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Grant in Saint Louis 
 
The Committee on Publications of The Franklin Club of 
 Saint Louis certifies that one hundred copies of "Grant in 
 Saint Louis" have been printed for members of the club. 
 
Grant in Saint Louis 
 
 By 
 
 Walter B. Stevens 
 
 From letters in the Manuscript 
 Collection of William K. Bixby 
 
 The Franklin Club of Saint Louis 
 
 MDCCCCXVI 
 
■ 584- 
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY 
 THE FRANKLIN CLUB OF SAINT LOUIS 
 
 SEP -7 1916 
 
 ©GI.A437572 
 
Table of Contents 
 
 Introduction: Grant's Letters .... ix 
 
 Grant, the Boy 3 
 
 Grant, the Lieutenant 9 
 
 Grant, the Farmer 23 
 
 Grant, the Business Man 41 
 
 Grant, the General 65 
 
 Grant's Habits 85 
 
 Grant, the President 99 
 
 Grant and the Whiskey Ring .... 109 
 
 Grant and the Third Term 139 
 
 The Grant Farm Letters 147 
 
 Illustrations 
 
 Portrait of Grant in 1864 . . . Frontispiece 
 Grant's Log Cabin in 1868 . Facing page 21 
 Fac-simile of endorsement on letter 
 
 of W. D.W. Barnard . . Facing page 107 
 
Granfs Letters 
 
Grant's Letters 
 
 Grant's letters reveal him. The great commander 
 was a man of few spoken words. He avoided speeches. 
 His Memoirs are wonderful military history, but 
 were written while disease was preying. Of the state 
 papers within the eight years at the White House no 
 one can be sure how much was Grant's and hozv 
 much was the secretaries'. Biographers have looked 
 through lenses of varying power and color. His 
 personal letters give the nearest vision and most 
 satisfying appreciation of Grant, the man. 
 
 Two collections of these letters have been pub- 
 lished. Grant corresponded with Elihu B. Wash- 
 burne from the beginning of the Civil War to about 
 the time the third term nomination was attempted in 
 1880. The letters to Washburne were made public 
 several years ago. When Grant entered the army as 
 colonel of an Illinois regiment in 1861, Washburne 
 was the member of Congress from the Galena dis- 
 trict. He had been in Congress nearly ten years and 
 was influential. Grant moved from St. Louis to 
 Galena in 18 '59 to enter the leather business with his 
 brothers, their father supplying the capital. Wash- 
 burne had faith in Grant and was his friend at 
 Washington. The letters show that Grant realized 
 this. They were written with utmost frankness. Mr. 
 Washburne was in Congress not only throughout 
 the Civil War but until 1869 when Grant, having 
 been elected President, offered him the first place in 
 his cabinet, Secretary of State. The position was 
 not congenial to Washburne and he was appointed 
 minister to France. 
 
 ix 
 
Grant* s Letters 
 
 The second collection of Grant letters was given 
 more recent publicity. These letters are from the 
 farm near St. Louis, from the camp in war, from 
 the White House and from stopping places on the 
 journey around the world. They were written by 
 Grant to his father, his sister and other home folks. 
 
 A third collection of Grant letters supplies the 
 motive of this book. Some time after the war Grant 
 came into possession of the old Dent estate on the 
 Gravois road. There he had gone a-courting when 
 he was a lieutenant. There he had built his first 
 home. There his children were born. Grant em- 
 ployed a superintendent, improved the land and 
 acquired blooded stock. These letters relate to "the 
 Grant farm." They were written on White House 
 stationery. As the President neared the close of 
 his second term, his interest in the St. Louis farm- 
 increased. He expended money freely in his plans of 
 improvement. Evidently he contemplated retirement 
 to White Haven, as the estate had been known for 
 generations. Suddenly came the Whiskey Ring 
 exposures. They centered in St. Louis. They involved 
 men of high official position and of influential busi- 
 ness standing, men whom Grant had known well and 
 looked upon as friends for many years. Some of 
 those caught in the conspiracy sought to convey the 
 impression that the President had connived at the 
 frauds. Until April, 1875, Grant's strong interest 
 in the farm was shown in his letters of insttuc- 
 tion to his superintendent. On the 10th of May 
 revenue officers arrived in St. Louis and seized ten 
 
Grant's Letters 
 
 distilleries. A grand jury was called and investiga- 
 tion of the frauds led to many indictments. In July 
 a relative of Mrs. Grant wrote on the stationery of 
 the Kirkwood hotel a long letter to the President 
 telling him of the boasts the indicted were making 
 that he would not let them suffer. The trials had 
 not then taken place. This letter is in the Bixby 
 collection. On the back of it, in the handwriting of 
 Grant, is indorsed: 
 " Referred to the Sec. of the Treas. This was in- 
 tended as a private letter for my information and 
 contained many extracts from St. Louis not deemed 
 necessary to forward. They are obtainable and have 
 no doubt been all read by the federal officials in 
 St. Louis. I forward this for information and to 
 the end that if it throws any light upon new parties 
 to summon as witnesses they may be brought out. 
 Let no guilty man escape if it can be avoided. Be 
 specially vigilant — or instruct those engaged in the 
 prosecutions to be — against all who insinuate that 
 they have high influence to protect, or to protect 
 them. No personal consideration should stand in 
 the way of performing a public duty." 
 
 j i *l i„„ U. S. Grant. 
 
 July 2Qth, 75. 
 
 Throughout that summer of 187$ tne investiga- 
 tion went on. Indicted distillers, gangers and store- 
 keepers broke down and confessed. They implicated 
 higher officials — supervisors, collectors of internal 
 revenue, special agents, Treasury officials at Wash- 
 ington. Day by day the "Great Whiskey Ring" 
 
 xi 
 
Grant's Letters 
 
 scandal was the leading news feature in the papers. 
 Urgent pressure was brought to bear upon President 
 Grant to retire from his Cabinet Secretary of the 
 Treasury Bristow who was pushing the exposures. 
 For months it was unsuccessful. In August an ex- 
 amination of telegraph files at St. Louis and Wash- 
 ington brought to light messages in the handwriting 
 of General Orville E. Babcock, the President's secre- 
 tary, signed with an assumed name and addressed 
 to ringleaders in the conspiracy. It became public 
 information that the grand jury was considering the 
 fresh evidence and that the indictment of Babcock 
 was impending. 
 
 On the 24-th of September President Grant came 
 to St. Louis. He remained four days and went on 
 to Des Moines to attend the annual encampment of 
 the Grand Army of the Republic. The following 
 month Grant directed his business representative in 
 St. Louis "to close out all his personal property, 
 and to rent or lease out the farm and to give posses- 
 sion upon perfecting the lease." This was done. 
 "The Grant Farm" became a reminiscence. Grant 
 traveled much and made his home in the East. He 
 seldom came to St. Louis. He took little or no more 
 interest in White Haven. 
 
 These letters of Grant are in the manuscript col- 
 lection of Mr. W. K. Bixby, through whose courtesy 
 the Franklin Club now publishes them. They gain 
 much interest and significance when their relation- 
 ship, in point of time, with the Whiskey Ring is 
 recalled. W.B. S. 
 
 xn 
 
Grant, the Boy 
 
Grant f the Boy 
 
 Second Lieutenant Ulysses S. Grant reported 
 for duty at Jefferson Barracks the 30th of Sep- 
 tember, 1843. Young West Pointers in that per- 
 iod were called upon at graduation to express 
 their preference for branch of service; also for 
 the regiment to which they wished to be assigned. 
 They gave first and second choices. Grant's first 
 choice was the dragoons, as the cavalry was then 
 called. He missed that and was assigned to his 
 second choice, the 4th Infantry. Notwithstand- 
 ing his service was to be with a foot regiment, he 
 brought from his Ohio home to St. Louis his 
 horse, saddle and bridle. 
 
 Grant was called "The Tanner Boy" by one 
 of his biographers. In his Memoirs he writes of 
 his boyhood: "While my father carried on the 
 manufacture of leather and worked at the trade 
 himself, he owned and tilled considerable land. 
 I detested the trade, preferring almost any other 
 labor; but I was fond of agriculture and of all 
 employment in which horses were used." 
 
 When he was seven or eight years old he drove 
 the team which hauled wood from his father's 
 fifty acres of forqst to the house and the shops. 
 Others loaded and unloaded, but the small boy 
 handled the team. From the time he was eleven 
 years old he "did all of the work that was done 
 with horses" on the farm. As one of his com- 
 pensations for the work he was allowed, occasion- 
 ally, to take a horse and ride away fifteen miles 
 to visit grandparents in an adjoining county. 
 
Grant, the Boy 
 
 Once the boy went seventy miles with a two- 
 horse carriage to take some people to Chillicothe 
 and drove back alone. 
 
 He made other trips with the horses. One of 
 these was to Flat Rock in Kentucky. At Flat 
 Rock he saw a fine saddle horse and offered to 
 trade for it one of his father's horses which he 
 was driving. The owner of the saddle horse 
 wouldn't consider the trade until he learned that 
 the boy was allowed to do about as he pleased 
 with the horses. Grant was then fifteen. The 
 owner frankly said he did not know that his 
 horse had ever had on a collar. The boy was 
 willing to take the chance and the bargain was 
 made. Grant got the saddler into harness and 
 hitched him to a farm wagon for trial. It was 
 evident that the horse had never been broken to 
 harness, but Grant thought he could manage, 
 and with ten dollars "boot" in his pocket started 
 to drive the seventy miles home. He made good 
 progress until a vicious dog jumped out in the 
 road. The horses ran; the new one "kicked at 
 every jump he made." The boy recovered con- 
 trol and stopped the team before damage was 
 done. He thought he had quieted the horses, 
 but as soon as he started they began kicking 
 and running. This second runaway came to an 
 end on the edge of a steep embankment twenty 
 feet high, with the green horse trembling from 
 fright. As often as Grant tried to start there was 
 more plunging and kicking. The boy got out, 
 
Grant, the Boy 
 
 took a large colored handkerchief — it was called 
 a bandana in those days — and blindfolded the 
 horse. In this way he reached Maysville where 
 he borrowed a driving horse from a relative and 
 led his saddle horse the rest of the way. 
 
 u Lys" Grant was the identical boy in a horse 
 story which has since become an American stable 
 classic. The boy was sent to buy a colt. His 
 father told him to offer twenty dollars first and 
 raise to twenty-two and a half and then to 
 twenty-five if he couldn't buy cheaper. When 
 the boy got to the place he said to the owner: 
 "Papa says I may offer you twenty-dollars for 
 the colt; but if you won't take that I may offer 
 you twenty-two and a half; and if you won't 
 take that I may give you twenty-five." Grant 
 was that boy. He admits it in his Memoirs: 
 
 "This story is nearly true. I certainly showed 
 plainly that I had come for the colt and meant 
 to have him. I could not have been over eight 
 years old at the time. This transaction caused 
 me great heart-burning. The story got out 
 among the boys of the village, and it was a long 
 time before I heard the last of it. Boys enjoy 
 the misery of their companions, at least village 
 boys in that day did, and in later life I have 
 found that all adults are not free from the pecu- 
 liarity. I kept the horse until he was four years 
 old, when he went blind, and sold him for twenty 
 dollars. When I went to Maysville to school, 
 in 1836, at the age of fourteen, I recognized my 
 
Grant, the Boy 
 
 colt as one of the blind horses working in the 
 tread-wheel of the ferry-boat." 
 
 When Grant came home for his furlough after 
 two years at West Point there was awaiting him 
 a young horse that had never been in harness. 
 The father remembered the son's favorite recrea- 
 tion and provided for it in this way. Two years 
 later Grant returned home a second lieutenant 
 of infantry. He immediately ordered his uni- 
 form. It was a time of "great suspense," he 
 says, until he could "get in that uniform and see 
 how it looked." He frankly admits that he 
 wanted his old schoolmates, "particularly the 
 girls," to see him in it. In later life Grant was 
 thought to be rather careless of personal appear- 
 ance. A picture, an old daguerreotype, taken 
 when he was a young officer and smooth shaven 
 gives an impression of Grant altogether different 
 from the pictures taken during and after the war. 
 
 The young lieutenant in his brand new uni- 
 form quickly came to grief. This is another 
 horse story and of his own telling. Soon after 
 the suit came home from the tailor's, Grant 
 "donned it and put off for Cincinnati on horse- 
 back." He rode slowly along the streets of the 
 city, imagining that every one was looking at 
 him. A little boy, bareheaded, barefooted, with 
 trousers held up by one suspender and a shirt 
 that had not seen a washtub for weeks, shouted 
 shrilly to him: "Soldier! will you work? No 
 Sir-ee; I'll sell my shirt first." Grant says: 
 "The horse trade and its dire consequences were 
 recalled to mind." 
 
 6 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
 Extraordinary fondness for horses was one of 
 the marked characteristics of Grant. It began 
 in his early boyhood. It grew with him to man- 
 hood. It is shown in the series of letters this 
 book contains. Indirectly it led to Grant's court- 
 ship and marriage. Basely it was treated as a 
 weakness and abused in the attempt to smirch 
 the great soldier's name. 
 
 At Jefferson Barracks in 1843, Grant was under 
 the command of General Stephen Watts Kearny, 
 afterwards the Mexican war hero. If the young 
 lieutenants attended roll calls and drills punc- 
 tually, they might go where they chose when off 
 duty. Kearny required no written applications 
 for leave. He did not care to know where the 
 lieutenants were going or how long they intended 
 to stay, if they returned in time for duty. To the 
 horse, saddle and bridle brought from Ohio, 
 Grant turned for favorite recreation. He rode 
 out from the Barracks into the suburbs of St. 
 Louis and soon found his way to White Haven, 
 the home of the Dents. In Grant's class at West 
 Point was Fred T. Dent, son of the owner of 
 White Haven. During their last year at the 
 Academy, Grant and Dent roomed together. 
 The young Ohio lieutenant was welcomed. His 
 rides to White Haven were frequent. An older 
 daughter of the house of Dent, Miss Julia, had 
 been at boarding school in St. Louis. She was 
 visiting relatives, Colonel John O'Fallon's fam- 
 ily, when Grant began his rides to White Haven. 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
 After Miss Julia returned home it was noticed 
 that the lieutenant came more frequently. There 
 were walks and rides and visits to neighbors. 
 Grant became well known in the Gravois com- 
 munity. If the 4th Infantry had remained at 
 Barracks this situation, Grant says, "might have 
 continued for some years without my finding out 
 that anything was the matter with me." But in 
 the spring of 1844, agitation over the annexation 
 of Texas and threatened trouble with Mexico 
 became serious. The 4th Infantry was ordered 
 to Red River. Grant was on leave visiting his 
 Ohio home when his regiment left. He hurried 
 back to St. Louis, got a few days longer leave 
 from Lieutenant Ewell, who was afterwards a 
 famous Confederate general, mounted a horse 
 and rode over the familiar route from the Bar- 
 racks to White Haven. Gravois creek was boom- 
 ing. At that time there was not. a bridge the 
 entire length of the creek. Ordinarily the flow 
 of water wasn't enough "to run a coffee mill," as 
 Grant described it. When the lieutenant reached 
 his usual fording place, the water was over the 
 banks and running swiftly. Grant stopped and 
 thought. Casually recalling that experience in his 
 Memoirs he makes, in simple, homely expres- 
 sions, a revelation of that trait which was to 
 astound the world a few years later. When, as 
 the general, he moved toward Richmond by the 
 left flank and sent back word to Washington, 
 "We will fight it out on this line if it takes 
 
 10 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
 all summer," he was only reiterating what he 
 thought as he sat on his horse at the edge of 
 unfordable Gravois creek. 
 "One of my superstitions had always been when 
 I started to go anywhere, or to do anything, not 
 to turn back, or stop until the thing intended 
 was accomplished. I have frequently started to 
 go to places where I had never been and to which 
 I did not know the way, depending upon making 
 inquiries on the road, and if I got past the place 
 without knowing it, instead of turning back I 
 would go on until a road was found turning in 
 the right direction, take that, and come in by the 
 other side." 
 
 This "superstition" was applied twenty years 
 later when Grant tried first one route and then 
 another to get into Vicksburg until he had com- 
 pletely circled the supposed impregnable strong- 
 hold of the Confederacy and compelled surrender. 
 He struck into the Gravois, was carried down 
 stream, kept his horse headed to the west and 
 climbed the other bank. But he was wet to the 
 skin when he reached White Haven. The re- 
 sourceful Miss Julia promptly produced a suit of 
 her brother's clothes. Sitting in the borrowed 
 garments, which were a bad fit, Grant told of the 
 discovery he had made when he learned that he 
 had been ordered away from Jefferson Barracks. 
 The young lady modestly admitted that she had 
 felt "a depression of spirits" for which she could 
 not account when the regiment left. They 
 
 ii 
 
Grant , the Lieutenant 
 
 parted with "an agreement." That was in May, 
 1 844. The "agreement" continued until the 22nd 
 of August, 1848, when it was fulfilled. During 
 the more than four years Grant saw Miss Dent 
 only once; that was in May, 1845, when he came 
 back to St. Louis on a short leave and got the 
 consent of the parents to a formal engagement. 
 
 White Haven was given its name in memory 
 of the old home of the Dents in Maryland. The 
 original White Haven was a grant from King 
 Charles to the ancestors of the Frederick Dent 
 who came to Missouri in 1815. White Haven on 
 the Gravois road consisted of nearly 1,000 acres. 
 Dent bought when land was cheap. It is history 
 that one of the large estates near White Haven 
 was acquired in the pioneer period by a trade of 
 whiskey for land on the basis of one gallon of 
 whiskey for each acre of ground. 
 
 Grant returned with his regiment from Mexico 
 in the summer of 1 848. He obtained four months 
 leave of absence, came to St. Louis and was mar- 
 ried on the 22nd of August to Miss Julia Dent, 
 who was described in a St. Louis paper as "a lady 
 of refinement and elegant manners." The Dents 
 were Southerners originally but had lived for 
 many years on the large estate southwest of the 
 city. They owned slaves and farmed on an ex- 
 tensive scale. At the same time the head of the 
 house, Colonel Frederick Dent, dealt in land 
 claims. He acquired possession of an old Span- 
 ish claim which he tried to enforce against a 
 
 12 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
 considerable portion of Carondelet, afterwards 
 annexed to St. Louis. Colonel Dent was pressing 
 this claim at the time of the marriage and for 
 several years after that event. He was finally 
 defeated and took the loss with a good deal of 
 feeling. 
 
 The marriage of Lieutenant Grant to Miss 
 Dent took place at the Dent town house on 
 Fourth and Cerre streets. The house was not in 
 the most fashionable part of the city but in a 
 very respectable locality, near the Sacred Heart 
 convent and the French market. Chouteau 
 avenue, with its mansions, was only a short dis- 
 tance. The wedding ceremony was followed by 
 dancing which continued until midnight. Offi- 
 cers from the Barracks were present. One of 
 them was Longstreet, afterwards the Confeder- 
 ate general. Military marriages between army 
 officers and St. Louis girls were frequent in those 
 days. 
 
 Grant was assigned first to Sackett's Harbor 
 and then to Detroit. In 1852 his regiment was 
 ordered to the Pacific Coast. Mrs. Grant and 
 the boy, Frederick Dent Grant, who became a 
 major-general in the United States Army and 
 died in 1913, came to the home in St. Louis to 
 remain until the husband and the father could 
 arrange to have them join him in California. The 
 4th Infantry was ordered to Fort Vancouver on 
 the Columbia river, where potatoes were selling at 
 sixteen cents a pound. There Grant's knowledge 
 
 13 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
 of horses came into play again. The lieutenant 
 bought a team which had crossed the plains 
 and was very poor. Under his care the horses 
 recuperated. While Grant broke the ground, 
 three of his fellow officers dropped and covered 
 the seed potatoes. This was to be a speculation 
 that might show the way to bring out the family 
 to the Coast. The crop nourished and promised 
 enormous yield. Grant tells the result: 
 
 "Luckily for us the Columbia river rose to a 
 great height from the melting of the snow in the 
 mountains in June, and overflowed and killed 
 most of our crop. This saved digging it up, for 
 everybody on the Pacific Coast seemed to have 
 come to the conclusion at the same time that 
 agriculture would be profitable. In 1853 more 
 than three-quarters of the potatoes raised were 
 permitted to rot in the ground, or had to be 
 thrown away. The only potatoes we sold were 
 to our own mess." 
 
 On the 5th of July, 1853, Grant reached his 
 captaincy and joined his company at Humboldt 
 Bay, California. In 1854 ne resigned from the 
 army. He had been separated from wife and 
 children three years. He resigned because, "I 
 saw no chance of supporting them on the Pacific 
 Coast out of my pay as an army officer." 
 
 In 1850 Mrs. Grant came home to St. Louis 
 from Detroit where Grant was then stationed. 
 Fred Dent Grant was born at St. Louis, in May 
 of that year. He was given the name of his 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
 maternal grandfather. There was a domestic 
 reason why Mrs. Grant did not accompany her 
 husband when the 4th Infantry was sent rather 
 suddenly to the Pacific Coast in June, 1852. 
 Mrs. Grant went first to the home of her hus- 
 band's people at Bethel in Ohio where, in July, 
 Ulysses, the second son, was born. When the 
 mother and baby were able to travel, Mrs. Grant 
 returned to St. Louis and remained with the 
 Dents until her husband left the army. Colonel 
 Dent's negroes named the baby "Buckeye," be- 
 cause he was born in Ohio. That was shortened 
 to Buck by which Ulysses was known even after 
 he grew to manhood. In his family letters Grant 
 spoke of this second son as Buck. He called him 
 Buck to the last days. The two younger children 
 were born in the four years on the farm; Ellen, or 
 Nellie, as she was called later, was born in the 
 summer of 1855, and Jesse Root, named for the 
 paternal grandfather, was born in the winter of 
 1858. 
 
 There is a Jefferson Barracks tradition of Grant 
 told to illustrate his fearlessness. The lieutenant 
 was drilling his company when his commanding 
 officer came by with some other officers and asked : 
 
 "Where are the rest of your men, Lieutenant?" 
 
 "Absent, by your leave, sir." 
 
 "That is not true." 
 
 Grant turned to the sergeant and told him to 
 take command; then putting the point of his 
 sword to the officer's breast said: 
 
 15 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
 "Unless you apologize at once for this insult I 
 will run you through." 
 
 The officer apologized. There are recollections 
 of Grant's grit in the Gravois settlement. One 
 night a bad man of the neighborhood became 
 boisterous at a dance. Grant told him to be 
 quiet. The bad man talked back. Grant kicked 
 him out the door and into the road. 
 
 Some teamsters met Grant and a neighbor at 
 a narrow place in the road. Grant was on the 
 way to the mines with a load of props. The 
 teamsters, relying on numbers and strength, 
 crowded Grant and his companion into the ditch. 
 Grant seized a club and with "Come on!" led the 
 way to an attack which routed the teamsters. 
 
 In the social circle of which Jefferson Barracks 
 was the center, Grant, during his lieutenant days, 
 was called "the pretty little lieutenant" and 
 "the little blue-eyed beauty." He was not only 
 smooth-faced but he had "a clear, pink and white 
 complexion." These descriptions do not suggest 
 Grant the farmer, Grant the general, and Grant 
 the President. They accord well with the his- 
 torical fact that when the 4th Infantry officers 
 got up amateur private theatricals to while away 
 the time, they cast Lieutenant Grant for the part 
 of Desdemona, and he played it. 
 
 Grant was a man of hardly average height, but 
 he mounted a large horse with ease. He did it 
 after a manner of his own. He did not climb 
 into the saddle. He did not pull himself up with 
 
 16 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
 his hands. With his left foot in the stirrup and 
 his left hand on the mane, he arose without 
 jumping and by straightening the left leg until 
 his body was high enough to let him swing the 
 right leg over the back of the saddle. Then he 
 let himself down into the seat. The movement 
 was rapid but without spring or jolt. 
 
 The story of the Cicotte mare illustrates aptly 
 Grant's expertness as well as enjoyment in the 
 handling of horses. A Canadian Frenchman, 
 David Cicotte, had a speedy little black mare to 
 which Grant took a liking while he was stationed 
 in Detroit. The lieutenant agreed to give Cicotte 
 $200 for the mare if she could pace a mile in 2:55 
 drawing two men in a buggy. The mare did it 
 with the owner and the lieutenant in the vehicle. 
 Grant trained and drove the mare until she could 
 show the back of the buggy to anything in 
 Detroit. He sent her to St. Louis where she won 
 #1,000 in a race. The Cicotte mare, as St. Louis 
 horse fanciers of that generation knew her on the 
 old Abbey track, sold for #1,400. 
 
