1 01 I? LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 010 091 612 5 ms^~- -ee^ I' THE DISMISSAL OF MAJOR GRANVILLE 0. HALLER, OF THE REGULAR ARMY, OF THIS ITIsriTIEID STATIES, \\ BY OEDEE OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR, IN SPECIAL ORDERS, No. 331, OF JULY 25th, 1863. ALSO, A Brief Memoir of his Military Services, AND A FEW OBSERVATIONS. "They that have done the deed, are honorable : " What private griefs they have, alas, I know not, "That made them do 't ; they are wise and honorable, " And will, no doubt, with reason answer yon." Mark 'Antony's "Oration pver Caesar. PRINTED AT THE DAILY GUARDIAN OFFICE, BROADWAY, CORNER OF MAIN STREET. 1863. B^ds- THItl DISMISSAL OF MAJOR GRANVILLE 0. RALLER, or THE REGULAR ARMY, OF TIBIIE UNITED STATES BY OKDEK OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR, IN SPECIAL ORDERS, No. 331, OF JULY 25th, 1863. ALSO, A Brief Memoir of his Military Services, AND A FEW. OBSERVATIONS. " They that havo done the deed, are honorable : " What private griefs they have, alas, I kri6w h ojf— " That mado them do 't ; they are >ppis«/and h#fj,prable* " And will, no doubt, with reason answer you. "J I Mark Aniom's Oration over (jAiis&n. 3?aterson, N. J. PRINTED AT THE DAILY GUARDIAN OFFICE, BROADWAY, CORNER OF MAIN STREET, 1863, CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS. On page 16th, line 26th, read : [Yet he picked up and brought away some Southern man's slave, and had his services when this let- ter was written. It was the interference of Northern men with the slaves of Southern men and not slavery itself that has proved "A CURSE " "A year ago," he says, "I was a pro-slavery man, hut I saw enough" — During this year he was on shipboard, and the Planters were at war with the North, then, what could he have seen "down south to change my views entirely ?"~] Same page, line 39th, omit comma to read : "service charge." On page 18th, line 23rd, insert 7 and 8, to read : "copied on pages 7 and 8." Same page, line 27th, add to the words "and was strongly advised against it." This was in May last, two months after the charges had been sent to the War Department, and as the Secretary of War had not entertained them, it was considered a sufficient refutation, and on this ground the subject was dropped. Same page, line 35th, for "application" read "explanation." Next to last line, page 21st, read "this averment." On page 28th, the following paragraph was omitted — to come in before that "In 1844"—: In 1843, I was appointed Adjutant of the 4th Infantry, which office I held during the life time of Col. J. H. Vose, from whom I received the appointment. Same page, line 22nd, read "Nachitoches." Page 39th the Translator followed the French orthography of Father Pandosy, in Indian names. Owvrai is better known as Ow- hi, the brother-in-law of Kamiarken ; and Sklon as Skilu-om, a brother of this great chief. Page 66th, line 16th, read "Gettysburg Pa., June 25th 1863." Page 69th, line 24th, read : "to ascertain, if possible, the number approaching." Pages 74 and 75, read : "defense of Wrightsville" and "defenses." THE DISMISSAL Major Granville 0- Haller, REGULAR ARMY, THE TTIKriTEID STATES — fr o War Department, Adjutant General's Office, Washington, D. C, July 25th, 1863. ) Special Orders, ) No. 331. f [extract. ] By direction of the President, the following named officers are hereby dismissed the service of the United States : Major Granville 0. Haller, 7th U. S. Infantry, for disloyal conduct and the utterance of disloyal sentiments. * * * -X- -X- * -X- * # By orc^er of the Secretary of War, (Signed) E. D. T0W T NSEND, Asst, Adj. General. Official : (Signed) Robt. Williams, A, A, Q, DISCOVERY OP THE DISMISSAL, AND WHAT WAS DONE TO REPAIR THE DAMAGES. By the merest accident I heard of my dismissal, while on duty, making out certain reports in York, Pa., and hastened to Washington to learn the cause of it. On the 29th of July I called at the War Department, and on inquiry I was informed that one Clark H. Wells, a Lieut. Commander of the U. S. Navy, had been recently there in person, calling the Secretary of War's attention to a letter he had written some four months before, and of which he (Wells) had furnished me a copy : that this Naval Officer was thereupon sent before Colonel Joseph Holt, the Judge Advocate General, U. S. Army, who examined him and administered to him an oath, and then submitted a re- port with comments upon the statements. The whole proceedings were done privately, Avithout giving me the slightest notice of any accusations being entertained against me by the War Department, and, of course, I was de- barred the privilege of meeting my accuser face to face and of cross-examining him ; also, of proving by the direct testi- mony of an officer who was present, that the statements con- tained in said Wells' letter to the Secretary of War were false. I hastened'back to York and there prepared a letter, some- what in the form of a defence to serve me, in a measure, in place of that regular defence which I had no opportunity before to make. It was dated on the 8th of August, 1863, and will be found in the concluding pages of this statement, in which I re- quested " the privilege of proving before a Court of Inquiry, or properly authorized Court, that the report was made upon the false testimony of an incompetent and irresponsible witness." Learning that the Honorable Jeremiah S. Black, Ex- Attorney General of the United States, under President Buchanan, in- tended shortly after to repair to Washington, and having found him on all occasions a warm and consistent friend of mine, and knowing moreover that Mr. Stanton was indebted to Judge Black for the California cases which gave him prominence as a Lawyer, and for suggesting him (Mr. Stanton) for Attorney- General, while lie (Judge Black) took charge of the Port-folio of the Secretary of State, — I requested Judge Black to do me the kindness to present my defence to the Secretary of War. This he has done, and was promised an answer, after careful perusal, yet the Secretary has not had the courtesy to reply as he promised. In the middle of September I again repaired to Washington, and there submitted the following applications, to wit : Ebbitt House, J Washington, D. C, September 15th, 1863. j Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Sib : I respectfully request that I may be furnished with a copy of the pro- ceedings of Col. Holt, Judge Advocate General, U. S. A., upon whose report I have been dismissed the service of the United States. I am, Sir, very respectfully, Your Obedient Servant, GKANVLLLE O. HALLEE, (late a Major 7th U. S. Infantry. ) This letter was returned to me with the following endorse- ment on the back, viz. : " Eespectfully returned to Major G. O. Halleb. The Secretary of War de- ' ' clines to accede to his request " ' ' By order of the Secretary of War. (Signed) JAS. A. HARDIE, War Department, September 19th, 'G3. A. A. G. To G. O. Halleb, Esq., York, Pa." (Received, York, September 23d, in the evening. ) ' The other application was as follows : Ebbitt House, Washington, D. C. ( September 16th, '63. j Hon. Edw. M. Stanton, Secretary of War : Sib : I respectfully call your attention to my letter, dated at York, Penna., August 8th, 1863, and which was presented by the Hon. Jebemiah S. Black, Ex- Attomey General of the U. S., in which I asked for a Court of Inquiry or prop- erly authorized Court, but have received no reply. I beg leave to renew the subject, and respectfully request that I may be ordered or allowed to appear before the Commission now in session, in this city, which investigates cases where Officees of the Army have been dismissed the service of the United States, without previously having had an opportunity of de- fending themselves from the charges alleged against them. The special orders, No. 331. current series, announces that I have been dis- missed for "■disloyal conduct and the utterance of disloyal sentiments," and Lieut. Commander C. H. Wells, U. S. Navy, has alleged against me as follows : "Here's to a Northern Confederation and a Southern one while Lincoln is President' This was given in the shape of a toast to Major Whiting, and which called forth a se- vere rebuke from me, and which was the cause of my leaving him." I wish to prove by the direct testimony of Major Chaeles J. Whiting, 2d U. S. Cavalry, that I never gave him such a toast, and that he did not leave me for this reason. And, by a cross-examination of the said Lieut. Commander Wells, I wish to prove the real cause of his leaving me, and expose his unworthy con- duct and character. I will prove that this same Lieut. Commander Wells, after having taken the new oath of allegi ance, spoke of it to a visitor as having "just performecTthe most painful act of his life, that he had been compelled to take the oath of allegiance or be dismissed from the service, and that his necessities had made him do this violence to his views regarding the war then commencing," or words of similar import. Also other items which will show how to estimate his statement. I wish also to prove by the testimony of Brigadier General Haupt, and Ma- jor General Burnside that in December last, the time of his visit, my conduct was marked for its loyalty ; and by Major General Couch, that at the time he (Wells) was in Washington personally endeavoring to create a doubt as to my loyalty, my conduct was truly loyal. I believe that I can prove by evidence that my conduct uniformly has been truly loyal. I have now in my possession the written testimony of Major Generals Burnside and Couch as to my loyalty. I trust that my actions will be better proof of my sentiments than mere words. In my communication I have not asked to be reinstated. I have merely asked what I have been taught to regard in this country as a well established right — the right to face my accuser, to cross-examine him, and produce evidence which may rebut his accusations. I deem it a duty to my family, to my friends, and to my country, as well as to myself, to seek an investigation and prove that I have been misrepresented. I beg leave to add that my circumstances require me soon to repair to Wash- ington Territory, and I understand that Lieut Commander Wells, U. S. Navy, will be sent to sea in a few weeks. I therefore respectfully request a speedy de- cision on my application. I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, • GRANVILLE O. HALLER, (Late Major 7th U. S. Infantry. Not hearing from the War Department up to the morning of the 23d of September, I wrote the following letter : York, Penna, September 23d, 1863. My Dear Colonel : On handing you my two applications (one for a copy of Judge Holt's pro- ceedings in my case, and the other asking to be ordered before the Commission sitting in Washington to have my case investigated) you were kind enough to say that you would attend to them and give me an answer. Allow me to ask : If you have forwarded any answer to those applications ? If not, is there any reason why I should wait longer for an answer? Had I been tried by a Court Martial you are aware that I would have been entitled to a copy of the proceedings in ray case from the War Department. As the proceedings of Col. Holt caused my dismissal it seems equally clear that I should be allowed a copy of the facts and of his comments. I learned in Washington incidentally that the Commission (of which General Ricketts is President, now setting in your city, ) has investigated cases where officers had been dismissed for perhaps six months, and by this means established their innocence, and of cases where officers have been charged with forgery and other criminal acts. I am therefore aware of no serious objection to my case being referred to it. If I can get no answer, or a refusal, the conclusion is forced upon me that the War Department would prefer that the public should believe that I have been guilty of ' ' disloyal conduct, " and have uttered ' ' disloyal sentiments, " and leaves me no other means of defence than to publish, as General Franklin has done, a pamphlet in vindication of my loyalty, and let the public judge between us. I will esteem it a favor to receive from you a prompt reply, either officially or privately, to determine my future action. I am, Dear Colonel, Truly Yours, GRANVILLE 0. HALLER. Lieut. Col. Jas. A. Haedie, Asst. Sec'y of War, Washington, D. C. This letter was delivered in the post office, and the same evening the endorsement on letter of September 15th came to hand. To this time, no other communication has been re- ceived, and I therefore submit the case as it is known. THE CHARGES. The following is a copy of the letter written to the Secretary of War, by Clark H. Wells, U. S. N., over four months before my dismissal, and the only charges known to me, as having been made. Navt Yabd, j Philadelphia, March 3d, 1863. j Sub : As a loyal officer of the U. S. Navy, it becomes my duty, however pain- ful, to report to you, officially, Major Gbanville O. Hallee, U. S. A., now a Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Sixth Infantry, for uttering disloyal sentiments in my presence, on the night of December 16th or 17th, 1862, in his tent opposite 8 Fredericksburg, Va., such as these : "Here's to a Northern Confederation and a Southern one, while Lincoln is President." This was given in the shape of a toast to Major Whiting, and which called forth a severe rebuke from ine, and which was the cause of my leaving him, and when I had declared my intention of doing so, inconsequence of his disloyal language, he replied "that if his presence was so disagreeable to me, he would procure as a companion to share with me his tent, a Black Republican, and he would go elsewhere." He had also said on a former occasion, "that he considered the President responsible for the loss of life at the battle of Fredericksburg." I enclose to you copies of two let- ters addressed to Major now Brevet Lieut. Col. Haller, and extract from his in relation to this matter, which I conceive to be my duty to lay before you. I will furnish a copy of this letter to Major, now Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Haller. Respectfully yours, C. H. WELLS, Lieut. Commander, TJ. S. N. Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington City, D. C. DIRECT TESTIMONY. The Major Whiting, alluded to as the officer to whom I gave a toast, is Major Charles J. Whiting, 2nd U. S. Cavalry, who, on my sending him recently a copy of Wells' letter, writes : Portland, Me., September 27th, 18G3. My Dear Major : Yours of the 23d I received yesterday, also a copy of C. H. Wells' letter to the Secretary of War. I say without any hesitation, that upon the time referred to in his letter, you never proposed such a toast, as he says you did, or uttered any sentiments which a true lover of his country might not have uttered, even as an officer of the army. I cannot recollect the whole conversation ; but my recol- lection of the general tenor of it is very distinct — and I think Lieut. Wells first got offended with you, upon your asking him why he had not crossed the pon- toon bridge ? which question was drawn from you by Wells' insinuating, that you had always remained at Headquarters. You are at liberty to show this let- ter to any of your friends, and state publicly or in print, that I pronounce Lieut. Wells' statement in regard to you, in connection with my name, as false in spirit, as well as letter. Yours truly, CHAS. J. WHITING. Received at York, Pa., October 3d, 1863, on my return from Chambersburg, Pa. 9 But the accusations date back to December 16th or 17th; 1862, at which time Major General Burnside was in command. Desirous of knowing, whether or not he was satisfied with my conduct and loyalty, after I had been accused of " disloyal sen- ments" by this unfortunate Wells, I addresed a note to him, and received the following reply : Headqttartees Department op the Ohio, [ Cincinnati, O., March 27, 1863. \ Major Granville 0. Holler, Headquarters Army Potomac : My Dear Major : I take great pleasure in answering yours of the 22d inst. , and awarding to you my cordial approbation of your services while under my command. The interest, skill, and loyalty you have always manifested in the performance of your duties, was a subject of comment at our Headquarters, and the result of your labors was always satisfactory. Your faithful services, both before the breaking out of this rebellion, and since the commencement of the war, have given abundant proof to the public of your devotion to your country, and your friends who have known you need no evidence to substantiate your loyalty and true patriotism. I regret that you find it necessary to ask to be relieved from your post, and trust your health may soon allow you to return to duty in the field. I am, Sir, Very truly yours, A. E. BUKNSIDE, Maj. Gen. At the time this unfortunate Wells was in Washington, per- sonally playing the part of an Informer, I was employed by Major General Couch, as an Extra Aide-de-camp, and busily engaged, at remote points from him, in organizing the militia ; obstructing the roads in the South Mountain ; directing mili- tary operations ; and with a few score of mounted men, observ- ing the enemy, and keeping the General advised of the Kebel movements, in Adams and York Counties. In a private letter I had the honor to receive from General Couch, after he had learned the alleged grounds for my dismis- sal, alluding to the cause of it, he writes that it " perfectly as- tounded me, never dreaming but that you were as loyal as my- self." 10 On the 27th of June, 1863, alluding to my services in the neighborhood of Gettysburg, in a telegram to me he says : " Your assistance has been invaluable." And, in an " official " letter, he writes as follows : Head Quabtees, Depaetment of Susquehanna, I Chanibersburg, August 13, '63. t Major G. 0. Haller, York, Pa. : Deae Sie : I duly received your letter of the 28th inst., transmitting reports of your operations at Gettysburg, York, Columbia, &e. , while serving in the ca- pacity of Aide-de-camp on my Staff. Having carefully read these reports, I was impressed with the energy, action and good judgment displayed by you at the time of the invasion. Without any organized force at the commencement of it, you, with the aid of loyal citizens of Gettysburg and vicinity, were enabled to make a show of resistance to the in- vaders, and keep this department, and therefore the General Government, well informed of rebel movements. Yonr services were valuable to the country. For this Department I ex- press to you my thanks. You can leave to your children the proud heritage that when your State was threatened by the fearful calamity of rebel invasion you were among the very foremost of its defenders. I am very respectfully, Your Obedient Servant, D. N. COUCH, Major General. Here I might allow my case to rest. The testimony of Major Whiting and of Major Generals Bumside and Couch are consis- tent and conclusive. Although actions are better evidence than words, the words themselves are here conclusive. But this is not the only testimony I have to produce. I will show before closing my defence that this unfortunate "Wells has been a Democrat, a Secessionist, and a Republican and Negro Sympathizer, which are not only inconsistent but cannot fail to excite a lively mistrust in his love for truth and for fixed princi- ples. But at the date, the 16th or 17th of December, he was stopping with me as my guest, yet he ignores the rules of hos- pitality, and endeavors to injure me, for he tells Mr. Stanton of a toast I should have given Major Whiting, which caused him to give me a severe rebuke, then leave my tent, never to come near 11 it again so. far as his letter goes. His language in this letter plainly tells that he could not any longer hold intercourse with me — one so disloyal as myself. But I will now present a few of his letters to me after this event, to give the lie from his own lips to this idea, thrown out by him to gull Secretary Stanton. He says ijiat I gave that toast, on the 16th or 17th of December. Now only two or three days after this, he wrote to me as fol- lows : Yoke, Pa., December 19, 1862. My Dear Major : I arrived home safely in a few hours after leaving General Franklin's tent, and found all the folks well. Mrs. Haller and the children took supper with us last evening, and had j r ou been present you would have enjoyed the oysters, which were very fine indeed. I enjoyed them the more, as my appetite had been sharpened by my brief campaign in Virginia. I gave your wife all the news, and when I had done, I found that I had not imparted anything that she had not seen in the papers. The people, as well as I can judge, are not dispirited in the least ; those who sympathize with the South are exultant as a matter of course, and would no doubt give expression to their thoughts if they thought they could do so with impunity. [Here he admits that he has not heard of a single instance where a person has given expression to his thoughts, but it is a matter of course, in his mind, that there are Southern sympa- thizers and that they are exultant. Is not a clause like this mere slander ?] All admire the gallant conduct of Franklin, inasmuch, that his friends here are going to present him with a sword, which he is certainly deserving of, and which he will no doubt appreciate. [On my return to York, I found that the statement about the presentation of a sword was a mere freak of his imagina- tion!] There is nothing else going on in town ; even the battle of Saturday last is lit- tle talked of, which shows the phlegmatic character of our population. I travelled to Washington in company with Lieut. B., (Corps of Engineers), and learned from him that you had had another entertainment, the effects of which he felt in the shape of a headache. How did you stand it ? I am afraid that these little social gatherings tend to make you express yourself too openly on po- litical subjects, which some civilian might take advantage of, and use it to your prejudice, and so I would caution you to be more giiarded. [Does not this im- ply that he would scorn, as all officers would, to take advantage ©f, and use to my prejudice, any opinions I express in the privacy of my tent to friends '?] I shall ever recollect my visit to the Army, and bear witness to the bravery and devotion of our troops. It has made a most pleasant impression upon my mind, and I am more confident than ever of our ultimate success. Remember me kindly to Captain dishing and to Major Whiting ; also those whose names I cannot now recollect. 12 Lieut. Spaulding, 2d Cavalry, was kind enough to loan me his horse, when I rode to Franklin's Headquarters. I returned hirn the next day by an Orderly from Franklin's Corps. I hope he arrived safely, as he had been well taken care of. Thank Mr. Spaulding for me for his horse and kind attentions ; also Dr. Wil- son, who lives in the same tent with him. I saw the Asst. Secretary of the Navy for a moment, and he assured me that I should be ordered as Captain of the Philadelphia Navy Yard ; so I shall soon leave. If I can be of any service to you let me know. I saw your brother this morn- ing, and gave him a brief account of yourself, and the military operations before Fredericksburg. Look out for the bridge over the Potomac Creek, I came across in an open car, and, I felt very much like a man suspended by a wire. Let me hear from you soon. Sincerely yours, C. H. WELLS, U. S. N. Here he says : " If I can be of any seevice to you let me know." Is this the language to be expected from him, after writing such statements to Mr. Stanton? In this letter he makes a direct allusion to my political opinions, but shows most clearly that he was not offended at them, and would scorn to take advantage of them or use them to my prejudice, but it oc- curred to him that some civilian might, and he therefore cau- tioned me to be more guarded. But so innocent was I of hav- ing said anything on political subjects which could possibly in- jure me with an honorable man, that, in my reply, I wrote him that all I had said I woulfl not hesitate to repeat, even before the President, if ho desired to learn my views. This letter from him, standing by itself, will satisfy the most skeptical that my political opinions had not offended the unfortunate man, nor caused him to leave my tent. But sometime about midnight, perhaps one o'clock in the morning, he left my tent " in a huff" to sleep elsewhere, and he labors hard to connect it with the imaginary toast that I gave to Major Whiting. As Major Whiting unhesitatingly declares that I never gave any such toast, it is evideut that he labors un- der some hallucination, or is lending himself to some " hell-born" scheme — borrowing one of his favorite adjectives. And here, 13 perhaps, it will be proper to show the real cause of this " much ado about nothing." Ou the evening in question, I had unexpectedly received some Scotch whisky, and as some friends came in I offered them a hot punch, and, of course, gave to my guest at the same time. He drank cautiously, but as officers came in, at different times, he drank often, and by midnight, the punch, I have supposed, had affected his mind so far as to show peculiarities of his dis- position. I had taken the pains to explain to him the difficul- ties, the causes of delay, and failure of the Peninsular Cam- paign. I spoke of South Mountain and Antietam as proofs of Gen'. McClellan's abilities, and I expressed regret that at the moment the General was leading his successful Army through Virginia, and had expressed his expectation in four or five days more to be in a position to compel the enemy to fight him on a field of his own choosing, and we knew the Army of the Poto- mac never before was in better fighting condition, and therefore we all felt confident of great results. — I explained to him that it was not necessary to attack the Confederate Army behind in- trenchments at Culpepper C. H., if we could reach the Railroad from Richmond without it : the supplies from Richmond once cut off, the intrenchments would be of little value : and the Army of the Potomac once between Lee's Army and Richmond would have great advantages in its favor — but the election in New York having turned against the Administration, it was fol- lowed by the removal of General McClellan, and all our pros- pects on his proposed line of march were given up ; for the new commander adopted a different line and plan of operations. Thus, for the victories we anticipated, we had now to mourn over the disasters at Fredericksburg. I thought the interference of the Administration had changed certain victory into disaster. I deprecated politics