the country, without doing anything. I think it is our duty to see that no more seasons shall come and go without more efficient action. FEBRUARY 12, 1862. Mr. Howe; Either the treasury must be replenished or the war must be abandoned. The war cannot be abandoned. * * The Government is not gambling for empire, it is defending Us own existence. * * Sir, if this Government lives, if the nation survives the perils which now beBet it, 5? every man knows that the stocks of the United States * * will in a few years command a large premium. * * * I have said that no one can suffer if the nation survives (he struggle in which it is now engaged. But the statement suggests the possibility that the Government mag not survive. What then, it may be asked, will become of the money loaned and the notes outstanding? I confess my apprehension that they will all be lost. That, I apprehend, will be the ease too with notes and money generally, let who ever will be the maker, let whoever will be the borrower. Mr. Fessenden : We have suffered ourselves in a measure to be cast down. Time has come around, * * and every- thing looks as favorable to our cause as the heart of man could desire. Mr. Chandler : From this day forth we can close the war in sixty days by an advance of our armies, and I believe the time has now arrived when we will advance our armies, and when the vvar will be brought to a close within sixty days. * * The time has arrived when this rebellion is within our grasp. IN THE HOUSE. FEBRUARY 19, 1862. Mr. Pomeroy: Our army, concerning whose seeming in- activity so many unkind words have been spoken on this floor in the past few months, has practically ended the war. Mr. Diven : The times are auspicious. * * One good reason urged in favor of that policy was, that the people were discouraged from want of success in our army. We have now the encouragement of success. Only let the monied men of the country know that the Government is to succeed in putting down the rebellion, and we will not have to plead for credit:. It is not gold and silver that we want. It is not things that are to be taken for gold and silver that we want. It is credit, it is confidence on the part of men ivho have money to lend, and who can lend it to the Government xoith the assurance that it will be re- turned to them. This is all that is wanted. And now, in view of the brilliant prospect before us for a speedy termina- tion of the rebellion, in heaven's name let us leave no national dishonor to remain a stain upon the country. Mr. Gooch: The relations of this committee (Conduct of 53 the War) with the President, Secretary of War, and all] the offi- cers of the Cabinet, are of the most cordial nature. * * Bowling Green, Fort Henry, and Fort Douelson, are only the beginning of the chapter which is to be the last in the history of this rebellion. * * If there is any department in which this committee have felt a deeper interest than any other, it is the department in which the gentleman from Kentucky is specially interested. Mr. Roscoe Conckling : I believe the creation of this com- mittee has been instrumental, with other kindred agencies, in bringing about valuable reforms, which have inaugurated beneficial changes and a vitalizing policy, without which we might not have had the victories which millions to-day ap- plaud. m THE SENATE. FEBRUARY 24, 1862. Mr. Doolittle: We go into this struggle with all the energy which God Almighty has given us. The recent vic- tories give earnest of speedy results, but let us rejoice with trembling. The results of battles none but God can fore- see. While we have reason to hope that our flag will soon wave at Savannah, at Memphis, at Nashville, and at New Orleans, let us remember we have met reverses before, and let that remembrance chasten our rejoicing. APRIL 18, 1862. Mr. Howard: Our campaigns have been planned and car- ried out by the President, aided by his ordinary advisers and hia subordinate military officers. * * The Government of the United States has witnessed what no monarchy ever wit- nessed. It has coped with the most formidable rebellion in the history of world, one which no monarchical government since the dawn of history, could have stood six weeks. APRIL 21, 1862. Mr. Collamer : For myself, without any prophetic vision, and I do not think now it needs any, I believe I can see the the coming result, and its developments may be seen in the progress of our armies, and the necessary consequence which follow them. 1 see the masters dispersed, I see the slaves scat- tered, I see that in all probability they will never be reclaimed no matter what laws we may make. I see the further that progress goes, the more extended will be its effect. 59 IN THE HOUSE. MAY 2, 1862. Mr. Washburne ; But to the battle of Pittsburg Land- ing. * * That battle has laid the foundation for finally driv- ing the rebels from the South West. * * History will record it as one of the most glorious victories that has ever illus- trated the annals of a great nation. MAY 26, 1862. Mr. Gurley : That the idea of intervention in our affairs has been seriously entertained by the English and French governments, there can be no reasonable doubt. * * Thanks to our sagacious President for dividing the army at the critical moment, and ordering all the commanders to advance on the enemy. This defeated Southern recognition, for the re- sult was a succession of victories in the West, which saved our Government from so great a humiliation. * * As I have said the signal success of our arms in the West, that im- mediately followed the action of the President made recog- nition impossible. IN THE SENATE. JULY 15, 1862. Mr. Henderson: The object of the rebels in the begin- ning was to build up a confederacy of the cotton States. * * Why did they pretend that they desired the border