 While Grant was at Jefferson Barracks, a young 
 lieutenant, the mess of the 4th Infantry was 
 presided over by Captain Robert Buchanan. 
 This captain, a much older man, took it upon 
 himself to be strict with the lieutenants fresh 
 from West Point. A rule was adopted that any 
 officer late at mess should be fined a bottle of 
 wine. Even if the tardy one came in just after the 
 soup was served, Buchanan imposed the penalty. 
 
 17 
 
Grant, the Lieutenant 
 
 Grant was unfortunate. His frequent visits to 
 White Haven were not always ended in time 
 for prompt return to mess. In ten days the fine 
 was imposed upon the lieutenant three times. 
 The manner of the president of the mess was 
 irritating: 
 
 "Grant, you are late, as usual; another bottle 
 of wine, sir." 
 
 "Mr. President, I have been fined three bottles 
 of wine within the last ten days and if I am fined 
 again I shall be obliged to repudiate." 
 
 "Mr. Grant, young people should be seen, not 
 heard." 
 
 That was in 1844. In 1854, when his promo- 
 tion to captain sent him from Vancouver to Fort 
 Humboldt, Grant had to report to this same 
 Buchanan, then lieutenant-colonel of the 4th 
 Infantry. At Vancouver there had been con- 
 genial fellow officers. The potato crop was only 
 one of the several business ventures of the officers. 
 Grant and another shipped ice to California on a 
 venture. They also tried a few shipments of 
 cattle and pigs. There was something doing. At 
 Fort Humboldt Buchanan made things disagree- 
 able. He was still the strict disciplinarian, not 
 to say martinet. He reported Grant to Wash- 
 ington for drinking. Notice was served on the 
 captain that he must put his resignation in the 
 hands of Colonel Buchanan and that it would 
 be forwarded to Washington on the next offend- 
 ing. Grant declined to be put upon probation. 
 
Grant j the Lieutenant 
 
 He offered Buchanan his unconditional resigna- 
 tion. This is army tradition. No mention of 
 the action of Colonel Buchanan appears in the 
 records at the War Department. Grant's straight- 
 forward resignation is there with the indorse- 
 ment "accepted as tendered, Jefferson Davis, 
 Secretary of War." 
 
 Another traditional version is to the effect that 
 Colonel Buchanan found Grant under the influ- 
 ence of liquor one day after the latter came to 
 Fort Humboldt and told him he must resign or 
 stand trial. Fellow officers advised him to stand 
 trial, but Grant decided that he would rather 
 leave the army. As he departed he said to his 
 friends, "Whoever hears of me in ten years will 
 hear of a well-to-do Missouri farmer." 
 
 19 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 When Grant returned to St. Louis in the late 
 summer of 1854 he found in his family a son whom 
 hehad never seen,born while he was on thelsthmus. 
 Until the fall of 1858 he farmed. The biographers 
 have given the impression that this was a period of 
 successive failures, of depression and discourage- 
 ment. They tell how Grant grew stoopshouldered 
 and sad. The letters which Grant wrote in those 
 years do not bear out this. In the summer of 1857 
 he sent this news from the farm to his home folks : 
 
 "My hard work is now over for the season with 
 a fair prospect of being remunerated in every- 
 thing but the wheat. My wheat, which would 
 have produced from four hundred to five hundred 
 bushels with a good winter has yielded only 
 seventy-five. My oats were good and the corn, 
 if not injured by frost this fall, will be the best I 
 ever raised. My potato crop bids fair to yield 
 fifteen hundred bushels." 
 
 As a matter of fact the potatoes turned out two 
 hundred bushels to the acre. Another year he 
 sent this cheerful account of prospects: 
 
 "This spring has opened finely for farming and 
 I hope to do well; but I shall wait until the crops 
 are gathered before I make predictions. I shall 
 have about twenty acres of potatoes, twenty of 
 corn, twenty-five of oats, fifty of wheat, twenty- 
 five of meadow, some clover, Hungarian grass and 
 other small products, all of whichwill require labor 
 before they are got to market and the money real- 
 ized for them." 
 
 23 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 In none of these letters written to members 
 of his father's family is there note of pessimism 
 or discouragement. There are pleasant bits of 
 domestic news and comment, such as this: 
 "Little Ellen is growing very fast and talks now 
 quite plainly. Fred does not read yet, but he 
 will, I think, in a few weeks. Jesse R. is growing 
 very rapidly, is very healthy and, they say, is the 
 best looking child among the four. I don't think, 
 however, there is much difference between them 
 in that respect." 
 
 Jesse R. was named for the paternal grand- 
 father. "Little Ellen" became Nellie Grant, who 
 was married in the White House. 
 
 Years afterwards, looking back upon those years 
 of farming in the Gravois settlement, Grant wrote 
 that he "managed to keep along well until 1858." 
 He gave up the farm because of a stubborn siege 
 of fever and ague. He had suffered from this in 
 boyhood. The ailment returned while he was 
 farming and lasted over a year. It did not keep 
 him in the house but it interfered with his work. 
 
 In the winter of 1854 Grant built a house on 
 "the eighty" which her father had given Mrs. 
 Grant. He says he "worked very hard, never 
 losing a day because of bad weather and accom- 
 plished the object in a moderate way." The 
 house has been called a "log cabin." It had two 
 stories. A hall ran through the center, dividing 
 the lower floor and making a double house. The 
 upper floor was of sufficient height to give front 
 
 24 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 as well as end windows. At one end of the house 
 was a large stone chimney opening into a fire- 
 place wide enough to take in a log of considerable 
 size. Although built of logs the house was much 
 more imposing than the ordinary conception of a 
 "log cabin." Grant did nearly all of the work. 
 He cut the trees and hewed them square, leaving 
 no bark or outer wood to encourage decay. He 
 "scored" or notched the ends to make the corners 
 fit well. That house was built sixty years ago. 
 That it stands today in a condition of excellent 
 preservation is the evidence of Grant's thorough- 
 ness. 
 
 When the logs were ready neighbors came to 
 the "raisin" and brought their slaves to help. 
 One man stood at each corner to guide the ends of 
 the logs into the scored places. The others lifted. 
 Grant stood at the left front corner and "carried 
 it up," as the building phrase of that day went. 
 One who was there recalls that those who helped 
 were Harrison Long, Upshaw McCormick, Zeno 
 Mackey, Thaddeus Lovejoy, Perry Sappington, 
 Lint. Sappington, and Trip Reavis. Before sun- 
 down of the second day the walls were in place, 
 so well had Grant prepared the logs. Grant did 
 the rest of the work, putting on the roof and 
 finishing the interior. 
 
 Colonel Dent gave his son a farm from the 
 south side of the estate about the time he gave 
 Mrs. Grant her farm. The younger Dent built a 
 neat cottage fronting the Gravois road. He called 
 
 25 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 it Wish-Ton-Wish, the Indian for Whip-Poor- 
 Will. When Grant had completed his log house 
 and the family moved in, the question of a name 
 arose, following the custom of the neighborhood. 
 Grant bestowed on his wife's farm the name of 
 Hardscrabble, because he said it might be a hard 
 scrabble to make a living there. Man;y years 
 afterwards he walked over the farm and said, "I 
 moistened the ground around these stumps with 
 many a drop of sweat, but they were happy days 
 after all." This was more than passing sentiment, 
 for after the war, when he had means, Grant im- 
 proved the farm and held it until the crash of his 
 fortune in the Ferdinand Ward failure of 1885. 
 
 White Haven lay on both sides of Gravois 
 creek. The Dent mansion stood in a grove of 
 locusts and spruces. It was long and low with a 
 two-story porch. Great stone chimneys built on 
 the outside were at the ends of the main structure. 
 In the rear were whitewashed quarters of the 
 thirty slaves that Colonel Dent owned. Three- 
 quarters of a mile south was Wish-Ton-Wish, the 
 cottage of the younger Dent. A mile to the 
 northwest was Hardscrabble, Grant's house, in a 
 grove of oaks. It stood back about one hundred 
 feet from the Ridge road. Grant hauled the stone 
 for the cellar. He split the shingles. Colonel 
 Dent not only gave his daughter the land but he 
 also transferred to her three or four slaves. The 
 negroes cut and loaded the wood which Grant 
 hauled to the city. Neighbors took note that 
 
 26 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 Grant seldom rode on the loaded wagon but 
 walked beside it with the explanation that horses 
 had enough to draw the load without a lazy 
 rider. Grant received four dollars a cord for the 
 wood. He usually had customers secured in 
 advance but occasionally waited on the Lucas 
 market place, now Twelfth street, for a buyer. 
 
 A story which Gen. Grant enjoyed very much 
 in after years turned on the wood selling experi- 
 ence. General Ben Butler and Senator Nesmith 
 of Oregon, who had known Grant in Vancouver 
 and who was the humorist of the Senate, were 
 discussing the general's wonderful popularity. 
 Butler said that Grant first touched the popular 
 chord when he captured Fort Donelson with his 
 unconditional surrender terms. "No," Nesmith 
 said, gravely, "I think he first touched the popu- 
 lar cord when he hauled wood from his farm and 
 sold it at full measure in St. Louis." 
 
 Grant's desire to be independent of his father- 
 in-law was strong. It prompted him to unusual 
 exertions. He hauled the split wood to St. Louis 
 and sold it. He worked up the branches into 
 "props," such as the coal miners used in their 
 drifts to support the roof. In the southwestern 
 suburbs of St. Louis several mines were in opera- 
 tion. Grant hauled the props to these mines and 
 got five dollars a load. On the way home after 
 one of these trips Grant stopped at a blacksmith 
 shop and listened to a group of neighbors talking 
 about the pitiable condition of a German farmer 
 
 27 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 who had been burned out the night before. The 
 neighbors were planning to do something. Grant 
 listened and remarked, "I know that man; he is 
 a good man." He took out of his pocket the five 
 dollars received that day for the load ; as he handed 
 it to a member of the self-appointed relief commit- 
 tee, he said : "It is all I have. I wish it was more." 
 One of the recollections of the Gravois settle- 
 ment is of Grant's reply when he was asked to 
 join in a subscription movement for a new church. 
 Farmer Grant is quoted as saying: "I am very 
 glad to; we ought to have a comfortable place for 
 preaching. I don't attend as much as I should, 
 but Julia and the children do. We ought also to 
 have a Sunday school in the neighborhood." 
 
 Grant was always a respecter of the Sabbath. 
 A minister once remarked to him regretfully that 
 so many of the great battles of the war were 
 fought on Sunday. Grant said that was "very 
 unfortunate" and, according to General Porter, 
 gave this explanation: 
 "Of course it was not intentional, and I think 
 that sometimes, perhaps, it has been the result 
 of the very efforts which have been made to 
 avoid it. You see, a commander, when he can 
 control his own movements, usually intends to 
 start early in the week so as not to bring on an 
 engagement on Sunday; but delays occur often 
 at the last moment, and it may be the middle of 
 the week before he gets his troops in motion. 
 Then more time is spent than anticipated in 
 
 28 
 
• Grant, the Farmer 
 
 manoeuvering for position, and when the fighting 
 actually begins it is the end of the week, and the 
 battle, particularly if it continues a couple of 
 days, runs into Sunday." 
 
 Grant observed Sunday strictly as a day of 
 rest. He would not write any official correspond- 
 ence if he could help it. 
 
 Grant had the finest team in the Gravois settle- 
 ment. It was inevitable that horse stories should 
 be associated with him in this as well as in all 
 other periods of his life. Charles W. Ford was 
 the local manager of the United States Express 
 Company. He is said to have helped Grant in 
 the selection of the team. He had been a warm 
 personal friend of Grant at Sackett's Harbor. 
 Horses always grew better in Grant's hands. It 
 was not long until the neighbors began to look 
 admiringly at the black and white span. Then 
 stories went around about the big loads which the 
 Grant team could haul. One day Grant started 
 to St. Louis with sixty bushels of wheat on the 
 wagon and got there. Sappington, the pioneer and 
 patriarch of the neighborhood, heard the story and 
 doubted it. He questioned Grant and the latter 
 said: "We'll both load on sixty bushels. If I get 
 to St. Louis without help and you don't, both 
 loads are mine. If you get there without help 
 and I don't, the one hundred and twenty bushels 
 are yours." Sappington laughed and declined 
 the wager, saying, "Well, Captain, I don't see 
 how you do it." Many a time Captain Grant 
 
 29 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 unhitched his team and helped a neighbor or a 
 stranger whose horses had become stalled in a 
 mud hole on the Gravois road. 
 
 Nellie Grant was born on the 4th of July. 
 Year after year during her childhood her father 
 pretended to consider that the salutes and fire- 
 works were in celebration of her birthday. Nellie 
 was only a baby when her father taught her to 
 ride on the saddle with him. A rough and tumble 
 wrestling match with his growing boys was a 
 frequent form of home amusement. Grant in- 
 dulged in it even after he became a general. 
 Those who saw these evidences of the father's 
 love of companionship with his family realized 
 what the long parting while he was on the Pacific 
 Coast must have meant to him. 
 
 A letter that came to St. Louis while Grant was 
 "at the front" in Mississippi illustrated the strong 
 family tie of the Grants: "Tell the children to 
 learn their lessons, mind their grandma and be 
 good children. I should like very much to see 
 them. To me they are all obedient and good. I 
 may be partial but they seem to me to be children 
 to be proud of." 
 
 Mrs. Dent, the mother-in-law, thought a great 
 deal of Grant and showed it in many ways. Mrs. 
 Grant's home name for her husband was "Ulyss." 
 She called him "Mr. Grant" before strangers, 
 even after he became lieutenant-general. A very 
 few intimates heard her pet name of "Victor" 
 given after the capture of Vicksburg. 
 
 30 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 "Those were happy days in the log house," Mrs. 
 Grant said after the eight years in the White 
 House and the trip around the world. Her son, 
 General Fred. Dent Grant, visited the log house 
 on the World's Fair grounds when he was in 
 St. Louis for the dedication in 1903. He went 
 through the rooms, telling with emotion his recol- 
 lections. He showed the room up stairs to the 
 right of the middle door where he and his little 
 brothers slept. He described the long winter 
 evenings when the captain and Mrs. Grant sat 
 with the children in a semi-circle in front of the 
 blazing fire-place. He remembered that his father 
 told of the campaign in Mexico. He had vivid 
 recollection of what his father said of his home- 
 sickness on the Pacific Coast and of his great 
 desire to get home and see wife and children. 
 
 No member of the Grant family looked back 
 upon that farm life as it has been presented by 
 some of the biographers. There was none of that 
 poverty which has been pictured to heighten the 
 contrast with the fame that came later. There 
 was plenty to eat. There was social life. The 
 captain and Mrs. Grant went out to the neigh- 
 borhood gatherings; they had no light vehicle but 
 both were good riders and each took a child on 
 the horse. Grant did not dance but he played 
 cards well. Checkers was his favorite game. At 
 the shooting matches of the neighborhood, the 
 captain held his own and got the prize, a quarter 
 of beef, about as often as any of the neighbors. 
 
 3i 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 Grant was popular with his neighbors along the 
 Gravois road. He had no quarrels. To this day 
 is remembered the way in which his sense of jus- 
 tice settled a difference with two neighbors. Soon 
 after Grant went on the farm there was a misun- 
 derstanding as to the amount he was to pay Trip 
 Reavis and Jonah Sappington for a quantity of 
 cordwood. The two neighbors claimed more was 
 due than Grant thought he was to pay. The cap- 
 tain proposed arbitration; Sappington and Reavis 
 to appoint one arbitrator; he to appoint another; 
 the cost of the decision of the arbitrators to be 
 paid by the loser. Reavis and Sappington named 
 Ben Lovejoy as their arbitrator. The captain 
 immediately said Lovejoy would suit him, too, 
 and that whatever the decision he would accept 
 it. Lovejoy decided that Reavis and Sappington 
 were right. Grant at once paid the bill. 
 
 There is a sequel to this incident. Most of 
 those who were neighbors to Grant in his farming 
 days owned slaves or from old associations sym- 
 pathized with the South. In the settlement was 
 formed an organization to extend aid to Confed- 
 erates. Grant came up to St. Louis in January, 
 1862, and in accordance with his custom went out 
 to the farm to see his father-in-law. He went 
 about among the neighbors. Some one proposed 
 that the organization kidnap him and take him 
 South a prisoner. The suggestion was promptly 
 vetoed by the leaders. 
 
 One of the traditions well preserved in the 
 
 32 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 Gravois neighborhood tells how Grant dealt with 
 a neighbor who did not keep the eighth command- 
 ment. The Grant family was at that time liv- 
 ing in Wish-Ton-Wish while the brother-in-law 
 was away. The Hardscrabble woodlotwas nearly 
 two miles away to the north. Grant discovered 
 that somebody was stealing wood at night. He 
 went on guard, selecting a bright moonlight night 
 when he thought conditions were likely to en- 
 courage the thief. He had not been watching 
 long when a team was driven up within three or 
 four rods of where he was hidden. The man was 
 recognized as a renter in the vicinity. Grant 
 waited until the wagon was loaded and the team 
 had been driven nearly to the road; then he 
 stepped in front and hailed. The conversation, 
 according to tradition, was about as follows: 
 
 "Hullo, Bill ! Going to St. Louis with that wood ?" 
 
 "Yep." 
 
 "How much are you asking for it?" 
 
 "About four dollars." 
 
 "Well, I'll take it. Bring it. over to the house." 
 
 "Nope. Promised it to a man in town." 
 
 "I must have it. You haul this load to my 
 house, and pay me twenty dollars for what you 
 have cut and hauled away. That won't be more 
 than half price, you know." 
 
 "What will you do if I don't; sue me before the 
 squire?" 
 
 "No, we won't trouble the squire or the public. 
 We'll settle right here." 
 
 33 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 As the story goes, Grant dropped his humorous 
 manner, jumped forward and grabbed the thief 
 who was much the larger of the two. "Hold on," 
 the fellow called, "I'll do it, but don't tell any- 
 body." The wood was unloaded at Grant's 
 house, the twenty dollars were paid and the inci- 
 dent was closed. Grant missed no more wood. 
 
 Longstreet was one of the officers from Jeffer- 
 son Barracks who attended the wedding of Lieu- 
 tenant Grant and Miss Dent at the town house 
 of the Dents. He recalled the last meeting with 
 his old comrade in St. Louis before they came 
 together at Appomattox. It was in 1858: 
 
 "I was in St. Louis on business and there met a 
 number of old army chums. It was a cold dreary 
 day and a game of brag was proposed as most 
 likely to recall old memories. We were one hand 
 short when my friend Captain Holloway went 
 out to find some one. He soon returned with a 
 civilian poorly dressed in the garb of a farmer. 
 We recognized our old friend Grant, who had 
 resigned from the service a few years before and 
 was at the time making an unsuccessful battle for 
 existence in civil life. The next day, while I was 
 standing in front of the Planter's Hotel, Grant 
 stepped up and placed a five-dollar gold piece in 
 my hand. He said it was a debt of honor from 
 our association in the old Texas days. 
 
 " T will not take it,' said I. 'You are now out 
 of service and need it.' 
 
 " 'But you must take it,' Grant insisted, with 
 
 34 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 determination, 'I will not have what does not 
 belong to me.' 
 "Seeing that he was thoroughly in earnest, and 
 to save him from mortification, I accepted it, and 
 shaking hands, we parted. Is it any wonder that 
 I hoped to meet him again after he had become 
 a great general. But we never met after our part- 
 ing on the steps of the Planter's Hotel in St. Louis 
 until after the surrender. I was one of the Con- 
 federate commissioners to arrange the details of 
 the capitulation. General Grant treated us with 
 great kindness. He acted as though nothing 
 whatever had happened to mar the relations 
 which existed in the long ago by the camp fires in 
 Texas and Mexico. As we stepped aside after the 
 formalities, he put his arm in mine and the first 
 thing he said to me was: 
 
 " 'Pete,' (my army sobriquet) 'let us return to 
 the happy old days by playing another game of 
 brag.'" ' 
 
 General Frederick Dent Grant's recollections 
 of the life in St. Louis were widely at variance 
 with the biographers. He denied with emphasis 
 that his father was gloomy and dispirited in the 
 years that were spent in the house of logs. He 
 remembered him as energetic and cheerful. On 
 one occasion not long before he died, the son said 
 of the farm: 
 
 "I remember it very distinctly. Indeed my mem- 
 ory begins with the transfer of my father from 
 the post in Detroit. When my father was ordered 
 
 35 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 to go to California, my mother and I were to 
 live in St. Louis until he established a home and 
 sent for us. But his pay was small, flour was 
 twenty-five cents a pound, and we remained with 
 my grandfather. While I was playing on the long 
 porch at White Haven, the home of my mother's 
 family, late in the summer of 1854, a man drove 
 up in a buggy. Just as he was throwing the lap- 
 robe over the dashboard a colored woman ran out 
 of the house and said: 'It's Mr. Grant.' And so 
 it was, but I didn't know him. It is very likely 
 he didn't know me. He had resigned his com- 
 mission because he couldn't support his family if 
 he stayed in the army. My mother had a farm, 
 about a hundred acres, I suppose, and my father, 
 who was an industrious and stirring man, built a 
 log house, cutting the trees and hewing them 
 himself. Now bear in mind that my father had 
 graduated from West Point, had served in the 
 Mexican war and had been an officer in the United 
 States army, yet he sacrificed his career as he 
 thought, and took up his work in the wilderness, 
 that he might have a home of his own and not be 
 under obligations to Mr. Dent, his father-in-law." 
 Grant "was a failure as a farmer," according to 
 the biographers, and yet it is an historical fact 
 that when Dent, the brother-in-law, went to Cali- 
 fornia, he got Grant to take charge of Wish-Ton- 
 Wish and run the place. It is another fact that, 
 after Mrs. Dent, the mother-in-law, died in 1856 
 or 1857, Colonel Dent moved to town and turned 
 
 36 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 over White Haven with the thirty slaves and all 
 to Grant to manage for him. In September,i858, 
 Grant wrote home: "Julia and I are both sick 
 with chills and fever; Freddy so dangerously ill 
 that I thought I would not write until his fate 
 was decided." 
 
 The next month, October, Grant told his father 
 of the decision reached in regard to the farm, in 
 view of the continued illness of the family: "Mr. 
 Dent and myself will make a sale this fall and get 
 clear of all the stock on the place and then rent 
 out the cleared land and sell about 400 acres of 
 the north end of the place. As I explained to you 
 this will include my place. I shall plan to go to 
 Covington in the spring." 
 
 The day before Christmas, 1858, Grant went 
 into a St. Louis pawnshop and left his silver 
 watch. He borrowed twenty dollars on it. His 
 application for the appointment to a minor 
 county office had failed. The temporary clerkship 
 at the custom house had come to an end. A plan 
 to freight goods over the Santa Fe trail had 
 not come to anything. Months of malaria in the 
 family had been expensive. A little ready money 
 was needed for the Christmas season. The pawn 
 ticket was preserved as a curiosity. After Grant 
 died, an admirer of the general paid fifteen dol- 
 lars for the scrap of paper. There is another 
 Grant document of the same period. It is in 
 striking contrast with the pawn ticket. Three 
 months after he got the loan of twenty dollars on 
 
 37 
 
Grant, the Farmer 
 
 the watch to give his family a cheerful Christmas, 
 Grant presented himself in the St. Louis Circuit 
 Court and formally freed the only slave he ever 
 owned. He filed this deed of emancipation: 
 
 "Know all persons by these presents that I, 
 Ulysses S. Grant, of the City and County of St. 
 Louis, in the State of Missouri, for divers good 
 and valuable considerations me hereunto moving, 
 do hereby emancipate and set free from slavery 
 my negro man William, sometimes called Wil- 
 liam Jones, of mulatto complexion, aged about 
 thirty-five years, and about five feet, seven inches 
 in height, and being the same slave purchased by 
 me of Frederick Dent. And I do hereby manu- 
 mit, emancipate and set free said William from 
 slavery forever. 
 
 "In testimony whereof I hereto set my hand and 
 seal at St. Louis this 29th day of March, A. D. 
 1859." 
 
 U. S. Grant. 
 
 38 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 When the farm was given up Colonel Dent 
 advised his son-in-law to go into the real estate 
 business. He proposed partnership with Harry 
 Boggs, a relative. Boggs was a real estate agent 
 in a small way. The firm of Boggs & Grant was 
 formed in the beginning of 1859. Deskroom was 
 taken in the law offices of McClelland, Hillyer & 
 Mood}'. These offices were on the first floor of a 
 building which had been a residence. The loca- 
 tion was on Pine street midway between Second 
 and Third streets. The three lawyers and the 
 two real estate men occupied what had been the 
 double parlors in the days when the residence 
 district was east of Fourth street. In March, 
 Grant wrote to his father, "I can hardly tell you 
 how the business I am engaged in will turn out, 
 but I believe it will be something more than a 
 support." He sent some of the cards of Boggs & 
 Grant and asked his father to distribute them 
 among such friends in Ohio as might have busi- 
 ness in St. Louis, "such as buying and selling 
 property, collecting either rents or other liabili- 
 ties." The family had moved into town. "We 
 are living in the lower part of the city, full two 
 miles from my office," Grant wrote in one of his 
 letters home. "The house is a comfortable little 
 one, just suited to my means. We have one spare 
 room and also a spare bed in the children's room, 
 so that we can accommodate any of our friends 
 that are likely to come." 
 