Avhen it was allowed to interfere with the management of Armies : that the interference had brought about heavy losses and defeat at Fredericksburg, and the Administra- tion were in this light responsible for the losses and all the con- sequences which should follow from the change. But Mr. Wells saw that this view would not inspire the people with confidence 14 in what he called " the government" and intimated that I ought to take some other view, " for it is the duty of all officers to sustain the Government." I then explained to him the differ- ence between "the Government" and "the Administration." That when the Administration was controlled by the Constitu- tion and the Laws of Congress, and its actions regulated by pure Patriotism, then I believed every officer and the whole country should and would support it. But I left it to him to say if the re- moval of McClellan was from Patriotic or from Party motives ? And his reply was that he thought I was a " little " disloyal. I then reminded him of my conduct at Fredericksburg, to let my actions speak for my loyalty. He stood by, when Brig. Gen. Haupt, Bailroad Engineer, had told me that two hundred sol- diers and his carpenters, while the firing was going on at Fred- ericksburg, had abandoned their work at the R. R. Bridge, and he could not get on with the work. I then volunteered to fur- nish him with one hundred men of General Headquarters' Guard — the 93d N. Y. Vols. — if General Burnsede would approve of it and I would remain with them and guarantee that none would quit, nor allow his workmen to quit, merely for the firing. Yet, to this service, I received for answer " that there teas no danger in it." Now, as he and I had been that day in Fredericksburg, and each was careful to cross the pontoon bridge during the in- tervals between the enemy's cannonading, I asked him " Why he had not crossed the pontoon bridge when I did ?" He in- stantly flared up and asked " Do you mean to say that I was afraid ?" as if I had imputed an unmanly fear to his action, and from this time he manifested a determination to leave me. He asked Major "Whiting if he might sleep in his tent, intimating that I was disloyal, although he had never before met Major Whiting, who was at a loss to understand his conduct. I then offered him my tent to himself, saying he could take my bed and I would sleep in some friend's tent : but he answered that he would not turn me out of my tent. I then offered " to get him a tent to sleep in, with some Black Republican." But in- stead of appreciating my offer, he insisted upon sleeping in Ma- jor Whiting's tent, without being invited, and packed up his car- 15 pet bag to accompany him. Upon my requesting Major Whi- ting to take him along, he kindly consented to do so. Poor fellow ! I believed then that the punch he had taken had affected his brain, and I dreaded the consequence, for it might bring back a serious attack of his old infirmity, which had placed him under the charge of the physicians in the Penn- sylvania Hospital for the Insane at Philadelphia, for some three months, the year previous. I saw that he was wild, if not be- side himself, but I did not dream that he labored under hallu- cinations, and could forget the conversation of that night. The next afternoon, the excitement had passed off, and he came vol- untarily to my tent, when I told him that I had fearedthat his old infirmity had returned ; but he begged me not to say anj^- thing about the previous evening, and there the matter dropped, he going off to York, Pa., a very cordial friend It was quite a surprise to me to hear him, a month afterwards, give his recol- lections of that night in the extraordinary manner in which he presents it. He writes : Navy Yakd, Philadelphia, [ January 16, 1863. j Major Sailer : My Dear Sie: I should have replied to your letter before, but ever since my arrival at this station I have been kept very busy, and when night conies, I feel too tired to do anything but smoke and chat with the children ; after all there is nothing like one's home, which you have doubtless experienced for so many years. Mrs. is here on a visit for the purpose of procuring some little com- forts for her brother, whom we saw. I am pleasantly situated, having for the first time in my naval career, a Government house to live in, but which I was obliged to furnish to some extent. "Were it not that I have been away a year in the S. A. Squadron and for the sake of my family, I would prefer going to Sea in these exciting times, although my naval friends tell me that I have done my share ; I think not, for I believe that no officer can do too much to assist in crush- ing out this sinful rebellion. During my short visit to Gen. Franklin with whom I have been intimate for many years, I was glad to see that he was thoroughly Union in his sentiments, and had a horror of anything like disloyalty or secession. I have ever enter- tained a high opinion of his abilities as a man and as a soldier. The sword which will be presented to him will have inscribed upon it all the battles he has been engaged in. [This was a most deliberate falsehood, for there was no sword. ] 16 I heard from others in the cainp that his bravery in the battle of Fredericksburg was of the highest order, and that alone entitles him to the distinguished honor of having a sword given him. You mention in your letter that anything you may have said concerning the manner in which this war was carried on you would not hesitate to repeat. [So far as my statements went, I would not hesitate to repeat them, but what he here says I uttered, the reader will seebyMaj. Whitings' letter, "is false in sjririt as ivcll as in letter. ,''] At least I judge so. Do you recollect proposing the toast to Maj. Whiting ? and which was the oceasion of my leaving your tent. " Here's to a Southern Confederacy, and a Northern one during the Administration of Lincoln," and another expression you had made use of before, in charging the President with loss of life in the battle of Fredericksburg, and that you believed "that it was the intention of the Administration to sacrifice the Army of the Potomac in the neighborhood of Eichmond. [This charge he voluntarily abandons in his letter to Secretary Stanton.] If these are your sentiments I would not hesitate to proclaim them, and were I to entertain such, I should resign my Commission. I do not mention these matters with a view of renewing any or causing unpleasant feeling, but merely to show you that you are doing yourself an injustice, for I cannot believe that you think so, [here he admits the above are not my sentiments ! ] otherwise you would not remain in the Aimy. Were the opinions you have ex- pressed before me and others made known, it would be exceedingly prejudicial to you. In these times it is the duty of all officers to sustain the Administration in the suppression of this rebellion. No mid-way course can be taken. A year ago I was, what is termed a pro-slavery man, but I saw enough while down South to change my views entirely, for I regard Slavery as a curse to our Country, and the cause of this hell-born rebellion. [Yet he JiMs. and brought away a negro and has his services now ! J I believe there is nothing new in York ; I have no affection for that place, as it contains a strong disloyal element, chiefly confined to those who have not shouldered the musket. If you should visit the city, I hope you will let me know. I regret very much to hear of the accident to Capt Gushing but I hope ere this he has entirely recovered. This horseback riding I have always considered dan- gerous, I therefore never mounted a horse without feeling uncomfortable. Noth- ing like a ship after all. That Galveston affair we all deplore, being the only mishap to our Navy since the breaking out of the rebellion. We lost four good officers by the pre- mature blowing up of one of the Steamers. The "Patapsco," a new Monitor was here two weeks ago. I regard her as invulnerable. She carries a gun weigh- ing forty-one thousand pounds, and throws a ball of 450 lbs. screw, charge of powder 35 lbs. , also a two-hundred pound rifle. Altogether site is a most for- midable vessel. Kind regards to Maj. Whiting. Did Lieut. Spaulding of his regiment re- ceive the horse which I had returned by one of Gen. Franklin's orderlies ? Kind regards to Capts. Gibson and Franklin, should you meet with them. Let me hear from you, and believe me to bo . Yours sincerely, C. H. WELLfl, U. S. N. 17 As Major Whiting was a disinterested witness, who had seen all and heard all that was said, I desired him to write a let- ter to Wells on purpose to remove the hallucination under which he seemed to labor. But the Major was in Washington on Court martial duty, and that duty generally being tempo- rary, I expected him back almost daily, but before he returned, I received the following letter : Navy 'Yard, ' ) Philadelphia, February 17th, 1863. j Major Holler: My Dear Sir : Since I wrote you in reply to your letter, I have thought so much over what had occurred in your tent, and which was the cause of my leav- ing you, that I cannot see why I should not report your disloyal language to the Secretary of War, painful as it may be. [This expression is undoubtedly used to prepare my mind for the closing, passage. "No one can doubt my loyalty, and I hope you will give me the credit of performing my duty conscientiously. " Now it has come to my knowledge, and I can show by two witnesses, that this unfortu- nate man has spoken of an officer of the U. S. Navy, high in rank, as having a son who was at sea with the South Atlantic Squadron, and this son was in cor- respondence with the Rebels and was helping them, or words of similar import ; and when he was asked why he had not reported the case to the Navy Department, the reply was : "It would only do me harm — it would bring down the Commo- dore on me," or words to this effect ; showing how "conscientiously" he has been performing his duty!] but in these times when we are engaged in a deadly struggle to sustain our Government, I would sacrifice my son. You uttered this expression in my presence, ' ' Here's to a Northern Confede- ration and to a' Southern one, while Lincoln is President," which you gave as a toast to Major Whiting in your tent, and had also said " that you considered the President responsible for the loss of life at the battle of Fredericksburg. " No one can doubt my loyalty, and, I hope you will give me the credit of performing my duty conscientiously. I am yours, C. H. WELLS, Lieut. Commander, TJ. S. N. Immediately on the receipt of the above letter, I wrote to him, as follows : York, Penna., February 18th, 1863. Lieut. Commander Clark II. Wells, U. S. N., Commcmling Navy Yard, Phila : My DtfAR Sir : Your letters of the 16th of January and 17th of February, are received, and contents noticed. 2 18 The absence of Major Whiuno, U. S, A., on a Court Martial at the city of Washington, prevented my laying before him the former of the two letters, antK getting from him a denial of the statements which you make, and then replying to yours. I shall not ask you to take my own statements. Fortunately, there was a witness present on the occasion of the conversation referred to in your let- ters, who saw all, heard all, and knows all that occurred. I have not seen him since the receipt of your letters, and I think when called upon, he will remove the hallucination under which you seem to labor. One thing I remember, and can hardly think that you have forgotten it. I gave a toast, and only one, it was : " The Constitution as it is : The Union as it was!" If this is disloyalty, then as Patrick Henry says : "Make the most of it!" In the frame of mind in which you have written, it is obvious that all pre- vious relations, however agreeable, are ignored. I shall not trouble you, there- fore, with an account of your Mends, or the on dits of this place. As a Mason it is my duty to respect you as a brother, but I trust you will so conduct your course towards all brethren, that discord may not be charged upon you. Fraternally yours, G. O. HALLEE. He became impatient however, and on the 4th of March he forwarded to me a copy of his letter to the Secretary of War, of March 3d, 1863, copied on page — . As soon as my duties per- mitted, I wrote to him the subjoined letter, which discharged the matter from my mind, until dismissed, excepting once, when in York, I proposed to some masonic friends to have this mat- ter investigated, and was strongly advised against it. Camp near Falmouth, Va., ) March 20th, 1863. J ( '. //. Wells, Lieid. Commander, Jjf S. N. : My Dear Sir : Your letter of March 4th, enclosing a copy of your letter to the Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, reporting me "for utteringjdisloyal sentiments in my [your] presence " is received. I have now waited over two weeks to learn what course the War Department would pursue on your state- ments—perhaps you can tell. They have not even asked for an application. It is due to myself to say, that in passing through Washington, on the 24th of February, I called on Major Whiting and showed him your letters, and a copy of mine to you of February 19th, in which I promised or assumed that he wonld make a statement which I had promised to forward to you. He then offered to write one, and as I would leave next morning too early to get