y.v,v?;,5Sc;!„^^i;,«;,v.«,;',*^yy wui^i^m^ ^i^hViVkWjv.wyv ^^^^VjZ jUyU^^VV^WVWV^^i WVV; <^ ^ V V V V -'.^^i w',*^, >.:^.:i;^A;i,'iviui ', v'J^^ ILIBPiARY OF CONGRESS.! |Wt|o- J { ^;<.'/c^ :B:.](..i7.; c I llll UNITED STATES OF AMeJicA. | yJwww'ww oJuiju ovjv)gg^;w'JWW¥»«i "^^^t^m^iii^i^^^, - j^^W' jgW^W ww^vuvu^^'^:^^^^ .^vv^U^W^jW^^^^'' I v-vwv^WWWw*J«ggiS>^,^ ^^•y;^.\jM,' ogyw WWWW|/WWv ^^^^^-^ WW * >^ vWW'^ wg\jg w^' 'g^'^^^^ ^iaiiW: W V'^^ ^^ C^j v';v'^ - uvvv^\/g^gg.^^^^; "» « s f ■^?'».|Sfv v^;;v:^.%;^-;^^'^*^^'^^wvyyywsi v^u WWSi^'* ^^Vig^ggg WVvw'wv iwi'J^VW«*vy\>*^ww*«wOww* \J ^ -^ u >^, wgvvvw www WW w.w,/ V w V . , v^!^ . .^gWvwwguwuw. nf / YATICANI8M Unmasked OR, EOMANISM IN THE UNITED STATES. BY A PTJEITAN or THE NINETEENTH CENTUEY. V /I 4, .». OicUw CAMBRIDGE, MASS.: I'UBLISHED BY THE PEINCIPIA CLUB. Post-Office Address, Box 104. 1877. Taa I#IBRARy OF CONGRBSS WASHlNOlOir ^^ PREFACE The papal church is a human institution which throws her sacerdotal robes over the whole civilized world. The Pope usurps the authority of Jesus Christ as the supreme head of the church militant on earth, and claims the right to rule the world in God's stead. This audacious claim is rigidly enforced in all parts of the world by military power, where the claim is disputed, and where there are bayonets enough to insure success, at the command of the Vatican. In a Republic like this, diplomacy, strategy, intrigue and all manner of fraud and deception are used according to circum- stances, until the civil power is under control, after which obedience to the supreme Pontiff is the law of the land. He usurps the prerogatives of both Christ and Caesar. This arrangement is quite convenient, inasmuch as there is but one source of authority, and nobody is in danger, by trans- gressing Christ's command "render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's." This is a logical sequence of papal supremacy and infallibility. Once established, one mind can rule the world from a single point to wit, the Vatican at Rome. A syllabus ex-cathedra is better authority in the mind of a papist than a " thus saith the Lord " of the Bible. The Pope's bull of excommunication has more terrors in it than all the thunders of Sinai, and the penalties of God's broken laws. These propositions may seem extravagant to those who have never examined the subject, but the reader will find them sustained in the following pages : In the third decade of the present century, when fitting for college under a Jesuit priest, the writer was thoroughly instructed in the aims, plans and future prospects of the Roman Hierarchy, in this country, as well as in the doc- trines of the papal church. During the last fifty years we have studied the nature and watched the progress of Roman- ism in this Republic, with intense interest, hoping to see some abler pen lay open its real character and designs to protestants of the nineteenth century. In reading the histories of eighteen centuries it has become more and more apparent that the claims of the vat- 3 ican to infallibility, to universal dominion, to an unbroken line of succession from the apostles, to the power of absolu- tion from sin through time and eternity, are one and all stupendous humbugs, and the greatest frauds ever palmed off upon the human race. To establish these blasphemous claims in these United States and territories, and upon this continent, is the work of the present century, by the Roman Hierarchy, through its cardinals, bishops and priests, as has been openly and boldly avowed by them from time to time. It is the design of this pamphlet to lay open the true character of the institution which purposes to substitute des- potism for republicanism in this country, and we have con- densed the proofs from history so as to bring them within the reach of the protestant masses, before it shall be too late, to resist the encroachments of the papal power. The histories to which we are chiefly indebted are ^' Mill- man's Latin Christianity," including the numerous authors quoted by him, both protestant and papal, to the " Period of the Reformation by Hausser," to the " Huguenots in France after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, by Samuel Smiles," to " D'Aubigne's History of the Reforma- tion of the sixteenth century," and '* A Synopsis of Popery as it was and as it is, by William Hogan, Esq., formerly Roman catholic priest." After the first three centuries of the Christian era, satan was permitted to take possession of the church, as he was permitted to take Job in hand more than fifteen hundred years before. The pure gold of Christianity was soon buried in the rubbish of sacerdotal religion and christians were well nigh smothered into silence for more than a decade of cen- turies. But Jesus Christ had said of his church (not the Pope's) " the gates of hell shall not prevail against it," and after satan had had ample time to extinguish it, God arose in his power, dug out of that mountain