 The home to which Grant referred was on 
 
 41 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 i y^sTinth and Barton streets. It was a cottage with 
 a steep roof and large shade trees overhanging. 
 This property was acquired by trading the Hard- 
 scrabble farm. There was a mortgage on the city 
 place, which the seller agreed to take care of when 
 it fell due. In the exchange Grant received a note 
 for #3,000. He wrote home: "If I could get that 
 cashed I would build two houses that would pay 
 #40 a month rent." This was in 1859 while he 
 was in the real estate business. The letter con- 
 veyed a glimpse of fatherly pride: "Fred and 
 Buck go to school every day. They never ask to 
 stay at home." 
 
 While the trade of Hardscrabble looked well on 
 its face the sequel was litigation and loss. The 
 man who sold the house and agreed to take care 
 of the mortgage didn't do so. Grant sued for the 
 return of Hardscrabble. The lawsuit dragged 
 along several years. 
 
 To Harry Boggs Grant explained the idea of 
 his father-in-law about the real estate business in 
 this way: "The old gentleman is trying to per- 
 suade me to go into business with some one, and 
 he speaks of you. He thinks I could soon learn 
 the details, and that my large acquaintance 
 among army officers would bring enough addi- 
 tional customers to make it support both our 
 families." 
 
 Grant had driven in from the farm with a load 
 of corn to sell when he had this conversation. 
 Boggs answered: "I have worked hard to build 
 
 42 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 it up and I do not want a partner unless he can 
 increase, but I think you can. Come and see me 
 next time you are in town." 
 
 Mrs. Boggs was a niece of Colonel Dent. She 
 had been present at the wedding of Lieutenant 
 Grant and her cousin Julia Dent. She favored 
 the partnership, arranging that Grant should 
 have the use of an unfurnished room in the house 
 where the Boggs family lived, No. 209 South 
 Fifteenth street, until he moved Mrs. Grant and 
 the children in from the farm. Grant put in a 
 bedstead with one mattress and a washbowl on a 
 chair. He did not go to the expense of a carpet. 
 In that room he slept during the months of Jan- 
 uary and February, 1859, walking out to the farm 
 Saturday evenings to spend Sunday with the 
 family. 
 
 Colonel Dent had some ground for his reference 
 to the large acquaintance of his son-in-law with 
 army officers. All of the time that Grant was 
 farming he kept up friendly relations with his 
 army friends. He was at the Barracks frequently. 
 He called upon army men who were transient 
 visitors in St. Louis. He had no false shame 
 about his dress. General Beale recalled a meeting 
 with Grant at the Planter's House. Beale was 
 sitting outside on the pavement when Grant 
 came along with a whip in his hand. He asked 
 him what he was doing. Grant replied that he 
 was "farming on a piece of land belonging to 
 Mrs. Grant, some ten miles out in the country." 
 
 43 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 While they were talking the dinner bell rang as 
 was the custom even in the best St. Louis hotel 
 in those days. Grant started to go but Beale said : 
 "Come in and have dinner with me." 
 "Well, I don't know," was Grant's reply. "I am 
 not dressed for company." 
 
 "That doesn't matter, come in," Beale urged. 
 And Grant went in not at all abashed by the 
 curious looks. 
 
 General Coppee, who had been with Grant at 
 West Point had an even more interesting exper- 
 ience with him: "Grant, with his whip in his 
 hand, once came to see me at the hotel where 
 were Joseph J. Reynolds, then a professor, D. C. 
 Buell and other officers. I remember that to our 
 invitation to join us at the bar, he said : 'I will go 
 and look at you; but I never drink anything 
 myself.' " 
 
 To these army friends who had known him at 
 West Point, or when he was a lieutenant he was 
 "Sam" Grant, the name they had bestowed upon 
 him in cadet days. Boggs found that instead of 
 the army acquaintance being of much value it 
 was sometimes a drawback. Grant undertook 
 the collection of rents. If he had a bill against 
 somebody he had known in the army he might 
 light his cigar and sit down for an afternoon's 
 chat on old times, forgetting about the bill in his 
 pocket. 
 
 The partnership of Boggs & Grant made a 
 fairly encouraging start, notwithstanding that 
 
 44 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 the junior partner's chills continued through the 
 spring months. On the suggestion of Colonel 
 Dent, Boggs added money loaning to the busi- 
 ness. He turned over the renting and collecting 
 to Grant while he went East and made arrange- 
 ment to handle a large sum of money for Phila- 
 delphians. The interest then obtainable in St. 
 Louis was about twice the prevailing rate in the 
 Quaker city 
 
 Mrs. Boggs, who had favored the partnership 
 and who, as was the case with all other women, 
 liked Grant, said: "He was always a gentleman 
 and everybody loved him, he was so gentle and 
 considerate. But really we did not see what he 
 could do in the world." 
 
 Occupying what had been a hall bedroom in 
 the old residence where Boggs & Grant had their 
 real estate office was a young law student. He 
 had come over from Belleville and was permitted 
 to read law books in the office of Sloss & Jones, 
 sleeping in the office at night. For his meals the 
 young man depended upon earnings as a "sub" in 
 a newspaper office. He was destined to become 
 the leading criminal lawyer of St. Louis and a 
 prominent figure in politics but he didn't know 
 it at that time. He was satisfied to be the cham- 
 pion of the "Free Democrats," an organization 
 of young St. Louisans. Between the captain and 
 the law student developed a friendship. Each 
 seems to have recognized in the other something 
 that drew. ( Irant, when the reserve was broken, 
 
 45 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 liked to talk of his Mexican campaign and also 
 of politics. The young law student was an eager 
 listener. The two spent much time together. 
 There was another bond of interest between them. 
 It had its origin in the cold weather. An old col- 
 ored woman who cleaned the offices had a room 
 in the rear. She wore a red bandana turban after 
 the manner of oldtime slaves. Her husband, a 
 grizzled and bent old fellow, had worked hard 
 and purchased his freedom. He still drove a dray. 
 The colored woman was more than a janitress. 
 She took it upon herself to "mammy" her people. 
 She was especially watchful over the student for 
 he was no more than a boy, and also over the 
 captain for the fever and chills still hung on, mak- 
 ing him so weak sometimes that he had to be 
 helped to the street cars when he started home. 
 The old colored woman kept a pot of coffee on the 
 stove cold days. "Come in, chile," she would say 
 to the captain and the law student, "and get a 
 cup of coffee before you go out." Ten years later, 
 nearly, Charles P. Johnson, who had achieved 
 fame in his profession and was one of the political 
 leaders in St. Louis, went on to Washington to 
 see the grand review after Appomattox. He 
 called at the Grant residence to pay his respects 
 to the lieutenant-general. The two looked at each 
 other curiously. Grant said, "I think I know 
 you. Weren't you a student of law in St. Louis ?" 
 Johnson said : "You were in the real estate busi- 
 ness on Pine street." "Well," said the lieutenant- 
 
 4 6 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 general, "I am very glad to see you. Come and 
 sit on the lounge and tell me something about the 
 old crowd." Governor Johnson recalls the con- 
 versation which followed: 
 
 "For nearly an hour he talked with interest and 
 animation about the various persons he had met 
 in and around the old office on Pine street. The 
 first question he asked, with apparent feeling, 
 was about the old colored woman. And when I 
 told him she had been gathered to her rest a year 
 or two before, he expressed his sorrow and eulo- 
 gized her for her many kind and amiable quali- 
 ties. That old aunty had not only given us coffee 
 in cold weather. She had sewed on buttons and 
 mended clothes for us. Grant was a great smoker 
 in those days on Pine street. He used both pipes 
 and cigars. He would occasionally sit on the 
 steps in front of his office during summer evenings 
 and smoke and talk on various subjects. Right 
 across the street was a cigar store kept by a thin, 
 sharp visaged German whose complexion was 
 yellow enough to remind one of a shriveled and 
 dried up leaf of Virginia plant. He was good 
 natured, quiet, talkative and afforded his cus- 
 tomers a good deal of amusement by the novel 
 manner in which he constructed sentences and 
 pronounced the English language. Grant was a 
 customer at the shop and keenly enjoyed a talk 
 with him. The old German tobacconist was not 
 forgotten in our talk at Washington. Grant 
 laughed when referring to his humorous charac- 
 
 47 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 teristics. From this he branched off into some 
 recollections of his life in St. Louis, but resumed 
 again as we parted his memories of the old aunty. 
 During the entire conversation his mind seemed 
 centered upon the recollections connected with 
 the Pine street office and the characters to which 
 I have alluded." 
 
 Before the summer of 1859 was ended both 
 Boggs and Grant realized that the firm was not 
 getting enough business to support their families. 
 "Our present business," Grant explained to his 
 father, "is entirely overdone in this city, at least a 
 dozen new houses having started about the time 
 I commenced. I do not want to fly from one 
 thing to another nor would I, but I am compelled 
 to make a living from the start, for which I am 
 willing to give all of my time and energy." This 
 comes about as near a tone of discouragement as 
 appears in any of Grant's letters of that period. 
 
 The year 1859 was the ebb of Grant's fortunes. 
 And yet in that year he did not sell, he emanci- 
 pated the slave he had acquired from his father- 
 in-law. He went into the St. Louis Circuit Court 
 and filed the deed of freedom for William Jones. 
 The paper was drawn up in the real estate office. 
 The witnesses were McClelland and Hillyer, the 
 lawyers with whom Grant had deskroom. "Grant 
 did not seem to be just calculated for business," 
 one of these lawyers said, "but a more honest, 
 generous man never lived, I don't believe." 
 
 While he was a business man in St. Louis Grant 
 
 48 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 undertook to sell a horse for his brother Simpson 
 who was carrying on the father's business at 
 Galena. In October, 1859, he reported progress 
 in this way: 
 
 "I have been postponing writing to you, hoping 
 to make a return for your horse, but as yet have 
 received nothing for him. About two weeks ago 
 a man spoke to me for him and said he would try 
 him next day and, if he suited, give me $100 for 
 him. I have not seen the man since; but one 
 week ago last Saturday he went to the stable and 
 got the horse, saddle and bridle, since which I 
 have not seen man nor horse. From this I pre- 
 sume he must like him. The man I understand 
 lives in Florissant, about twelve miles from this 
 city." 
 
 Grant wrote about other matters. After sign- 
 ing his name it occurred to him that he had better 
 reassure Simpson about the horse. He added a 
 postscript: 
 
 "The man that has your horse is the owner of 
 six three-story brick houses in this city, and the 
 probabilities arc he intends to give me an order 
 on his agent for the money when the rents are 
 due." 
 
 Among those with whom Grant consulted when 
 he knew he must find something better than the 
 real estate business was J. J. Reynolds, after- 
 wards a general of fame. The two were class- 
 mates at West Point. Reynolds had left the 
 army three years previously and was professor of 
 
 49 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 mechanics and of engineering in the faculty of 
 Washington University, but recently organized. 
 He suggested the possibility of appointment to 
 the chair of mathematics. Nothing would have 
 pleased Grant better at that time. Mathematics 
 had been his favorite study at West Point. He 
 had the mathematical turn of mind as was shown 
 in his way of keeping accounts and even in his 
 recreation, for he was fond of problems which 
 required figuring. He had always believed he 
 would like teaching. While he was a lieutenant 
 on duty at Jefferson Barracks, within a year after 
 graduation, he wrote to Professor Church, who 
 had the chair of mathematics at the Academy, 
 asking that he be designated as assistant when a 
 detail was made. The custom was to detail young 
 officers from the army as assistant professors. 
 Church, remembering Grant's interest in mathe- 
 matics while a cadet, answered encouragingly. 
 Grant always believed he would have gone to 
 West Point as assistant to Professor Church in a 
 year or two if the Mexican war had not come 
 on. "It was never my intention," he says in his 
 Memoirs, "to remain in the army long, but to pre- 
 pare myself for a professorship in some college." 
 Upon the professorship of mathematics in 
 Washington University Grant looked longingly 
 but not hopefully as his correspondence written 
 at the time makes plain. He did not believe it 
 was within his reach and when the appointment 
 of another was made he wrote: 
 
 SO 
 
Grant j the Business Man 
 
 "The Washington University, where the vacancy 
 was to be filled, is one of the best endowed 
 institutions in the United States and all the pro- 
 fessorships are sought after by persons whose 
 early advantages were the same as mine but who 
 have been engaged in teaching all their mature 
 years. Quimby, who was the best mathematician 
 in my class and who was for several years an assist- 
 ant at West Point, and for nine years a professor 
 in an institution in New York, was an unsuccess- 
 ful applicant. The appointment was given to the 
 most distinguished man in his department, and 
 an author. His name is Shorano." 
 
 Grant wrote the name from hearsay. He had 
 heard of Professor Chauvenet. 
 
 This was in August, 1859. That same month 
 Grant made formal application to the commis- 
 sioners of St. Louis county for a position. In his 
 letter he asked for the appointment of county 
 engineer. Technically the place was that of 
 county superintendent of roads. The salary was 
 $1,500. With his application Grant filed a peti- 
 tion headed by Thomas E. Tutt and signed by 
 thirty well-known and substantial citizens. He 
 wrote to the commissioners: 
 
 "I beg leave to submit myself as an applicant 
 for county engineer, should the office be rendered 
 vacant, and at the same time to submit the names 
 of a few citizens who have been kind enough to 
 recommend me for the office. I have made no 
 effort to get a large number of names, nor the 
 
 Si 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 names of persons with whom I am not personally 
 acquainted. I enclose herewith also a statement 
 from Professor Reynolds, who was a classmate of 
 mine at West Point, as to qualifications. Should 
 your honorable body see proper to give me the 
 appointment, I pledge myself to give the office 
 my entire attention and shall hope to give general 
 satisfaction." 
 
 Could it have been put better? The accom- 
 panying indorsement by Professor Reynolds read : 
 
 "Captain U. S. Grant was a member of the class 
 at the Military Academy which graduated in 
 1843. He always maintained a high standing, 
 and graduated with great credit, especially in 
 mathematics and engineering. From my personal 
 knowledge of his capacity and acquirements, as 
 well as of his strict integrity and unremitting 
 industry, I consider him in an eminent degree 
 qualified for the office of county engineer." 
 
 On the same sheet of paper with Professor 
 Reynolds' statement was another indorsement, 
 remarkable in view of subsequent events. It was 
 from D. M. Frost who commanded at Camp 
 Jackson and who afterwards joined the Confed- 
 eracy. Frost wrote in Grant's behalf: 
 
 "I was for three years in the corps of cadets at 
 West Point with Captain Grant, and served with 
 him for some eight or nine years in the army, and 
 can fully indorse the foregoing statement of 
 Professor Reynolds." 
 
 Under the procedure the application was 
 
 52 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 referred to the commissioner in whose district the 
 applicant lived for a report upon it. That com- 
 missioner was Dr. William Taussig of Carondelet. 
 Dr. Taussig had been mayor of Carondelet and 
 had taken an active part opposing a land claim 
 which old Colonel Dent was pressing against a 
 considerable section of the city. He also attended 
 the children of Grant while Mrs. Grant was with 
 her relative, Mrs. Barnard, who lived in Caronde- 
 let. This professional service was rendered while 
 Grant was in California. In his recollections, 
 preserved by the Missouri Historical Society, 
 Dr. Taussig says: 
 
 "Though we saw each other often and knew each 
 other very well, as men in small communities do 
 even when there is no occasion for personal con- 
 tact, I never had occasion beyond bowing, to 
 speak to General Grant until after he was Presi- 
 dent. I saw him frequently haul many of the 
 now historic carts of cord wood for sale in 
 St. Louis past my home and office. There was a 
 blacksmith shop opposite me and I can see him 
 now as he then appeared, sitting on a log in 
 front of the shop — a serious dignified man, with 
 slouched hat, high boots, and trousers tucked in, 
 smoking a clay pipe and waiting for his horses to 
 be shod. 
 
 "Nor did I ever set foot on the Dent farm, 
 although all of the neighbors around it were my 
 close friends, with whom I frequently visited. 
 The old gentleman did not feel kindly toward me 
 
 53 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 on account of the land suit and because I was 
 a pronounced Republican and Union man. I 
 always at that time had the impression that this 
 feeling — meaning the political one — had been 
 shared by Grant. In this, as events have shown, 
 I was mistaken. 
 
 "The only member of the Grant family with 
 whom I was intimate was William Barnard whose 
 wife was a relative of Mrs. Grant. Barnard was 
 a wholesale druggist, an amiable, jovial man, very 
 fond of hunting, and his yard and garden were 
 filled with wooden and cast-iron effigies of stags, 
 deer and hunting dogs. He was too fond of good 
 living to succeed in business, and failed early 
 during the war. Grant, during his Presidency, 
 made him bank examiner for Missouri under the 
 national banking law. 
 
 "At the Barnard home I met Mrs. Grant fre- 
 quently when she made some of her prolonged 
 visits to her relative, and occasionally was called 
 to attend her children. Both Mrs. Grant and 
 Mrs. Barnard were charming, cultivated ladies, 
 devoted to their husbands and children. A family 
 physician gets to hear much that is kept from 
 the general public, and the, to say the least, 
 dependent position which Grant occupied in the 
 house of his father-in-law was frequently com- 
 mented upon in my presence. " 
 
 With this explanation of his relations to the 
 Grant and Dent families, Dr. Taussig leads up to 
 the explanation of Grant's failure to receive the 
 
 54 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 appointment of superintendent of county roads. 
 He says: 
 "It stands in evidence of Grant's dignified pride 
 that, hard pressed as he was at the time, he never 
 called either on me or on any one of my colleagues 
 in support of his application. Many strong letters 
 from prominent people of both parties, recom- 
 mending him, came to me. My old and lifelong 
 friend, Henry T. Blow, an ardent Union man, 
 urged me personally to recommend and support 
 Grant for the position. Much stress was laid on 
 his needs, his character and qualifications not 
 being questioned. It was a perplexing position 
 for me. Everybody knows how portentously 
 already the clouds of disunion darkened the poli- 
 tical horizon of the country in the latter part of 
 1859. Then, already, in St. Louis, the disloyal 
 'minute men' on the one side, and the loyal 
 'wide awakes' on the other, were closing ranks, 
 and every issue, social or political, was decided or 
 acted upon as it affected this all-absorbing ques- 
 tion. The Dents, at least the old gentleman, were 
 known to be pro-slavery Democrats, and to use 
 the harsh language of that period, outspoken 
 rebels. Grant lived with them, and though noth- 
 ing was known of his political views, the shadow 
 of their disloyalty necessarily fell upon him. We 
 felt bound, foreseeing events to come, to surround 
 ourselves with officers whose loyalty to the Union 
 was unquestioned. Our court consisted of John 
 H. Lightner, Benjamin Farrar, Col. Alton R. 
 
 55 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 Easton, Peregrine Tibbets and myself. Easton 
 and Tibbets were Democrats. Col. Easton was 
 a Union Democrat, an ex-officer of the Mexican 
 war and had known Grant. Tibbets, a most ex- 
 cellent gentleman, was a pro-slavery Democrat. 
 I made my report adverse to Grant verbally." 
 
 By a divided vote the commissioners elected 
 Mr. Salomon, brother of Salomon, the war gover- 
 nor of Wisconsin. Grant, in his Memoirs, says: 
 "My opponent had the advantage of birth over 
 me — he was a citizen by adoption — and carried 
 off the prize." This was a bit of sarcasm on the 
 part of Grant. That he understood the other and 
 real explanation of his defeat is apparent from 
 his correspondence with his father at the time. 
 In August, when the appointment was pending, 
 he wrote that the board of commissioners was 
 composed of three free soilers and two opposed, 
 adding: "Although friends who are recommend- 
 ing me are the very best citizens of this place and 
 members of all parties, I fear they will make 
 strictly party nominations for all the offices under 
 their control." But a more significant and im- 
 portant letter was sent by Grant after the 
 appointment of Salomon. In it he defined his 
 political status. The letter was written in Sep- 
 tember, 1859. Grant said: 
 "The Democratic commissioners voted for me 
 and the Free Soilers against me. You may judge 
 from the result of the action of the county com- 
 missioners that I am strongly identified with the 
 
 S 6 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 Democratic party. Such is not the case. I never 
 voted an out-and-out Democratic ticket in my 
 life. I voted for Buchanan for President to de- 
 feat Fremont, but not because he was my first 
 choice. In all other elections, I have universally 
 selected the candidates that, in my estimation, 
 were the best fitted for the different offices, and it 
 never happens that such men are all arrayed on 
 one side. The strongest friend I had on the board 
 of commissioners is a Free Soiler, but opposition 
 between parties is so strong that he would not 
 vote for anyone, no matter how friendly, unless at 
 least one of his own party would go with him." 
 
 Grant voted for Buchanan in 1856. He had 
 been to the city with a load of wood. On the way 
 back to the farm he passed the country polling 
 place and went on as if not intending to stop. 
 But before driving far, he turned his team to a 
 tree, tied the horses, went back and voted. It is 
 tradition in the neighborhood that Grant then 
 remarked he was "voting against Fremont." At 
 the same time, however, he voted for Henry C. 
 Wright, who was on the other side. Wright was 
 running for the legislature. He was a Whig. 
 He was the miller to whose place Grant went 
 nearly every week with a bag of grain to be 
 ground. After casting his ballot, Grant turned 
 to Wright who was at the polling place and said: 
 "Mr. Wright, I have voted for you today, not on 
 the ground of politics, for I am a Democrat, but be- 
 cause I think you are the best man for the place." 
 
 57 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 Grant's comment in his Memoirs that his oppo- 
 nent had the advantage of birth over him was not 
 wholly a pleasantry, although he realized that 
 politics was the main issue. In his letter to his 
 father Grant wrote: "There is, I believe, but one 
 paying office in the county held by an American, 
 unless you except the office of sheriff, which is 
 held by a Frenchman who speaks little English, 
 but was born here." 
 
 F. W. Mathias recalled that after the defeat 
 for the office of superintendent of county roads, 
 Grant remarked to a friend one day: "No Ameri- 
 can can get anything in this town." While he 
 was on the farm Grant joined a Native American 
 lodge. But he attended only one meeting. The 
 Native Americans were very strong in St. Louis 
 at that time. They were called Know Nothings, 
 from that provision in the sworn ritual which 
 required a member when asked by an outsider 
 about the principles and purposes of the order to 
 answer, "I know nothing." 
 
 Grant's ill success with the county commis- 
 sioners in October did not deter him from making 
 a second effort. In the archives of the Missouri 
 Historical Society is the original of this letter: 
 
 St. Louis, Feb. 13, i860. 
 Hon. J. H. Lightner, 
 
 Pres. Board of County Commissioners. 
 
 Sir: Should the office of County Engineer be 
 vacated by the will of your honorable body, I 
 
 58 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 would respectfully renew the application made 
 by me in August last for that appointment. I 
 would also, by leave, refer to the application and 
 recommendations then submitted and now on 
 file with your board. I am sir, 
 
 Respectfully your obt. svt., 
 
 U. S. Grant. 
 
 In October, after the county commissioners 
 had acted adversely on his application, Grant 
 wrote home that his name had been forwarded 
 for the appointment of superintendent of the cus- 
 tom house. "I am still unemployed," he said, 
 "but expect to have a place in the custom house 
 from the first of next month." He explained that 
 if he was not appointed superintendent he was to 
 get a desk as clerk in the custom house. He did 
 receive the clerkship, but it lasted only about a 
 month. 
 