it, be was to for- ward it to me here. He returned on the 5th inst., and on the Cth called at my tent and stated that he had forgotten to write. Having stated to you masonically 19 that I thought when he was called upon, he would give you a statement which would remove the hallucination under which you seem to labor. I was entitled as a Mason to a healing ; but your haste indicates rather an over-zealous desire to open a correspondence with the Honorable Secretary of War, than conform to obligations and preserve your honor and character from a foul blot. I take it for granted that the Secretary of War will refer your letter to Major Whiting, and I trust will allow me to be heard in the case. I feel safer in his hands than, I am sorry to say, I would in yours, and the day will come, I trust, when I can have this matter investigated by the Masonic Lodge in York, and your conduct sifted and stamped as it deserves. In your letter of Feb. 20th, you write, "I shall not dwell upon personal al- lusions as the matter has, in my opinion, taken an official character. " This'may be your opinion, but the society in which I have been schooled for the last twen- ty-three years does not allow an officer or gentleman to accept the hospitalities of another as a friend and then go off and comment on what he has seen or heard to that friend's prejudice : much less can he cover himself with his official char- acter when he is not there in his official capacity. But aside from the violations of hospitality and courtesy, there is a question of veracity in your statements. I have heretofore abstained from commenting on your conduct and your lec- tures to me, in your letters, from motives of delicacy. I had no wish to lend my- self in any way to produce an open rupture of our social relations. You must do me the justice to admit in your heart, that you have thrust this issue upon me. You have repeatedly thrust at me your charges of disloyalty, after I told you that I would not ask you to take my own statements, but agreed to leave it to one who saw all, heard all, and knew all that took place. You will yet learn that your statement to the Honorable Secretary of War is false. It is now my turn to lecture you a little and hold up to your gaze a few reflec- tions of your own, for I hold that the old truism " Actions speak louder than icords, '' is a self-evident fact, and by this test I am prepared to compare our Pa- triotism. You saw me in Fredericksburg hasten to the wounded man and aiding there. You know that I volunteered, (when my duties excused me from service which might expose my person to danger, ) to furnish^ne hundred men of my com- mand and stay with them to fix the 11. R. Bridge, because two hundred men had that day fled from that duty. You know too that I am in the field £yid that Gen- erals Buenside and Hooker have retained me in my old position under Gen. McClellan, and they at least are satisfied with my loyalty and the discharge of my duties. How is it with you ? Your patriotism stands mostly on paper. In your let- ter of January 16th you write : "that I [you] had been away a year." [Now think of it, you were "away a year .'" Why, thousands of volunteers left their homes, with business unsettled, and have been away two years /] and for the sake of my [your] /«»»'/(/ [think, too, you have said you are ready "to sacrifice your son," yet your family prevents you doing your duty, for you say] I [you] would prefer going to sea in these exciting times, although my naval friends tell vie that I have done 20 my share. I think not, for I believe that no officer can do too much to assist in crush- ing out this sinful rebellion.'" Here then, family considerations are acknowledged to have crushed outyonr patriotism, for you think that you have not done your share — that you cannot do too much. While you here admit that loyalty and patriot- ism require your services at sea, yet you have sought at the Navy Department for the order placing you in a peaceful station. This is your hoasted loyalty, and in your letter of February 17, you say : "no one can doubt my [your] loyally." I have found, by experience, that the most sanctimonious members of a church — those who intrude their religious feelings on all around them — are the most hypocritical, and have motives for displaying their outward piety. The truly pious man retires to the inner closet and there offers up his devotions. He lets his conduct speak of his moral qualities. So in all relations, I look at a man's actions, not at his professions and boastings, and make up my mind. In your letter of February 17, written from the quiet Navy Yard at Philadelphia, your patriotism reaches the climax. You say : " When we are engaged in a deadly^ struggle to sustain [I suppose you unintentionally omitted the words "the constitu- tion of "] our government, I would sacrifice my son." Had this passage been pre- pared at sea, while devoting your life as a sacrifice, if necessary, to your bleeding country, it might pass for noble patriotism, [although repugnant to our animal instincts, and evincing a most unnatural frame of mind, ] but, while you take such good care of your own life, it sounds very much like buncombe 1 Before that God, whom you profess to worship — who knows our hearts — and who understands our motives — I can fearlessly submit my loyalty and yours, and ask him to judge between us. There are several passages in your letters, which might be noticed in addi- tion to those above. But enough of this. I trust that I may be able soon to get to York, and there I can get an investigation which will decide how far your charges of disloyalty go, and disinterested brethren judge between us. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, G. 0. HALLEE, Major 7th Infantry. THE APPLICATION FOR A COURT OF INQUIRY. The following is the letter first submitted to the Secretary of War, and the Eeader will perceive, after perusing the evidence before him of my loyalty, and of my arduous services, that my case is presented in a calm and argumentative manner, designed to impress the Secretary of War with its truthfulness, then ask as a matter of sheer justice to myself, for an official investiga- tion, believing that it is a right, which cannot be questioned, that an Officer should have a thorough investigation into any charges, 21 if he declares them to be untrue. An Officer's character and honor are more to him than his life, or wealth, and if they can be arbitrarily taken from him, as in my case, the Officers of the Army must soon, indeed, become mere instruments of the Secre- tary to enforce his will, whether in support of Law or not. The application is as follows : York, Pa., August 8th, 1863. Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. Sir : On the 29th ult., I received a copy of Special Orders No. 331, which informed me that, " by direction of the Presi- dent " I was " dismissed the service of the United States for disloyal conduct and the utterance of disloyal sentiments." By this order I am deprived of the profession for which my education and life long habits have fitted me, and I am driven from it, covered with whatever of infamy the recorded condem- nation of the highest authority can bring on my character. The statements which brought this about, being untrue, I hope it is not too late to get justice. At all events, I take the liberty to give you a true statement of my case, which, perhaps, may serve me in place of that regular defence which I have had no opportunity to make. Some vindication of myself I certainly owe to my family and my friends. Undoubtedly an order which may consign an officer to ruin and disgrace, ought to be placed oh specific and intelligible grounds. " Disloyal conduct " and "disloyal sentiments" are phrases unknown to any law civil or military, and have come into fashion of late, as mere party catchwords, signifying any- thing or nothing, according to the notions of the persons who use them. That I am or have ever been really disloyal in word, thought, or deed, is utterly and nakedly false. From the time I first en- tered the army, nearly twenty-four years ago, I have been true and faithful to my country, her government, her constitution and her laws. And this avertment never has been, and never will be controverted by the testimony of any man who is honest 22 and sane. My services vouch for this. I was in much of the Florida war : through all the Mexican war, and in most of the battles from Palo Alto to El Mollnq Del Eey and Capture of the City of Mexico inclusive. I was engaged in several Indian Wars on the Pacific Coast and elsewhere, and in this Rebellion from its commencement until notified of my dismissal. I have never failed in the performance of any duty however difficult or dangerous, and I have never been charged with a single act of insubordination. I t.hink I can say without boasting that I have enjoyed far beyond many officers the friendship of my associates and the approbation of my superiors in the service. The official reports on file in your Department, and printed in the Congressional Documents, will not only show this, but will prove that my behavior in every important battle, won from the Commanding Officers, expressions of the highest praise. I speak with the pride which becomes a soldier, when I say that my record is without stain. Almost contemporaneously with the base accusations of Wells, Major General Burnside was writing the warmest eulo- gium on my fidelity to the cause of the Union : and only a few days before my dismissal, Major General Couch gave me the strongest evidence of his confidence, and of the high apprecia- tion in which he held what he was pleased to call " the invalua- ble assistance'' I had rendered him, in retarding the advance of the enemy in their march" towards Philadelphia. I am not now, I have never been, and it is likely I never will be a Politican. That is not my trade ! I have interfered in no canvass, have written nothing for newspapers, and spoken at no public meetings. But I have held opinions on Public Affairs which, as they do not change when the civil administration changes, are sometimes favorable and sometimes unfavorable to the party in power. To these opinions, I have occasionally, in the freedom of private conversation, given moderate, fair, and inoffensive expression. This non-intervention in the political disputes of the people is the custom of service among the best officers of the Regular Army, and I have followed it because it has Jhe approbation of my judgment and my conscience : and 23 this freedom of opinion has been conceded to officers of the Army from the foundation of this Republic, and never has been questioned until now. One Clark t H. Wells, a Lieutenant Commander in the U. S. Navy, had a conversation with Major Charles J. Whiting, 2nd U. S. Cavalry, and myself, on or about the 17th December, 1862, (over seven months ago,) at my tent, on the Rappahan- nock, in which politics were mentioned, and it is upon his false and perverted statements of that private conversation that my dismissal is grounded. Those statements were referred to some subordinate in your office, and upon those alone I was found guilty of disloyalty, reported for dismissal, and actually dis- missed. I now appeal to your sense of justice and ask you whether that is the fair play to which an officer of twenty four years' service, with an unblemished record, is entitled ? Who, in the army is safe, if the War Department opens its ear to the base whispers of every paltry spy, who treacherously takes advantage of an officer's hospitality and becomes an in- former to curry favor with the dispensers of patronage ? Apart from the individual wrong which such a practice must produce, can anything be better calculated to demoralize the Army and bring the service, as well as the Government itself, into dis- repute? Conversations are proverbially unreliable as evidence. They are so easily misunderstood, and so difficult to remember that there is not one instance in many thousands where the casual talk of a man can be reproduced with accuracy even by respect- able witnesses. Nay, where is the man who can repeat exactly what he himself has said but yesterday ? If conversations are of small account when detailed with all possible fairness, they become contemptible when tattled by a man" of weak under- standing and malicious heart. I here aver that I never uttered the words imputed to me by Wells, nor any words of similar import, either at the time he re- fers to, or at any other time in my life. He says I drank to a Southern Confederacy during this Administration. This is merely and simply false. I can prove my denial to be true by 24 the direct testimony of Majoe Whiting, (before mentioned,) a gentleman whose honor and veracity no one who knows him , will doubt. The only toast given by me on that occasion was this : "Here's to the Constitution as it is, and the Union as it was!" which I thought then and think now, expresses a senti- ment perfectly patriotic and most purely loyal. Why did Mr. Wells make this false statement ? Let me tell you. The man is crazy. Yes : the witness upon whose ex-parte statements your department has endeavored to bring ruin to me and my family is a lunatic ! It was only on the 11th of October, 1861, that he was released from the Pennsylvania Hospital for the Insane at Philadelphia, and the