of rubbish, the ore, separated the gold from the dross in his great refining- pot of free discussion, and set the current in another direc- tion. John Wicklifie, John Huss, Jerome of Prague, Mar- tin Luther, Melancthon, Zwingle and others were evidences that the great principles of Christianity yet lived. Luther began the Reformation by attacking the papal system first ^ in its corrupt practices and second in its doctrines. Pope Leo X flattered, threatened, raged and bellowed in turn His Bulls were issued and served as sandpaper to burnish the -old which had become dim by long disuse until all Germany was lighted up with gospel fires. Luther, armed wiiithe^Bible, lent out'to battle with the supreme Pontiff Tn his legate; as David with his shng and smooth stones g^ve battle%o Goliath and the Philistines. The one waa moral, the other a physical power, with an Almighty arm '^Shriste'ntm has two systems of -"?^-' Chnstianity and Hierarchism, from which to choose God is the author of the first which is the only system that embraces human salvation The priest is the author of the second which is he Jystem we shdl lay open in this pamphlet, as delineated in hltory. In the hierarchial system, ecclesiastical ;.e«a«c. was substituted for christian repentance in Christianity. 1 he translation of the new testament was altered to conform to Ss counterfeit of a great fundamental principle in ch^is- tianitv, which substituted the Roman Pontiff for Je^us cS and placed the priest between the Creator and h.s creatures. In the protestant Bible repmtance^. .. exercnse of the heart, contrition for sin against God, and an act towards God. In the Douay testament penance is sub ti- tuted for repentance contrary to the true rendering of the original Greek. This is the fundamental difference between ''%Tt^:^X'Z:\. Poman catholic church is the only institution in this world that claims 'nfalljbihty, and thaiit is, of all others, the most corrupt, ;?"g°'51y ^-i^i f^^^^ potic; and consequently it is no more entitled to the char acter of catholicity than satan it to that of saint. We also propose to show from its own history that t has never reformed, that its character has been essentially the "L for the kst fourteen centuries, that when modifid in its professions at all in any country, it ^^^^J^*^" ^^.V while getting possession of the civil power, as "ow in «u» Republic, and'that the civil power when once in ts ban J has always been used to smother Christianity .and force tians into obedience to the demands of the Vatican. ^^^^^^^ Cambridge, Mass., 1877, CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Romanism. — Civil Power. — Protestantism 6 Charges against the Papal Church 8—9 The Autocracy and Despotism of Papacy. — Union of Church and State 9 First Universal Bishop..— Apostolic Succession JO A Feudal Sovereignty — half Spiritual, half Temporal 11 Death to Preach the Gospel — Cruelty to Heretics 13 Pope Innocent IV. and Frederick II. — Contest for Power .14 Boniface III. — Philip the Fair — Edward I. — Papal Despotism 14 Pope John XXII. — Control for Power continued — God and mammon combined. 18 The Hierarchy — Council of Pisa — John Wycliffe — The Reformation 19 John Huss — Jerome of Prague — John XXIII. — Benedict XIII. — Gregory XII. 19 Council of Constance — Pope John XXIII. Deposed — Cardinal's Hat 20 Luther and the Reformation , 21 Louis XIV. — The Huguenots — Edict of Nantes Revoked — The Inquisition. . .25 CHAPTER II. Vaticanism in the Nineteenth Century. 4. France v 33 5. Mexico 35 6. United States 37 37 1. Germany 30 2. England 31 3. Italy 32 The Papal Church and the Freedmen . . The character of the Papal System unchanged 39 1 Its aflaiiation with the Pro-Slavery Party before the war. Its rewards after ... 39 2. Its sympathy with the rebellion — Resistance of the Draft — New York Riots. .40 4. The Roman Catholic Opposition to our common schools 41 CHAPTER III. To the Freedmen of America. The Political Trinity of Despotism 46 1. The Democracy — 2. Slaveocracy — 3. The Papacy 54 CHAPTER IV. Despotism vs. Republicanism. The great battle between Despotism and Republi- canism — The Hamburg Massacre — Protest of the Colored People 60 CHAPTER V. A limited ballot a substitute for universal 75 The Roman Catholic vote — Cardinal McCloskey 76 The ballot a sacred trust — How it should be guarded 77 Chief Justice Chase and President Lincoln 79 Attorney General Taft on the Educational qualification 80 President Grant on protecting the ballot 82 The Ballot not a natural right but a civil privilege 83 A second rebellion organizing — Boston Daily Advertiser and Gov. Chamberlain 86 Wade Hampton of South Carolina 87 The B alldozing democracy 90 Tilden's plurality all fraudulent votes — How obtained 91 Plan to intimidate the U. S. Senate — Its failure 92 The Electoral Commission — Senate intimidation 93 The last encyclical letter of the Pope 94 An appeal to save the Republic 98 A blow at Priestly influence in Canada — Supreme Court 