 When nothing came of his second application 
 to the county commissioners in February, i860, 
 Grant decided to go to Galena where his brothers, 
 Simpson and Orville, were running their father's 
 leather store. Most of Grant's biographers have 
 held to the view that Grant was given the clerk- 
 ship in the Galena store as a matter of charity on 
 the part of the rest of the family. The fact was 
 that the father, Jesse Root Grant, was planning 
 to establish his three sons in business by turning 
 over to them this leather store. Grant went up 
 to Galena in 1856 and visited his brothers, but 
 
 59 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 was not ready to join them. He preferred the 
 Hardscrabble farm. Jesse Root Grant was a man 
 of original ideas. He had accumulated a good 
 fortune for that period. He had three sons and 
 three daughters and he proposed to make the 
 sons independent with their own help. For years 
 he had been announcing his intention to retire 
 from active business when he was sixty. His 
 plan, in i860, as described by Frederick Dent 
 Grant, was very different from that told by the 
 biographers and historical novelists. It was 
 this: 
 "My grandfather, Jesse R. Grant, was then 
 living in Covington, Ky. He owned tanneries at 
 Portsmouth on the Ohio river, had a large leather 
 store at Galena, in Illinois; a branch store at 
 LaCrosse, in Wisconsin, and, I think, another 
 store somewhere in Iowa. My Missouri grand- 
 father — and he owned an estate of many hun- 
 dreds of acres himself — thought my Ohio or 
 Kentucky grandfather a rich man. 'Old Mr. 
 Grant,' I once heard him say, 'must be worth 
 $150,000.' Anyway my Grandfather Grant was 
 advancing in years and wanted to distribute his 
 property. It was arranged that my father and 
 his two brothers should manage the tanneries and 
 stores, each to be paid $60 a month for his 
 services, and place the profits of the business in 
 a trust fund for their three sisters. When the 
 accumulated profits amounted to the value of the 
 tanneries and stores the brothers were to have 
 
 60 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 the physical property and the sisters the income 
 from the money in trust. We moved to Galena 
 and took a good house. I recall that I was dis- 
 gusted because I couldn't go barefooted like 
 other boys and that instead of a hickory shirt and 
 one suspender I had to wear a waist which I but- 
 toned to my short trousers. The store building 
 in Galena was four stories high, and was packed 
 with goods. Behind it was the harness factory 
 which extended to the next street. There was 
 also a large stock of carriage hardware. Father 
 has said that he was a clerk in those days, but he 
 was much more; in time he would have been a 
 partner in the business. I recollect that his salary 
 of $60 a month was less than he really required, 
 and that several gifts of money to my mother 
 from her family in St. Louis helped him consid- 
 erably. The largest, I think, was about $100. 
 Grandfather Grant was at no time a liberal man. 
 We lived in Galena eleven months and then my 
 father went away to the war. He talked rather 
 freely in the family as soon as it was known that 
 Lincoln had been elected, and he predicted that 
 some of the Southern states would secede. The 
 Dents in St. Louis were rebels. He wrote to 
 them, expressing his sympathy, regretting the 
 coming conflict, but telling them that the South 
 would be whipped. In the evening of the day on 
 which Lincoln made his first call for troops, a 
 public meeting was held in Galena, at which 
 father presided. He never went to the leather 
 
 61 
 
Grant, the Business Man 
 
 store after that meeting to put up a package or 
 do any other business." 
 
 Grant went to Galena in May, i860, and joined 
 his two brothers in the management of the store, 
 accepting his father's plan. As he was less famil- 
 iar with the business than the others he took 
 what might be considered a subordinate position 
 so far as duties were concerned. He continued in 
 the store eleven months and then joined the army. 
 The war interfered with the plan of partnership. 
 In 1866 Jesse Root Grant was ready to distribute 
 a considerable part of his estate, about #100,000, 
 among his children. General Grant refused to 
 take his share saying he had helped to make none 
 of his father's wealth. The general's children 
 were given #1000 each by their grandfather. 
 
 62 
 
Grant, the General 
 
Gravity the General 
 
 From Galena Grant wrote a remarkable letter 
 to his father-in-law in St. Louis. It was the day 
 after he had presided at a meeting in April, 1861, 
 to raise a company of volunteers for the war. 
 Grant realized that he was going into service. 
 He had said as much in a letter to his father. He 
 was face to face with the question of what Mrs. 
 Grant and the four children should do, and he 
 proceeded to put the situation before "the old 
 gentleman" as he called Airs. Grant's father: 
 
 "All party distinction should be lost sight of, and 
 every true patriot be for maintaining the glorious 
 stars and stripes, the constitution and the Union. 
 The North is responding to the President's call in 
 such a manner that the Confederates may truly 
 quake. I tell you there is no mistaking the feel- 
 ings of the people. The government can call into 
 the field 75,000 troops and ten and twenty times 
 75,000 if it should be necessary, and find the 
 means of maintaining them, too. It is all a mis- 
 take about the northern pocket being so sensitive. 
 In times like the present no people are more ready 
 to give of their time or of their abundant means. 
 
 "No impartial man can conceal from himself the 
 fact, that in all these troubles the Southerners 
 have been the aggressors, and the administration 
 has stood purely on the defensive, more on the 
 defensive than she would have dared to have 
 done, but for her consciousness of right prevailing 
 in the end. 
 
 "The news today is that Virginia has gone out of 
 
 6S 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 the Union. But for the influence she will have on 
 the border states, this is not much to be regretted. 
 Her position, or rather that of eastern Virginia 
 has been more reprehensible from the beginning 
 than that of South Carolina. She should be made 
 to bear a heavy portion of the burden of the war 
 for her guilt. 
 
 "In all this I can see but the doom of slavery. 
 The Northerners do not want, nor will they want, 
 to interfere with the institution, but they will 
 refuse for all time to give it protection unless the 
 Southerners shall return soon to their allegiance; 
 and then, too, this disturbance will give such an 
 impetus to the production of their staple — cotton 
 — in other parts of the world that they can never 
 recover the control of the market again for that 
 commodity. This will reduce the value of the 
 negroes so much that they will never be worth 
 fighting over again." 
 
 To these general expressions which were well 
 calculated to show Colonel Dent where he stood, 
 Grant added a piece of family news: 
 
 "I have just received a letter from Fred. He 
 breathes with the most patriotic sentiments. He 
 is for the old flag as long as there is a union of two 
 states fighting under its banner, and when they 
 dissolve he will go it alone. This is not his lan- 
 guage but it is the idea not so well expressed as he 
 expresses it. Julia and the children are all well 
 and join me in love to you." 
 
 Fred was Frederick T. Dent, Grant's classmate 
 
 66 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 at West Point. He had gone to the Pacific Coast 
 some years before. The elder Dent was not only 
 a slave owner but he was in sympathy with the 
 southern doctrine, not passively but very aggres- 
 sively. He had participated in the councils of 
 the secessionists at St. Louis. This letter was 
 dated the 19th of April. It served as an intro- 
 duction for a visit Grant made to St. Louis a few 
 days later. With W. D. W. Barnard, his wife's 
 relative, Grant went out to the farm and saw 
 Colonel Dent. There was a family council as to 
 where Mrs. Grant and the children had better 
 stay while the husband and father was in the 
 field. It ended in this terse decision by the old 
 fire-eater: "Send Julia and the children here. As 
 you make your bed so you must lie." Colonel 
 Dent lived to see his son-in-law President. He 
 died in the White House. 
 
 All that Colonel Dent said has not been quoted 
 in the foregoing. The old slaveholder added: 
 "You were educated in the army, and it's your 
 most natural way to support your family. Go 
 into it and rise as high as you can, but if your 
 troops ever come to this side of the river 1 will 
 shoot them." 
 
 On the tenth of Ma}', 1861, Grant was in St. 
 Louis. He had not then received a commission 
 but was mustering Illinois regiments. One of these 
 regiments was to rendezvous at Belleville. When 
 Grant arrived there only two companies had re- 
 ported. It was not probable that the others would 
 
 67 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 be in camp for five days. Grant came over to 
 St. Louis. He had not been in the city long until 
 he heard it "whispered that Lyon intended to 
 break up Camp Jackson and capture the militia." 
 He went down to the arsenal to see the troops 
 start for Camp Jackson. Lyon he had known at 
 West Point and also in the army. Blair he had 
 heard speak in the campaign of 1858, but had 
 never met him. As the troops marched out of the 
 arsenal, Blair was on his horse forming them. 
 Grant introduced himself to Blair and had a few 
 moments conversation with him "and expressed 
 my sympathy with his purpose." Until late in 
 the day Grant was a looker on, but before night 
 he became an active participant. In his Memoirs 
 he says : 
 "Up to this time the enemies of the Government 
 in St. Louis had been bold and defiant, while the 
 Union men were quiet but determined. The ene- 
 mies had their headquarters in a central and pub- 
 lic position on Pine street near Fifth. The Union 
 men had a place of meeting somewhere in the 
 city. I did not know where, and I doubt whether 
 they dared to enrage the enemies of the govern- 
 ment by placing the national flag outside of their 
 headquarters. As soon as the news of the capture 
 of Camp Jackson reached the city, the condition 
 of affairs was changed. Union men became ram- 
 pant, aggressive, and, if you will, intolerant. 
 They proclaimed their sentiments boldly, and 
 were impatient of anything like disrespect for the 
 
 68 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 Union. The secessionists became quiet but were 
 filled with suppressed rage. They had been play- 
 ing the bully. The Union men ordered the rebel 
 flag taken down from the building on Pine street. 
 The command was given in tones of authority, 
 and it was taken down never to be raised again in 
 St. Louis. 
 "I witnessed the scene. I had heard of the sur- 
 render of the camp and that the garrison was on 
 its way to the arsenal. I had seen the troops start 
 out in the morning and had wished them success. 
 I now determined to go to the arsenal and await 
 their arrival, and congratulate them. I stepped 
 on a car standing at the corner of Fourth and 
 Pine streets, and saw a crowd of people standing 
 quietly in front of the headquarters, who were 
 there for the purpose of hauling down the flag. 
 There were squads of other people at intervals 
 down the street. They too, were quiet but filled 
 with suppressed rage, and muttered their resent- 
 ment at the insult to what they called 'their' flag. 
 Before the car I was in had started, a dapper 
 lktle fellow — he would be called a dude at this 
 day — stepped in. He was in a great state of ex- 
 citement and used adjectives freely to express his 
 contempt for the Union and for those who had 
 just perpetrated such an outrage upon the rights 
 of a free people. There was only one other pas- 
 senger in the car besides myself when this young 
 man entered. He evidently expected to find 
 nothing but sympathy when he got away from 
 
 6 9 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 the 'mudsills' engaged in compelling a 'free peo- 
 ple' to pull down a flag they adored. He turned 
 to me saying: 'Things have come to a — pretty 
 pass when a free people can't choose their own 
 flag. Where I came from if a man dares to say 
 a word for the Union we hang him to a limb of 
 the first tree we come to.' I replied that 'after 
 all we were not so intolerant in St. Louis as we 
 might be; I had not seen a single rebel hung yet, 
 nor heard of one; there were plenty of them who 
 ought to be, however.' The young man subsided. 
 He was so crestfallen that I believe if I had 
 ordered him to leave the car he would have gone 
 quietly out." 
 
 Grant went back to Illinois the next day to re- 
 sume his mustering duties. If he had gone out to 
 Camp Jackson to see the actual capture he would 
 have found Sherman there among the lookers on. 
 John M. Schofield was a major with one of the 
 Union regiments that marched from the arsenal. 
 These three men were to fill the office of lieuten- 
 ant-general of the regular army. One of the 
 regiments that day was commanded by Colonel 
 Salomon, the man who had defeated Grant for 
 the appointment of superintendent of county 
 roads two years before. Salomon afterwards 
 became colonel of artillery and died of wounds 
 received in battle. 
 "Colonel Grant moves against Harris" was the 
 headline in a St. Louis paper one July morning 
 in 1861. It gave St. Louisans the first news of 
 
 70 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 "the captain" since his appearance on Fifth street 
 Camp Jackson day. Grant had been made colonel 
 of the Twenty-first Illinois. He marched out of 
 Springfield on the morning of the 3rd of July 
 without waiting for railroad transportation. He 
 was on his way to Northeast Missouri, where 
 bodies of southern sympathizers were stopping 
 railroad traffic and preparing to join Price. 
 Grant moved against Harris. "Tom Harris" he 
 was called. He was a popular leader and had 
 assembled a considerable body of Missourians in 
 camp near the old Missouri town of Florida. A 
 battle between Illinoisans and Missourians was 
 expected by everybody. Grant's orders were to 
 attack. He says: 
 
 "As we approached the brow of the hill from 
 which it was expected we could see Harris' camp, 
 and possibly find his men ready formed to meet 
 us, my heart kept getting higher and higher until 
 it felt to me as though it was in my throat. I 
 would have given anything then to have been 
 back in Illinois, but I had not the moral courage 
 to halt and consider what to do; I kept right on. 
 When we reached a point from which the valley 
 below was in full view I halted. The place where 
 Harris had been encamped a few days before was 
 still there and the marks of a recent encampment 
 were plainly visible, but the troops were gone. 
 My heart resumed its place. It occurred to me at 
 once that Harris had been as much afraid of me 
 
 as I had been of him. This was a view of the 
 
 7i 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 question I had never taken before; but it was one 
 I never forgot afterwards. From that event to 
 the close of the war I never experienced trepi- 
 dation upon confronting an enemy, although I 
 always felt more or less anxiety. I never forgot 
 that he had as much reason to fear my forces as I 
 had his. The lesson was valuable." 
 
 Conditions improved rapidly in northeastern 
 Missouri. Grant made headquarters at Mexico. 
 Several regiments reported to him although he 
 was then only a colonel. About the end of July 
 Grant came back to camp from a short absence 
 to find the Twenty-first drawn up in line and to 
 hear a mighty cheer for "General Grant." In 
 his tent was a telegram from Congressman Wash- 
 burne addressed to Brigadier-General Grant. 
 The message read: "You have this day been 
 appointed brigadier-general of volunteers. Accept 
 congratulations." 
 
 On the 7th of August old acquaintances in St. 
 Louis were shaking hands with "General Grant." 
 For several weeks Grant was in and out of St. 
 Louis, taking orders from Fremont. He wasn't 
 the same man who had gone away from St. Louis 
 in the spring of i860, leaving a number of un- 
 settled accounts at stores. On one of the earliest 
 of his official visits to St. Louis, he went from 
 store to store and paid all of the bills. He knew 
 just how much was due at each place. He 
 selected as a staff officer W. C. Hillyer, the young 
 lawyer of the firm of McClelland, Hillyer and 
 
 72 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 Moody, where he had occupied deskroom with 
 Boggs. With Hillyer he had discussed politics 
 much during the dull days of 1859. Law business 
 was slow and Hillyer had gone into partnership 
 with William Truesdail, afterwards chief of the 
 secret service with the Army of the Cumberland. 
 They had taken a contract to supply beef to the 
 commissary department, when Hillyer received a 
 telegram from Grant to meet him at the Planter's 
 House. This is what took place: 
 
 "Come Hillyer, here's your horse all ready. I 
 have kept a steamer waiting for you three hours. 
 I am going to Cape Girardeau, and want you to 
 go with me on my staff." 
 
 "Why, I haven't enlisted." 
 
 "No matter for that; you can enlist on the way." 
 
 "But I've got no clothes, and no money; my wife 
 expects me home to tea, and my business needs 
 attending to." 
 
 "Well, I owe you fifty dollars, and here it is — 
 that will do for money. As for clothes, I guess 
 we have enough among us to supply you. We're 
 ordered to the field and expect a fight with 
 Jeff" Thompson. If you survive it I'll give you 
 leave of absence to come home and settle your 
 business." 
 
 "But I've just taken a beef contract. I can't 
 keep that and be on your staff." 
 
 "That's a fact; so you had better give that up 
 and come along." 
 
 Hillyer turned over the contract and went down 
 
 73 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 the river. The conversation illustrates the change 
 which had come over Grant. On the way to the 
 Cape, Hillyer asked for details. He wanted to 
 know what his rank was to be and whether a com- 
 mission had been issued to him. 
 "Well, not exactly," was Grant's reply, "but 
 Fremont, who has authority from the Govern- 
 ment promises me he will appoint you. Of course 
 I shall get you the best rank I can. For the 
 present we will call you captain." 
 
 Grant was in St. Louis after the capture of 
 Fort Donelson. He came for consultation on the 
 campaign but he took time to call upon old 
 friends. Among these was Henry T. Blow, then a 
 member of Congress. Mr. Blow had been one of 
 Grant's most active supporters when he applied 
 for the position of county superintendent of roads. 
 The conversation naturally turned upon that 
 unsuccessful candidacy. Blow lived inCarondelet. 
 Dr. Taussig's residence was near. Grant said to 
 Blow, who had been much disappointed because 
 the doctor would not vote for the captain: "I 
 wish you would tell Dr. Taussig that I feel much 
 indebted to him for having voted against me when 
 I applied for the position of road superintendent. 
 Had he supported me I might be in that obscure 
 position today instead of being major-general." 
 Mr. Blow called upon Dr. Taussig a few days 
 later and delivered the message. 
 
 In his recollections given to the Missouri His- 
 torical Society, Dr. Taussig said: "I was driving 
 
 74 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 with John Fenton Long, who was then occupying 
 the position of road superintendent that Grant 
 had applied for, a near neighbor of Dent's and 
 one of the most devoted friends of Grant, under 
 whom he afterwards occupied several high offices, 
 when, at a cross-roads, we met Colonel Dent, 
 and, stopping, engaged in conversation. Long 
 mentioned the famous victory that Grant had 
 accomplished at Fort Donelson, when Dent, 
 interrupting him angrily, said : 'Don't talk to me 
 about this Federal son-in-law of mine. There 
 shall always be a plate on my table for Julia, but 
 none for him.' " 
 
 The bark of the father-in-law was a good deal 
 worse than his bite. To be consistent in his posi- 
 tion as a southern sympathizer Colonel Dent con- 
 tinued to inveigh against his "Federal son-in-law" 
 but at heart he was proud of Grant from his earl- 
 iest successes. On the 23rd of January, 1862, 
 Grant was in St. Louis on military business. He 
 rode out to the Gravois farm to see the colonel. 
 The family had not as yet arrived from Galena. 
 Dent received the brigadier with a hearty wel- 
 come. Some of the thirty slaves had already 
 taken French leave. It was as Grant had told the 
 colonel, "Slavery is doomed." Dent at once gave 
 orders to one of the faithful servants who re- 
 mained with him to kill a turkey and get up the 
 best dinner White Haven afforded. Then he sat 
 down for a long talk and made Grant tell him all 
 about the battle of Belmont. 
 
 75 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 When Grant began to win victories the lawyers 
 with whom he had his real estate office remem- 
 bered his inclination to talk about battles. They 
 recalled that they had smiled when Grant read and 
 analyzed the newspaper accounts of the war with 
 which Italy was involved at that time. Grant 
 would discuss the military movements, saying, 
 "This movement was a mistake. If I had com- 
 manded the army I would have done thus and so." 
 
 Two years later Grant took one of those lawyers 
 to be a member of his stafT when he was promoted 
 from colonel to brigadier. He appointed another 
 lawyer from Galena, Rawlins, and a young volun- 
 teer officer from the Twenty-first Illinois, his first 
 command. These three civilians thus hurried 
 into the profession of arms, set about learning 
 the science of war as soon as possible. They dis- 
 cussed Jomini. Encountering a proposition which 
 stumped them, they went to Grant for an opin- 
 ion. The brigadier-general said : "The art of war 
 is simple enough. Find out where your enemy is. 
 Get at him as soon as you can and as often as you 
 can, and keep moving on." 
 
 Unexpectedly Major-General Grant arrived in 
 St. Louis on the 26th of January, 1864. The next 
 day a letter, largely signed, was addressed to him. 
 It invited him to a public dinner. The news- 
 paper account said: "If there had been time 
 every citizen of St. Louis would unquestionably 
 have attached his name to the letter." This 
 account is from the Democratic paper. The invi- 
 
 76 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 tation breathed the purpose to show Grant what 
 his fellow citizens of St. Louis felt that they owed 
 him. It said: 
 
 "As citizens of Missouri they can never forget 
 the promptness and skill with which you aided in 
 defending the State at the beginning of the con- 
 flict when the means at the command of those in 
 authority were wholly inadequate to the great 
 work committed to them." 
 
 Grant replied at once to the invitation, explain- 
 ing the domestic reason for his presence in the 
 city. The fact was that Fred, the oldest son, had 
 been desperately ill with pneumonia when the 
 general was summoned home: 
 
 "Your highly complimentary invitation 'to meet 
 old acquaintances and to make new ones' at a 
 dinner to be given by citizens of St. Louis is just 
 received. I will state that I have only visited 
 St. Louis on this occasion to see a sick child. 
 Finding, however, that he has passed the crisis of 
 his disease and is pronounced out of danger by 
 his physician, I accept the invitation. My stay 
 in the city will be short, probably not beyond the 
 ist proximo. On tomorrow I shall be engaged. 
 Any other day of my stay here, and any place 
 selected by the citizens of St. Louis, will be agree- 
 able for me to meet them." 
 
 The dinner was given in the Lindell hotel, 
 which at that time had not been long in operation 
 and which was the pride of the city. A reception 
 in the parlors preceded the dinner. According to 
 
 77 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 the press report Grant "received all with a quiet, 
 modest courtesy characteristic of the man, recog- 
 nizing old friends and acquaintances with unfail- 
 ing recollection and friendly greeting." The same 
 report mentions that at the guest tables were 
 two major-generals and seven brigadier-generals. 
 After the three hundred guests had filed into the 
 banquet room, prayer was offered by Rev. Dr. 
 Eliot, the head of Washington University, toward 
 the faculty of which Grant had looked longingly 
 in 1859. Prayer on such an occasion was strictly 
 in accordance with Grant's ideas of propriety. 
 When he led his rather boisterous Twenty-first 
 Illinois into Northwest Missouri, he said to the 
 chaplain of his regiment: "Chaplain, when I was 
 at home and ministers were stopping at my house, 
 I always invited them to ask a blessing at the 
 table. I suppose a blessing is as much needed 
 here as at home, and if it is agreeable with your 
 views, I should be glad to have you' ask a bless- 
 ing every time we sit down to eat." 
 
 Judge Samuel Treat presided at the dinner. 
 Grant was introduced as our distinguished guest 
 by Major William W. Dunn. When he arose "a 
 tumultuous shout of welcome went up." This is 
 the newspaper report of the general's speech. 
 
 "General Grant : 'In response it will be impossible 
 for me to do more than thank you.' (Enthusiastic 
 applause.)" 
 
 The city council voted formally the thanks of 
 the municipality and this, signed by Mayor 
 
 78 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 Chauncey I. Filley, was read at the banquet. 
 Governor Yates, who had given Grant his first 
 military appointment, sent a telegram : "He is the 
 hero who never lost a battle." The festivities 
 lasted until midnight. Orator after orator spoke 
 of Grant's seventeen victories won up to that 
 time. Seated among the guests was a grim, old, 
 white-haired man who had said two years before: 
 "There shall always be a plate on my table for 
 Julia, but none for him." 
 
 This visit of Grant to St. Louis was of less than 
 a week. One day the general passed two hours at 
 the City University where two of his sons were 
 students under President Edward Wyman. He 
 went through the institution which then had an 
 attendance of three hundred. "Yet among all 
 those youths," wrote the reporter, "not one wore 
 an air more modest, unpretending and uncon- 
 scious than that which marked General Grant, 
 though famed and successful to the highest degree 
 and charged with the gravest military responsi- 
 bilities resting upon the shoulders of any general 
 in the armies of the Union." 
 
 Who is this man who has won seventeen vic- 
 tories in the West, who now receives the revived 
 rank of lieutenant-general, and who comes to 
 Washington to take command of all of the armies 
 of the Union? The country was asking in the 
 winter of 1864. St. Louis papers undertook to 
 answer. One of them, Democratic, printed what 
 it claimed was an "authentic biographical sketch" 
 
 79 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 by "an intimate, personal friend of Lieutenant- 
 General Grant." This intimate personal friend 
 said: 
 
 "At the age of twelve he aspired to the manage- 
 ment of his father's draught team and was 
 entrusted with it for the purpose of hauling some 
 heavy hewed logs, which were to be loaded with 
 the aid of levers and the usual appliances of sev- 
 eral stout men. He came with his team and found 
 the logs but not the men. A boy of more imagina- 
 tive genius, and of equal but differently directed 
 contrivance, might have laid down to listen or 
 dream, or build houses of chips. Not so this boy, 
 who, unlike others, acted upon the idea that 
 where there was a will there was a way, and hesi- 
 tated not at the undertaking. Observing a fallen 
 tree having a gradual upward slope, he unhitched 
 his horses, attached them to a log, drew one end 
 of it up the inclined trunk higher than the wagon 
 track and so as to project a few feet over, and 
 thus continued to operate until he had brought 
 several to this position. Next he backed the 
 wagon under the projecting ends, and finally, one 
 by one, hitched to and drew the logs lengthwise 
 across the fallen trunk on to his wagon, hitched 
 up again and returned with his load to his aston- 
 ished father. 
 