act was accompanied by the written regret of the Medical Officer in charge, at seeing him leave before he was entirely well. I have known him for a long time ; on my return to Camp, near Falmouth, Va., from York, Pa., he asked to accompany me to see an intimate friend. Thinking him harmless, I did not refuse : on the contrary, shared with him my tent and table, until he found his friend. He was there not merely as my guest, but % a self-invited guest, and under the greater obligations to respect the hospitality. On the occasion to which his statements refer, he drank some punch, not excessively but enough to inflame his weak brain and aggravate his mental disease, which gradually irritated his morbid temper, and fixed his nialice upon myself. He imagined that I had insinuated an unmanly fear on his part in crossing the Rappahannock river, during the firing of the enemy. He asked Major Whiting, whom he had met for the first time, to let him (Wells) sleep in his (Whiting's) tent, and insisted upon doing so while Major Whiting was advising him against it. It was in this manner I offered to find him a tent to sleep in where he would be with a Black Republican — not as he says I did. Although the moment before, he had denounced Southern chivalry, and their institution of Slavery as a wrong and a curse, he became particularly incensed at this offer and invited hirnself into a stranger's tent. The next day, of his own accord, he came to my tent and begged me to say nothing more about the matter. His conduct and language for a long time afterwards 25 did not indicate that tlie fancies excited by the punch had passed into settled hallucinations. On the contrary, when he left the Camp and returned to York where my family lived, he saw them, told them all about me, wrote an account of their health, and even cautioned me not to speak unguardedly on po- litical subjects " lest some civilian might take advantage of it to injure me. When he wrote me at a still later period that he in- tended to accuse me of disloyalty for toasting the Southern Confederacy, I did my best to deter him until I could convince him, through Major Whiting, that he was in error. I knew he was not a responsible creature and I could feel no enmity to- wards him. But all my efforts to reason with him only strength- ened his mental delusion, and intensified the insane malignity with which he had come to regard me. Mr. Wells is not without that cunning which usually accom- panies madness. Since his release from the Lunatic Asylum, he has taken all occasions, in season and out of season, to make his devotion to the administration conspicuous. But this is all feigned, for, if what he said when the war began is any indica- tion of his mind, he must be a confirmed secessionist. He pushes his fortune and tries to win promotion by threatening men with false accusations — always where he thinks it is his in- terest to do so — and several persons (among them his near rela- tions) have been put in serious peril by his machinations. Thus far he has been remarkably successful. It is a fact "that this Lunatic, so recently from the mad house, and seemingly unfit to run at large, has been very recently appointed the Commandant of the Navy Yard at Philadelphia. When I was informed by Mr. Wells himself that he had made this accusation, I did not think it necessary to send in a defense for I had faith in the government of the Country which I had served so long, and I believed that before any action would be taken against me, I would be called upon for an explanation. I certainly had no fear that the War Department would proceed on the unsupported statement of a crazy man, when it was known that there was a sane witness who could tell all about it I however consulted friends and every one advised me that I t 26 should not notice the allegations nor make any exposure of my accuser until it became absolutely necessary. I could not fore- see that the necessity might exist without my knowing it. I have made no assertions here which I cannot prove if an op- portunity be given me, either by documentary or oral evidence. The letters, I refer to, are in my possession, the official reports are on file, and the witnesses will be forthcoming. I do not suppose that either you or the President understood the nature of my case. Your action was grounded on the re- port laid before you, and I now respectfully request of you the privilege of proving before a "Court of Inquiry, or properly au- thorized Court, that the report was made upon the false testi- mony of an incompetent and irresponsible witness, taken in a corner behind my back, and without the privilege to cross-ex- amine. With these facts before you, I trust that, as an act of sheer justice to myself, an investigation will be ordered. If I shall succeed in this I will leave the rest with the utmost confi- dence in your hands. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your obedient Servant, GKANVILLE O. HALLEE, (late Major 7th Infantry.) 27 MEMOIR OF MILITARY SERVICES . or Major Grana^ille 0. Haller, U. S, ARMY. I was an applicant for the appointment of Cadet in the Mili- tary Academy at West Point, in 1839, but having turned my twentieth year, I received an invitation to appear before a Mili- tary board, which convened in the City of "Washington, to ex- amine the qualifications of young men who desired to be commis- sioned as Officers ; and having passed a satisfactory examination, I received from President Martin Van Buren, through the Hon. Joel K. Poinsett, Secretary of War, a Commission with the rank of Second Lieutenant in the 4th. Eegiment of Infantry, from the 17th day of November, 1839. I had served in the Army, consequently, at the date of my dismissal, twenty-three years, eight months, and eight days. In 1840, I joined my Eegiment at Fort Gibson, a very sickly post, in the Cherokee Nation of Indians. THE FLORIDA WAR. In 1841, my Eegiment entered Florida the second time. My company formed part of Major Belknap's column which explor- ed and scouted the Big Cypress Swamp. In this expedition all the Officers and Men had to carry knapsacks, as the country 28 was impracticable for horses or mules. Each one carried his change of clothing, blankets, and seven days' rations, and had to wade daily in water from anlde to waist deep, but mostly about twelve inches cfeep — in stretches of usually eight or ten miles — in the cold weather of December. I find honorable mention of my name, in this field, in Sprague's History op the Florida War— pages 360 to 376. On the 20th December 1841, the Indians in this swamp fired upon our column while in water three feet deep, killing several men. In 1842, as Acting Adjutant of my Kegiment, Lserved with the expedition under Col. Worth which scouted the Wahoo Swamp, then crossed to the Palalikaha river, where his troops surprised Halleck Tustenugge in his camp with all of the wo- men and children of the tribe about him, and. obliged him to fight, to give time to the non-combatants to escape. The lodges, clothing and dried meats, etc. fell into our hands, after a sharp skirmish, in which they had several warriors wounded. This misfortune obliged Halleck to sue for peace, which was soon fol- lowed by the suspension of Indian hostilities. The Regiment was then sent to Jefferson Barracks, Missouri. In 1844, my Regiment was ordered into Louisiana and en- camped near Nachetoches, on the borders of Texas, as part of the "Army, of Observation," as Mexico had threatened Texas with invasion on account of her negotiating terms of annexation with the United States. In 1845, the 3d and 4th Regiments of Infantry became the " Army of Occupation" and took possession of St. Joseph's Is- land and Corpus Christi, Texas. I was here appointed *' Brig- ade Major" of the 3d Brigade, a title now obsolete, as the duty is performed by the Assistant Adjutant General. THE MEXICAN. WAR. In 1846, the "Army of Occupation" marched to the Rio Grande and encamped opposite Matamoros. I was here appointed the Commissary of 3d Brigade. At Point Isabella I was ordered 29 to receive and receipt for all the subsistence stores, which the train of wagons would be able to carry to Fort Brown. .Return- ing, the enemy met us at Palo Alto, on the 8th of May, and disputed our passage, but had to fall back : on the 9th the enemy held a stronger position, and fought the battle of Resaca De la Palma, and sustained heavy losses, and defeat. A large quantity of their subsistence stores, was captured, and placed in my charge. On the field, I acted as an Aid-de-Camp to Lt. Col. John Garland, 4th Infantry, Commanding the 3d Brigade, and in his report of those actions, he has expressed his indebtedness to me "for valuable assistance. When the Army marched to Monterey, in addition to the du- ties of Commissary of 3d Brigade, I was charged with the duties of Quarter-master and Commissary to Gen. Twiggs' Division. Immediately on our arrival before Monterey, I was ordered to take charge of all the subsistance that had been brought to that place, with instructions to be sparing in the issues, and by judi- cious distributions, protracted the subsistance until fresh sup- plies were received. I was kept on Commissary duty until Gen. Worth's Division was withdrawn from Saltillo, to join Gen. Scott's column. Before embarking for Vera Cruz, Gen. Worth directed Company Commanders, who were also doing Staff duty, to select one of the two duties which they preferred, and surrender the other. I thereupon retained command of my Company, and turned over my Staff duty to Lieut. Grant, of my Regiment, now the distinguished Major General Grant. At Vera Cruz, Gen. Worth's Division was charged with the construction of certain trenches, and my Regiment worked both night and day, then furnished guards for them. Our labors were incessant until the City capitulated. At Cerro Gordo, my Regiment was part of the Reserve, but witnessed and participated in the success of that day. The Castle of Perote and the City of Puebla fell without a blow, but the 4th Infantry formed part of the column sent to reduce those places. In the Valley of Mexico, my Regiment participated in all the battles. At El molino del Rey, I was one of the "Storming 30 Party," being selected as one of the officers to bring on the as- sault. In the Capture of the City of Mexico, our last blow, my conduct seems to have met the decided approbation of my Su- perior Officers, and I may be pardoned, I trust, for presenting extracts from Official reports in regard to my services. Extracts from reports of Commanding Officers, in relation to the conduct of Gran- ville Owen Haller Major 1th Infantry, in the Wak. with Mexico, (fa a Lieutenant of the 4th Regiment of infantry,) extracted from The Ex- ecutive Documents, No. 1 ; 30th Congress, 1st Session : read December 1th, 1847, and published by the Senate, to wit : From Gen. Worth's report, speaking of the Capture of the City of Mexico, and dated at "Headquarters, 1st Division, City of Mexico, September 16th 1847." [See page 394.] " I have again to make acknowledgements "to * S. Smith, Haller, and Grant, 4th Infantry, especially;" Again : From Lieut. Gus. W. Smith's report while advancing towards the Garita de San Cosme> one of the gates of the City, dated at " Engineer Quarters, City of Mexico, September lGth, 1847 [See Page 168, appendix.] « * * * Lieutenants Haller and Judah, of the 4th In- fantry, and Lieutenant Pickett, of the 8th, who were in " advance, gave me what information they had already acquired, " and rendered efficient aid in conducting the operations." * * Again : From Brevet Col. John Garland's report of The Capture of the City, dated at "Headquarters 1st. Brigade, 1st Division, Mexico, September 16th, 1847." " [See Appendix, Pages 170 and 171." " * * * I must not omit to call the attention of the " General to Lieutenant Haller, of the 4th Infantry, who gave " evidence of courage and good conduct ; his efforts were untiring " and crowned with good results ; and, also, to Lieutenant 31 " Grant, of the same Regiment, etc." * Again: From Major Feancts Lee's report of The Capture of the City, dated at " Head- quarters Fourth Infantry, City of Mexico, September 16th, 1847". [See Appen- dix, Pago 17G. " * * * I detached Lieutenants Haller and Judah, "with A and C Companies, to support Major Buchanan ; and, " by his orders, they were advanced on the left of the road, " through and over the houses towards the Garita." * * « * * * Lieutenant Haller, with Company C. had been " previously detached to another portion of the City on similar " duty, which he executed in a satisfactory manner." * * " My duty now requires that among all who behaved well, I " name those who were most distinguished for their zeal and "activity." »*"*$« "* * * and First Lieutenants Gore, Sidney Smith " (mortally wounded on the 14th,) and Haller, and 2d Lieu- " tenants Grant and Judah, behaved with distinguished gal- " lantry on the 13th, and 14th." * * * " Whilst I deem it proper to particularize the above named " Officers, I cannot refrain from calling the attention of the Major " General Commanding to the fact that there is not, nor has not " been, a single Captain on duty with it. This when a Regiment " has behaved so well, and when its young officers have uniformly " displayed such gallantry, should be taken into consideration in "the distribution of those rewards which are the great incen- tives, etc." EL MOLINO DEL RE}\ From Gen. Worth's Report, dated "Headquarters, 1st Division, Tacubaya, September 10th, 1847," [See Pages 363-5-6.] ■ ".