99 CHAPTER VI. The Political Trinity Victorious 102 Gov. Chamberlain's letter to President Hayes on his peace policy 103 The New Orleans intimidating mass meeting lOG The Hayes and Packard vote in Louisiana 107 The Hampton crack of the whip in South Carolina 108 American liberty the peace oflFering to rifle clubs 109 Gov. Chamberlain's address on the withdrawal of the troops 110 Gov. Chamberlain sacrificed and virtually deposed 113 The triune despot of bulldozing democracy to rule H'^ Protest against the sale of the Republican party 115 The colored people saved the American Republic in 1865 H^ Hayes elected in 1876 by colored votes 117 The Principia Club 118 VATICANISM UMASKED. CHAPTER I. ROMANISM CIVIL POWER — PROTESTANTISM. The history of the Latin church from its apostacy from the true church in the fourth century, is a history of crimes committed under the garb of religion. The assumptions of its long lines of Popes to rule the world as vicegerents of God have succeeded in every country on the globe where the political power could be added to the ecclesiastical. In this country the papal power has not yet gained the victory, but it has already captured the outposts of protestantism, and while satan is singing to the protestant church the lullaby of no danger, the cunning papacy is making rapid strides to the very citadel of protestantism. Their priests already claim that their church embraces within its folds a majority of the officers of the army and navy of the nation. In another chapter we shall show, what the newspaper press has already published as items of news, that a very large majority of the police force of our principal cities are Roman Catholics, and we will add here for the considera- tion of our protestant friends, the patent fact that they are organizing military companies all over the land — building immense cathedrals in all the principal cities, and especially in the Southern States for the negroes. But what are the scattered forces of the protestant church about all this time? They have had the civil power in their hands ever since the landing of the Pilgrims and the organization of this republic. Their sons seems to have forgotten what their fathers taught them, to wit, that " eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.'* They are like a family of children quietly sleeping while the house over their heads is on fire, or while the lighted fuse is quietly burning its way to a powder magazine under- neath it and them. Thus the churches are sleeping on, while the papal forces under the supreme control of the Vatican at Rome are intriguing for the possession of the civil power of this coun- try, which means according to the most authentic histories of that church, the entire snuffing out and extinction of protestantism. That we do not overstate the case we ap- peal to history and beg our protestant friends to give the subject a thorough investigation. Two and a half centuries ago protestantism fled from the persecutions of the old world, and took possession of a howling wilderness on this continent, where they could worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences, with none but owls and Indians to molest or make them afraid. In process of time they constituted the Pulpit and the Press their watchmen and placed them on the watch towers of Zion to guard their liberties, and warn the people of their danger whenever it approached. Some twenty-three hundred years before that, under a theocracy, God revealed to his prophet Ezekiel the penalty a watchman incurred in not blowing the trumpet to warn the people of their danger when he saw the sword coming. These are his words : " But if the watchman see the sword come, and blow not the trumpet, and the people be not warned ; if the sword come and take any person from among them, he is taken away in his iniquity ; but his blood will I require at the watchman's hands." Ezek, 33: 6. Watchman what of the night ? Do you not see the papal sword glistening in the distance? If not, it is only because it is hid under ths tinsel robes and gaudy trappings of the hierarchy, and wo to the watchman who does not blow his trumpet to warn the people of the approach of the ene- my. We use the English language not to cover up crime, neither do we propose to tax our ingenuity to conceal great rascalities behind little "irregularities." The time has come to know who is for Christ and who for an ti- Christ. And now that the Protestant powers are uppermost in a large part of Europe and no longer under the control of the papal power she is pushing for this country, landing her forces by the thousand in New York, where naturalization papers await them and where they are at once transformed into voters, supplemented by Jesuits and sisters of charity by the ship-load, to instruct them in their duties to the dominant party of that democratic city. In this way she hopes to hold the balance of power between the two political 8 parties, until by the power of majorities, at no distant day, she can capture this country and wield its immense resources and power in her own interest. A disturber ev- erywhere she is making herself felt a disturber here. Her nature and history are one, and she will never rest until she has gained the ascendency in this country, and when that day comes the Republic, as our fathers framed it, and as her sons have administered it, is no more. These are grave charges and should not be lightly made. But we do make them under the following count, in proof of which w^e summon her own history. 