E 357 .07 Ccpy 1 '^^///'A^ z Speech of the Hon, Jnsiah Quincj, M KV THE HOUSE OF UEI'KLSENTATIVES OF THE U. S. JAN. 25, 281?. In Rilation to Maritime Protection, MR. SFKAKER, 1 RISK to address you, on this occasion, with no aOectcd dif. hdcnce ; and with many doubts, conccrnip.g the expediency of taking kiiy p.irl ill tliis dehiiro. On the one hand, the subject has been dis. lussi'il with a zimI, industry and talt-ut, whicl> leave but little scope for i.uvelly, cither i.i topio, or iUus(ralion. On the other hand, aiguinentj, from tliis side of the house, in favor of this question, are received with. so natural a jealousy, that 1 know not, whether more may not be lost than gained, by so unpropitious a suppoit. Indeed, Sir, if this subjecL had been discussed on narrow, or temporary, or party principles, i ^houI^! have been silent. On such ground I could not condescend to (lobare ; I could not hope to ii-.llueuce. But the scale of discussion ha* _ , beon cnlarjjcd and liberal ; relative rather to the general system, that to the particular exigency ; in aliujst every respect, it has been honor able to the house, and auspicious to the prospects of the nation. '" such a state of feeling and sentiment, 1 could not refrain from indulgiu^ the ht»po, that sugj^i-stions. even from no favorite quarter, would be re- tei»u..l with candor, i)erhaps with attention. And, when I consider the deep interest which the state, from which I have the honor to bt a re- presenlative, has, according to my apprehension, in the event, 1 cannot permit the opportunity, entirely, to pass, without bringing my small tribute of rellection, into the general slock of the house. The object I shall, chiehy, attempt to enforce, is the necessity and duty of a systematic protection of our maritime rights, by maritime means. I would cal' the thoughtful, and inielligent men of this housu ifid nation, to the contemplaiiowjjjpf the essential connexion botwcu.t a naval force, proportionate to the circun»stanccs of our sea coast, ii;e cxt.'nt of our commerce, and the inherent cnterprize of our people; — I say, sir, L would call then\ to thu cuntempU'tion of the esscntijl con- nexion between such a naval force and the safety, prosperity and exist- ence of our union. In the course of my observations, and as a subsi- diary argument, 1 shall also attempt to shew the connexion between the Hd»|)tii.n of the principle of a systematic maintenance of our mi-ritirne ii^lita, by luariliuic means, and relief from our present national euil:-.. rassmentg. 1 confess to you, Mr. Speaker, T never can look, indeed, in my opi- nion, no American statesman oughi ever to lt)ok, on any question, touching the vital interests oi this nation, or of any of its compouei.t parts, without keeping at all times, in distinct view, the nature of f which have a very remote or very small stake in them. And this jealo-usy must rise to an extreme height, when the course of measures adopted, whether they have relation to the management, or the protection of such interests, wholly contravene the opinions and the practical experience of the persons immediately concerned in them. This course of retlcction has a tendency to illustrate this idea, that as, in every political association, it is of primary importance that the great interests of each local section should be skillfully and honestly managed and protected, so, in selecting the mode and mt-ans of management and protection, an especial regard should be had to the content and rational satisfaction of those most deeply concerned, in such sectional interests. Theories and speculations of the closet, however abundant in a show of wisdom, are never to be admitted io take the jilacc of those principles of conduct, in which experience lias shewn the prosperity and safety of such interests to consist. Practical knowledge, and that sagacity which results from long attention to great interests, never fail to inspire a just self-confidence in relation to those interests — A confidence, not to be browbeaten by authority, nor circumvented by any general reasoning. And, in a national point of view, it is scarcely of more importance, that the course adopted should be wise, thaa that content and rational satis- faction should be given. On this topic of locality, I shall confine myself to one or two very plain statements. It seems sufficient to observe, that commerce is, from the nature of things, the leading interest of more than one hjlf, and that it is the predominating interest of more than one third of the people of these United States. The States, North of the Potomac, contain nearly four miUiQns of souls ', and surely it needs no proof to c^mviace the most casuil oh^trrcr, that tho proportion, which the roniTncrcial inter- est boars to the interests of that ^rcat section of the Union, is such as entitles it to the