States to go with them? To make us, in the language of Mr. Yancey, fortifications for them; * * to keep armies * * in the border States; * * and by the time their armies were conquered * * our financial condition would be such that we would be compelled to acknowledge their independence. They hoped that by the destruction of their own cotton, which they thought would regulate matters in Europe, and by keeping our armies at bay in the border States, * * that could builJ up a confederacy commanding the mouth of the Mississippi. w the Gulf of Mexico, the southern Atlantic, and the great rivers of the West. Mr. Doolittle : * * We have recovered our rightful supremacy over territories larger than the kingdoms tu'at talk about intervention from Europe — larger than the king- dom of France, three times as large as Gi oat Britain — dur- 60 ing which we have opened the great valley of the Mississippi, that river which more than all things binds this Union together. As long as we hold the Mississippi from its source to its mouth, this Union cannot be dissolved. New England may regard southeastern Virginia, this side of the Allegany mountains and North and South Carolina, as of very great importance. Why, sir, if we were ten years in subjugating that country to the supremacy of the Constitution, it would be as nothing compared to the 'holding of the valley of the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico, thus 'binding the Union together from north to south. ' * * The history of the world has never shown such a parallel. JULY 16, 1862. Mr. Ciiandler : On the 1st day of January, and for months previous to that date, the armies of the Republic were occupy- ing a imrehj defensive position upon the whole line from Missouri to the Atlantic until or about the 21th of January, when the President and Secretary of War issued the order " forward. " Then the brave Foote took the initiative, soliciting two thousand men from Iialleck to hold Fort Henry after he had captured it with his gunboats. WHAT PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND MR. SEWARD THOUGHT OF THE CAMPAIGN. [From the Neio York Evening Post, February 9, 1862.) " The President stated yesterday that the recent victory of Fort Henry was of the utmost importance, and was intended to be followed up immediately with a blow on the railway connection fifteen miles from the captured fort, * * that hot work was expected in that region at once, * * the victories the Government expected fowin over the rebels in the next two months would put to flight all thoughts of (Eng- land and France) meddling in our affairs." President Lincoln on the 10th of April, 1863, issued the following proclamation : — " It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal vic- tories to the land and naval forces engaged in suppressing an internal rebellion, and at the same time to avert from ov r r, country the dangers of foreign intervention ana] invasion" 61 Mr. Seward, March 6, 1863, to Mr. Dayton, said : "It is now apparent that we are at the beginning of the end of the attempted revolution. Cities, Districts, and States are coming back under federal authority." Again, May 7, 1862: " The proclamation of commerce which is made, may be regarded by the maritime powers as an announcement that th& Republic has passed the dangers of disunion." APPENDIX 2 . DEBATE ON THE ORIGIN OF THE PLAN OP THE TENNES. SEE CAMPAIGN. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE. FEBRUARY 24, 1862. Mr. Roscoe Conckling : ,1 beg leave to offer a resolution, not for action at present, but that it may lie on the table, as follows: " That the thanks of Congress are due and are hereby presented to Generals Halleck and Grant for planning the recent movements in their respective divisions, and to both those generals, as well as the officers and soldiers under their command, for achieving the glorious victories in which those movements have resulted." Mr. Roscoe Conkling : My purpose in offering the reso- lution, and asking that it may lie over without action now, is this: I desire that those who cam military honors shall wear them, and wear all that honor to which, they are entitled. I be- lieve the officers named in this resolution are entitled to certain credit, and I desire the resolution to await future action, perhaps amendment, and I care not what particular disposition is made of it for the present. I would like to call up this subject when the House and the country shall be in full possession of ail the facts in the case, including reports to be made by different generals, and when we shall know whether these victories were organized or directed at a distance from the fields where they were won, and if so by whom organized, or whether they were the conceptions of those who executed them. Mr. Cox : I should have no objection to this resolution, but I think that it should be a little more extensive. It seems to be a matter of opinion with genilrmrn as to icho designed these victories. I understood the gentlemen from New York the otter day, to giyQ a great deal of the credit to tbe 63 " Committee on the Conduct of the War." Perhaps the gentlemen will include that in his resolution. One thing is certain, Mr. Speaker, that these resolutions of thanks to our officers ought to he very carefully drawn and very care- fully considered to the end that no one entitled to credit should be excluded from them. I hope,- therefore, the gentleman will do no injustice to any of those who may be entitled on further examination to the credit for these victories. Mr. Roscoe Concklino : I am very glad the gentleman from Ohio has referred to a remark which fell from me the other day. The remark I made then, and am very glad to repeat now was this, that to that committee, along with other kin- dred agencies, in which I include the action