1. Her claim of universal power, temporal and spiritual, in heaven and on earth, exalts her above all civil govern- ments, in the eyes of her devotees. 2. Her attempt to seize and exercise this universal power, AS GOD ON EARTH ! 3. This power disallows disagreement with her own dogmas, and enforces her authority with the death penalty, when and where she has military power enough to enforce it. 4. She has always sought alliance with the political powers to enforce her audacious claims. 5. She absolves her adherents from the duty of obeying the civil government in all cases when the government does not favor her schemes. 6. She instructs her adherents how to act, and how to vote on all matters touching her interests. 7. She is hostile to whatever is national and American in distinction to what is Roman catholic, to wit, free press, free speech, free schools, open bibles, a sacred Sabbath, &c. 8. She insists that her adherents shall in no way frater- nize with protestant Americans, socially or religiously, nor imbibe the national spirit, and is bent on promoting among them clannishness, bigotry and intolerance, (catholic ser- vants are not allowed to attend worship in protestant fam- ilies or protestant meetings. The church demands separate schools, separate literary, benevolent and temperance socie- ties.) 9. Her spirit has grown more intensely Romish and intolerant within the last twenty or thirty years than ever before in this country. Note the renewal of the Pope's claim to Infallibility, its admission, his anathemas against those who reject it — Maryolotry — the Guibord burial case — church celebrations — their prior right to our streets on St. Patrick's day — church building, consecrations, &c. 10. She is always on the side of oppression as against republicanism and gives her influence and support to the party that will most aid her schemes and interests, as for instance the democratic party in New York — and the Southern rebels. 11. She makes no concealment of her purpose to take possession of this country, and rule it in the interests of Rome ; e. g., " Father Hecker's '' boast — his mission ^abroad to stir up catholic emigration to this country for the purpose of increasing the catholic vote — Her efforts in the south to capture the colored people after they were eman- cipated and made voters, and the poor whites whose stupid ignorance is the best qualification for papal rule — the boasts of the priests that they have now a majority of the army and navy officers. 12. Probable understanding between the southern lead- ers of the democratic party, and the leaders of the Catholic church, the politicians to help the church to converts and spiritual power, and the church to help the politicians to voters and political power. Note the speech of Jeff Davis at New Orleans, the Pope's special kindness during the war, and the reluctance to educate either race, except in church dogmas and military tactics. THE AUTOCRACY AND DESPOTISM OF PAPACY UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE ECCLESIASTICAL AND CiVIL POWER COMBINED. In the early part of the fourth century, under Constantine the Great, the papal power began to make more serious inroads upon the democracy of Christianity. Two fearful strides were taken in that direction by the emperor, design- edly or otherwise, to wit, 1st, the union of church and state under one supreme head, and 2d, the legal power given the papal church to hold real estate and other property in its own name. This opened the floodgates of corruption to such an extent that the supreme head of church and state 10 on earth was hardly able to withstand it, and to which many of his successors implicitly yielded. This constituted the papal church, the great savings bank of the world, and confirmed its creed as the only legal Christianity. Its finan- cial condition was improved, at the expense of the revenues of the state. For several centuries its immense wealth was lavished in building cathedrals, monasteries and nunneries. The priest's office became lucrative, and corrupt men pressed into it. For hundreds of years bishoprics were bought and sold in the market with impunity, and simony was the rule and not the exception. The Pope was not only the supreme head of the church but commander-in-chief of the armies. His cardinals and archbishops were his field officers caparisoned with sword and spear, boot and spur, and his