denomination of a leiuliu^ intero't. The States. North of the Hudson, contain nearly tzco and a half millions of sonis ; and mrelv there is as little need of proof to shew that the proportion the commercial interest bears to the other interests of that Northern section of the union is such, as entitles it, there, to the denomination of a ;»r<,- dominatin^ interest. In all the country, between the Potomac and the lliuison, the interest of commerce is so great, in proportion to the other interests, that its embarrassment cloj^s and weakens the energy of every «»!hor description of industry. Yet the ai^ritultiiral and manufacturinc^ interests of this sortion are of a nature and a magnitude, both in respect of the staples of the one, and the objects of the other, as render tlierr), in 3 verv considerable degree, independent of the commercial. And al- though they feel the ertect of the obstruction of commerce, the feeling mav be borne, for a long time, -without much iiulividnal sulfering, or any general distress. But in the country, north of the Hudson, the proportion and connexions of these great interests are dilTerent. Coth agriculture and manufactures have, there, grown up in more intimate relation to commerce. The industry of that section has its shape ami energy from commercial prosperity. To the construction, the supply, and the support of navigation, its manufactures have a direct, or indi- rect, reference. And it is not very dilleront with its agriculture. A country, divided into small farms, among a population great, compared with its extent, requires q\»ick circulation a«d easy processes, in the ex- change of its commodities. This can only be obtained by an active and prosperous comniprce. In order more clearly to apprehend the locality of the commercial in- terest, cast vour eyes upon the abstract of tonnage, lately laid upon our tables, according to annual custom, by the Secretary of our Treasury, It will be found that The agsreginfe tonnage of the U. Slates is - . - . I,4'i4,(ii)0 Of till* ili'-iT \% owiird tvtwofn tin- Missis'-iiipi and the I'otomric - '2J!,oe estimated, new nnd olt?, a"! it mrxr, uilhout extravagance, al an av« r- ase. vmI'Ii- »>I f.lly dolliin* llie twn : 'I'he ti>i;d Rj;i,'rf(;nl«* value of tlie lonnnge of llie United Slates mnv lie slated in round nuiiiU-ra, at - - - - - ' - g 70,000,000 or wliirh fonr sevcnlln (ire owned noitli '.f the Hiul-iOn. efpuil to - Jb*"'-""*^!*^"* '['»■(( »cvcrii)i% are owned hclwccii tli«* lliidnoii and llie I'oton»ac, equal lo 'J<'i,(mhi,0(H| One »<;vctilh is owned suuili of the rotoinac, t000,000 To this add the annnal average value of tlic "iliippinij of the United States, which, \iO\v and old, cannot be less than § 50 the ton, and on one million FOUR HUNDRED THOUSAND tons, is also ... 70,000,000 To this ad ;uid cndinj; with 1797, inclusive, the total average annual export of Cireat Bri- tain was 24,000,000^ sterling, eciual to 106,000,000 dollars, wliich is less by two millions of dollars than the total export of the U. States in 1807. Ic is true that this is the official value of the British export, and that the real value is somewhat higher ; perhaps thirty per cent. This circumstance, although it in a degree diminishes the approxi- mation of the American to the British commerce, in point of amount, does not materially aflect the argument. Upon the basis of her com- merce Great Britain maintains a maritime force of eight hundred or a thousand vessels of war. And will it be seriously contcneled that upon the basis of a commerce like ours, thus treading upon the heels of British greatness, we arc absolutely without the abilitv of main- taining the security of our sea-board, the safety of our cities and the unobstructed course cfour coasting trade? By recurring to the perrrMuency of this interest., the folly and mad- ness of this negligence, and misplaced meanness, for it does not de- serve the name of economy, will be still more distinctly exhibited. If this commerce were the mushroom growth of a night, if it had its vigor from the temporary excitement and the accumulated nutri- ment, which warring elements, in Europe, had swept from the places of their natural depo:>it, then indeed there might be some excuse for a temporizing policy, touching so transitory an interest. But com- merce, in the Eastern states, is of no foreign growth ; and of no ad- ventitious seed. Its root is of a fibre, which almost two centuries have nourished. And the perpetuity of its destiny is written, in le- gible characters, as well in the nature of the country, as in the dis- positions of its inhabitants. Indeed, sir, look along your whole coast, from Passamaquody to Capes Henry and Charles, and behold the deep and far -ttinding creeks and inlets, the noble basons, the pro- jectin:^: head lands, the majestic rivers, and those sounds and