 "This anecdote is well remembered by old citi- 
 zens of Georgetown, Brown county, Ohio, where 
 Grant spent his early boyhood. This incident 
 being similar to many others will not admit of any 
 
 80 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 interpretation other than evidencing an original 
 and uncommon power of adapting measures to 
 conditions. And if, as indeed we think is the 
 plain truth, the true definition of public agent is 
 that he is better than other men only in applying 
 public means to public ends we should not be sur- 
 prised at the brilliant results of Grant's cam- 
 paigns, signalized as they are by a boldness, a 
 strategy and comprehensiveness of thought and 
 execution which stamps the character of a great 
 captain. If we never admitted these qualities in 
 the man before, it was because circumstances did 
 not call them into exercise. 
 "Grant, like his mother before him, never jokes 
 and rarely ever laughs. He never uses a profane 
 or indecent word, abhors dispute, and had never 
 had a personal controversy in his life with boy 
 or man; never made a speech, led a faction, or 
 engaged in idle sport; never sad, he is never gay; 
 always cordial and cheerful, yet always reserved. 
 If he cannot be perfectly sincere, he is perfectly 
 silent. Tolerant, yet enthusiastic, he is always 
 moderate, always earnest. He seems destitute of 
 ostentation, and totally unqualified to display 
 himself even to gratify reasonable curiosity, yet 
 is not ashamed of himself, and appears to con- 
 template his early and his late career with equal 
 and with simple satisfaction. In a word, there 
 appears nothing of him that is not sterling." 
 
 Thus heralded, Grant went East to take com- 
 mand of all of the Union armies. 
 
 81 
 
Grant, the General 
 
 In the National Republican convention of 1864 
 the Missouri delegation voted on the first roll call 
 for Ulysses S. Grant for President. Every other 
 delegation voted for Lincoln. At the close of the 
 roll call, before the announcement of the tellers, 
 the Missouri delegation changed to Lincoln and 
 made his renomination unanimous. Grant had 
 no political aspirations at that time. When one 
 of his friends suggested that his war reputation 
 could be turned to account if he would become a 
 candidate for office, he replied: "I am not a can- 
 didate for any office, but I would like to be mayor 
 of Galena long enough to fix the sidewalks, 
 especially the one reaching my house." 
 
 Grant did all he could to induce the Missourians 
 not to vote for him in the convention of 1864. 
 He had no thought at that time of ever being a 
 candidate for President. His often avowed am- 
 bition was to finish the war and retire to his 
 St. Louis farm. But the instructions of the Mis- 
 souri state convention to the delegates were to 
 "cast their twenty-two votes for Ulysses S. 
 Grant." After the general had exerted all of his 
 powers of persuasion to prevent the mention of 
 his name in the convention, the Missourians com- 
 promised by having their chairman, John F. 
 Hume, cast the vote of the state on the roll call 
 for Grant and then change to Lincoln before the 
 ballot was announced. 
 
 82 
 
Granfs Habits 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 The charge that Grant was a dissipated man 
 got into circulation very early in the war. Before 
 Grant was out of Missouri, in 1 86 1, there occurred 
 a small clash of authority between General Ben 
 M. Prentiss and him. Prentiss thought he was the 
 senior brigadier-general, but the record showed 
 that Grant's commission had been given an ear- 
 lier date. Fremont placed Grant over Prentiss 
 in the operations of Southeast Missouri. Pren- 
 tiss came up to St. Louis. Albert D. Richardson, 
 the correspondent of the New York Tribune, met 
 him and expressed surprise to see him in the city. 
 Prentiss replied: "Yes, I have left. I will not 
 serve under a drunkard." 
 
 Richardson was with Grant's army much of the 
 time as the campaigning went on down the Mis- 
 sissippi. He summed up his observations on the 
 general's habits: 
 
 "On a very few occasions after re-entering the 
 service, the General was perceptibly under the 
 influence of liquor — solely from his extreme sus- 
 ceptibility to it; for ordinarily he did not touch 
 it; and during the entire conflict he probably con- 
 sumed less than any other officer who tasted it at 
 all. 1 [e was never under its sway to the direct or 
 indirect detriment of the service a single moment. 
 And his development was as unique in this as in 
 any other respect. He exhibited the remarkable 
 spectacle of a man in middle life steadily gaining 
 in self control till a propensity once too strong was 
 absolutely mastered." 
 
 85 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 Richardson, in looking up the antecedents of 
 Grant, struck a trail which seemed to lead to in- 
 ferences which might help to account for the early 
 weakness of liking for whiskey. He visited George- 
 town in Brown county, Ohio, where Grant's boy- 
 hood was passed. Georgetown is back ten miles 
 from the river. The newspaper correspondent 
 discovered: 
 "Probably more liquor has been consumed in the 
 vicinity than in any other of our northern com- 
 munities. To be temperate in Brown means to be 
 intoxicated only two or three times a year. In 
 old times a man who did not get drunk at least on 
 the 8th of January, the 22nd of February, and the 
 4th of July could hardly maintain his standing in 
 the community or in the local churches." 
 
 At the beginning of the war St. Louis supplied 
 the information on which the reports of Grant's 
 dissipation were sent over the country. News- 
 paper correspondents from other cities found 
 willing talkers on the habits of Grant while he 
 farmed at Hardscrabble. They were given to 
 understand by these gossipers that those habits 
 in respect to drinking were about as bad as they 
 could be. Dr. William Taussig, who saw Grant 
 pass his house coming to and going out from the 
 city, said that Grant's habits at that time were 
 those of "occasional intemperance" and that they 
 "had received much wider notice than there was 
 warrant for." 
 
 In his lieutenant days Grant "took his glass of 
 
 86 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 liquor with the rest of us," was the way a fellow 
 officer put it. At one time, realizing what a hold 
 his liking for whiskey had obtained, Grant joined 
 a temperance organization — the Sons of Temper- 
 ance. He ceased to be a steady drinker. His 
 intemperance became, as Dr. Taussig described 
 it, occasional. Against the taste Grant struggled, 
 the lapses becoming less and less frequent. A 
 little liquor, which others could take without being 
 affected, showed itself on him. In time Grant 
 conquered and obtained entire control, but 
 through the war and even to the White House he 
 carried the reputation unjustly bestowed upon 
 him in St. Louis. 
 
 Henry T. Blow spoke to President Lincoln 
 about the reports that Grant drank whiskey. 
 He was a member of Congress from St. Louis at 
 the time. The newspapers were making much of 
 Grant's habits in the early part of the war. They 
 were charging that the commander was under the 
 influence of liquor most of the time. They were 
 especially sweeping in their criticism immediately 
 after the battle of Shiloh. Blow, who knew the 
 facts, went up to the White House to talk with 
 Mr. Lincoln and to defend Grant if necessary. 
 The President cut short explanations. He said 
 to Blow: "I wish I knew what brand of whiskey 
 he drinks. I would send a barrel to all my other 
 generals." 
 
 While Halleck was Grant's superior with head- 
 quarters at St. Louis, he took a like humorous 
 
 87 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 view of the stories of Grant's dissipation. The 
 day Halleck received the news of the capture of 
 Donelson he wrote out a brief statement of the 
 victory and put it on the bulletin board in the 
 St. Louis hotel where he was stopping. As an 
 excited crowd gathered to read, Halleck said: 
 "If Grant's a drunkard and can win such vic- 
 tories, I shall issue an order that any man found 
 sober in St. Louis tonight be punished by fine and 
 imprisonment." 
 
 These charges of drunkenness were put forward 
 repeatedly during the first two years of the war. 
 As late as the preparations for the battle of Chat- 
 tanooga, General David Hunter, sent out by 
 Secretary Stanton to inspect and report, felt it 
 proper to include something of Grant's habits: 
 "I was received by General Grant with the 
 greatest kindness. He gave me his bed, shared 
 with me his room, gave me to ride his favorite 
 horse, read to me his dispatches received and 
 sent, accompanied on my reviews, and I accom- 
 panied him on all his excursions. In fact I saw 
 him almost every moment of the three weeks I 
 spent in Chattanooga. He is a hard worker, 
 writes his own dispatches and orders, and does 
 his own thinking. He is modest, quiet, never 
 •swears, and seldom drinks, as he only took two 
 drinks while I was with him." 
 
 Once a member of the staff wrote about Grant's 
 habits. The letter got into print, to the general's 
 great annoyance. The offense was never repeated. 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 Grant even telegraphed his father that his letters 
 must not be given publicity. The staff officer who 
 offended was Major Webster. He wrote, just after 
 the battle of Shiloh, to Colonel J. S. Stewart: 
 
 "I breakfasted with General Grant. I went on 
 board the boat, and rode with him to the field 
 about half past eight in the morning. I was with 
 him all day. I lay down with him on a small 
 parcel of hay which the quartermaster put down 
 to keep us out of the mud, in the rear of the artil- 
 lery line to the left. He was perfectly sober and 
 self-possessed during the day and the entire 
 battle. No one claimed he was drunk." 
 
 Regarding the stories of his drunkenness Grant 
 was "the silent man" so far as voice was con- 
 cerned. He forbade those nearest to him to make 
 any defense. That he felt the charges keenly the 
 confidential letters he wrote made plain. This is 
 from one in 1862: 
 
 "To say that I have not been distressed at these 
 attacks upon me would be false, for I have a 
 father, mother, wife and children who read them 
 and are distressed by them; and I necessarily 
 share with them in it. Then, too, all subject to 
 my orders read these charges and it is calculated 
 to weaken my ability to render efficient service in 
 our present cause. One thing I will assure you of, 
 however — I cannot be driven from rendering the 
 best service within my ability to suppress the 
 present rebellion, and, when it is over, retiring 
 to the same quiet, it, the rebellion, found me 
 
 89 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 enjoying. Notoriety has no charms for me, and 
 could I render the same service that I hope it has 
 been my fortune to render our just cause without 
 being known in the matter, it would be infinitely 
 preferable to me." 
 
 Washburne was ever ready to champion Grant. 
 The latter was grateful but he would not consent 
 that even Washburne should come to his defense 
 in this matter of personal character. Grant wrote 
 to Washburne in 1862: 
 
 "The great number of attacks made upon me by 
 the press of the country is my apology for not 
 writing to you oftener, not desiring to give any 
 contradiction to them myself. You have inter- 
 ested yourself so much as my friend that should I 
 say anything it would probably be made use of in 
 my behalf." 
 
 With his father Grant had more trouble about 
 these charges than with anybody else, to preserve 
 silence. The elder Grant could and did write for 
 the newspapers. In a letter the general took his 
 father to task for something that had been given 
 to a Cincinnati paper and urged him not to do it 
 again: 
 
 "You must not expect me to write in my own 
 defense, nor to permit it from anyone about me. 
 I know that the feeling of the troops under my 
 command is favorable to me, and so long as I 
 continue to do my duty faithfully it will remain 
 so. I require no defenders." 
 
 Perhaps the only time that Grant opened his 
 
 90 
 
Grant* s Habits 
 
 mouth in public upon the subject of his personal 
 habits was when he read his second inaugural 
 address on the 4th of March, 1873 : 
 
 "Throughout the war and from my candidacy to 
 the present office, in 1868, to the close of the 
 last Presidential campaign, I have been the sub- 
 ject of abuse and slander, scarcely ever equaled 
 in political history, which today I feel that I can 
 afford to disregard, in view of your verdict, which 
 I most gratefully accept as my vindication." 
 
 Some one tried to draw out General Sherman 
 in criticism of Grant. The quick-tempered old 
 man broke forth: "It won't do, sir. It won't do. 
 Grant is a great general. He stood by me when I 
 was crazy and I stood by him when he was drunk, 
 and now, sir, we stand by each other." About 
 the same time that the papers were making 
 sweeping charges about Grant's drinking they 
 were asserting that Sherman was insane. Sher- 
 man had this in mind when he made use of the 
 language quoted. He wanted to impress upon 
 his listener that the stories of Grant's drunken- 
 ness had no more foundation than the allegations 
 against his own sanity. 
 
 A recollection of Grant in St. Louis by General 
 Henry Prince illustrated the way in which these 
 stories of intemperance grew. General Prince 
 was at the Planter's when Grant called upon him. 
 The captain was dressed as a farmer, his trousers 
 tucked in his boots, a blacksnake whip in his 
 hands. 
 
 91 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 "I was very glad to see him. I was just coming 
 out of the hotel and met him on the steps going 
 in. I turned to go back with him when he said: 
 'No, I have only come up to market with a load 
 of wood, and a mutual friend telling me you were 
 here, I have called to ask you to come down to 
 the farm and spend a week with me.' Again I 
 invited him to my apartments in the hotel, but he 
 declined to go, as I supposed then on account of 
 his rough garb. He made no other request of me 
 than to be his guest, and then hastened back to 
 the market place. In this little interview, which 
 began and ended on the steps of the hotel, his 
 manner threw out evidences of his character just 
 as I had always seen and read it in the army and 
 excited my warmest admiration. I have heard a 
 story going the rounds that General Sedgwick 
 had said that I told him, at this interview, Grant 
 was on a spree and had requested the loan of 
 twenty-five cents. I desire to deny in as em- 
 phatic terms as I can that such was the fact, and 
 it is utterly impossible that General Sedgwick 
 could have made any such statement. It is 
 purely the creation of some person's idle fancy. 
 I recall the conversation perfectly well in which I 
 related to General Sedgwick this meeting with 
 General Grant in 1859, and of distinctly saying 
 that there was no more appearance of dissipation 
 in Grant's face and manner than in those of a 
 child. I recall how Sedgwick and myself reviewed 
 together the mighty changes four years had 
 
 92 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 brought in Grant. We contrasted the dress in 
 which he had hauled his wood and the uniform of 
 power he was at the moment of our conversation 
 entitled to wear in handling the armies. Both of 
 us agreed that merit, not fortune, was the medium 
 of the phenomenon." 
 
 The Clarksville case afforded in the opinion of 
 General James Grant Wilson, one of the best 
 illustrations of the controversy over Grant's hab- 
 its. As the Union army approached Clarksville 
 early in the war, a committee of safety poured on 
 the ground a large amount of whiskey. The com- 
 mittee did this as a matter of public policy. A 
 report had reached Clarksville, so the committee 
 claimed, that Grant was drunk and unable to 
 control the Union soldiers. Some time after- 
 wards the owners of the whiskey brought suit 
 against the committee of safety for the value of 
 the destroyed liquor. The committee set up the 
 defense indicated. The trial turned on whether 
 Grant was drunk or sober when the Union troops 
 reached Clarksville. On the first trial of the case 
 the jury disagreed, not deciding whether Grant 
 was drunk or sober. On the second trial the ver- 
 dict found Grant drunk. A third trial was had at 
 which the jury found that the general was per- 
 fectly sober. The safety committee lost the case 
 and compromised by paying half of the value of 
 the destroyed whiskey, amounting to some thou- 
 sands of dollars. 
 
 Whatever may have been the measure of truth 
 
 93 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 about Grant's fondness for whiskey in early 
 years, there is only one side to the testimony on 
 other habits. Grant was clean of speech and 
 person. No one who knew him in the years he 
 lived in St. Louis ever heard him swear. His 
 strongest expletive was "Thunder and Lightning!" 
 And he used that only on great provocation. 
 After he became a farmer he continued to wear 
 his old army overcoat. He wore it so long that 
 on an occasion, seeming to realize that it was be- 
 coming rusty, he half apologized with the remark 
 that the garment was made of such good material 
 he didn't like to give it up. There were times 
 when his outer dress was almost shabby. There 
 was no time when he was not fastidious about his 
 underclothing. He said to General Horace Porter : 
 "I have never taken as much satisfaction as 
 some people in making frequent changes of my 
 outer clothing. I like to put on a suit of clothes 
 when I get up in the morning and wear it until I 
 go to bed, unless I have to make a change in my 
 dress to meet company. I have been in the habit 
 of getting one coat at a time, putting it on and 
 wearing it every day as long as it looked respect- 
 able, instead of using a best and a second best. 
 I know that it is not the right way to manage, but 
 a comfortable coat seems like an old friend, and I 
 don't like to change it." 
 
 Grant was peculiar in respect to diet. He 
 enjoyed his farm living. Corn, beans and many 
 other vegetables he liked. The cucumber was an 
 
 94 
 
Grant's Habits 
 
 especial favorite. In the army he was known to 
 make a breakfast on cucumber and coffee. Of 
 meat he ate very little and only that when it was 
 thoroughly cooked. A rare steak was an abomi- 
 nation to him. He cared nothing for game and 
 did not hunt. Poultry he would not touch. He 
 had a saying that he "never could eat anything 
 that goes on two legs." As a result of this taste, 
 Grant let many courses at public dinners pass 
 untouched. He was considered a very small eater. 
 Of fruit he was fond and ate it slowly, as if to 
 prolong the enjoyment. 
 
 No intoxicating liquor was served at Grant's 
 table in private or public life, in peace or in war, 
 save only at formal state dinners in the White 
 House. During the war, the general would some- 
 times join the members of his staff in a drink of 
 whiskey and water at the end of a long ride in bad 
 weather, but he never had anything but coffee, 
 tea and water on the mess table and never offered 
 liquor to visitors. 
 
 95 
 
Grant, the President 
 
Grant, the President 
 
 While he was in the White House Grant came 
 to the rescue of St. Louis. It was at a time when 
 high officials and old friends were conspiring 
 to disgrace his administration through internal 
 revenue frauds. Grant was an admirer of James 
 B. Eads. The great engineer's steady persistence 
 and masterly ability in overcoming obstacles and 
 accomplishing his ends appealed strongly to the 
 man who had shown the same qualities in the 
 war. Friendship between Grant and Eads dated 
 back to the building of the iron clad gunboats by 
 Eads. These boats were turned out in such time 
 as seemed almost incredible when the contracts 
 were given. They counted for much in Grant's 
 plans to open the Mississippi and thus split the 
 Confederacy in two. Eads was building the St. 
 Louis bridge which bears his name while Grant 
 was President. He had put into it the profits of 
 the gunboat contracts and had about exhausted 
 the local capital support. Engineering and finan- 
 cial problems were not all that made the work 
 difficult. Steamboat interests were unfriendly. 
 They had opposed any bridging of the Mississippi. 
 In 1873 the Keokuk Packet line filed a complaint 
 with the Secretary of War that the Eads bridge 
 was an obstruction to commerce. The complaint 
 set forth that, in high water, boats could not pass 
 under the arches without lowering their smoke- 
 stacks. The steamboat people asked the govern- 
 ment to remove the bridge. At that time work 
 on the upper structure was nearing completion. 
 
 99 
 
Grant, the President 
 
 The opening of the bridge for traffic was promised 
 for the following year. Judge Taft of Cincinnati, 
 father of former President Taft, had been Sec- 
 retary of War while the earlier construction of 
 the bridge was going on. The complaint of the 
 steamboat people had not been made to him. 
 The Keokuk Packet line managers saw an oppor- 
 tunity when Belknap succeeded Judge Taft. 
 Belknap was a Keokuk man. He later retired 
 from the cabinet upon the exposure of the post 
 tradership scandals involving a member of his 
 family. Belknap entertained the complaint of his 
 steamboat friends. He appointed a commission 
 which confined its investigation mainly to the 
 testimony of the steamboat men. General John 
 W. Noble, their attorney, attempted in vain to 
 get a hearing for the bridge people. 
 
 St. Louis had watched the building of the 
 bridge day by day for five years. The city saw a 
 great trade territory to the northwest slipping 
 away because the river had been bridged above 
 while at her front it ran unfettered to the sea, the 
 barrier to east and west commerce. A great 
 shock came to St. Louisans when the report of 
 Belknap's commission was made public. The 
 commission found that while the bridge had been 
 built in exact accordance with the Act of Congress 
 it was nevertheless an obstruction to navigation. 
 The report recommended that the bridge should 
 come down or that a ship canal be dug around the 
 east end of it, advising that the subject be brought 
 
 ioo 
 
Grant, the President 
 
 to the attention of Congress. The bridge company 
 at that time had expended #6,000,000, practically 
 exhausting its resources. Negotiations for the 
 money necessary to complete the bridge were 
 in progress. They were threatened with failure 
 if Belknap's commission report went to Congress. 
 Dr. William Taussig, in his recollections pre- 
 served by the Missouri Historical Society, tells 
 how Grant came to the rescue: 
 
 "In this emergency Captain Eads and I con- 
 cluded to appeal to the President, and on a hot 
 July morning we appeared at the White House, 
 sent in our cards and were promptly admitted. 
 Upon our entering the cabinet, President Grant 
 met Captain Eads with outstretched hands, 
 greeting warmly, and then, turning toward me, 
 said, with a facetious smile, while shaking hands 
 with me: 'How are you, Judge?' I noticed the 
 allusion at once and said: 'Mr. President, by ad- 
 dressing me as 'Judge' I hope you do not recall a 
 former event which has weighed heavily on my 
 mind ever since you have attained your high 
 position.' He laughed and said: 'Oh, no; you see 
 how much better it is than it might have been.' 
 
 "We stated our case and he listened seriously 
 and attentively. He had never heard of this 
 commission — its appointment or action. After 
 awhile he rang the bell and sent for the Secretary. 
 General Belknap soon entered, and the President 
 at once, rapidly and curtly, asked him a few cate- 
 gorical questions — had the bridge been built in 
 
 101 
 
Grant, the President 
 
 accordance with the provisions of the Act of 
 Congress, and had the structure been approved 
 by the former Secretary of War? Belknap said 
 yes, but claimed the general authority under the 
 law given to the Secretary of War to remove 
 obstructions to navigation, and offered to send 
 for all the papers in the case. 
 
 "The President said nothing for awhile, and 
 then, with that peculiar firm set of his lower jaw, 
 substantially said: 'I do not care to look at the 
 papers. You certainly cannot remove this struc- 
 ture on your own judgment. If Congress were to 
 order its removal it would have to pay for it. It 
 would hardly do that in order to save high smoke- 
 stacks from being lowered when passing under the 
 bridge. If your Keokuk friends feel aggrieved 
 let them sue the bridge people for damages. I 
 think, General, you had better drop the case.' 
 
 "Belknap, whose face had colored a deep red, 
 rose and, with a bow, left the cabinet. We left 
 soon, with warm thanks, and were enabled to 
 inform the public and our bankers that this vexa- 
 tious proceeding had been entirely abandoned by 
 order of the President. 
 
 "I remember particularly one raw, cold Novem- 
 ber day in 1873, when he came to our office, 
 accompanied by the late Captain Couzins and Mr. 
 Chauncey I. Filley, and went out with Captain 
 Eads and Colonel Henry Flad, the assistant chief 
 engineer, to walk over the first two arches, over 
 which only a few narrow planks had been laid. 
 
 102 
 
Grant, the President 
 
 It was hard and risky work, even for those accus- 
 tomed to it. But, as Colonel Flad told me, the 
 President walked over it fearlessly and took in 
 everything that was shown him with much 
 interest. Upon the return of the party Captain 
 Eads took a bottle of brandy out of his closet, I 
 brought out my box of cigars, and we all sat down 
 around a draughtsman's deal table. The Presi- 
 dent and those with him were nearly frozen and 
 he and they enjoyed the brandy. He smoked 
 cigars rapidly and had them half chewed up when 
 he threw them away. His conversation and de- 
 meanor were as quiet, modest and unassuming as 
 those of any private citizen. While looking at 
 him I had always to recall to my mind and to 
 realize that it was not an ordinary citizen who 
 sat and chatted at this table, but the greatest 
 man of his time. 
 "History has already inscribed this great char- 
 acter, and what the country owes to him, upon 
 its tablets, but only a few have been privileged to 
 know his plain, unassuming disposition, the ease 
 with which he turned from the lofty eminence of 
 the Presidential chair into the position of a plain 
 citizen, the loyalty with which he clung, often to 
 his own discomfort and disparagement, to old 
 friends and adherents, and withal the quiet, 
 impressive dignity which distinguished this unpre- 
 tending democratic citizen President." 
 
 St. Louis men and women in numbers, who had 
 known Grant in the Gravois days, were welcomed 
 
 103 
 
Grant, the President 
 
 warmly at the White House. As he drove his 
 wood wagon to and from the city, Grant had often 
 stopped at the home of the Masure family on 
 Chouteau avenue. Mrs. Masure had been Miss 
 Amanda Chenie. Following the hospitable tradi- 
 tions of old St. Louis, Mrs. Masure had, as often 
 as he called, insisted that "the captain" remain 
 for dinner. After he became President, one of the 
 first appointments made by Grant was that con- 
 ferred upon a son of Mrs. Masure. Later Mrs. 
 Masure was a guest at the White House and was 
 introduced by the President personally as "an old 
 and valued friend." But Grant's remembrance 
 of the hospitality was shown in a way even more 
 practical and suggestive of his entertainment in 
 the former days at the Masure home. When Mrs. 
 Masure left Washington to return to St. Louis, 
 there was delivered to her on the train, with a 
 personal message from the President, a basket 
 containing the best lunch which the White House 
 chef could prepare. 
 