soldiers were his most effective instruments for the " con- version " of heretics at the point of the bayonet. Some of their exploits in this direction throw the day of Pentecost into the shade. FIRST UNIVERSAL BISHOP APOSTOLIC SUCCESSION. The autocracy of the papal power culminated when Bon- iface III. was appointed universal bishop. In the early part of the seventh century, Pope Boniface HI. was ap- pointed to that position, not by Peter or any of his success- ors in the church of Christ — not by election in any eccle- siastical body — not by any people — but by that pious fraud Phocas, an unmitigated tyrant and usurper, whose crimes were of the darkest dye, an unfortunate link in the chain of claimed apostolic succession. This is by no means the only break in that chain, for looking into the history we find in the eleventh century that the papal chair was vacant one year, after being occupied by a boy ten years old, and thrice driven from the throne — again in the thirteenth century there was no Pope for three years, and at another time in the same century the papal chair was vacant for two years and three months — in the fourteenth century eleven months at one time and two years at another, during which the car- dinals were quarrelling for the position. If such be the "unbroken chain of apostolic succession" the protestant church is in no immediate danger of strangulation by it. 11 CONTEST FOR WEALTH AND POWER. From the days of Constantine in the fourth century to those of Boniface III. in the seventh, and Innocent III. in the thirteenth, there was a continual contest for wealth and power between Popes and Emperors, Archbishops and Kings, church and state. When death vacated a throne, and the hereditary heir was in his minority, it afforded an opportu- nity for the opposing power to gain the ascendency. In some cases the empire was in the ascendant, but more fre- quently the church. During these centuries the papal power had claimed one prerogative after another, until the contest culminated in the autocracy of the Pope, and Kings and Emperors alike lay at his feet, the victims of an absolute and irresponsible power. The chief points which the Pope claimed as his exclusive prerogative were 1. General supremacy of jurisdiction ; a claim, it is obvious, absolutely illimitable. 2. Right of legislation, including the summoning and presiding in councils. 3. Judgment in all ecclesiastical causes, arduous and dif- ficult. This includes the power of judging on contested elections, and degrading Jbishops, a super metropolitan power. 4. Right of confirmation of bishops and metropolitans, the gift of the pallium. Hence by degrees, rights of appoint- ment to devolved sees, reservations, &c. 5. Dispensations. 6. The foundation of new orders. 7. Canonization. A FEUDAL SOVEREIGNTY HALF SPIRITUAL, HALF TEMPORAL. In addition to the above claims or included in them, were many others established from time to time, to complete a feudal sovereignty, half spiritual and half temporal. Every monarchy in Europe had, one after another, become mere fiefs of the see of Rome. The supreme Pontiff of Rome was the God of earth. Practically, the God of heaven, the King of Kings and Lord of Lords — the Creator of all things in heaven and in earth, was a secondary power called upon only when necessary to strengthen the anathema of the Pope to bring rebellious Kings and Emperors into sub- 12 jection to the church of which Innocent iii. was the supreme pontiff at this time. His word was law ; he claimed the power to forgive the sins of the greatest criminals, (or make them damnatory through all eternity) provided the criminal had wealth enough to satisfy the rapacity of the holy fathers and would cast it into the yawning maw of mother church. He could legitimatize the bastards of licen- tious kings and make them legal heirs to the crown, at a moderate price. He could grant absolution from all the sins of time, and also eternal happiness to any prostitute or undivorced queen, who could pay. He could not tolerate, marriage among his clergy, but could allow them, what most of them accepted as a substitute, free rein and uncon- trollable license in the convents. There was no gulf fixed between the monasteries and convents that could not be passed with impunity and the cases of moral purity in either were the exceptions rather than the rule. He could dispense crowns and kingdoms or withhold them for a higher bid, by declaring them feudatory to the see of Rome. We might quote pages, but will give a sin- gle specimen on the latter point. Pedro, king of Aragon in Spain, a descendant of Charlemagne, conceived a passion for the rich and beautiful Maria, but as she was already the wife of Count Comminges, to whom she had borne two chil- dren, and as the Count had two wives living at the time he married the said Maria, the matter seemed to be a little mixed. By an arrangement between Pedro and the pope the thing was easily done by constituting the kingdom