of the President of the United States and of the present Secretary of War as well as of Congress, were due most vitalizingand important reforms, without which the recent victories might not have been achieved. I will take occasion to say now that I venture to predict the truthful history of these victories will demonstrate that not alone to the mode of doing things, nor to the sources of movements which until recently pre- vailed in military affairs, not alone to the agencies which were at work when Congress met, not by any means to these alone are to be attributed the brilliant successes in the West I will hazard the opinion that time will show the value of more recent causes, with a vigorous exercise of power which long lay dormant, itself in harmony with a long- ing for results and for action, and which has shown itself in debates and proceedings here, and in auxious expression of the people and the press, in every loyal portion of the country. The great necessity of the occasion, the need and the fitness of something more than vague as- surances for the future has inaugurated action — resolute onward action — and to this inspirited policy is due move- ments which have culminated in glorious success. I do not believe the recent movements in the West are a part of any long existing plan conceived elsewhere, and only now un- folding itself. I do not believe these victories were ar- ranged or won by men setting at a distance engaged in what is termed " organizing victory." My belief is, that they have been achieved by bold and resolute men left free to act and to conquer. * * Like him, 1 should be very unwilling to withhold from Qt u single general or officer, be he high or low, a morsel of the credit he deserves, and my purpose in offering the resolution and ask- ing that it lie over until a future day, is, that Congress and the country may discriminate and award just praise by awarding it to those who have earned, it. I want to crown with heroic honors the real heroes of this war, and I should be very glad to have the resolution embrace every general and every officer and private who should be included — and my object will be accomplished if the great honor belonging to the blows lately struck on the Western rivers and their banks shall be conferred where it belongs and shall not be appropriated or absorbed by any person whatever who has not earned it. Mr. Fenton: I have drawn very hastily an amendment to the resolution how before the House, which I think em- braces the idea which my colleague has just suggested. I offer it, " that the thanks of Congress be tendered to the officers and soldiers who have rushed to arms to sustain the fabric which our fathers erected, and whose devotion has been alike conspicuous, whether in the camp or in the field, whether by that cheerful patriotism and unwearied ardor to be led to the face of the enemies of our country, or their matchless valor in contest." Mr. Roscoe Cockling: I should be {very unwilling to thwart, if I could, any desire my colleague may have, but I submit to him, and I think he will agree with me, that the amendment he proposes is an entire transformation of my resolution and destructive of its object. I mean by the re- solution to secure the action of the House, if possible, at the proper time, in awarding the meed of praise and credit due to the meu entitled, not only to the achievement of these victories, but for the planning and conception of the movement which led to them. Mr. Washburn, of Illinois : There is certainly no man here who would withhold his thanks from the two distin- guished officers named in that resolution. I feel a peculiar interest in one of them. General Grant, a man I may say here, who is as brave as he is modest and incorruptible. But there are other generals who were upon the field and whom we may wish to thank in the same connection. There i3 a gentleman who served with us in the last Congress, and in a portion of the present Congress who was upon that battle- field nobly doing his duty, General John A. McClernaud, 65 There is another gentleman a memberof the House, I mean Colonel Logan, who distinguished himself gloriously and fell wounded upon that field. And yet there are still other brave officers who were there who should not be forgotten. Mr. Roscoe CoNCKLiNflf: I took pains in drafting the Q^-l resolution, though I did it hastily, to so restrict its terms that it could not be at all open to the criticism suggested by the gentleman from Illinois. The resolution declares the thanks of Congress due to those two generals for the move- ments planned in their respective divisions, not departments, the expression is a departure from strict military phraseology, I believe, and employed to confine the resolution to the acts actuall}' done by those named. It was far from my inten- tion to exclude from the thanks to bo presented any person who was participant in these movements, and who may properly be included in the resolution. Mr. Cox: This resolution selects only two of the generals engaged in the recent conflict at Fort Donelson. Generals Halleck and Grant. If, sir, there are any generals entitled to credit for success in that great conflict, General Smith of Pennsylvania, and our recent associate, General McClernand of Illinois, than whom no braver or truer soldier adorns the army of the West, are entitled to an equal degree of the glory, and an equal consideration in the thanks of Congress. Mr. Holman : I do not want General Wallace to be de- prived of his just share of the credit. Mr. Mallory : Xor should General Buell be forgotten. Mr. Cox : A splendid list could be made of officers of the army and navy who are entitled to credit for our recent victories. * * The gentleman says he does not believe in organizing victory at a distance. It may turn out when the