* * when the assaulting party commanded by 32 "Wright, and guided by that accomplished officer, Captain " Mason of the Engineers, assisted by Lieutenant Foster, dashed " gallantly forward to the assault. Unshaken by the galling of " the musketry and canister that was showered upon them, on " they rushed, driving Infantry and Artillery men at the point of '• the bayonet. The enemy's field battery was taken, and his " own guns were trailed upon his retreating masses ; before " however, they could be discharged, perceiving that he had " been dispossessed of his strong position by comparatively a " handful of men, he made a desperate effort to regain it. Ac- " cordingly his retiring forces rallied and formed with this object. " Aided by the Infantry, which covered the housetops (within " reach of which the battery had been moved during the night,) " the enemy's whole line opened upon the assaulting party a " terrific fire of musketry, which struck down eleven out of the "fourteen officers that composed the command and non-commis- " sioned officers and men in proportion ; etc. et * * * Commending the gallant dead, the wounded, " and the few unscathed, to the respectful memory of their " countrymen, and the rewards due to valor and conduct, I pre- " sent the names of those especially noticed by subordinate " commanders, uniting in all they have said, and extending the " same Jtestimony to those not named. * ~ :f * * ########### "Assaulting Column. — Brevet Major "Weight, 8th Inf., " commanding, wounded ; Capt. J. L. Mason, Engineers, "wounded ; Capt. E. Mekeill, 5th Inf., killed ; Capt. A. Cady, " 6th Inf., wounded ; Capt. W. H. T. Walkee, 6th Inf., wound- " ed ; Capt. J. V. Bomfoed, 8th Inf. ; 1st Lieut. M. L. Shackle- "foed, 2d Art., wounded; 1st Lieut. C. B. Daniels, 2d Art. " wounded ; 1st Lieut.* G. O. Hallee, 4th Inf. ; 1st Lieut. J. " D. Claeke, 8th Inf., wounded ; 2d Lieut. J. F. Faery, 3d Art., " killed ; 2d Lieut. J. G. Snelling, 8th Inf., wounded ; 2d Lieut. " M. Maloney, 4th Inf. ; 2d Lieut. John G. Foster, Eng., " wounded." » 33 Again : Prom Brevet Major Weight's Report as commander of the storming party dated "Tacubaya, Mexico, Sept., 10th, 1847." [See Appendix Page 165.] The 2d company, composed of the 4th Infantry, was under " Capt. Walker, 6th Infantry, with 1st Lieut. Haller." " The conduct of all the officers and men on this occasion is " worthy the highest commendation. Eleven officers, and a "large number of the rank and file, were either killed or " wounded." Again : From Major Francis Lee's Report dated "Headquarters 4th Infantry Tacubaya, Mexico, September 9th, 1847," [Appendix, Pages 143-4.] " The battalion, except a detail of 100 men for the storming, " under Lieutenants Haller and Maloney, was formed, ect." * * " It now only remains for me to designate those who gallantly " distinguished themselves, and were most active during the "day." * * ■* * "First Lieuts. Gore and Haller, especially mentioned to " me by Major Buchanan ; * * * * * * Then follows all the names of the officers of the Eegiment, who were present in the action, and immediately after he says : "It " will be proper to state that 1st Lieutenant Haller and 2d, " Lieutenant Maloney, joined the battalion immediately after " the charge of the storming party, and remained with it during " the day." CONTRERAS, SAN ANTONIO, AND CHURUBUSCO. From Major Lee's Report of the series of "glorious victories" on the 20th, August, dated at "Headquarters, 4th Infantry, Landrillera, Mexico, August 23d, 1847," [See Appendix Page 52. ] " I cannot too much commend the officers of my battalion. " Their successful exertions are the more commendable as they " were so few in number, and I beg leave, therefore, to mention " their names." Then follows all the names of the officers of the Eegiment 3 34 present that day, among which will be found : " 1st Lieut. G. O. Haller commanding Company." Again : From Brevet Col. Oakland's Report of the actions of the 20th August 1817, dated "Headquarters, 1st Brigade, 1st Divison, Tacubaya, August 23d, 1847," [Bee Appendix, Page 47. ] it # * * ijij^ 4^ Xnfantry at this moment rejoined me, " and Major Lee was directed to advance and occupy the " extreme right of our line. These movements were executed " und»r a heavy fire of cannon and musketry ; our troops, how- " ever, continued to advance slowly, but steadily, through fields " of rank corn and over deep ditches. The battle field, from " the bridge head to the left of the enemy's line, was warmly " contested for about two hours, the musketry rolling without " one moment's intermission, etc." For my services in Mexico, I received two commissions by Brevet. • The first one was. the rank of Captain by Brevet, from the 8th, Sept., 1847, "For gallant and meritorious conduct in the battle of Molino del Rey." The second was the rank of 3Iajor by Brevet, from the 13th Sept., 1847, "for gallant and merito- rious conduct in the battle of Chapultepec, Mexico." I have also been furnished with the resolutions of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and my name has been inscribed in the journals of both the Houses, in compliment to my services. SERVICES ON THE PACIFIC SLOPE. In 1852, my Company embarked on the U. S. storeship Fre- donia, sailed around Cape Horn, and after a seven months voy- age, reached San Francisco, thence sailed in a steamer to Fort Vancouver, Washington Territory, and shortly after, July 1853, was stationed at Fort Dalles, Oregon, then a Territory, a dreary, isolated spot, but since has become a thriving city, in 35 consequence of the developments of the Gold regions to the East of it. In those days freight from Portland to the Dalles (one hundred miles) was $75.00 per ton : the ordinary necessi- ties of a family, far exceeded an officer's pay : luxuries were scarcely to be had — eggs 12h cents each, butter $1.50 per pound, contract price of Beef 27 cents per pound., etc. At that time it was indeed, mentally as well as pecuniarily, a great trial to be confined to a post so destitute of all that makes life agreeable. MASSACEE ON BOISE EIVEE, AND MILITAEY EXPEDITION. In 1854, the family of a Mr. Ward, and other immigrants, were massacred on Boise River, about three hundred and fifty- five miles froin the Dalles, by the Winneste Indians, a tribe of the great Shoshone Nation, under circumstances of the most atrocious barbarity. The two companies then at Fort Dalles, were reduced by discharges and desertions to fifty-six soldiers all told. I was dispatched with twenty-six of them to the massacre ground, there to chastise the murderers and give protection to the immigrants. The citizens of, and the immigrants at the Dalles, thinking my small force inadequate, formed a company of thirty-nine volunteers, followed after me, and reported for duty. At the Grande Roncle, (one hundred and ninety miles from the Dalles,) a few warriors of the Nez Perces, and Uma- tilla Indians offered their services to me, and were accepted. Witli,this mixed force we invaded the usual haunts of the mur- derers, killed a few, and recaptured the clothing and other ef- fects taken from their victims. With an old Indian, some squaws and children, captives, we brought up the rear of the Immigration. In the correspondence between Brig. Gen. John E. Wool, commanding the Department of the Pacific, and the then Secretary of War, Jeffeeson Davis, which was published by the U. S. Senate, I found the latter has expressed his approval, in strong terms, of my services and energy in this expedition. 36 SECOND SNAKE INDIAN EXPEDITION. In 1855, General Wool organized a force of over one hundred and fifty men, and placed me in command, to further chastise these murderers. Returning to Fort Boise in the fishing sea- son, we drove the guilty Indians from their fishing places on Boise and Payette rivers, then advanced some five hundred miles from Fort Dalles, and established a depot on the Big Ca- mash Prairie, from whence we scouted the head-waters of Boise, Payette, and Salmon rivers, on the North of us, and to the Rocky Mountains and head-waters of the Missouri, on the East, and at Salmon Falls and along Snake river on the South. In this expedition we hung several of the murderers over the graves of their victims ; in the mountains we hung and killed others, until we had destroyed as many warriors as they had killed of the whites, besides having captured women and chil- dren and old men. The remnant of the tribe fled in terror to- wards Humboldt river in California. In this expedition some of our horses had travelled at least seventeen hundred miles. EFFECTS OF GOLD DISCOVERIES. About this time, the discoveries of gold by the employees of the Hudson Bay Company, near their trading post, Fort Col- ville, in Washington Territory, became well known, and caused many miners to visit that region ; many passing from Puget Sound through the Klikatat and Yakima Country, and, m the latter, two or more miners were murdered. Having ordered my command to return to the Dalles, I proceeded in advance by rapid marches, and found a threatening state of affairs to exist quite close to Fort Dalles. The Indian tribes were sullen and hostile, and the Whites much excited. Major Bolan, a highly esteemed citizen of Washington Territory, and Sub-Indian Agent in charge o&the Yakimas, went to this tribe to counsel them for Peace and to get the murderers. He was assassina- ted. The Indians knew very well that if the death of their Agent became known to the troops, immediate war would fol- 37 low. They therefore sent runners to inform their allies of their danger, and threw out scouts to observe the movements of the soldiers at Fort Dalles, and took every precaution to keep those Indians not disposed for war, from communicating with the white people. THE OREGON WAE. The long absence of Major Bolan from the Dalles, caused me to send an Indian Spy in the Yakima district to learn something about him. It was with difficulty he could get back. Li the meantime an Old Squaw escaped through their lines and brought the news of Bolan' s assassination, and the collection of warriors from all the neighboring tribes to wipe out the White people. The information was confirmed in various ways, and it was duly communicated to the. Command- ing Officer of the District, stationed at Fort Vancouver. By this time the Infantry portion of my Battalion had arrived from the Camash prairie, and all the available force at Fort Dalles — making one hundred fighting men, divided into two companies, and one Sergeant Major, and one Commissary and Quartermaster Sergeant — total 102 — having Captain (now Brigadier General) Kussell and myself commanding companies ; Lieut. Gracte in charge of the Mountain Howitzer ; and Asst. Surgeon George W. Hammond, as medical officer — were held in readiness, with subsistence, for the command/ prepared for the pack-mules, to march at a moment's notice. But this news brought me no orders to march. Fortunately the Acting Governor of Washington Territory heard of the murders of the two Miners, and made a requisition for one Company of U. S. Troops to invade the Yakima Coun- try from Fort Dalles and demand the murderers from that tribe. The Commandant of the District ordered me to send a Company, but knowing the peril, I took the responsibility of taking all un- available force, and went in person. A consciousness of the danger induced me to proceed with, not to send this little band of soldiers, and I believe that the Adjutant General, of the U. S. Army, will bear me witness that I have never sought to avoid 38 necessary danger, but have always encountered the enemy and used my humble abilities to the best advantage for my country. THE THREE DAYS FIGHTING. The first night out my spy returned having escaped from the hostile camp and declared that Kamiarkin, the Yakima Chief, had collected more warriors than he was able to designate by numbers, and that a force double the size of my command would never be able to get back. We however advanced and on the fourth day, as we descended a hill to the bottom lands of Topinish Creek to encamp, we discovered the Indians taking . position behind trees to fight. At the same time, a Chief on a distant bluff was making a harangue to his warriors, who replied to him with yells, and thus showed their positions and that they were not greatly superior in numbers. As soon as our mule train had come up and our rear was properly guarded, we at- tacked our adversaries and drove them off. During the action fresh warriors came up and showed themselves on the bluffs around us. At sundown perhaps six hundred warriors were in View but all retired during the twilight. Early the next morning the warriors surrounded our position but a few shots made them cautious, until they found our balls fell wide of their marks — we having only the old smooth bored muskets with spherical balls. In several instances war parties becoming more venturesome would crawl up very close to the knolls be- hind which our men awaited their approach, and would with stones construct what is now called rifle pits, to annoy our skirmishers when they exposed themselves, and these were driven off by bayonet charges. Our position enabled us to see over the plain, and