of Aragon, a fief of the Roman see, and the annual tribute of two hundred gold pieces, to be paid by the said Pedro and his successors to the said Pope Innocent iir. and his successors. Thus Pedro and Maria were constituted hus- band and wife. Both had lived in open violation of the seventh commandment, without the endorsement of the pope, but now with it. All the commandments of the decalogue were at his disposal, to be enforced or abrogated at his sovereign will and pleasure. WEALTH OF MONASTERIES. The way to this pinnacle of fame and power had been paved by Charlemagne, Hildebrand and others until it was easy to lay the capstone of the edifice. The monasteries, 13 which in the earlier centuries were the receptacles of the poor had become rich. As they increased in numbers, rank and influence, they ignored more and more the humbler classes. Their rules gradually relapsed. Their narrow cells grew into stately cloisters, deserts into parks, her- mits into princely abbots. They became great religious aristocracies — worldly without impregnating the world with a religious spirit. It took hundreds of years to teach monastic Christianity that the way to subjugate the world was not to coop up a chosen few in high-walled and secure monasteries in order to subdue the world into one vast cloister. They seem never to have heard of Christ's simple method, "go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature." It is certain they had never obeyed the command, if they had ever heard of it. DEATH TO PREACH THE GOSPEL CRUELTY TO HERETICS. To preach the gospel or embrace it after the apostolic pattern was heresy, and a crime in the eye of the Latin church, punishable with death. The popes claimed to be the only authorized successors of Christ and the apostles, and yet they put to the torture any one outside of the Latin church who believed and preached as the apostles did. The hierarchy did not require a belief in the apostles' doc- trine, but only in the " holy catholic church " and the pope. If they believed and served these, they could with impunity cut out the tongue, put out the eyes, draw and quarter or burn alive heretics, and be rewarded for their amusemenU These things were repeatedly done by order of the pope and his legates. No temporal power without a powerful army at command dared oppose the edicts of the supreme head of the church, and no monastic order under Innocent in. recognized the democracy of Christianity with two exceptions, to wit, St. Dominic and St. Francis, and those were received with coldness by the pope and tolerated for a short time only. The monasteries were said to be the poor-houses of the middle ages. The crusades and holy wars of the church were not defensive but offensive wars, inaugurated and carried on for a double purpose in the interest of the church, to wit, the conquest of heretics and plunder, and the increase of the church in numbers and wealth. 14 POPE INNOCENT IV. AND FREDERICK II. CONTEST FOR POWER. After the death of Innocent iii. the contest for power and pelf was continued with redoubled fierceness and fury between Pope Innocent iv. and Emperor Frederick ii. These two autocrats, the one spiritual, the other temporal, were neither of them content with the prerogatives which properly belonged to them, but each contended for the supreme power. If the pope had been satisfied to rule supreme in the church, and allow the emperor to do the same in the state, much bloodshed and war would have been avoided. But the haughty, rapacious, and implacable pope was not so easily satisfied. When charged with heresy, Frederick did not hesitate to burn heretics by the hundreds to prove that he himself was not a heretic, but a true believer in the canons of the church. When hard pressed by the papal power, his appeal to primitive Christianity and the doctrines of the apostles, his promulgation of demo- cratic laws, with justice and equity as their basis, were all master-strokes of policy to shake the fabric of medieval religion, and undermine the all-powerful hierarchy. The raising and equipment of armies and navies was a game that two could play at. Papal bulls, excommunications, and the dreaded anathemas from the Vatican, were hurled at Frederick with lavish profusion, but in return Innocent iv. found an adversary that was not afraid to hurl them con- temptuously back into his teeth, especially so when a powerful army stood ready to vindicate imperial power. BONIFACE YIII. PHILIP THE FAIR EDWARD I. PAPAL DESPOTISM. In the last decade of the thirteenth century the strife for the mastery between the temporal and spiritual powers still raged, but between different parties. The insatiate maw of the Pomish church had already gobbled up half the wealth of Europe, and her cry was still give, give. Boniface VIII. was a despot hard to match among kings and emperors. As supreme head of the church, the forgiver of sins, the peddler of absolutions, the granter of eternal happiness, and God on