bays, which are more like inland seas, than like any thing called by those names, in otlier quarters of the globe. Can any man do this and not realize, that the destiny of the people, inhabiting such a country, is essentially maritime ? Can any man do this, without being impress- ed by the conviction, that although the poor projects of politicians may embarrass, for a lime, the dispositions giowuiif out of the con- dition of such a country, yet that nature will be too strong for cob- web regulations and will vindicate her rights, with certain ellcct ; perhaps with awful perils l No nation ever did, or ever ought to, re- sist such allurements and invitations to a particular mode of indus- try. The purposes of Providence, relative to the destination of mcii are to be gathered from the circumstances, in which his benificcncc has placed them. And, to refuse to make use of the means of pros- perity, which his goodness has put into our hands, what is it but spurning at his bounty, and rejecting the blessings, which his infi- nite wisdom ha. designated for us, by the very nature of his allot- ments ? The employments of industry, connected with navigation antl 8 commercial cnlcrprizc, arc precious to the people of that quarter of the country, by iinciciu prejudice, not less than by recent profit. The occupaiion ii^ rcndercJ dear mul venerable, by all the chcribUed asso- ciations otour iuCancy, asiJ all the sage and prudential mu^ims of our ancestors. And, as to tlic lessons oi' cncourap^emcni, deiivcd Iioni recent experience, Mhat nation, ever within a similar period, rcC(.i\- cd so many that were sweet and salutary I What nation, in so short u time, ever before ascended to such a height ot commercial great- ness. It has been said, by some philosophers of the other hcmispkcrc^ that nature, in this new world, had worked by u sublime scale ; that our mountains, and rivers, and Ukcs were, beyond all comparison, greater than any thing the old world could boast ; tliat she had here made nothing dimiiiuuvc — excei'T its animals. And ought wo not to fear lest the bitterness of this sarcasm khould be concentrated on our country, by a course of policy, wholly unworthy of the magni- tude and nature of the interests, committed to our guardi^inship ? Have wc not reason to fear, that some future cynic, with an asperity wiiich truth shall m-kc piercing, will declare, tl.at uU things in these United States are great. — excei'T its st-vtesmv-n ; and thcit we arc pigmies, to whom Providence has entrusted, lor some inscrutable purpose, gigantic labours ? Can we deny the justice of such severity of remark, if, instead of adopting a scale of thought and a standard of action, proportionate to the greatness of our trust and the multi- plied necessities of the people, wc bring to our lask the mere mea- sures of professional industry ; and mete out contributions for nation- al safely by our fee-Lablcs, our yard-sticks, and our gill pots ? Can we refrain from subscribing to the truth of such censure, if we do not rise, in some degree, to the height of our obligations ; and teach ourselves to conceive, and with the people to realize, the vastncss ol those relations, which are daily springing among states, which are not so much one empirv, as a congregation of empires ? Having concluded what I intended to suggest, in relation to the na- lure of the interests to be firotccted, I proceed to consider the iiuttire of' the firotecti^ti, nvhicli It is'our duty to extend. And here, Mr. Speaker, 1 am necessitated to make an observation, which is so biniplc arul so obviuus, ihut, were it not for the argu- ments urged against the piinciple of maritime protection, I should have deemed the mere meniion of it, to require an apology, 'i'hc rci.iark is this, tlial rights, in their nature local, can only be main- tained where they exist, and not where they do not exist. If you liad u field to defend in Georgia, it would be very strange to put up a fence in Mahsachusetts. And yet, how doe* this dilVer from inva- ding Canada, for llie purpose of defending our maritime rights ? I wcg not to be undcrt.tuod, Mr. Sijcakcr, bykhii, remark, as intending to chili the ardor for the Canada expediuon. It is very true, that to possess ourselves of the C.tnadas, ar.d Nova Scotia and their dependen- cies, it would cost thcbc United States, at the least estimate, I'O^!