hourly fresh clouds of dust announced the approach of reinforcements to our foes. We had not rations enough to hold out until re- inforcements from Fort Vancouver could join us, and it would have been as foolish as disastrous to attempt with my small force of foot soldiers to chastise or subdue the well mounted and active enemy before us. Prudence therefore made it my duty 39 to return if practicable to Fort Dalles, where a properly mounted party would be organized to assist our efforts. Hence at night we retraced our steps to the top of the mountain near us, and allowed the men rest, and next morning fell back towards Fort Dalles, skirmishing with the Indians until nearly sundown. We * lost five killed and seventeen wounded, and brought the wounded in safely, also the corpse of the gallant Commissary Sergeant Mulholland, who fell in the last bayonet charge. I may here introduce, I hope without impropriety, a letter from Father Pandosy, of the Society of Oblates of the Immaculate Mary, of the Roman Catholic Mission in the Yakima Country, in regard to the number of Indians. To Major Haller : Major : I had jnst returned from the Sound when you reached the Tapinnish. I found the Indians irritated in an excessive degree, I endeavored to calm their spirits, and for this purpose I sent expresses^ to all the Camps to endeavor to induce the Chiefs to repair to my mission, representing to them that it was to their greatest interest to make peace. A good many who heard my message came, but the great majority were expecting that the moment had come to measure their strength with the white people, particularly the people of Karni- arken and the Klikatats, the great authors of the war ; the Klikatats have always made the Indians of this vicinity believe the Americans were cowardly and en- tirely inexperienced in the art of war, that in the war with the Shastasthe Ameri- cans were defeated, and were obliged to employ their arms (those of the Klika- tats) to make good their retreat, the Klikatats, I say, could not^ be restrained, and the spies sent by Kamiarken to examine the movements of the soldiers at the Dalles returned at the same time to the camp of Kamiarken and reported you were coming with a considerable force to ensnare in a net (prendre dans un piecje) all the Chiefs. That you wished to speak them fair, and thus induce them to visit your camp, when you would seize and hang Te-i-as and his son, Owvrai and his son, Kamiarken, Shawawai and his son, Sklon and all the people who have influence. Some moments after,' two or three Klikatats came into the camp of Kamiarken and announced your arrival at the "Assum," and (so close to them) that you had gotten in between the front and the rear of their party while advancing. These Klikatats came from Kamas Lake and Vancouver, and in their report they enlarged upon the report of the spies, saying that on their route they had been attacked several times, by 500 soldiers who had come from Vancouver to join you, and with the intention to increase the irritation of Kamiarken, they added that his great friend Tamiatas had been taken and hung. On this news Kamiarken immediately sent expresses to all the Camps to 40 assemble the men and direct them to advance to meet you at the Tapinnish. That you had been attacked by the Klikatats, who numbered four or five hun- dred men. They were at once reinforced with the people of Kamiarken, Skawa- wai and Sklon ; Owvria, who was farther off did not get the news so soon, and was later in directing his people towards the Tapinnish. If your position would permit you would have seen a continual procession the whole of Saturday and Sunday. Knowing the small number of soldiers then at your disposal, the fierce rage in the hearts of some of the tribes, and the infinitely superior numbers of the savages, I did not think it possible you could execute so happy and honorable a retreat as that which signalized your return to the Dalles. In the meantime all the warriors were marching to give you battle. I wrote you a letter by an Indian. They would consent to a peace if the Americans wished a peace and would grant a reserve on their own lands, and not exile them from their native country. But in case that their conditions were not accepted, they were resolved to fight to the last extremity, determined, even if they succumbed (these are their literal expressions) they would sooner destroy their wives and their ohildren, than to have them fall into the hands of the Americans, who would gratify with them their infamous passions. Still, if the Americans and the soldiers desired a peace, they were willing ; if they preferred a war, they were also for war. Their numbers at this moment were fifteen hundred men, and if they wished it, they could soon have had two thousand men. The number 1500 woidd appear to be exaggerated when one thinks that the Indians of the Mission had refused to take up their arms, and had retired to another country, but their numbers were fully replaced by the bands come, not only from the- environs, as the Indians on the banks of the Columbia, the Wal- la-wallas, the Pelousas, Cayuses, Priests' Rapids, the Piskousas, but also the Chelelpams and the Spokans. The best of the Chiefs, who wished for peace, and who was already distin- guished for saving the lives of Americans, and giving them provisions for their road, was entrusted at the risk of his life, to carry you a common letter, but he did not overtake you until you were in the mountain and during the night. He camped near yours, because he feared the flag of peace, by which he approached you, might not perhaps be recognized, and in the morning on waking, you had continued your route to the Dalles. His horse was much fatigued, and he could not follow further. He returned to the Mission and assured me that you were beyond danger as the Indians were no longer pursuing you. This news rejoiced me greatly, and I could only attribute your safety to a special interposition of Divine Providence, who had been pleased to hear our prayers, for I believe it to be a moral impossibility that 100 soldiers could be able to resist 1500 Indiana, determined to conquer or to die. I have the honor to be, Major, Your very humble and obedient servant, (Signed) MIE CLES PANDOSY. The above is a true translation of the meaning of my letter to Major Haller. MIE CLES PANDOSY, O. M. I. 41 The Commandant of the District being advised by courier of the defeat of my expedition, and the vast proportions that the war was likely to assume, called on the Governors of Oregon and Washington Territories, each, for two Companies of Volunteers. ♦ MAJOE GABRIEL J. RAINS' EXPEDITION. Gov. Curry, of Oregon Territory, believing that a respectable force sent into the hostile country would keep the enemy oc- cupied at their own homes watching after the safety of their women and children, and thus save the White Settlements from rapine and murder, called out a Regiment and commissioned the present Senator from Oregon, General Nesmith, as the Colonel. But this commission being superior to the rank of the Major Commanding the District, the latter threw obstacles in the way of so large a force, apprehending the loss of com- mand in the District. Some delay occurred and the winter wea- ther overtook the troops in the enemy's country, and drove them back to the Dalles. It was not until the Acting Governor of Washington Territory had called out two Companies of Vol- unteers and made the Commandant of the District Brigadier General of these two Companies and such forces as should op- erate in his Territory, that the column was put in motion. Our forces consisted of about three hundred Regulars (among the officers, tjie present Major Generals Sheridan, Ord, and Au- gur, and Brig. Gen. Russel,) and about five hundred Volunteer Cavalry, well mounted, marched through a dangerous gorge in the mountains into the Yakima Valley, and found a few Indians upon the opposite side of the river, evidently bent on annoying vis. The Infantry was ordered across the river, but the water was so cold and swift that two men were chilled and unable to save themselves from drowning. Col. Nesmith then crossed with a troop of Cavalry and routed the enemy without a casualty, except a trifling wound to his horse. Another portion 42 of the Cavalry had gone off in another direction, to forage, and was fired upon by the Indians and had a few men wounded. Next morning we could see distinctly masses of the Indians on the "Buttes" at the mouth of Attanem Creek, only a few miles off, and some of the Braves came up quite close to our camp. Our General estimated the enemy at three hundred Warriors, yet these Braves disputed the passage at the "Buttes" until so late an hour that our command went into camp without dislodging them. Our General then invited the best marksmen to go out to the "Butte" in front, and have "a free fight" with the Indians on the hill, but our men were soon driven into camp in confusion. My company instantly sprang to their arms and covered the retreating party. I learnt from them that the Indians had come down into the timber on the river bank, and had opened a fire on their flank. Immediately my company charged the wood and followed the Indians up hill and drove them off the "Butte" without a casualty. As I advanced, I found Captain Augur's company supporting my movement. The In- dians gave up the field for the night, but, early in the morning, attempted to resume their position on the "Butte." However they were quickly dislodged, and one of them was killed by a friendly Indian who had gone with me through all my Indian Campaigns. Soon after, snow began to fall, and our Campaign came to an inglorious end. This was my tjrird Campaign, in the six months preceding, the first of which exceeded fifteen hundred miles of travel. KAMIAEKEN. The origin of the war in Oregon is not, I think, generally un- derstood. Kamiarken, the principal Chief of the several bands, who live in the valley of the Yakima, should take rank with the most eminent Chiefs of the Red-men, known to fame, and is worthy the pen of a Prescott. A keen, far-sighted, and resolute Indian, devoted to his race, and most bitterly opposed to the encroachments of the "White-man ; he had kept strict watch over his dominions and never permitted a white man, excepting Catholic Priests, to obtain a foothold within his realm. He had 43 travelled from Nation to Nation to warn them of their danger in letting the White-man stop to till their soil. At length the U. S. Commissioners called the several nations East of the Cas- cade Mountains together in Council to make a treaty and to fix upon contracted limits ; the Eed-men were told that they must give up many of the spots in which they had lived during their infancy and manhood. It was more than they could bear. They now recognized the wisdom of Kamiakken and turned to him for advice. He reminded them that in winter the snows covered the Cascade Mountains and the river froze over, so that the White-man on the West side of the Mountains had no means of coming to the aid of those in their country : there- fore he advised them to begin to lay in supplies of ammunition and when the ice was formed, then " wipe " out every White- man who treads their soil. The White-man's treaty, he urged, was a hollow form, which, if it bound any one, only bound the Indian, for in the Willamette Valley the Eed-men had made treaties several years before, but to that day they had not re- ceived one of the payments promised to them, and the White- men were now too numerous there to be driven off the Indians' land. The White-men gained time by signing the Treaties there ; he would sign the Treaty, lull the suspicions of the Whites, and get ready the materiel for war. The several Na- tions covenanted together to do so. The Klikatats around Fort Vancouver were in the League, and they sent messengers to the Indians on Rogue river, who also adopted the plan. A most terrible calamity was to fall upon the Whites in mid-winter. But the enthusiasm of Kamiarken's young men could not be re- strained, and they revenged with death the insults of miners to their women. This brought on the war before the appointed time, and the Settlements were on their guard before winter came. The Rogue-river Indians, however, were only a few days behind in their blows, and when General Wool arrived at Fort Vancouver, from San Francisco, he found the Governor of Ore- gon grappling in earnest with his barbarous enemy, leaving lit- tle for the General to do. Wounded in self-esteem, the General tried to convince himself it was no great war, and seems to have 44 displayed an unworthy opposition to the measures adopted. Kamiaeken fought and defeated my command, and he resisted Brig. Gen. Rains' eight hundred men. But when he saw our numbers rapidly swelling with fresh troops, and no more hope for his poor Country, while Colonel Wright was offering most tempting terms to his people, to get them to bury the Hatchet, he advised them to do so, and sent word to the Colonel that his " talk " was good and his people would accept it, " But as for me — I am Kamiarken still !" and he left his people, to dwell in the Buffalo Country, away from the White-man. WHAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN DONE BY RECOGNIZING THE VOLUNTEERS. It was customary for me in the fall of the year to make pur- chases