 President Grant looked back upon the wood 
 hauling period with no sense of humiliation or 
 bitterness. He recalled it as an interesting experi- 
 ence with some humorous episodes. When he 
 was about to enter upon his first term as Presi- 
 dent, he, with Mrs. Grant, was entertained by 
 Mr. and Mrs. Henry T. Blow. At that time, in 
 1868-9, tne home of the Blows was one of the most 
 beautiful suburban places of St. Louis. It was in 
 Carondelet, which Mr. Blow hoped to see become 
 
 104 
 
Grant, the President 
 
 "the Birmingham of America." The Blows were 
 hospitable people, entertaining with the charm 
 of St. Louis custom. Old friends were invited to 
 meet General and Mrs. Grant. The gathering 
 was in the nature of a farewell to White Haven 
 and godspeed to the White House. After dinner 
 Grant suggested a walk through the grounds. As 
 he led the way he showed keen interest in recog- 
 nizing the familiar surroundings. He pointed 
 where he had driven in the backyard his team to 
 deliver wood from theGravois farm. But what the 
 general dwelt upon was the location of a certain 
 tree. He said that on one of his trips, bringing 
 the cordwood, he had, with possible carelessness, 
 let a hub of the wagon strike that tree and 
 bark it badly. The tree was a favorite of Mrs. 
 Blow's, one which she had watched develop and 
 of which she was proud. Before Grant could 
 unload and get away, Mrs. Blow came out and saw 
 the damage. Grant smiled broadly as he told the 
 party of guests that Mrs. Blow "gave me such a 
 scoring as I never before or since have received 
 from a woman." One of the guests present, who 
 heard the general tell the story was the late Judge 
 Charles W. Irwin of Kirkwood, who repeated it, 
 shortly after the dinner, to his friend and neigh- 
 bor, Judge Enos Clarke. 
 
 10: 
 
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 V4 
 
si 3:1 ? Si 
 
 
 
 ■dfTi:*- 
 
 ^ !Sj 
 
 S ^ 
 
Grant and the IVhiskey Ring 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 Three St. Louis men wrote books on Grant. 
 One of these books was published in 1887. It 
 took up Grant's battles, one after the other, and 
 showed that his military career was a succession 
 of blunders. It convicted the general of utter 
 ignorance of the science of war. Another of these 
 books appeared in 1879. It was called the "Great 
 American Empire." Grant was exposed as a man 
 of despotic, vindictive nature, bent upon making 
 himself dictator of the United States. If Grant 
 succeeded in becoming Emperor of North Amer- 
 ica, Roscoe Conkling was to be the Duke of New 
 York. The third book was published in 1880, 
 after the defeat of the third term movement. It 
 purported to be "a complete exposure of the 
 illicit whiskey frauds culminating in 1875." It 
 alleged that Grant was "an active participant in 
 the frauds." These St. Louis authors did not 
 regard themselves as humorists. The author, or 
 putative author, of the "Secrets of the Great 
 Whiskey Ring," was John McDonald, the head 
 of the conspiracy. At the close of his three 
 hundred and more pages of "evidence" McDon- 
 ald, in summing up his revelations, disclaimed 
 knowledge that any part of the #2,786,000 reve- 
 nue, of which he said the government was robbed 
 in his district, went directly to Grant. What he 
 claimed was that "Grant knew" money was 
 raised by these frauds to finance political cam- 
 paigns of which he was the beneficiary. 
 
 President Grant arrived in St. Louis from 
 
 109 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 Washington the evening of the 5th of October, 
 1874. He was accompanied by Mrs. Grant and 
 their daughter, Secretary of the Navy Borie and 
 General Babcock. Ten old friends and Federal 
 officials were at the station to meet and welcome 
 the Presidential party. Within the following year 
 four of the ten were convicted of complicity in the 
 Whiskey Ring and were in prison. 
 
 The President had come to visit "the Grant 
 farm." He had timed his visit so that he could be 
 present at the St. Louis Fair. Both while he was 
 lieutenant-general and President, Grant received 
 many gifts of livestock. His admirers bestowed 
 upon him colts, calves and pigs with pedigrees, 
 but especially colts. Grant permitted the mana- 
 ger of the farm to show some of his livestock at 
 the Fair. The management of the Fair encour- 
 aged the entries by Grant as attractions of popular 
 interest. As regularly as he could make it conven- 
 ient the general came to St. Louis in Fair time. 
 One year an enormous steer from the Grant farm 
 was exhibited for the benefit of the Soldiers' 
 Orphan Home at Webster Groves, the President 
 consenting to it at the request of the managers of 
 the institution. The steer weighed about two 
 thousand pounds. It was driven from the farm 
 on the Gravois road to the Fair Grounds with 
 much difficulty. Admission to the tent was 
 charged, the money being given to the asylum. 
 The steer stood the week of the Fair, but on the 
 way back to the farm it lay down and died. 
 
 no 
 
Grant and the ff^hiskey Ring 
 
 In connection with Grant's visit to the Fair in 
 1874 occurred an unpleasant incident. It was 
 only a day's local sensation at the time, but be- 
 fore twelve months had rolled around it had been 
 magnified into national concern. It became an 
 important part of the circumstantial evidence by 
 which conspirators sought to implicate Grant in 
 the Whiskey Ring. 
 
 The President visited the Fair on the 6th of 
 October. He requested that his presence be not 
 announced or noticed with any formality. A seat 
 was given him on the platform under the pagoda 
 in the center of the amphitheater. There he sat, 
 smoking the inevitable cigar, chatting occasion- 
 ally with Secretary Borie and looking at the 
 entries being judged. That day Grant had two 
 entries, Claymore and Young Hambletonian. 
 This is Charles G. Gonter's account of the inci- 
 dent of which so much was subsequently made by 
 the head of the Whiskey Ring: 
 "A ring of thoroughbreds was being judged. 
 The twelve or fifteen exhibits included some of 
 the best products of the stock farms of Kentucky. 
 In those days the St. Louis Fair was the annual 
 event of the kind for the Mississippi Valley. One 
 of the youngsters was entered in the name of 
 General Grant. The colt had been given, per- 
 haps, from motives of friendship, possibly on 
 account of politics. He was a fairly good animal 
 but was outclassed. That could be seen at a 
 glance by any one with knowledge of horses. 
 
 in . 
 
Grant and the IF his key Ring 
 
 The general was standing near me. He turned 
 and said, 'Charley, what do you think of them?' 
 
 "We had been acquainted many years. I had 
 known him when he was Captain Grant in St. 
 Louis before the war. He always called me 
 'Charley.' I knew the general's entry was in that 
 ring and I knew the general knew it. I gave him 
 a perfectly frank answer as he expected, pointing 
 out one of the Kentucky-bred horses that in my 
 judgment was entitled to the blue ribbon. The 
 general confirmed my opinion without any hesi- 
 tation, saying: 'I guess you are right.' 
 
 "Well, the judges went around the ring several 
 times looking over the entries and having them 
 galloped to and fro. They seemed to be having 
 trouble about the decision. After a long while it 
 was announced that the judges couldn't agree; 
 that they were evenly divided. The rule was, in 
 such cases, to call in an outsider to give the cast- 
 ing vote. General John McDonald was named. 
 The decision came quickly. The judges stepped 
 up to the President's colt and tied on the blue 
 ribbon. General Grant was close by me. As I 
 looked at him, he flushed, took his cigar out of 
 his mouth, threw it on the ground and said in a 
 low voice: 'That is an outrage.' 
 
 "He turned and walked away. The award was 
 so clearly unfair that everybody was talking 
 about it. Soon the directors of the Fair went to 
 their rooms to lunch together. As was the cus- 
 tom the amphitheater reporters accompanied 
 
 112 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 them. After the lunch the president of the Fair 
 Association said to the reporters : 'You gentlemen 
 of the press know what was done in the judging 
 of that last ring of colts. For the Fair directors I 
 can say that we had rather have had a rainy day 
 spoiling the attendance than to have seen such an 
 act of injustice in our amphitheater. We leave 
 the matter in your hands to treat as you see fit.' 
 
 "The newspaper men conferred but didn't 
 decide upon anything. I went ahead on my own 
 hook, wrote a full story of just what had hap- 
 pened. The Globe printed what I wrote. Early in 
 the morning, before I started for the Fair Grounds, 
 I received a call to come to the office of William 
 McKee, the senior proprietor of the paper. As I 
 went in he said: 'Charley, you've ruined us.' 
 
 " 'What is the matter?' I asked him. 
 
 " 'Why, that report of the award to General 
 Grant's horse,' he said. 
 
 " 'I wrote just what happened,' said I. 'Every- 
 body who was there will tell you so.' 
 
 " 'I know,' said Mr. McKee, 'but it will hurt us 
 over in Illinois. We will lose our subscribers. 
 They worship Grant over there and they will 
 think this is an attack on him.' 
 
 " 'Who says so?' I asked. 
 
 " 'JohniwMcDonald,' said Mr. McKee, 'he was 
 in here a little while ago.' 
 
 " 'Well,' said I, 'when I went out to report 
 the amphitheater you gave me a sheet of white 
 paper and told me to report just what happened 
 
 113 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 without favor to anybody and I've followed the 
 instructions the best I knew how.' 
 
 "I left the office and went to the Fair Grounds 
 expecting to be relieved at any hour. Along in 
 the afternoon Mr. McKee came out. When he 
 saw me, he walked over and said; 'Charley, that 
 article about the award to Grant's horse was all 
 right.' 
 
 " 'Who says so?' I asked. 
 
 'The general himself,' Mr. McKee replied. 
 'He was in the office awhile after you left, said 
 you had made a correct report of what occurred 
 and he thanked us for printing it.' " 
 
 Gonter's report of the incident, for printing 
 which President Grant thanked the Globe, was 
 as follows: 
 
 "We had in this ring one of the finest collections 
 that has appeared in the arena for many years, 
 representing some of the best roadster blood ex- 
 tant — Golddust, Daniel Boone, Green Mountain, 
 Black Hawk, Morgan, Highlander, Hamilton, 
 Ewald's Dixie, Nig Peacemaker, and Alexander's 
 Abdallah. Better could not have been collected 
 within the arena of an amphitheater. The horses 
 were all speeded and some of them showed excel- 
 lent trotting qualities. After considerable delay, 
 the judges tied the blue ribbon upon the head of 
 President Grant's Claymore, by Peacemaker. It 
 is seldom we take exception to the action of com- 
 mittees, but in this instance we feel compelled to 
 dissent. In our opinion as well as in the opinion 
 
 114 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 of nearly every judge of this noble animal upon 
 the ground yesterday, this award was regarded 
 with amazement and astonishment, in such a col- 
 lection, embracing as it did, the very best horses 
 in the country. In all due deference it seemed to 
 us that the ribbon was given as a compliment to 
 the President and not to the animal." 
 
 In the book which he published six years after 
 the St. Louis Fair incident McDonald gave his 
 version of the award to Grant's horse. He coup- 
 led with that incident his story of the gift of a 
 team to the President. In a conversation at 
 Washington, McDonald said, Grant had com- 
 plained that his stock did not receive premiums 
 at the Fair. He urged the President to make an 
 exhibition in 1874. On his return to St. Louis he 
 called upon the president of the Fair and repeated 
 the complaints of General Grant : 
 
 "Mr. Barret replied that the reason President 
 Grant had not been given a premium was because 
 his stock had been entered in competition with 
 that which was superior, and the committees did 
 not wish to show partiality to any one. After 
 talking with him a while he told me that I might 
 be placed on the committee that would award the 
 premiums on stock, and, if I wished to assume the 
 responsibility, the President's stock might secure 
 a premium." 
 
 McDonald says he took the position and when 
 the President's entry was brought in the ring he 
 told a member of the committee there was one 
 
 US 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 thing he wanted done; obtaining consent to 
 which, he would favor anything they wished: 
 
 "This one thing was to give the first premium to 
 the President's stallion, and, although there were 
 several preeminently superior horses in compe- 
 tition, the other members of the committee 
 endorsed my act and awarded the blue ribbon. 
 
 "At the time I had a pair of fast horses and ten- 
 dered them to President Grant while he remained 
 in the city. I was with Grant on several occa- 
 sions while he was in St. Louis, and he was greatly 
 pleased with the team. Being a subordinate 
 officer and wishing to ingratiate myself into the 
 good graces of His Excellency, and knowing his 
 weakness for fine horseflesh, I told him I would 
 present him with the team, but in such a way 
 that it would appear as if he had purchased them. 
 I had the bills for the wagon, harness and equip- 
 ments made out in the name of the President and » 
 had the team taken to Washington by Nat Car- 
 lin, the superintendent of the President's farm. 
 The first week in December, 1874, I dropped in 
 at the White House the very day Congress 
 assembled, and saw the President in his office. 
 He had used the team for some time and was 
 delighted with them. I told him that I had a bill of 
 sale made out, with minor bills attached, amount- 
 ing in all to about $1,750, if my memory serves 
 me rightly. The bill was receipted and signed 
 before I started from St. Louis. I asked him with 
 a smile to hand me a few dollars. He pulled out 
 
 116 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 a fifty dollar bill, and threw it at me, and asked 
 if that would do. I told him it was too much and 
 threw it back. Then the President gave me a ten 
 dollar bill, and I took out of my vest pocket a five 
 dollar bill and a two dollar bill, which I gave to 
 him in change, thus leaving me three dollars for 
 the team." 
 
 Before the war McDonald was a "steamboat 
 runner" on the St. Louis levee. That is to say, 
 he exerted himself in a variety of energetic ways 
 to secure passengers for the line he represented. 
 He was a small, wiry man with much nerve and 
 no education. After his marriage Mrs. McDonald 
 taught him to read and write. When hostilities 
 began, McDonald's acquaintance with river men, 
 together with his faculty of leadership enabled 
 him to get recruits. He did so much toward the 
 organization of the Eighth Missouri that he was 
 given a commission. He rose to be major of the 
 regiment which distinguished itself for hard 
 fighting under Sherman. At the close of the war, 
 McDonald was breveted brigadier-general. For 
 several years his business was pushing claims 
 against the quartermaster department at Wash- 
 ington. He made considerable money out of 
 commissions on what he collected. 
 
 In 1868, Congress created supervisors of inter- 
 nal revenue in order to lessen frauds against the 
 government. Supervisors were put in charge of 
 districts to check up the work of collectors. 
 McDonald applied for a supervisorship. He 
 
 117 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 filed remarkable indorsements from St. Louis. 
 General Sherman, James E. Yeatman who had 
 been foremost in the relief work for wounded 
 soldiers and who was known nationally as "Old 
 Sanitary," Mayor Nathan Cole, Judges Irwin Z. 
 Smith and James S. Farrar, Ex-Governor Thomas 
 
 C. Fletcher, James B. Eads, President George P. 
 Plant of the Merchants' Exchange, Lieutenant- 
 Governor E. O. Stanard, and others who were 
 among the best known and most highly esteemed 
 citizens of St. Louis gave endorsements. Some of 
 the letters spoke of McDonald's energy and loy- 
 alty. Some of them expressed the opinion that 
 he would discharge the duties faithfully and 
 honestly. There had been revenue frauds in the 
 preceding administration under Andrew Johnson. 
 It was to put a stop to abuses that supervisors 
 were created. Senator Carl Schurz, Congressman 
 
 D. P. Dyer, District Attorney John W. Noble, 
 United States Marshal Newcomb, and Congress- 
 man G. A. Finkelnburg united in a protest against 
 the appointment of McDonald. They said in 
 their telegram to Secretary Boutwell: 
 
 "We beg leave to assure you that the reputation 
 of this man and his associates are such that can 
 bring no moral support to the government in the 
 enforcement of the internal revenue laws, and 
 that it is quite certain that his qualifications, 
 natural or acquired, are such as to render the 
 appointment an unfit one to be made." 
 
 McDonald was appointed in November, 1869, 
 
 118 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 his district at first being Arkansas and the Indian 
 Territory. Three months later Missouri was 
 added and St. Louis became the headquarters. 
 That same year the Liberal Republican move- 
 ment, on a platform of enfranchisement of Con- 
 federates, swept Missouri, the Democrats making 
 no nominations. B. Gratz Brown was elected 
 governor. Inspired by their success, the Liberal 
 Republicans in Missouri began to organize for a 
 national campaign in 1872, with the view of 
 defeating Grant for re-election, his nomination 
 by the regular Republican party being assured. 
 McDonald, being the chief Federal official in 
 St. Louis, became prominent with the regular 
 Republicans. He was very active openly. Secretly 
 he organized the Whiskey Ring which went into 
 operation September, 1871. The avowed object 
 of the ring among the members of it was to 
 raise money for Grant's re-election. Conduce G. 
 Megrue, who had been president of a national 
 bank in Ohio, was brought to St. Louis and given 
 charge of details. Ostensibly his business here 
 was the agency of a patent paving company. 
 Until the Presidential election of 1872, the ring 
 operated and considerable sums were turned over 
 to national campaign managers. The money 
 came freely from McDonald and others. No 
 questions were asked. As much as #30,000, it 
 was said, was sent to Indiana for the October 
 election. 
 
 The ring's plan of operations was simple. 
 
 119 
 
Grant and the fVhiskey Ring 
 
 Government officials allowed distillers to run a 
 specified percentage of their output untaxed. Of 
 the untaxed product the distillers paid the ring 
 one-half of the amount which would have gone to 
 the government if the tax had been paid. The 
 magnitude of the St. Louis frauds may be realized 
 when it is stated that the conspirators received 
 during considerable periods #8,500 a week. 
 During the last year of the ring's operations it 
 was said that the government's loss at St. Louis 
 was #1,500,000. To carry on the frauds required 
 complicity of storekeepers and gaugers. These 
 men were corrupted. 
 
 The frauds were conducted so successfully be- 
 fore the election of 1872 that in 1873 the ring was 
 reorganized and resumed operations. Now, there 
 was no pretence of party necessity. The money 
 was distributed regularly in St. Louis. Occasional 
 remittances were made to Washington officials. 
 Gaugers and storekeepers and other subordinates 
 were carried on the ring payroll at from #50 to 
 #100 a month. The greater part of the fund was 
 divided into five parts, one of which was myster- 
 iously set apart for "the man in the country." 
 Each of the ringleaders netted #1,000 and upwards 
 a week. 
 
 The frauds were apparent. The existence of 
 the ring was known to many. Comparison of the 
 shipments of high wines by rail from St. Louis 
 with the number of gallons paying tax for a given 
 period showed the illicit distilling. The figures 
 
 120 
 
Grant and the fVhiskey Ring 
 
 were of record. Treasury agents came out inter- 
 mittently with orders to investigate. Advance 
 information of the coming was sent to the St. 
 Louis managers by Washington segments of the 
 ring. Sometimes packages of #5,000 or #10,000 
 were placed in the hands of these agents or thrown 
 over the transoms into their hotel rooms. The 
 agents reported they could find nothing wrong. 
 "Put your house in order" telegraphed from 
 Washington meant the coming of agents who 
 could not be corrupted. Then distillers were told 
 to run straight until further notice. 
 
 One vital element of strength held the ring to- 
 gether. That was the oft-repeated assertion "the 
 old man knows." There was a single connection 
 between the ring and "the old man." That link 
 was McDonald. The supervisor maintained such 
 relations with the President that he convinced his 
 co-conspirators, the official rank and file and the 
 distillers they were safe. The supervisor achieved 
 this generally through his political activity in be- 
 half of the administration but specifically through 
 his adroit catering to the President's fondness for 
 horses. 
 
 What seemed to be the crucial test of McDon- 
 ald's relationship with the President came when a 
 general order was issued by direction of Secretary 
 Bristow shifting the supervisors. McDonald was 
 ordered to go to Philadelphia. That meant the 
 death knell of the St. Louis Whiskey Ring. 
 McDonald went to Washington and saw the 
 
 121 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 President. The order was revoked by direction 
 of Grant. McDonald came back to St. Louis vic- 
 torious. The conspirators believed more strongly 
 than ever before that "the old man knew." 
 Nevertheless the lightning struck. The ring was 
 shattered. Grant wrote his historic endorsement 
 on the St. Louis revelations: "Let no guilty man 
 escape." Month after month McDonald told his 
 fellow conspirators "the old man" didn't mean 
 it. He was indicted, tried and convicted. He 
 said he would be pardoned immediately. He 
 wore stripes seventeen months in the Missouri 
 penitentiary. Other ringleaders suffered with 
 their chief. Minor officials and distillers were 
 indicted but let off with mild punishment on 
 pleas of guilty, in consideration of their testimony 
 given against the leaders. Only one indicted man 
 escaped. He was General Babcock. A grand 
 jury headed by one of the men who had indorsed 
 McDonald for supervisor indicted Babcock. 
 A jury acquitted on the strength of Grant's 
 testimony. 
 
 A former United States Senator from Missouri, 
 John B. Henderson, was chosen by the Attorney- 
 General to aid the district attorney, D. P. Dyer, 
 in the prosecution of the Whiskey Ring. In one 
 of the earlier trials, General Henderson, referring 
 to the interference with the commissioner of 
 internal revenue, said: 
 "What right had Babcock to go to Douglass and 
 induce him to withdraw his agents. Douglass 
 
 122 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 was placed in his position to see that the revenue 
 laws of the government were properly enforced. 
 What business then had Douglass with him? 
 When an official goes into office, he should be free 
 and independent of all influences except that of 
 law, and if he recognizes any other master, then 
 this government is tumbling down. What right 
 had the President to interfere with Commissioner 
 Douglass in the proper discharge of his duties or 
 with the Secretary of the Treasury? None. And 
 Douglass showed a lamentable weakness of char- 
 acter when he listened to Babcock's dictates. 
 He should either have insisted that his orders, 
 as they existed, be carried out, or should have 
 resigned his office. Now, why did Douglass bend 
 the supple hinges of his knee and permit any 
 interference by the President ? This was Douglass' 
 own business, and he stood responsible for it 
 under his official oath. He was bound to listen 
 to no dictation from the President, Babcock, or 
 any other officer and it was his duty to see that 
 that order was carried out, or resign. Would that 
 we had officials who possessed more of that sterner 
 stuff of which the office-holders of olden times 
 were made! Why do they not leave their office 
 when they cannot remain there honorably? Is it 
 to be that because a man holds an office at the 
 hands of another, he is to be a bonded slave?" 
 
 When the news of General Henderson's speech 
 reached Washington, the attorney-general tele- 
 graphed for the official stenographic report of that 
 
 123 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 part relating to the President's interference with 
 the commissioner of internal revenue in respect 
 to the order moving the supervisors. A cabinet 
 meeting was called. "I am not on trial," Grant 
 was reported to have said. Henderson was re- 
 moved and in his place as special prosecutor 
 James O. Broadhead was appointed. This action 
 was widely interpreted as evidence of the Presi- 
 dent's interest in the indicted and of a purpose to 
 defeat the ends of justice. It gave hope to those 
 whose trials were approaching. As the time for 
 the trial of his secretary, General Babcock, drew 
 near, the President did another thing, extraordi- 
 nary and without precedent in the history of the 
 country. He prepared to come to St. Louis to 
 testify for the defense. After the trial began, the 
 presence of the President was waived and by 
 agreement between the prosecution and the 
 defense his deposition was taken at the White 
 House before the Chief Justice of the United 
 States Supreme Court. President Grant testified 
 that he at first approved the order transferring 
 supervisors and then revoked it. He explained 
 his change of mind: 
 "Sometime when Mr. Richardson was Secretary, 
 I think at all events before Secretary Bristow 
 became the head of the department, Mr. Douglass 
 in talking with me expressed the idea that it 
 would be a good plan occasionally to shift the 
 various supervisors from one district to another. 
 I expressed myself favorably towards it, but it 
 
 124 
 
Grant and the U^hiskey Ring 
 
 was not done then ; nor was it thought of any more 
 by me until it became evident that the Treasury 
 was being defrauded of a portion of the revenue 
 it should receive from the distillation of spirits in 
 the West. Secretary Bristow at that time called 
 upon me and made a general statement of his 
 suspicions, when I suggested to him this idea. 
 On that suggestion the order making these trans- 
 fers of supervisors was made. At that time I did 
 not understand that there was any suspicion at 
 all of the officials, but that each official had 
 his own way of transacting his business. These 
 distillers, having so much pecuniary interest in 
 deceiving the officials, learn their ways and know 
 how to avoid them. My idea was that by putting 
 in new supervisors, acquainted with their duties, 
 over them, they would run across and detect 
 their crooked ways." 
 