/ *^^'-- iions of Dollars ; and th-it Great Britain, national pride, and her pledge of protection to the people of that country, being put cut ot the tjuci. tion, would sell you the wliole territory for half the money. I make ao objcciion, hov.cvcr, oa this accouot. On the conuarv, Icj the pu:- poses of the present argument, I may admit, that pecuniary calculation ought to be put out of the field, whsn spiric is to be shewn or honor vin- dicated. I only design to inquire how our maritime rights arc protect- ed, by such invasion. Suppose that, in every land project, you are successful. Suppose both the Canadas. Quebec, Halifax, ard every thing to the North Pole yours, by tair conquest Aic .our right-on th|^cean, therefore, secure ? Docs your flag Hoat, afterwards, in ho- nor ? Are y')ur seamen sa e from impressment ? Is your course along the high-way of nations unobstructed ? No one pretends it. No one has, or can shew, by any logical deduction, or any detail of facts, that the loss of those countries would so compress Great Britain, as to in- duce her to abandon for one hour, any of her maritime pretensions. What then results? Why, sir, what is palpable as the day, thac mari- time rights are only to be maintaiHed by maritime means. This spe- cies of protection must be given, or all clamor about maritime rights will be understood, by the people interested in them, to be hollow or false ; or, what is worse, an intention to co operate, with the enemies of our commerce in a still further embarrassment of it. While I am on this point, I cannot refrain from noticing a strange solecism, which seems to prevail, touching the term i l g. It is talked about, as though there was something mystical in its very na ure ; as though a rag, with certain stripes and stars upon it, tied to a stick, and called a flag, was a wizzard's wand, and eiuailed secuiiry on every thing under it, or within its sphere. There is nothing like all this, in the nature of the thing A flag is the evidence of power. A. land flag is the evidence of land power. A maritime flag is the evi- dence of maritime power. You may have a piece of bunting upon a staff, and call it a flag, but if you have no maritime power to maintain it, you have a name, and no reality ; you have the shadow, without the substance ; you have the sign of a flag, but in truth — you havlno flag. In co;ihiderinu this subjeci oi m ■ itunc pioiiciion, I sluil rt-cur to the nature and degree of it, and to our capacity to extend it. And, here, we are always met, at the very threshold with this objection ; "A naval force requires much time to get it into readiness, and the exigency will be past, before the preparation can be com- pleted." Tiius want of foresight, in times p.ist, is made .m apology for want of foresiglu, in the time present. — We were unwise in the beginning, and unwise we resolve to continue, until the end of the chapter. We refuse to do uny thing until the moment of exigency, and then it is too late. Thus our improvidence is nude sponsor for our disinclination. But what is the law of nature and the dictates of wisdom, on this subject ? The casualties of life, the accidents, to which man is exposed, are the modes, esiiiblished by Providence, for his instruction. This is the law of our nature. Hence it is that adversity is said to keep a school, f©r ceit;>in people, who will learn in no other. Hence, too, the p(jet likins it to " a toalc. liecause wc cannot maintain our rights against the strong, shall we bear insult, and invite plunder, from the weak? Because there is one Leviathan, in the ocean, shall every shark sati- ate his maw, on our fatness, with impunity ? Bill let us examine this doctrine of utter inability to maintain our maritime liv^hts, against Great Britain, so obstrusively and vehe- menily maintained by some, who clamor the most violently, against her insults and injuries. If the project were to maintain our mari- time rii^hts, against that mistress of the sea, by convoys spread over every ocean, there would, indeed, be, something, ludicrously fanciful and w ild, in the proposition. But nothing like this is either propos- ed, or desired. The humility of commercial hope, in reference to that nation, rises no higher than the protection of our harbors, the security of our coasts and coasting trade. Is it possible that such a power as this shall be denied to exist, in this nation ? If it exist, is it possible that its exercise shall be wi;h-held ? Look at the present state of our harbours and sea-coast. See their exposure, I will not say to the fleets of Great Britain, but to any single ship of the line ; to any single frigate ; to any single sloop of war. It is true the policy of that nation induces her to regard your proliil/itoiy laws, and licr ships, now, seldom visit your ports. But suppose her policy should change ; suppose any one of her ships of war should chuse to burn any of the numerous settlements upon your sea-cost; or to plunder the inhabitants of it ; would there not be some security to those exposed citizens, if a naval force were lying, in every great harbour of the United States, competent to protect, or avenge the aggression of any single ship of war, of whatever force ? Would not the knowledge of its existence teach the naval comman- ders of that nation, both caution and