in Portland for the winter, and when going down, Col. Nesmith requested me to deliver a letter to General Wool asking for a Howitzer or two, and a few Artillerists, to be sent to the aid of the other portion of his Regiment, who were threatening the Indians, who had taken forcible possession of the Hudson Bay Company's Fort at the mouth of the Walla- Walla river. I had an agreeable interview with General Wool at Fort Vancouver : he thought the Volunteers too numerous, that they drained the country of the materiel which he could use with better advantage in the hands of Regulars, and would create unnecessary expense. I suggested that the expenses had been already incurred, for which he could not be held responsi- ble, and it would be desirable to make the very best use of the means which he found at hand, in order that the Indians might have plenty to do in guarding their women and children in their own country, and be thus prevented from attacking white settle- ments. I stated my convictions that if we pressed the War party at Fort Walla- Walla with a large force, they would cross the Col- umbia river and seek refuge in the Yakima Country, hoping that the river would be a barrier to our pursuit. But the snow had already fallen on the Cascade Mountains on the West side, and on the hills to the North side, and was too deep for animals to travel through it, so there remained only the crossings of the 45 Columbia river, whereby the Indians could escape. Now if the Volunteers and Regulars co-operated, there would be sufficient troops to place a force upon every trail and pass leading into the Yakima Country. They could easily be crossed over the. river and on a given day the whole force could advance, and the strength of this movement would be, that, the roads converging, would meet just where the enemy would be found, and the Warriors would be enveloped by this large force which must capture them, the women, and stock, and, bring the war to a close. The General seemed to be pleased, and inquired of me where I would construct a Fort if sent into the Walla-Walla Country, and subsequently advised me to drill my company at skirmishing, and get ready for a movement. The only objection which suggested itself to the General was the want of shoes, and the enfeebled condition of the horses that had just made three campaigns. But shoes and horses could have been -sup- plied in time for this movement, if it had been desired. WHAT THE VOLUNTEERS ACCOMPLISHED. The Howitzers were refused. The volunteers advanced on and captured the Fort, and after three or four days of fighting, defeated the Indians with considerable loss, and drove them out of that country, just in time for Governor I. J. Stevens, of Washington Territory, (who was returning with a small party of Whites and Nez Perces Indians, from the Blackfoot Country, whither he had gone to make a treaty with that Nation,) to get through without being attacked by their large numbers. Dur- ing the fighting Pu-o-pu-o-mox-mox, an old Walla- Walla Chief, feared and respected by friends and foes for his shrewdness and resolution, being a prisoner, attempted to escape and was slain, and mutilations of his body, unworthy a civilized people, were perpetrated by a few individuals. The success of these Volun- teers seemed to disturb the General. From this time he unspar- ingly denounced the Volunteers, as if all had shared in the bru- talities on Pu-o-pu-o-mox-mox. He denounced the Governors and the people of the Territories, and styled the War as a "God send" to the people, who were all the while in imminent dan- 46 ger of the Tomahawk and Scalping knife. He even stooped so low as to misrepresent history connected with this war. He cautioned the public not to advance the Volunteers any supplies, and intimated that Congress would not reimburse the expenses of the Volunteers, if he could prevent it. The people fearing that the General's influence would retard the payment, if not prevent Congress from voting the appropriation, refused to fur- nish any more supplies. Yet supplies were indispensable, and the Quarter Master and Subsistence Departments were obliged to allow pricfes far above the market rates, to warrant the risks of the merchants as to getting their pay. The claims in Oregon and Washington Territories, growing out of this War, amounted to nearly $6,000,000. The General while trying to guard the purse-strings of the U. S. Treasury, did no other service than actually to swell the cost of things by a considerable per cent- age. In "The National Intelligencer" of May 3d 1856,1 found a letter, signed by John E. Wool, so full of falsehoods in regard to my three days fight, that I took the liberty of correcting them, and had a' copy of my letter published in " The Weekly Ore- gonian" at Portland, in Oregon. I submit a copy to give an idea of his perversion of the history of that war. Camp in the Valley Kit-e-tas, W. T. , j July 30th, 1856. f To the Editors of The National Intelligencer : Gentlemen : I have just read in your paper of May 3d, [tri-weekly, ] a letter signed John E. Wool, dated April 2nd, 1856, addressed to you, and mainly oc- cvipied with denunciations of the Governors of Oregon and Washington Terri- tories. In that letter, however, occurs the passage hereto annexed, marked A, per- sonal to myself, and injurious to my military character. The General therein asserts that I proceeded against the Yakimas, ' ' but without the precautions necessary against savage warfare." The specification in support of this charge is, that " about sixty miles from the Dalles, on emerging from a deep ravine, he found himself, as lie reports, confronted by 1,500 Indians," or as he elsewhere expresses it, that I allowed my command ' ' to have been drawn into a sort of ambush. " [See letter of Nov. 3d, with Secy of War's report, Ex. Doc. ] The facts in the case are these : I was ordered to detail one Company for this service, and I deemed it necessary to send out two Companies. I further deemed it necessary to suspend the District Order which would have withdrawn Lieut. E. 47 H. Day, and 44 men of L Coinp'y, 3d Artillery, to Fort Vancouver, and I directed that this Company and a Howitzer will be held " in readiness to march at any moment after the departure of the Infantry, and will be considered as the Reserve to the invading Battalion in case of ■necessity." These were the pre- liminary precautions ; and en route there were thrown out habitually the Advance and Rear Guards, and when in the timber the Flank Guards. What necessary precaution then has been omitted ? Now, on the 6th October last, when descending a very long hill in an open country, — yet Genl. Wool says, "on emerging from a deep ravine" — and approach- ing a stream whose banks were covered with oak trees and thick undergrowth, the advanced guard perceived the Indians in their front. At the moment a Chief showed himself and harangued his Warriors who replied with the War-whoop. These sounds of course exposed the position generally and the limited number of the Indians — they did not perhaps exceed 200 Warriors — yet the General says, / reported that I was confronted by 1,500 Indians. It happens moreover that I never did, in my reports, state the number, when at its maximum, to be 1,500 Indians. But I did notice the War-whoop in my report, and expressly stated that my Advanced Guard was drawn in, the troops deployed for action, and after the Rear Guard had closed up, the action was commenced — yet with these facts before him, Genl. Wool says I allowed my command to fall into a sort of ambuscade. The loss here was one killed and several wounded, and the General says : "after losing two men killed and some thirteen or fourteen wounded, one mortally, he [/] escaped from his [my] perilous condition, &c." The field was open to view like a chess board ; we could see War parties in the distance approaching, which swelled the numbers of the enemy consider- ably ; several moves of our adversary were checked, until finding my position guarded at all points, the real attack was developed. Capt. Russell's Conrpany • being on the left descended the hill, turned the right flank of the Indians in the brush, opened a fire upon them en reverse, and followed it up with a vigoroiis charge. The Indians fled and left the field in our possession. Darkness closed around us before the wounded were collected. We then advanced a mile and discovered, on ascending a height, that the Indians were not far off, as their voices were heard, apparently giving orders for an attack. We examined our ground, as well as the darkness would permit, and resolved to hold it ; we lay all night in^readiness for their attack. Daylight, on Sunday, the 7th October, showed our position to be capable of defence, although destitute of wood, grass, and water, and decided me to await there coming events. We were surrounded very early in the morning by GOO or 700 Indians, and they continued to pour in, until evening, when I considered the number doubled. On this morning I wrote my first report, calling out my Reserve of 44 men, and not " 1,000 men to relu ot me," as Genl. Wool has stated. The report was written to be ready in case of dis- aster [another precaution of mine] to apprise the command at Fort Dalles of our danger. Repeated charges with the Bayonet this day caused the Indian skir- mishers to keep off so far as to render their firing comparatively harmless. Our loss was now 13 wounded and two dead. This evening I considered my com- mand in imminent danger, and I resolved to extricate it by a night march. The 48 troops retired in good order, the separation of the Rear Guard was immediately discovered and the Guide sent off to conduct it on our route, while we advanced to the summit of the mountain to halt there and rest the weary soldiers. It was only after this that I ascertained the character of my guide. Early on the 8th, we resumed our march towards the Dalles, and soon after a running fight ensued. I now dispatched my report, written on the previous morning, expecting the Express to explain the changes. The timber concealed the number of Indians opposing us, but my second report did not justify the General's statement that ' ' with this small force [40 effective men, ] he succeeded in making good his retreat, followed two days and nights by 1, 500 Indians " because I expressly stated that before sundown on this day, we again charged the Indians, drove them out of the timber, and after that they did not molest us. Our total loss was 5 killed and 17 wounded — much greater than would appear from the General's statement, who draws the conclusion from his statement that, "under the circumstances I did not consider such an enemy greatly to be dreaded." Here are the main facts as briefly stated as a clear understanding of the cir- cumstances, by the Reader, will permit, and they are substantially the same as those I submitted in my reports. I have contrasted the facts with the distortions and exaggerations of General Wool, who "with an effrontery which even his white head ought not to protect from rebuke" adds, " i" think the number greatly exaggerated." My estimate of the number, 1,200 or at most 1,400 Indians, does not materially differ from the statement of Father Pandost, of the Catholic Mission [whose letter is hereto annexed, marked B,] at the period of my retiring from the Sim-coo-a Valley, but the Father shows that even the General's 1,500 Indians falls far below the force ultimately collected to fight against me. The General has in his letter voluntarily charged me, first, with exposing unguardedly "104 Bank and File " to an ambuscade of 1,500 Indians — a criminal neglect in a commanding officer- and afterwards expresses his convictions that I have exaggerated the number of Indians, therefore, in the second place, made a false report. Even if the General's charges were true, the columns of a news- paper are not the proper place to arraign the offending officer. The charges are very serious, then why has he not arraigned me for trial before a General Court Martial ? Here the General, I fear, has overshot his mark. He has convicted himself either of gross neglect of duty in not causing an investigation and the punishment of the offender, or he has gratuitously, not to use a harsl*er expres- sion, made charges to the injury of the military character of an officer placed under his command. And, I regret to add, that, in looking around, I can find nothing to fix upon to exculpate or extenuate the General's conduct towards me. I had made an application to him for a Court of Inquiry, long before his letter was written, which would have investigated the truth of my reports in relation to this expedition. He. actually promised to grant the Court, but it has never convened. And when I learnt casually that the General had sent a report of this expedition to Washing- ton, at variance with my reports, and calculated I feared to prejudice the War Department in regard to my military capacity, I respectfully requested, in due form, a copy of his report, and he refused to grant it. It was by the merest acci- 49 dent that I became aware, in this isolated region, of his unofficial attack upon rne, before the public, in your paper. As General Wool's statements and charges have been published by you, I respectfully request that you will also insert this letter in the columns of The li