earth, he had had no superior if any equal. He even surpassed his predecessors in his rapacious 15 claims of the revenues of empires and kingdoms, as well as the prerogatives we have specified. At the jubilee of the centennial, the abject submission of Christendom would indi- cate that the representative of St. Peter had reached the zenith of his fame, perhaps of the Roman pontificate. His ruling passions were intoxicated, his ambition tempted, his pride swelled and his avarice glutted by the immense treasures laid at his feet by millions of worshippers from all parts of Europe. War between France and England had caused the two haughty monarchs, Philip the Fair and Edward I. to demand of the clergy a portion of their revenues, to im- prove their exchequers and enable them to carry on the war. The pope interfered, and the contest was fierce. In the second year of his pontificate Boniface viii. made a bold strike to sever the property of the church from all secular obliojations. He issued a bull declarinor himself '" the one exclusive trustee of all the lands, goods, and properties held throughout Christendom by the clergy, by monastic bodies, even by universities; and that without his consent no aid, benevolence, grant, or subsidy could be raised on their estates or possessions by any temporal sovereign in the world." Nor was this all. *'No tax was to be levied on any property of the church, without the distinct permission of the pope." The penalty of taxing or receiving taxes was excommunication and the denial of absolution until the hour of death, and for paying taxes, on the part of the clergy, deposition was the penalty. On the other hand, the kings of France and England, each for himself and in his turn, dealt some stunning blows to the whole papal despotism. The wealth of the church enabled the pontiff of Rome to make war or peace, accord- ing to his sovereign will and pleasure. Neither king could see it his duty to defend his realm against an enemy (and, of course, protect the treasures of the church within his realm), and lay the whole burden of the war upon the tem- poral power. As the church held so large a portion of property it was but fair for the hierarchy to pay their proportion of government expenses for protecting it. Ac- cordingly they demanded a quarter to half of the annual income of the clergy. King Edward, as an offset to the 16 bull of the pope, took into his own hands the administration of temporal affairs, shut the courts against the clergy, and declared " that those who would not contribute to the maintenance of the temporal power, should not enjoy its protection." Philip also struck the popedom in its most vital and sensitive part. " If the clergy might not be taxed for the exiojencies of France, nor might in any way be tributary to the king, France would no longer be tributary to the pope." He also prohibited the export of gold, silver, and other articles to Rome, and proscribed bankers and other agents from transmitting papal revenues to Rome. These papal bulls on the one side and kingly edicts on the other are simply specimens of others which are too long for this article. Boniface vui. began to realize that the two kings were more than a match for him, and found it necessary to modify his next bull in several essential par- ticulars. The bold and defiant tone of Philip, his sound logic, and appropriate quotations of scripture to sustain his positions, placed the clergy of his realm in a position to choose whom they would serve, the king or the pope. The pope thought it not prudent to contest these broad and bold principles of temporal supremacy, and run the risk of losing his power over his own clergy and impairing his reserves. Edward saw a cloud rising in Scotland too portentious to be neglected. The exchequer of both kings had become depleted. Neither the pope nor either potentate could maintain the lofty airs he had assumed, and the way was paved for a treaty between Philip and Edward. Boniface saw his opportunity to act as mediator and save his own dignity at the same time. A treaty was arranged between the contending armies of France and England and the centennial was celebrated as we have already related. Soon after the centennial jubilee, the disputed preroga- tives of the temporal power were again usurped by the ecclesiiistical. Pope Boniface viii. issued his bulls with an unsparing hand against the king of France and in quick succession, while Philip the Fair paid him back in edicts equally severe and mandatory. It was "diamond cut dia- mond," and so continued until 1303, when the supreme pontiff was summoned to the bar of that God whose pre- 17 rogatives he had usurped during his whole pontificate. No previous pope had been summoned to the judgement to answer for a catalogue of darker crimes. According to the testimony of many witnesses, " the works of the flesh " enumerated by Paul in the fifth chapter of Galatians, attached to the supreme head of the infallible church of