respect ? Sir. It is worthy of this nation, and fully within its capacity, to maintain such a force. Not a single sea-bull should put his head over our acknowledged wa- ter-line, without finding a power suflicient to take him by the horns. ' But it is said that, ''in case of actual war, with Gicat Britain, our " sliips would be useless. She would come and taue them." In re- ply, to this objection, 1 shall not recur to those details of circumstan- ces, already so frequently stated, which would give our ships of war, fighting, on their own coasts, and in the proximity of relief and supply, so many ndvaiitagcs over the ships of a nation, obliged to come three thousand miles to the coinl)at. But allowing this argument, from British naval superiority its full force, I ask. What is that temper, 15 on which a nation can most safely rely in the day of trial ? Is it that, whicii takes council of fear, or that, which listens, only to ihe sujj- geslions of duty ? Is it that, which magnifies all tlie red dangers, un- til hope and exertion are paralized, in tlicir first gcrniinaiiuns ? Or, is it that, which dares to attempt noble ends, by ai>|):opriaic means , which, wisely, weighing the nature of any anticipated exigency, prepares, according toils powers, resolved that, whuicvcr else it may want, to itself, it will never be wanting ? Grant all that is said, con- cerning British naval superiority, in the events ol war, lias compara- tive weakness nothing to hope from opportunity ? Arc not the cir- cumstances, in which this country and Great Britain would be placed, relative to naval combats, upon our own coast, of a nature to strength- en the hope of such opportunity ? Is it of no worth to a nation to be in a condition to avail itself of conjunctures and occurrences ? Mr. Speaker. Preperation, in such cases, is every thmg. All history is replete wish the trnth, that " the battle is not always lo tlie strong,—. but that time and chance happen to all." Suppose that great Britain should send Twelve Seventy-fours to burn our cities, or lay waste our coasts. Might nob such a naval force be dispersed by storms ; dimi- nished by shipwrecks ; or delayed and weakend by the events of the voyage? In such case, would it be nothing to have even half that number of line of battle ships, in a state of vigorous preparatioii, ready to take the advantage of so probable a circumstance ; and so providential an interposition ? The adage, of our school books, is as true, in relation to states, as to men in common life ;^ " Heaven helps those, who help themselves.'* It is almost a law of nature. God grants every thing to wisdom and virtue. He denies every thing to folly and baseness. Bnt suppose the worst. Grant that, in a battle, such as our brave seamen would fight, in defence of their country ,our naval force be vanquished. What then ? Did ene- mies ever plunder, or violate, more fiercely, when weakened and crip- pled by the effects of a hart' bought victory, than when ilusbcd, their veins full, they rush upon their prey, with cupidity stimuluied by con- tempt ? Did any foe, ever grant to pusillanimity, what it wouUl have denied to prowess ? To be conquered, is not, always, lo be disgraced. The heroes, who shall perish in sucii combats, shall not fill in vain for their country. Their blood will be the most precious, us well as the strongest, cement of our Union. What is it, that constitutes, the moral tie of our nation ? Is it that paper contract, callcil ihe consti- tution ? Why is it, that the man of Virginia, the man of (."arolina, and the man of Massachusetts are dearer to each oihci- ilian is, to ei- ther, the man of South America or the West Indies ? Locality lus lit- tle to do with implanting this inherent feeling and personal acquain- tance lesSi Whence, then, does it result but from ttiat moral sen- timent, which pervades all and is precious to all, of having shareil common dangers,forthe attainment of coramoa blessings. Tliestroji:^ ties of every people are those, wliich spring from the hcait and twine through the affections. The family compact of the States has ihi> for its basis, that their heroes have niingled ilieir blood, in ihe same contests j that all have a common right in their glory ; ihat, if I may be allowed the expression, in the temple of patriotism all have the same worship. 