 The order of transfer was issued. President 
 Grant told why he revoked the order: 
 "I resisted all efforts to have the order revoked 
 until I became convinced that it should be re- 
 voked or suspended in the interest of detecting 
 frauds that had already been committed. In my 
 conversation with Supervisor Tutton, he said to 
 me that if the object of that order was to detect 
 frauds that had already been committed, he 
 thought it would not be accomplished. He re- 
 marked that this order was to go into effect on 
 the 15th of February. This conversation took 
 place late in January. He alleged that it would 
 
 12; 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 give the distillers who had been defrauding the 
 Treasury three weeks notice to get their houses 
 in order, and be prepared to receive the new 
 supervisor; that he, himself, would probably go 
 into a district where frauds had been committed 
 and he would find everything in good order, and 
 he would be compelled to so report; that the 
 order would probably result in stopping the 
 frauds at least for a time, but would not lead to 
 the detection of those that had already been com- 
 mitted. He said that if the order was revoked, it 
 would be regarded as a triumph for those that 
 had been defrauding the Treasury. It would 
 throw them off their guard, and he could send 
 special agents of the Treasury to the suspected 
 distillers — send good men, such a one as he men- 
 tioned, Mr. Brooks. They could go out and would 
 not be known to the distillers, and before they 
 could be aware of it, the latters' frauds could be 
 detected; the proofs would be complete, the distil- 
 leries could be seized, and their owners prosecuted. 
 I felt so conscious that his argument was sound, 
 and that it was in the interest of the detection 
 and punishment of fraud that this order should be 
 suspended, I then told him that I would suspend 
 it immediately, and I did so without further con- 
 sultation with anyone. My recollection is that I 
 wrote the direction for the suspension of the order 
 on a card, in pencil, before leaving my office that 
 afternoon, and that the order was issued and sent 
 to the Treasury by one of my secretaries. " 
 
 126 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 In his deposition the President reiterated in 
 various forms that Secretary Babcock had never 
 by word or act sought to influence him in behalf 
 of the Whiskey Ring. Two questions and answers, 
 one on direct, the other on cross-examination, 
 will serve to illustrate the whole deposition. 
 
 "Q. 'Have you ever seen anything in the con- 
 duct of General Babcock, or has he ever said 
 anything to you which indicated to your mind 
 that he was in any way interested in or connected 
 with the Whiskey Ring at St. Louis or elsewhere?' 
 A. 'Never.' 
 
 "Q. 'Perhaps you are aware, General, that the 
 Whiskey Ring have persistently tried to fix the 
 origin of that ring in the necessity for funds to 
 carry on the political campaign; did you ever 
 have any intimation from General Babcock or 
 any one else, in any manner, directly or indi- 
 rectly, that any funds for political purposes were 
 being raised by any improper methods?' A. 'I 
 never did. I have seen since these trials intima- 
 tions of that sort in the newspapers, but never 
 before.' " 
 
 McDonald incorporated in his book some let- 
 ters and telegrams which were not produced in 
 the series of trials but not one of these proved 
 that Grant knew. In the course of the trials, 
 counsel for the defense intimated that the pros- 
 ecution was smirching the President. General 
 Henderson replied: 
 
 "It is my sacred opinion that the President knew 
 
 127 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 nothing of these frauds. I protest solemnly 
 against such declarations as that just made. It 
 is my solemn opinion that the President has been 
 grossly deceived by his professed friends here and 
 in Washington and that he neither knew nor sus- 
 pected the depth of rascality going on here." 
 
 The grand jury which found the indictment 
 against Babcock adopted a resolution vindicating 
 and commending the President. Lawyers for the 
 prosecution, newspaper men who worked for 
 months on the Whiskey Ring revelations, grand 
 jurymen who sought the uttermost ends of the 
 conspiracy — all have gone on record that nowhere 
 did evidence appear that Grant had guilty knowl- 
 edge of the ring, much less that he had any share 
 in the spoils. Only one man has asserted that 
 "Grant knew!' That man was McDonald. Upon 
 his word rests the case. The "Secrets of the 
 Great Whiskey Ring" were told adroitly. The 
 telegrams and letters of the conspirators were 
 massed with skill. They were circumstantial but 
 not conclusive without McDonald's inferences 
 and assertions. 
 
 To Andrew D. White, Grant put forth this 
 challenge: "If you find me guilty of any share in 
 a dishonest act drag me forth and expose me." 
 
 When Secretary Bristow was unwilling to 
 answer certain questions asked about the Whis- 
 key Ring by Congress, Grant sent this message 
 to him: "I beg to relieve you from all obligations 
 of secrecy on this subject and desire not only that 
 
 128 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 you may answer all questions relating to it but 
 that all members of my cabinet may also be 
 called upon to testify in the same matter." 
 
 In the Bixby collection of Grant letters is the 
 historic indorsement "Let no guilty man escape." 
 It was written by President Grant on the back of 
 a long letter from W. D. W. Barnard who marked 
 it "Confidential." The wife of Barnard was a 
 relative of Mrs. Grant. At that time the grand 
 jury was investigating the Whiskey Ring and had 
 returned some indictments. Babcock had not 
 been indicted, but was referred to in the letter. 
 
 Confidential Kirkwood, Mo., July 19th, 1875. 
 Dear General: 
 
 Writing Genl Sherman in my behalf in 1864, 
 you done me the high honor to close with, 
 
 "Mr. Barnard, has been a sincere friend of 
 mine, when I wanted friends and when there was 
 no apparent possible chance of him ever deriving 
 any benefit from it, you may trust Mr. B. with 
 the assurance that he will betray no trust." 
 
 Valueing these assurances of your high regard 
 and confidence. — I need hardly tell you how 
 assiduously I have striven to prove worthy of, 
 and maintain same — Or refer to history for the 
 re-occuring evidence of the many-fold intricaces 
 of polished inuendo and intrigue, indulged in, 
 around Power — instigated by Place, Jelousy, 
 Unfriendliness, Revenge, &c, &c — From evidence 
 in my possession, I feel that I have not escaped 
 
 129 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 the efforts of such; to place us in antagonism. 
 But I am rewarded by the consciousness of your 
 generous feelings of old. 
 
 If, there ever was a time, when, your true 
 admirers should exert themselves, in this section, 
 to correct the inferences, sought to be created, 
 against you, by your political adversaries and 
 unworthy parties here, who have occupied place 
 and dastardly outraged confidence — with others 
 yet in office^It has been, the past three months. 
 
 The "clips" enclosed, from the Republican and 
 Times of today — marked "A" and- "B" — show 
 some of the many efforts, to tarnish your great 
 name — by implication— that from the Republi- 
 can, it is intimated, beares the "ear marks" of 
 John B. Henderson — assisting in the prosecution 
 of cases before the Grand Jury — the closing of 
 which is simply infamous — and I fear, aided in 
 his old animosity, by a report whispered around, 
 since Casey left the city, by the apologists of the 
 "ring," that he said, "Mr. Bristow had deceived 
 you and would not retain the Tres'y portfolio 
 thirty days" — I have denied this assertion, when 
 made in my presence and have written him what 
 has been said. 
 
 Neither Henderson and Dyer like a bone in 
 your body — they will do what generality of law- 
 yers consider their duty — nothing more — and 
 both inspired with political aspirations, will take 
 good care to advance what they may regard their 
 own, or friends interest. 
 
 130 
 
Grant and the IVhiskey Ring 
 
 Feeling thus, I can not but think, that the 
 interest of the Government and your own past 
 record, should be protected by additional coun- 
 sel — known to be actuated by the highest sense 
 of duty and fielty — regardless of the prospective 
 influence of press — Party — or self angrandise- 
 ment — * * * * is a mere stick and had it not been 
 for high family and social influences, it is pretty 
 well understood, would have been impeached in 
 his * * * office sometime since. 
 
 Again, as I have had occasion to say to Mr. 
 Newcomb himself, I do not believe there will be a 
 conviction of the indited, whilst he retains the 
 Marshalship — convinced of this, of what I know 
 has occured and occuring, I can not but state it to 
 you — the reasons for which would make this com- 
 munication too lengthy although I premise, who 
 the secreted hand is, that holds him in power — 
 and why. 
 
 *** ** ***^ j t ^ as b een generally understood for 
 
 years, has been head and ears cognisant of — an 
 abettor — and participant of the "ring swag" — as 
 far back as 71, it is stated and believed that he 
 asserted your being consulted and consenting to 
 the ring — received two portions of the divide — 
 with the understanding among the initiated, that 
 one part was for the lamented Ford — not one cent 
 of which I am confident was ever proffered — did 
 he get — or would have taken. 
 
 I am creditably informed that these facts 
 could have been brought out, but for interviews 
 
 131 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 with and influences brought to bear upon a wit- 
 ness and a seeming studdied effort to shield him 
 *** under the audacious assertion that his indite- 
 ment, would lead to exposures that would strike so 
 high, as to distroy the Party of the Republic. 
 
 *** should be called before the Grand Jury and 
 probed to the quick — but parties herein named, 
 with Benton, Blow, Walsh (endorsers on Demo- 
 crat purchase), Maguire, Newcomb and others, 
 do not want it — an inditement could and should 
 be had, but may not take place, from influences 
 exerted and will be continued, to save him — and 
 in after time, will be said, would have been, but 
 for protecting others — and this by some of the 
 very men herein named. 
 
 Col. Normeile prosecuting Circuit Atty — 
 McDonald and Joyce's confidential friend, asked 
 me Saturday "how far matters were going to be 
 pushed towards them" — said, I thought until the 
 last man made restitution to his utmost ability to 
 pay and were punished to the extent of the law — - 
 if local officers done their duty. He replied that 
 both had told him, that day when seeking bail — 
 "that you could not give them up, or Babcock 
 would be lost" — (this is the kind of talk indulged 
 in and frequently by the "*** claquers" speaking 
 as openly of you) I said, they, or anyone, who 
 talks that way, little knew the stuff of which you 
 are made — let the blow fall upon whom it may, 
 you would see that the honor of the Government 
 was guarded and the laws enforced. 
 
 132 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 It is truly painful to write thus — but viewing 
 the great stake — the means — the ways — the 
 desperation — to thwart justice — even by drag- 
 ging in their shameful schemes — the names of 
 innocent and dead. Duty requires that you be 
 kept advised — even at the expense of tireing. 
 
 I have the honor to be 
 
 Respectfully and assuredly 
 Your Friend 
 To W. D. W. Barnard. 
 
 The President. 
 
 Upon the back of this letter, which is printed 
 without correction of Barnard's somewhat eccen- 
 tric spelling and punctuation, Grant wrote the 
 famous indorsement, 
 
 "Let no guilty man escape." 
 
 A later chapter is to be added to the history of 
 the Whiskey Ring. It relates to a statement 
 made by Grant when he was dying. Judge 
 David P. Dyer, of the United States District 
 Court, talking of the national scandal of forty 
 years ago, said for publication now: 
 
 "General Grant had no knowledge of the exis- 
 tence of the Whiskey Ring when the prosecutions 
 began, and therefore was not in the remotest man- 
 ner a party to or in any wise connected therewith. 
 His great mistake was in trusting men who did 
 know, and were parties thereto, and this after 
 their connection with the ring was a matter of 
 common information. Grant was an honest man 
 
 133 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 and implicitly trusted those he believed to be his 
 friends." 
 
 As United States district attorney, Judge D. P. 
 Dyer conducted the investigation from beginning 
 to end, and brought about the exposure of this 
 monumental scheme to defraud. Every particle 
 of evidence presented to the grand jury and in- 
 troduced at the trials in court passed through the 
 hands of Judge Dyer. Furthermore, a mass of 
 confidential information which did not reach the 
 public came into the possession of the district 
 attorney before and after the trials in court. 
 This threw a great deal of light upon the ramifi- 
 cations of the stupendous conspiracy, which had 
 for its object the depletion of the public treasury 
 and the enriching of the conspirators. "At no 
 time during the prolonged inquiry, and in the 
 years since," Judge Dyer said, "was anything 
 discovered that reflected upon General Grant's 
 integrity." But when almost a decade had passed ; 
 when sentences had been served, and when the 
 great scandal had passed into history, there came 
 a sequel which brought out in clear light the 
 truth about Grant and the Whiskey Ring, as 
 it never before had been presented. 
 
 Judge Dyer tells it. After the conviction of 
 many, and the acquittal of Babcock, Bristow was 
 practically forced out of the Secretaryship of the 
 Treasury, for his aggressive prosecution of those 
 accused. He then went to New York and began 
 the practice of law. The style of his firm was 
 
 134 
 
Grant and the JJ^hiskey Ring 
 
 Bristow, Burnett, Peet & Opdyke. General Grant, 
 after his retirement from the Presidency on the 
 4th of March, 1877, took up his residence also in 
 the City of New York. Grant and Bristow, in a 
 public place, met face to face. Grant saw Bris- 
 tow, but without the slightest sign of recognition 
 turned his back upon him and walked away. 
 The action was deliberate. It cut Bristow to the 
 quick. Years later Judge Dyer was in New York. 
 He called upon General Bristow, finding him high 
 up in an office building in front of a wood fire in 
 genuine Kentucky comfort. The face of the for- 
 mer Secretary of the Treasury lighted up as he 
 recognized his visitor, and after hearty greetings 
 and the passing of commonplace remarks, General 
 Bristow said: "Colonel Dyer, I have something 
 to tell you that you will be glad to hear. While 
 General Grant was hopelessly ill in his residence 
 in New York, and before he was taken to Mt. 
 McGregor, I received a note from him asking me 
 to call and see him. I showed the note to Mrs. 
 Bristow. Remembering, as she did, the public 
 insult given me by General Grant, she protested 
 against my going. I said to her, 'General Grant 
 was my chief and made me a member of his cabi- 
 net. He has sent for me. He has not long to live 
 and I must go and see him.' I went to his house 
 and was shown to his room. I found him sitting 
 in an invalid's chair with wrappings about his 
 neck. Pie greeted me kindly, and said, 'General 
 Bristow, I wanted to see you for the purpose of 
 
 135 
 
Grant and the Whiskey Ring 
 
 acknowledging that I have done you wrong and 
 greatly misjudged you. I believed that in the 
 prosecution of General Babcock and others you 
 and those with whom you were associated were 
 actuated by motives of enmity towards me and 
 my administration. I was wrong and you were 
 right.' 
 
 "These were the words of General Grant, as 
 General Bristow, with much feeling, repeated 
 them to me," said Judge Dyer. "To my mind no 
 braver thing was ever done by General Grant in 
 his illustrious life than this acknowledgment to 
 General Bristow. General Grant believed in the 
 innocence of Babcock. He gave his deposition, 
 which was read at the trial; and it was that depo- 
 sition and the comment of the court upon it, that 
 influenced the jury's verdict. When and how 
 General Grant came to see that he had been 
 deceived by false friends he did not state. I have 
 felt long that this incident stated ought to be 
 given publicity in some permanent form. Grant 
 and Bristow are both dead. They were great 
 
 136 
 
Grant and the Third Term 
 
Grant and the Third Term 
 
 The movement to nominate General Grant in 
 1880 for a third term found its earliest support in 
 St. Louis. It was championed insistently by the 
 Globe-Democrat with all of the vigor at the com- 
 mand of the editor, Joseph B. McCullagh. The 
 Republican organization of Missouri, under the 
 leadership of Chauncey I. Filley, was committed 
 early to the movement and sent a delegation 
 bound by the most positive instructions to vote 
 for Grant. One of the thirty delegates broke 
 away and voted for Washburne, but twenty-nine 
 were recorded from first to last for Grant. 
 
 On the contrary the anti-third term movement 
 was formally started in St. Louis. A national 
 convention was held in Masonic hall and an 
 address to the country voicing opposition to the 
 nomination of Grant was issued. This conven- 
 tion was preceded by a mass meeting which filled 
 to the doors, Mercantile Library hall, the princi- 
 pal auditorium of St. Louis at that time. The 
 meeting was held on the 12th of March. A reso- 
 lution was adopted declaring it is the sense of this 
 meeting that the nomination of a Presidential 
 candidate for a third term is inexpedient and 
 likely to endanger the success of the Republican 
 party. 
 
 The call for a national anti-third term conven- 
 tion followed the mass meeting. On the 6th of 
 May the delegates assembled in Masonic hall. 
 John B. Henderson presided. One of the princi- 
 pal addresses was delivered by Bluford Wilson, 
 
 139 
 
Grant and the Third Term 
 
 who had been solicitor of the Treasury during the 
 Whiskey Ring prosecutions. Henry Hitchcock 
 of St. Louis was chairman of the committee on 
 resolutions. 
 
 It was noteworthy that in none of the addresses 
 at the mass meeting and at the convention was 
 anything said derogatory of the personal charac- 
 ter of General Grant. A third term was opposed 
 vigorously, but upon the broad ground that it 
 was against the traditions and not in accord with 
 the spirit of the government of the United States. 
 
 Not long before the nominating convention met 
 in June, 1880, Grant wrote to Henry White: "I 
 would not accept a nomination (to a third term) 
 if it were tendered, unless it were to come under 
 such circumstances as to make it an imperative 
 duty — circumstances not likely to arise." 
 
 During the National Republican convention in 
 Chicago, 306 delegates voted thirty-six times for 
 Grant, but the anti-third term sentiment was too 
 strong for them. What Grant really thought of 
 the third term movement was not known until 
 many years afterwards when personal letters 
 became public. In 1875-6 Grant stopped a move- 
 ment to nominate him for a third term immedi- 
 ately following his second by writing a most 
 positive prohibition. In 1878, while he was on 
 his tour around the world, the third term sug- 
 gestion was renewed and a message was sent 
 through a relative. Grant replied, writing from 
 Rome : 
 
 140 
 
Grant and the Third Term 
 
 "It is very kind in Mr. Clark and the gentlemen 
 associated with him to send the message you con- 
 vey from them; but they must recollect that I had 
 the harness on for sixteen years and feel no incli- 
 nation to wear it again. I sincerely hope that the 
 North will so thoroughly rally by next election as 
 to bury the last remnant of secession proclivities, 
 and put in the executive chair a firm and steady 
 hand, free from Utopian ideas purifying the party 
 that elected him out of existence." 
 
 Even stronger in expression of his position was 
 the letter which Grant wrote to Conkling of New 
 York as the time drew near for the convention. 
 He said: 
 
 "There have been exigencies that warranted a 
 second term, but I do not believe that the best 
 interests, or the country's good ever demanded a 
 third term, or ever will. I had my doubts even 
 as to the desirability of a second term, and you 
 know that I have so expressed myself to you in 
 our confidential talks. This is a big country, full 
 of brainy and ambitious men, who can serve the 
 country eminently well as its President, and I 
 sincerely question the policy of thwarting their 
 noble ambition. I feel that our country has 
 amply repaid me for all my services by the honors 
 which it has bestowed upon me, and I feel that to 
 be a candidate or accept the nomination for a 
 third term would be ingratitude, and would 
 eventually affect me with the people who have 
 
 loved me and whom I love. I am still of the 
 
 141 
 
Grant and the Third Term 
 
 opinion that I should speak to the country; that 
 I should break the silence in a letter declining 
 emphatically to accept a nomination for a third 
 term. I am aware that this matter has gone on 
 to an extent where an announcement from me 
 refusing to accept would be looked upon by some 
 as cowardice. But would it not be far better to 
 be considered a coward than a usurper? I also 
 appreciate your effort in, as you say, the final and 
 supreme effort of your life for supremacy, yet, in 
 the face of all, I still believe that my name should 
 not be presented. And, further, I believe that 
 your anxiety about the effect an announcement 
 from me would have on your future is an error." 
 
 The foregoing letter was written to Conkling 
 just a month before the Chicago convention of 
 1880. 
 
 Four times in as many national conventions, 
 the vote of Missouri was cast for Grant. In St. 
 Louis was erected the first monument to him. 
 Two days after the death of the general at Mt. 
 McGregor, President Henry C. Haarstick of the 
 Merchants' Exchange called a meeting of citizens 
 in the great hall. A memorial was adopted. It 
 was hoped that the remains might rest in Belle- 
 fontaine, but the family yielded to the solicita- 
 tions of New York. On the 8th of August, 1885, 
 the day of the obsequies in Riverside Park, a 
 great funeral pageant moved through the streets 
 of St. Louis. Two days later the pageant com- 
 mittee met in the office of the mayor, David R. 
 
 142 
 
Grant and the Third Term 
 
 Francis, and resolved to form an association "for 
 the purpose of erecting in the City of St. Louis a 
 monument to General Grant." General William 
 T. Sherman, who had taken up his residence in 
 St. Louis, was made president of the association. 
 Mayor Francis and President Haarstick of the 
 Merchants' Exchange were elected vice-presi- 
 dents. William J. Lemp was chosen treasurer 
 and George H. Morgan secretary. Union and 
 Confederate veterans, Grant men in 1880 and 
 anti-third termers, Republicans and Democrats, 
 joined in the city's tribute. On the 25th of Octo- 
 ber the statue, Bringhurst's conception, was 
 unveiled on the Twelfth street market place 
 where Grant had sold cordwood. 
 
 In the morning of Tuesday, the 6th of May, 
 1884, Grant thought he was a rich man. His son 
 Buck had gone into partnership with a smooth- 
 spoken young New Yorker, Ferdinand Ward. 
 The general had invested about #200,000 and had 
 allowed his name to be used. He had received 
 large sums which Ward alleged to be profits of 
 the business. Before night of that May day, 
 Grant knew that not only had he lost all, but that 
 others had suffered. He wrote to his relatives: 
 ''Financially the Grant family is ruined for the 
 present by the most stupendous frauds ever per- 
 petrated." Grant stripped himself of everything 
 to pay some of the obligations. The Grant farm 
 at St. Louis was one of the assets transferred. It 
 sold for #60,000. 
 
 143 
 
Grant and the Third Term 
 
 To leave something for his family, Grant began 
 the writing of his Memoirs. He finished the book 
 on the 1st of July, 1885, and died on the 23rd of 
 July. The Memoirs yielded in' royalties over 
 £525,000. 
 
 Soon after the Grant & Ward failure, the general 
 said in conversation with a friend: "I have made 
 it the rule of my life to trust a man long after 
 other people gave him up, but I don't see how I 
 can trust any human being again." 
 
 As the end approached, Grant, reviewing his 
 career, and answering the question whether there 
 was anything to regret, said: "No, nothing but 
 being deceived in people." 
 
 144 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 In the midst of the desperate campaigning from 
 the Wilderness to Cold Harbor, during the sum- 
 mer of 1864, at the supreme test of his qualities as 
 a commander, Grant looked forward to the time 
 when he would retire to the St. Louis farm and 
 raise colts. He was riding one day with his staff 
 when the army of the Potomac was concentrating 
 for the hard fighting at Cold Harbor. As the 
 party approached Totopotomoy creek, they came 
 upon a teamster whipping his horses. The man 
 was swearing and striking one of the horses in the 
 face with the butt-end of his heavy whip. Grant 
 galloped up in front of the teamster, raised his 
 fist and demanded: "What does this conduct 
 mean, you scoundrel ? Stop beating those horses." 
 The teamster made an insolent answer and struck 
 the horse again. Grant shook his fist at the 
 teamster, called up an officer and said: "Take 
 this man in charge, and have him tied up to a tree 
 for six hours as a punishment for his brutality." 
 The incident is told by General Horace Porter, 
 who, as a member of the staff, was present. It is 
 said to be one of only two or three occasions 
 during the war when Grant showed anger. That 
 night while at dinner with his staff, the general 
 referred to the scene with the teamster and said, 
 as General Porter recalled the conversation: 
 "If people knew how much more they could get 
 out of a horse by gentleness than by harshness, 
 they would save a great deal of trouble both to 
 the horse and to the man. A horse is a particu- 
 
 147 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 larly intelligent animal. He can be made to do 
 almost anything if his master has intelligence 
 enough to let him know what is required. Some 
 men, for instance, when they want to lead a 
 horse forward, turn toward him and stare him in 
 the face. He, of course, thinks they are barring 
 his way, and he stands still. If they would turn 
 their back to him and move on he would naturally 
 follow. I am looking forward longingly to the 
 time when I can end this war and can settle down 
 on my St. Louis farm and raise horses. I love to 
 train young colts and I will invite you all to visit 
 me and take a hand in the amusement. When 
 old age comes on, and I get too feeble to move 
 about, I expect to derive my chief pleasure from 
 sitting in a big arm chair in the center of a ring — 
 a sort of training course — holding a colt's leading- 
 line in my hand, and watching him run around 
 the ring." 
 