matter comes to be examined, and fire shall have burned through the smoke, that other generals besides those men- tioned — that the General-in-Chief in this city is entitled to some credit, at least for his foresight, design, and strategy, which have so signally contributed to the recent gallant achievements of our army and navy. It is significant of one directing head and design in these recent victories, that both flanks of the enemy, west and east, have been stricken and paralyzed at the same time. * * Lzt us no', by prejudging this matter, do injustice to any officer of the army and navy. Let 66 the Committee on Military Affairs have this resolution as they have other resolutions, and let them report a proposi- tion to the House, which will discriminate fairly and justly between the different officers, giviug to those who are en- titled, not inconsiderately, but with deliberation and care, the merited thanks of the National Legislature. Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois: I profess to be as justly proud of the victories secured by western generals and western soldiers as any man on this floor, but in our exaltation of great joy over these victories we should be very careful to prevent any injury being done through our action to any portion of the army or to any general engaged in fighting the battles of the Union. * * We have soldiers in the ranks fit to be generals. Many such have sacrificed their lives to purchase the victories we have obtained. * * But, sir, we should not forget to do justice to all — in other \vords,we should re- frain from even indirectly doing injustice to the Commanding General of the American Army. Mr. Olin : Those who oppose the resolution offefed by my colleague seem entirely to misapprehend the object with which that resolution was offered. * * Its objects seems to be to ascertain who it was that planned and directed the military movements which resulted recently in glorious victories in Kentucky and Tennessee. * * * * If it be the object of the House before passing a vote of thanks to ascertain ivho was the person who planned and organ- ized these victories then it would be eminently proper in my opinion to request the Secretary of War lo give us that information. That would satisfy the gentleman and the House directly as to who was the party who planned these mili- tary movements. * * It is sufficient for the country ', for the present, that somebody has planned and executed these military movements, * * still if the gentleman has any desire to know who originated these movements, he can ascertain that fact by in- quiring at the proper office, for certainly some one at the War Department must be informed on the subject. The Secretary of War knows whether he had anything to do with them or not — the Commanding General knows whether he had anything to do with them or not — if neither of them had anything to do with them they will cheerfully say so. Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois : In my judgment this resolu- tion, whether so designed or not, is an attack upon the Com- manding General of the United States Army. It ia de- ft dared in express terras by this resolution that the achieve- ments by oar arms in the "Western Department were the result of movements planned, organized, and carried out by a subordinate officer of the General Government. It will be re- membered that subordinate officers by law are under the control and command of the Commander-in-Chief of the American army, and that if there is no general plan, that there ought to be a general plan and system of campaign calculated and designed to put down this rebellion. I believe there is emanat- ing from the Commander-in-Chief of the American forces, through his first subordinates, and by them to the next, and so continuously down to the soldiers who tight upon the bat- tle-field, a well-digested, clear , and definite policy of campaign, that is to be put in motion — that is in motion to put down this rebel- lion ; and when a resolution, directly or indirectly, intimates while this should bo the case, that it is not the case, and that a subordinate officer has sprung into life and conceived, independently of the military organization of the Govern- ment, a campaign and a movement, although resulting glo- riously — I say that that is asserted in a declaration, it is a direct charge — I do not say it was intended — that these proper campaigns and necessary movements were not and have not been conceived and put in execution by the Com- mander-in-Chief of our armies. It is detracting from the Geueral in command of the whole force that which should be meted out to him if in fact he has planned and organized these movements; and I believe here, and I here declare that I believe, that the system of movements that has cul- minated in glorious victories, and which will soon put down this rebellion, finds root, bruiu and exeoution in the Com- manding General of the American army and the Chief Ex- ecutive of the American people, and I would not, by passing this resolution, detract one iota from what he has fairly earned, if this be true, which I believe is true. Therefore I am opposed to the resolution not from any disrespect to Generals Ilaileek and Grant, for they have been thanked by the Commander-in-Chief, by the Secretary of War, and more than that by the heartfelt thanks of the American people — a higher tribute than can emanate from any men in position however high that may be. FEBRUARY 25, 1862. Mr, Thadeus Steves^ : I rise to a privileged question. I desire to have entered a motion to reconsider the vote by which the joint resolution tending the thanks of Congress to Generals Halleckand Grant, was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs. The motion was entered. MAY 2, 1862. Mr. Washburne : In time came the operations up the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers, and I state what I know. By a singular coincidence, on the 29th day of January last, without any suggestion from any source, General Grant and Commodore Foote, always acting in entire harmony, applied for permission to move up these rivers, which was granted. The gun boats and land forces moved up to Fort Henry. After that fort was taken it was determined to attack Fort Donelson. The gun boats were to go round and up the Cumberland river, while the army was to move over land from Fort Henry to Fort Donelson. IN THE SENATE. MARCH. 