16 But "u "is inquired, '' what effect will this policy have upon the pre- sent cxii^ency f" I answer, the happiest, in every aspect. To ex- hibit a definitive intent to maintain maritime rii^lits, by maritime means, what is it, but to dcvclo|>c new stamina of national cliurac- ter ? No nation CUD, or has a rij^ht, to hope respect from others, which does not first learn to respect itself. And how is this to be attained ? IJy a course of conduct, conformable to its duties, and re- lative toils condition. Ifii abandons, what it ought to defend ; i*" it flics f^rom tlie field, it is bound to maintain, how can it hope for hon- o" ? To what other inheritance is it entitled, but dis.a;race ? For- eign nations, un(loul)tediy, look upon this union, with eyes, long read in the history of man ; and with thout^hts, deeply, versed, in the cflccts of passion and interest, upon independent states, associa- ted by lies, so, apparently, slight and novel. They understand well, that the rivalries among the great interests of such states ; the nat- ural envyings, which, in all countries, spring between agriculture, commerce and manufactories ; the inevitable jealousies and tears of each other, of south and north, interior and sea-board; the incipi- ent, or progressive rancour of party animosity; are the essential weaknesses of sovereignties, thus, combined. Whether these caus- es shall operate, or whether ihey shall cease, foreign nations will gather from the features of our policy. They cannot believe that such a nation is strong, in the aft'eclions of its associated parts, when they see the vital interests of whole states abandoned. But reverse this policy ; show a definitive and stable intent to yield the natural protection to such essential interests ; then ihey will respect you. And, to powerful nations, honor comes attended by safety. Mr. Speaker — What is national disgrace? Of wh.-tt stuff is it com- posed ? Is a nation disgraced because its (lag is insulted ; — because its seamen are impressed ; — because its course, upon the highway of the ocean, is obstructed ? No, sir. Abstractedly considered, all this is not disgrace. Because all this may happen to a nation, so weak as not to be able to maintain the dignity of its (lag ; or the freedom of its citizen's ; or the safely of its course. Natural weak- ness is never disgrace. But, sir, this is disgrace ; when we submit to insuh, and to injury, whicli we have the power l« prevent, or re- dress. Its essential constituents are want of sense, or want of spirit. When a nation, with anijjle means, for its defence, is so thick in the brain, as not to put them into a suitable slate of preparation ; or, when, with sufTicitnt muscular force, it is so tame, in spirit, as to seek saftiv, not in manly eilort, but in retirement ; then a nation is disgraced ; then it sinks from its high and soveieign cliaracler, into th.it of the tiibe of Issachar, touching down, between two burdens ; tli<- liench l)urdcn, on the one side, and the British burden, on the other, so dull, so lifeless, so stupid, that, were it not for is brayinLr, il c(iuld not be disii.iguishef' from the «lod of the valley. It is impossible for European nations not to know, lliatwe a:c the second commercial country in the world ; that we have more than seven millions of pc<»ple ; with less annual expemlilurc and more uni'lcdged sovirtcs of revenue than any nation, of the civilized world. Vet a nation, thus, distinguished, auoundinjj in we.dlh, in 17 enterprise and in power, is seen, flyinq; away from '' the unprofitable contest," ab.mcloniii,u^ ihe field of coniroveisy ; takinjj it-tuye bvhind its own doors and softcnini^ the rigors of o[)prebsion ...bioad, by a coiTipariso:., with worse torments, at liome. OurIu such a nation to ask lOi- respect ? Is liicrc any other mode ol relief from this dcptii of disgrace, than by a cliangc of national conduct and char- acv ? With re?pect to Great Britain, it seems impossible, that such a change in our policy, should not be auspicious!. No nation ever did, or ever can con- duct towards one, that i- true, in the same way as it conducts towards one, that i- false to all its obligations. Clear conceptions of interest and faithful fulfilment of duty, ab certainly injure, sooner or later, honour and safety, as blindness to intere:.t and abandonment of duty do, as-.uredly, entail disgrace and embarrassment. In relation to the principle, which regulates the com- mercial contluct of Great Britain towards the United States, there is much scope for diversity of opinion. Perhaps, those judge most truly, who do not attribute to her any very di-tinct, or uniform, system of action, in relation to us ; but who deem her course to re8ult from views of temporary expedience, growing out of the circumstances of the time, and the character of our ad- mini trarion. If this be the case, then, whatever course of conduct ha» a tendency to show a change, in the character of the American policy must produce a proportionate change, in that of the British. And if tamcuess and sy tcmatic abandonment of our commercial rights ha»e had the effect to bring upon U-. to many miseries, a contrary course of conduct, having for its basis a wise spirit and systematic naval support, it may well be hoped, will have the opposite efiect of renewing our prosperity. But, if it be true, asi is so