 Until his death in the fall of 1874, C. W. Ford 
 represented Grant at St. Louis in a business way. 
 He was the local manager of the Adams Express 
 Company. He had known Grant at the time the 
 lieutenant was stationed at Sackett's Harbor. 
 Their admiration for good horses had drawn the 
 two men together. A strong intimacy had grown 
 in the twenty years' acquaintance. Ford was ap- 
 pointed collector of internal revenue. At frequent 
 intervals he drove out to the Grant farm and saw 
 that the superintendent carried out the instruc- 
 tions of the owner. When Grant visited St. Louis 
 
 148 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 Ford's team was at his disposal. To John F. 
 Long, another old St. Louis friend, and a neigh- 
 bor on the Gravois road, the President wrote this 
 letter, which is in the archives of the Missouri 
 Historical Society: 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION 
 
 Washington, D. C, Oct. 25th, 1873. 
 Dear Judge: 
 
 Our old friend Ford is gone! It was just the 
 day week before his death that I met him in 
 Toledo, Ohio, where he had gone expressly to 
 meet me. He looked and seemed as well then — 
 and as cheerful too — as I had ever seen him. I 
 had known Ford from 1851, at which time I was 
 a 1st Lt. 4th Infy., stationed at Sackett's Harbor, 
 N. Y., where he then resided, a young lawyer 
 beloved by all who knew him. For some reason 
 I then formed an attachment for him which has 
 never changed. I trust he bore from this world, 
 to a better, the same good feeling toward me. I 
 know he did; for from the time I was a Lieut, 
 through the time of my farming experience in St. 
 Louis Co., my later military duties, and present 
 duties, he has been the same welcome visitor; he 
 himself never having changed a tone of familiar 
 acquaintance towards me during all this period, 
 and it is certain I never did towards him. He was 
 noble, generous, true & honest. His sacrifices in 
 this life have all been to help others. 
 
 149 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 I started to write something very different — of 
 a business nature connected with Ford's last visit 
 to me, but when I came to write his name could 
 not do so. The subject must be deferred for 
 another occasion. 
 
 My kindest regards to you & yours, 
 
 Very truly, 
 Judge J. F. Long, U. S. Grant. 
 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 For some time before his death Ford was much 
 troubled about the Whiskey Ring. That he had 
 knowledge of the frauds there was no doubt. The 
 evidence taken at the trials did not show that the 
 collector received part of the fund. Several wit- 
 nesses testified that they saw money put in an 
 envelope and were told it was for the collector. 
 No one of them saw the money delivered. Before 
 McDonald was appointed supervisor, Ford pro- 
 tested against the appointment. Subsequently 
 he joined those who endorsed it. In his revela- 
 tions of the "Secrets of the Great Whiskey Ring" 
 McDonald asserted that Ford was a member of 
 the ring. Ford's friends did not believe he re- 
 ceived money but held to the theory that he was 
 deceived by McDonald with the argument that 
 the money was needed for campaign purposes and 
 that the people at Washington were consenting 
 to the frauds. In the fall of 1874 information was 
 laid before the collector to the effect that the 
 extent of the frauds was known and that exposure 
 
 ISO 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 in the near future was inevitable. Ford left the 
 city, went to Chicago, stopped with a friend who 
 was a railroad official and was found dead in his 
 room the next morning. 
 
 Before the new collector was appointed three 
 principals in the Whiskey Ring went to the office 
 one Sunday and destroyed records which were 
 evidence of frauds. The collector appointed to 
 succeed Ford was indicted the next year and sent 
 to prison. Fred W. Mathias preceded Ford in the 
 internal revenue service at St. Louis, resigning in 
 June, 1869. Ford was one of the early appointees 
 of Grant after he became President. Mathias 
 said that Ford was an honest man but yielded to 
 the leaders in the conspiracy on the plea that the 
 money was to be used to re-elect Grant. As the 
 conspiracy widened and there was less and less 
 pretense of political purpose in the frauds, Ford 
 became alarmed and determined to know whether 
 Grant understood what was going on. He sought 
 the President and, according to Mr. Mathias, 
 said to him: "General, I suppose you know what 
 we are doing in St. Louis and that it is all right?" 
 Grant's reply was such that Ford realized he had 
 no conception of what was going on and did not 
 enlighten him. Very soon after this, the death 
 of Ford at Chicago was announced. "The fact 
 was," said Mathias, "that Grant was surrounded 
 by men on the make who kept all knowledge of 
 these matters from him." 
 
 Perhaps no revelation of the Whiskey Ring 
 
 151 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 shocked Grant more than that relating to Ford. 
 When the President's deposition in the Babcock 
 case was taken questions about Ford were asked 
 and were answered with emphasis : 
 
 "Speaking of C. W. Ford, I presume, General, 
 that your confidence in him continued up to the 
 time of his death? 
 
 "I never had a suspicion that anything was 
 wrong. 
 
 "Did you preserve letters that you received from 
 him? 
 
 "No sir, I did not preserve them. We corre- 
 sponded regularly. I had such confidence in him 
 that I left him to conduct my own affairs there. 
 And I had to be constantly sending him money. 
 I would send checks to him of $500, #1,000 and 
 #1,200 at a time, and he would pay out the money 
 and account to me for it. My confidence in him 
 was such that I did that without even saving my 
 letters." 
 
 After the death of Ford, Judge John F. Long, 
 who had received a Federal appointment, un- 
 dertook to exercise supervision of the farm. A 
 change of superintendents was made. Elrod, who 
 had managed the farm several years, retired. 
 The place was given to Nat Carlin, who had been 
 in the employ of the Adams Express Company 
 and to whom Ford had given a general letter of 
 recommendation. The President carried on cor- 
 respondence direct with Carlin, giving him defi- 
 nite and detailed instructions about the farm. 
 
 152 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 He wrote occasionally to Judge Long. Most of 
 these letters were upon the White House station- 
 ery. There was no dictation. Every word was in 
 the handwriting of the President. The letters 
 show that Grant had definite and decided views 
 as to tillage, but that his chief interest was in the 
 breeding of horses. They make it evident the 
 general still held to the hope he had expressed in 
 the last year of the Civil War, that after his pub- 
 lic life he might retire to the St. Louis farm and 
 raise colts. 
 
 When these letters about the farm manage- 
 ment were written, the President was in the 
 stormiest period of his eight years in the White 
 House. Some of the highest officers of the gov- 
 ernment were involved in scandals. There had 
 been changes in the cabinet. A reform wave in 
 protest against existing conditions at Washing- 
 ton was sweeping the country. In the President's 
 own party there was revolt on the part of those 
 who feared that Grant might be induced to submit 
 his name for another term, as some of his friends 
 were then urging. In the midst of such turmoil 
 Grant wrote these letters to the farm. He wrote 
 with a fluency and fullness in striking contrast 
 with his habit of speech. General Horace Porter, 
 who came to know Grant with an intimacy that 
 perhaps no other writer has shown, described the 
 general's method of composition and manner of 
 writing: 
 "Whatever came from his pen was grammati- 
 
 153 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 cally correct, well punctuated, and seldom showed 
 an error in spelling. In the field he never had a 
 dictionary in his possession and when in doubt 
 about the orthography of a word, he was never 
 known to write it first on a separate slip of paper 
 to see how it looked. He spelled with heroic 
 audacity, and 'chanced it' on the correctness. 
 While in rare instances he made a mistake in 
 doubling the consonants where unnecessary, or 
 in writing a single consonant where two were 
 required, he really spelled with great accuracy. 
 He wrote with the first pen he picked up and 
 never stopped to consider whether it was sharp- 
 pointed or blunt-nibbed, good or bad. 
 
 "His powers of concentration of thought were 
 often shown by the circumstances under which he 
 wrote. Nothing that went on around him, upon 
 the field or in his quarters, could distract his 
 attention or interrupt him. Sometimes when his 
 tent was filled with officers, talking and laughing 
 at the top of their voices, he would turn to his 
 table and write the most important communi- 
 cations. There would then be an immediate 
 'Hush!' and abundant excuses offered by the 
 company; but he always insisted upon the con- 
 versation going on, and after awhile his officers 
 came to understand his wishes in this respect, to 
 learn that noise was apparently a stimulus rather 
 than a check upon his flow of ideas, and to realize 
 that nothing short of a general attack along the 
 whole line could divert his thoughts from the 
 
 154 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 subject upon which his mind was concentrated. 
 In writing, his style was vigorous and terse with 
 little ornament. His work was performed swiftly 
 and uninterruptedly, but without any marked 
 display of nervous energy. His thoughts flowed 
 as freely from his mind as the ink from his pen. 
 He was never at a loss for an expression and 
 seldom interlined a word or made a material 
 correction." 
 
 One of the Grant farm letters in Mr. Bixby's 
 collection is a curiosity in form. It was written 
 on the two sides of a plain envelope. The Grant 
 family, in accordance with custom, was spending 
 part of the summer at Long Branch on the Jersey 
 coast. Apparently having no stationery at hand, 
 the President picked up this envelope and wrote 
 his wishes to Judge Long. He covered the front 
 of the envelope and, turning it over, filled out the 
 flaps of the reverse. The purpose of this letter 
 was to have Butcher Boy shipped from St. Louis 
 to Washington. Butcher Boy was a fast pacing 
 horse that had been in General Grant's possession 
 eight years and had been sent out from Washing- 
 ton to the farm. 
 
 Grant had fourteen horses when he bought 
 Butcher Boy. That purchase was another in the 
 long series of horse stories associated with him. 
 The general had returned to Washington from a 
 trip to the West in October, 1865, after the war. 
 He was riding from his office in the War Depart- 
 ment to his home for dinner one day, when a boy 
 
 155 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 in shirt sleeves flashed past driving a little white 
 horse to a cart. Grant turned and looked. The 
 horse went out of sight while the general mar- 
 veled. Washington was not so large but that the 
 little white pacer could be located. The owner 
 was a butcher. When he learned that the lieu- 
 tenant-general had taken a fancy to his homely 
 pony, the butcher thought a good deal more of the 
 horse for which he had paid only $76. Grant gave 
 $300 and named his new favorite "Butcher Boy." 
 The great interest which the President took in 
 the farm is shown by the money he expended as 
 well as by these letters of detailed instructions. 
 The letters are printed as written, without change 
 of spelling or punctuation. About the end of 
 1874, Grant wrote: "I have already paid out this 
 year some #12,000 on the farm and have not got 
 the means to go further." But at that time he 
 had no intention to abandon his often expressed 
 hope of making it the place of retirement for old 
 age, for he added: "When I go out in the spring 
 I may make arrangements to put the place on a 
 good footing." Spring brought the exposure of 
 the Whiskey Ring and the general's plans for 
 his future underwent radical change. 
 
 156 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION 
 
 Washington, D. G, Oct. 27th, 1873. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 When Mr. Ford was in Toledo I gave him a 
 memorandum of what I wished done at the farm. 
 It will be impossible now to repeat. I will how- 
 ever make arrangements through Judge John F. 
 Long, of St. Louis to pay up the carpenters for 
 their work, and all other debts on the farm. 
 
 You are at liberty to sell all the calves you can, 
 at good prices, and also cows from time to time. 
 You may take as many horses to board and exer- 
 cise as you can attend to. It is my intention to 
 get out of cattle entirely in the spring. I author- 
 ized Mr. Ford also to buy from the cattle yards 
 one hundred car loads of manure. 
 
 My instructions have always been to get the 
 farm all in grass and to purchase grain. This I 
 want still to be done. 
 
 Mr. F. also spoke of two mares you wished to 
 purchase. If you can sell cattle, corn or other 
 produce to make the purchase you may do so. 
 
 I think the two-year old bay mare, out of 
 Topsy, should be bred. Colts, horse colts, that 
 you do not think will improve enough by training 
 to pay for the trouble you may keep for farm 
 work or sell at your option. 
 
 Unless I should give other directions you may 
 account to, and consult with, Judge Long in mat- 
 ters connected with the farm. 
 
 157 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 In a few days I will write to Judge Long and it 
 is probable he will go down to the farm to see you. 
 
 I wrote Mr. Elrod that his connection with the 
 
 farm would end with this month, but that he was 
 
 at liberty to occupy any vacant house on the 
 
 place, except the one he is now in, until he is 
 
 located. v . , 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 U. S. Grant. 
 Mr. Carlin, 
 
 Webster Groves P. O. 
 
 158 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION 
 
 Washington, D. C, Nov. 28th, 1873. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Your letter of the 22d inst. was received yester- 
 day. I will answer it in the order of your inquir- 
 ies. Mr. Elrod was notified in the summer, or 
 spring, that his services on the farm would not be 
 retained after the fall. He should make efforts to 
 give you full possession without delay. If you 
 have hands to board you will require all the room 
 in the house. The inventory of effects on the 
 farm is not a matter of much importance, as every 
 thing there is required for the use of the farm, or 
 for feeding the stock. 
 
 As stated before I do not wish to rent any por- 
 tion of the farm to any body. I would much 
 prefer the land to lay idle, or run to pasture, to 
 renting it. This applies to G. W. Dent's land as 
 well as mine. I do not see anything at present 
 that I can do for Mr. Elrod. If it was in my 
 power to help him I would do so with pleasure. 
 The best thing for him, it seems to me, is to rent 
 Mr. Tesson's place. 
 
 Your dispositon of the manure I approve of. 
 As a rule I favor top dressing. But lands that are 
 to be cultivated there is no way of using manure 
 except to plough under. I would suggest that the 
 land in grass be manured first. If there is any left 
 it may be put on any other land you think best. 
 I want to get the farm in grass as rapidly as pos- 
 
 159 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 sible and cultivate none except as the meadows 
 begin to wear out when they must be cultivated 
 for a year or two before they can be got in order 
 to reset. Put in oats & grass and corn and grass 
 as you propose. 
 
 I do not feel disposed to buy fencing material 
 to fence off the meadows as you suggest until the 
 farm pays for it. But the outside fences should 
 be good so as to secure the stock. There is a cross 
 fence in the south wood pasture, separating the 
 burned house from the larger part of that field, and 
 one round the hill field, or orchard, both of which 
 might be removed. That orchard is getting old 
 and might be left in the general pasture. 
 
 I directed Elrod to straiten the road along the 
 creek before the rail-road was built so as to have 
 the creek in the pasture. Your doing so now I 
 approve of, and it will give you some more rails. 
 You may also make the pond in the north pasture 
 as suggested in your letter. My directions have 
 been for years to use the dead and fallen timber 
 for fire wood and for burning lime, and to clear 
 out all the wood land to about the thickness 
 timber should be left to grow, leaving standing 
 the most desirable varieties of timber. 
 
 You may train Beauty and then sell her to 
 the best advantage you can. I am glad you are 
 arranging to turn the stallions out this winter. It 
 is a wonder to me that young Hambletonian is 
 alive now with the care — or lack of care — that he 
 has gone through with. You had better breed 
 
 1 60 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 the bay two-year old mare in the spring. All the 
 other colts you may try as they get old enough, 
 and the fillies that you think will not pay for 
 training you may set to breeding, and the horse 
 colts you may sell when you can do so to advan- 
 tage, or keep them for farm work if needed. I 
 will send you two very fine mares next summer, 
 possibly more. One, a sister to Young Hamble- 
 tonian, is now with foal to Messenger Duroc, 
 probably the most valuable horse in America. 
 The other is a Knox mare, and will be stinted to 
 Jay Gould, a horse that has trotted in 2.21 >£, 
 before she goes out. I will send this letter to the 
 care of Judge Long. But let me know in your 
 next where I am to address you hereafter. I shall 
 be obliged probably to get some one else to take 
 the Judge's place which 1 am very sorry for. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 [N. Carlin, Esq., U. S. Grant. 
 
 Webster Groves P. 0.] 
 
 161 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION 
 
 Washington, D. C, March 8th, 1874. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 In my last letter I forgot to say anything in 
 answer to your questions in regard to the two 
 stallions on the farm. So far as Peacemaker's 
 pedigree is concerned I can get it reviewed from 
 the gentleman — Mr. Sanford — who raised him. 
 Young Hambletonian was sired by Iron Duke, 
 now owned, and always owned, in Orange Co., 
 N. Y. And almost on the adjoining farm to his 
 sire, old Hambletonian. The full pedigree of Iron 
 Duke can be got — if you have not got it — from 
 the Turf Register. Hambletonian's dam was a 
 very fast and stylish mare — Addie — that I got in 
 1865. She was the full sister of one of the best 
 stallions in Massachusetts — where both were 
 raised — but I do not know the name of the stal- 
 lion nor do I recollect his owner's name. If I 
 knew either, the pedigree of the dam would be 
 easily obtained. Addie was a dark bay — not a 
 white spot on her — of great speed and high car- 
 riage. Her full brother is a sorrel with white face 
 and two or three white legs. This accounts for 
 the color of Hambletonian, he being from a bay 
 sire as well as dam. 
 
 Now that the "fence law" has gone into effect, 
 and the Spring promises to be an early one, might 
 you not have Dr. Sharp's place put in oats & 
 clover? If it can be done, even by a few days hire 
 of extra teams, I think I would do it. 
 
 Yours &c 
 N. Carlin, Esq. U. S. Grant. 
 
 162 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION 
 
 Washington, D. C, Apl. 14th, 1874. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Your letter announcing the arrival of Richard 
 with the six mares is received. Of the four that 
 went from here one is an old thoroughbred race 
 mare, raised in Virginia not far from here, whose 
 pedigree and performance can, no doubt, be easily 
 obtained. The two mares taken in at Pittsburg 
 are mother and colt. The mother is supposed to 
 be thoroughbred, but her pedigree cannot be 
 obtained. She was raised in the South. Her colt 
 was sired by a Yellow Mexican Saddle horse I 
 had, of great beauty, but not blooded of course. 
 Enclosed I send you all I know of the largest of 
 the three black mares. The other two are Black 
 Hawk Morgan's, no doubt sire and dam. They 
 are too small to breed from to get anything 
 extra, but if they have colts they should make 
 good durable roadsters. I would breed them to 
 the bay stallion. I presume you will breed Topsy's 
 three-year old colt? If there is any promise 
 in Jennie's three-year old I would develop it. 
 Otherwise breed her too. You are aware that she 
 was sired by Young Hambletonian when but two 
 years old. 
 
 Your statement for Feby. & March was re- 
 ceived. I would like expense account to be given 
 with the same detail that you give receipts — 
 same as given in your previous statements. Soon 
 
 163 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 you will have pasture for all but the work horses 
 so that most of the expense of purchasing feed 
 will be cut off. I hope that hereafter we will be 
 able to raise enough. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 U. S. Grant. 
 Nat. Carlin, Esq. 
 
 164 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION 
 
 Washington, D. C, June 7th, 1874. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 As I have not heard from you recently I write 
 to make some enquiries and to make one or two 
 conditioned suggestions. First, I would like to 
 know how you have the farm planted this season: 
 the condition of crops, fruit, &c. Next, I would 
 ask the condition of the stock, how the mares 
 have been bred, whether they are supposed to be 
 in foal, &c. If you have any two-year old fillies 
 I think I would breed them. If Jennie's three-year 
 old colt (filly) does not promise good speed I 
 would breed her to Peace Maker (proper name 
 Claymore). If she is likely to be fast I would pre- 
 fer keeping her as an advertisement for Hamble- 
 tonian and for my own use when she is older. 
 Hambletonian's sister has a filly colt by Messenger 
 Duroc and will be stinted to him again. I am 
 anxious to get a horse colt from her to add to 
 the stock of the farm. She is large and the horse 
 large and the sire of some of the fastest trotting 
 horses now living. Would it not be well to put in 
 this fall as much wheat and timothy as you can 
 find ground suitable to grow timothy upon? 
 There is no use to attempt to raise grass on poor 
 soil. Has lime been tried on any of the fields ? If 
 
 so with what success? 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 N. Carlin, Esq. U. S. Grant. 
 
 165 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 (On front side of plain white envelope.) 
 
 Long Branch, N. J., July 20th, 1874. 
 Dear Judge: 
 
 Being reduced down to a pair of carriage 
 horses and one saddle horse I have made ar- 
 rangements for the shipment of Butcher Boy if 
 
 (Reverse side of envelope.) 
 
 he is still serviceable as a buggy horse, with good 
 care. Will you do me the favor to send this down 
 to the farm, at my expense and tell Carlin to de- 
 liver the horse to Adams Ex. Co. for shipment 
 without delay 
 
 (1) 
 
 unless the horse is becoming decrepid from old 
 age. If I get him here I will keep him 
 
 (2) 
 
 as long as he and I live. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 [Judge John F. Long, U. S. Grant. 
 
 St. Louis, Mo.] 
 
 166 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 Washington, D. C, Nov. 29th, 1874. 
 Dear Judge: 
 
 I hasten to return your letter of the 27th to 
 Carlin just received and read by me. I am too 
 busy — having but just commenced my message 
 to Congress to write at length, but wish to say 
 that the business directions to Carlin I approve 
 of. But there is an impression you have — and 
 which you necessarily took from one of my let- 
 ters — which does Carlin injustice and which I 
 will correct. Carlin did not say that six hundred 
 dollars would pay his present debts nor did he 
 specify any amount. He said to me that there 
 were four bills which ought to be paid at once, 
 and proceeded to give the amounts of each and to 
 whom due, the figuring I did in my head from 
 memory when I came to write. I cannot say even 
 that he left me under the impression that there 
 were no more bills. The fact is he had turned 
 over to him the farm and stock with nothing to 
 sell but the cattle and a few pigs, and not enough 
 to feed the balance until a new crop could be 
 raised; with correction your instructions are 
 timely and good. In the course of a few days I 
 will send you a check for $1000.00. Should more 
 be necessary to pay up my taxes and indebtedness 
 elsewhere I will send it. I want Carlin also to 
 pick up during the winter four or five more brood 
 mares when he can do so on favorable terms. I 
 will forward you means from time to time to meet 
 his bills. Ford made the contract with Carlin. 
 
 167 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 The amount agreed upon was as I understood it, 
 #800.00 per annum. He finding everything him- 
 self except he has the house to live in and neces- 
 sarily gets his fuel from the farm. The man who 
 goes in the spring gets #600.00 with fuel. In 
 addition I allow him a liberal garden plot with 
 team and time to do the plowing. The balance 
 of the work is done out of his own time."xxxxx 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 [Judge John F. Long, U. S. Grant. 
 
 St. Louis, Mo.] 
 
 168 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION 
 
 Washington, D. C, Dec. 26th, 1874. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Enclosed I send you a letter from Mr. Akers, of 
 Lawrence, Kansas. I have written to Mr. A. 
 saying that I would enclose his letter to you and 
 authorize you to select from among the stallions 
 that he wishes to dispose of one to keep on my 
 place the next season. I will make the terms with 
 Mr. Akers. You might select about eight mares 
 to breed to his horse and continue the rest with 
 our own. If you have an opportunity to sell 
 Hambletonian in the spring you might sell him, 
 or dispose of him something on the terms I will 
 take a horse from Mr. A. I am glad to hear that 
 the horses and colts are doing so well. I repeat, 
 if the mares you are driving are likely to make a 
 good team I would continue driving them. If 
 they are not likely to fulfill your expectations 
 then breed them. 
 
 I really am not able to send you the articles you 
 ask for. I have already paid out this year some 
 #12,000.00 on the farm and have not got the 
 means to go further. When I go out in the spring 
 I may make arrangements to put the place on a 
 good footing. Yours tmlyj 
 
 N. Carlin, Esq. U. S. Grant. 
 
 P. S. Write to Mr. Akers on receipt of this. 
 
 169 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 EXECUTIVE MANSION 
 
 Washington, Apl. 24th, 1875. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Your letter of the 12th only reached me on the 
 22d, probably owing to my absence during the 
 greater part of the time between these dates. In 
 regard to asking Mr. Sprague to send the horse 
 Rhode Island to my farm I cannot do it. If he 
 does not send at the request of Mr. Akers he need 
 not go. I regret to learn the missing of so many 
 foals. I had hoped to get a few more colts from 
 Jennie. She is only eighteen years old. Do you 
 think the smallest black mare is in foal? 
 
 In regard to the cows on the place I wish you 
 would turn over one of them to Air. Jackson. 
 The remainder you can take on the terms con- 
 tained in your letter. Let me know how many 
 colts we are likely to have this year. 
 
 Yours &c. 
 
 U. S. Grant. 
 N. Carlin, Esq. 
 
 170 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 Long Branch, N. J., Aug. 12th, 1875. 
 
 Mr. Nat. Carlin, Supt. of Stock in White 
 Haven Farm, Mo., will please deliver to the order 
 of the Hon. J. R. Jones, of Chicago, 111., my gray 
 gelding Butcher Boy. 
 
 U. S. Grant. 
 
 171 
 
The Grant Farm Letters 
 
 Custom House, Port of St. Louis, 
 Surveyor's Office, Oct. 13th, 1875. 
 Natl. Carlin, Esq. 
 
 I am just in receipt of President Grant's letter 
 of the 1 2th inst. in which he directs me to carry 
 out his instructions given me in my office on the 
 26th ult: to close out all his personal property on 
 the farm, and to rent or lease out the Farm — and 
 to give possession upon perfecting the Lease. 
 
 Hence I advise you that I shall sell all remain- 
 ing property on the farm (included in the schedule 
 you furnished the Prest.) on Tuesday next the 
 19th inst. And that from the 20th inst. your ser- 
 vices on the farm will cease. Your personal ser- 
 vices will be paid for to that date. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 John F. Long, 
 
 Spl. Agent for 
 U. S. Grant. 
 
 172 
 
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