13 1862. Thanks to Captain Foote. " Be it resolved, ***** t h at t y 1Q thanks of Congress and of the American people are due and are hereby tendered to Captain A. II. Foote of the United States navy, and to the officers and men of the Western flotilla under his command, for the great gallantry exhibited by them in the attacks upon Forts Henry and Donelson, for their efficiency in opening the Tennessee, Cumberland, and Mississippi rivers to the pursuits of lawful commerce, and for their unwavering devotion to the cause of the country amidst the greatest difficulties and dangers." Mr. Grimes : A great deal has been said of the origin of the proposition to take possession of the Tennessee river. The credit of originating the idea of a military campaign in that direction has been claimed first for one and then for another military com- mander. I desire that impartial justice should be done to every man * * so far as I can learn the project of turn- ing the enemy's flanks by penetrating the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers originated with Commodore Foote. The great rise of water on those rivers was providential, and 60 with the quick eye of military genius he saw the advantagd it might secure to our arms. Accordingly he sent to Gen- eral Halleck at St. Louis, the following dispatch : " Cairo, January 28, 1862. " General Grant and myself are of opinion that Fort Henry on the Tennessee river can be carried with four iron- clad gunboats and troops, and be permanently occupied. Have we your authority to move for that purpose when ready ? "A. H. FOOTE." To this dispatch no reply was vouchsafed, but an order was subsequently sent to General Grant to proceed up the Tennessee river, under convoy of the armed flotilla, and at- tack Fort Henry, directing General Grant to show Commo- dore Foote his orders to this effect. Commodore Foole was at once ready for the expedition, and advised the Department to that effect in the following dispatch : " Paducah, February 3, 1862. " To-day I propose ascending the Tennessee river with the four new armored boats and the old gunboats, * * in convoj 7 of ihe troops under General Grant, for the purpose of conjointly attacking and occupying FoH Henry and the railroad bridge connecting Bowling Green and Columbus. "A. H. FOOTE." After reducing Fort Henry and sweeping the Tennessee river as far up as Florence, Alabama, Commodore Foote returned to Cairo to prepare * * for operations against Donelson. * * He desired a delay of a few days to com- plete the mortar boats, * * but General Halleck believed an immediate attack to be a military necessity. Although wounded himself and his gunboats crippled * * he indulged in no repinings for bis personal misfortune. In a letter written the morning after the battle, to a friend, he said : * * "I feel sadly at the result of our attack on Fort Donelson. To see the brave officers and men * * fall by my side makes me feel sad to lead them to almost certain death." The next movement of his flotilla was to take Clarksville on the 19th of February. * * On the 21st of February, he telegraphed General Cullum, chief of Halleck's staff, as follows : TO "Paducah, February 21, 1862. {i General Grant and my self consider this a good time to move on Nashville. We were about moving for this purpose, when General Grant to my astonishment received a telegram from General Halleck, " not to let the gunboats go higher than Clarksville." No telegram sent to me. The Cumberland is in a good stage of water, and General Grant and I believe we can take Nashville. Please ask General Halleck if we shall do it." A. H. FOOTE." It may be that there was some great military reason why General Grant was directed " not to let the gun- boats go higher than Clarksville/' but up to this time, it is wholly unappreciable by the public. The next fact of importance in the campaign at the "West, and indeed the most important of all was the evacua- tion of Columbus. Why was this strong hold which costs so much labor and expense abandoned without firing a shot ? It is well understood that Commodore Foote was opposed to giving the rebels an opportunity to leave Columbus. He felt sure of his ability with his gun and mortar boats to shell them into a speedy surrender, but was compelled to give way to counsels of military commanders. * * The two arms of the public ser- vice are equally entitled to the credit of frightening the rebels from their strongest position on the Mississippi river, if not the strongest in their whole military jurisdiction. N. B. — At the time Congress was considering the ques- tion — who originated the idea of a miliary campaign on the line of the Tennessee river there were present on the floor a few Senators and Representatives who were aware that Miss Carroll, as early as the last of November, 1861, devised and recommended to the Government the adoption of that line of attack upon (he Confederacy — they having seen and read her plan, but, who, from prudential considerations, gave no publicity to their information. EREATTA. Page 2, 8th line from top, read then for " their." Page 11, 23d line from top, read on for " in." Page 18, 21st line from top, read change for " exchange." DCC 8 1939