fre- quently and so confidently, a-serted, that Great Britain is jealous of our com- mercial greatness ; if it be true that ohe would depress us, as rival- ; if she begins to regard us as a power, which may soon curb, if not, in afcertimes spurn, her proud control on her favorite element, then, indeed, she may be disposed to quench the ardor of our naval enterprise ; then, indeed, it may be her care so to shape the course of her policy as to deprive our commerce of all hope of its natural protection ; and to co-operate with, and cherish, 3uch an administration, in this country, as hates a naval force and loves com- mercial restriction In this view of her policy ; and I am far from asserting, it i". not correct, is it not obviou , that she may be content, wiih the present condition of our commerce ? Except acknowledged colonial va??alage, what state of things would be more de irable to her ? I'he whole sea is her own. Her American rival, tamely, make cession of it to her possession. Our com- mercial capital is, already, seeking employment, in her cities; and our sea- men, in her ships. What then results ? Is it not, on this view of her policy, undeniable, that an administration, in this country, for the purposes of Great Britain, is such as thinks commerce not worth having, or not worth defend- ing ; such as, in every scheme of nominal protection, meditates to it nothing, but additional embarrassment and eventual abandonment ? Must not such an admini tration be convenient to a Briti h ministry, if such be Briti-h poli- ty ? And if British ministers should ever find such an administration, in this country, made to their hand", may we not anticipate that they will take care, to manage, vvith a view to its continuance in power ? Of all policy the most ominou to British ascendancy, is that of a systematic, maritime defence of our maritime rights. The general effect of the policy, I advocate, is to produce confidence at home, and respect abroad The.e are twin shoots from the same stock and never fail to flouri h, or fade together. Confidence is a plant of no mushroom growth and of no anificial texture. It springs, only, from sage councils and ge*ierou endeavors. The p»-otection, you extend must be efficient and suit- ed to the nature of the object, you profess to maintain. If it be neither ad- C 18 equate, nor appropriate, your wisdom may be doubted, your motive^ maybe di tru-ttd, but, in vain, you expect confidence. The inh ibit^nts of the ca« board will iiuiiiire of their own senses and not of your logic, concerning the reality of their protection. As to reipect abroad, what course can be more certain to ensure it ? What object more honourable, what more dignified, than to behold a great nation pur^uing wi-^e ends, by appropriate means ; rising to adobt a serie-; of -ys- tematic exertions, suited to her power and adequate to her purpo es ? What object more consolatory to the friends, what more paralizing to the enemies of our union, tha •■ to behold the natural jealousies and rivalries, which are the acknowledged dangers of our political condition, subsiding, or sacrific- ing ■ What sight more exhiiirating than to see thi^ great nation, once more, •walking forth, among the nation^ of the earth, under the protection of no fo- reign shield ? Peaceful, because powerful. Powerful, bccau'e united in in- terest^ and amalgamated by concentration of those interests, in the national affection . But kt the opposite policy prevail ; let the essential interests of the great compoiient parts of thi^ union find no protection, under the national arm ; in- stead of safety, let them realize oppre-sion, and the seeds of diocord, and dis- solution are, inevitably, «,own, in a soil, the be.-t fitted for their root, and af- fording the richest nourishment for their cxpanbion. It may be a long time before they ripen. But, sooner, or later, they will assuredly, burst forth, in all their destructive energies. In the intermediate period, what aspect does an luiion, thus destitute of cement, pre ent ? Is it that of a nation keen to discern and strong to resi t violations of its sovereignty ? It has rather the appearance of a casual collection of semi-barbarou=! clans ; with the torms of civilization and with the rude and rending pa -ions of the avage state. In tiuth, powerful. Vet, as to any foreign effect, imbecile Rich in the goods of fortune, yet wanting that inherent spirit, without which a nation is poor ind'cd ; their strength exhausted, by struggles for local power ; their moral sense debased, by low intrigue^ for personal popularity, or temporary pre-em- inence ; all their thoughts turned, not to the -afety uf the ■.tate, but to the elevation of a chieftain. A people, presenting such an a pect, — what have they to expect abroad ? What, but piliage, inuit and corn ? The choice is before us. Per-i