Rome, but none of the "fruits of the spirit." From the death of Boniface to that of his successor, Clement v., in 1314, the popedom had a most precipitous fall, after which its ruling influences were more subtle than powerful. The successors of St, Peter and Caesar were about equally sordid and corrupt. Philip the Fair of France was per- mitted to curse the world for more than a decade after the death of Boniface viii. with Clement v. as a vassal and supple tool. He succeeded in extinguishing the order of Knights Templars for the sake of their immense wealth. The temporal, assisted by the ecclesiastical power, put to the torture and burned at the stake all of that order who would not renounce their principles, and those who did renounce, and who acknowledged crimes they had never committed were kept in dungeons to drag out a miserable life. In either case their property was confiscated to the state or the church, or both, whose covetousness was not only not satisfied but whetted for a contest for the whole, in which the pope was more successful than the king. Both Clement v. and Philip iv., however, were summoned to the judgement-seat of Christ within a few months of each other during the same year, 1314. The pope dedicated his vast estates and ill-gotten gains, not to the church, but to nepotism, and the king squandered his share of the spoils and died a miserable bankrupt. The church, under the rule of Clement v., wa's said to have gone headlong to ruin. The hierarchy had reached the maximum of her power only to be hurled down to a proper level. The house of Philip was speedily and mysteriously extins^uished as a condign retribution for his extortions, cruelties, and barbarities. Nor could his sons, with each an adulteress for a wife, long delay the penalty for bis and their crimes. 18 POPE JOHN XXII. CONTEST FOR POWER CONTINUED. GOD AND MAMMON COMBINED. The successors of Clement v., and especially John xxii./ continued the strife for the temporal power, which became a leading topic of the controversy. The spiritual democracy began to be more bold in their opposition to the claims of the avaricious and godless hierarchy. Pope John xxii. held "that Christ, immediately on his conception, assumed universal temporal dominion." He forgets Christ's answer to Pilate, " My kingdom is not of this world, if my kingdom were of this world then would my servants fight." One of the late papal edicts claims that the " pope alone promul- gates law; he alone is absolved from all law. He sits alone in the chair of the blessed St. Peter, not as mere man but as man and God. His will is law ; what he pleases has the force of law." Pope John xxii. acknowledged no higher power than himself in heaven, earth, or hell. The laws of God were binding upon everybody but himself. Christ's command to '* lay not up for yourselves treasures on earth," was entirely disregarded, as may be seen by an inventory of his "treas- ures" after death, amounting to nearly seven and a half millions of dollars in coin (eighteen millions gold florins), and half as much more in gold and silver vessels. The depth of his piety may be judged of by the manner in which he obtained these "treasures." There does not appear to be any regular scale of prices for bishoprics, crowns, kingdoms, pardons (for sins against the Pope or church, called absolutions)^ but all these were sold with impunity, at prices limited only by the wealth of the subjects. No wonder Pope John repudiated the poverty of Christ, as well as his divinity. To believe in the divinity of Christ and follow in his footsteps was the quintessence of heresy, for which the fire and faggot of the inquisition was the only remedy, and the confiscation of vast estates to the pope's treasury the result. Infallible Pope! Supreme Head of the Holy Catholic Church ! Successor of St. Peter ! Vicar of Christ ! God on Earth ! 19 THE HIERARCHY — COUNCIL OF PISA — JOHN WYCLIFFE. THE REFORMATION. In the eighth decade of the fourteenth century the su- preme pontificate was re-establislied at Rome. During seventy years, the papal throne had remained at Avignon, and on the return of the autocrat of the church to Italy, a schism broke out and an effort was made to establish the supreme power of the church in the hierarchy instead of the pope. The conclave of cardinals at the council of Pisa, who had the right to make a pope had the right to depose him for cause, and commence the reformation of the church at its head. During this century a powerful adversary of the whole hierarchical system had appeared in England. John Wycliffe, the first apostle of Teutonic Christianity or at least the harbinger, sowed seeds of the democracy of Christianity which shook the dominion of the hierarchy, and led to the emancipation of mankind from sacerdotal and from Latin Christianity. We have seen the fruits of this seed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. John Wycliffe CQuld tear down the old structure of sacerdotal Christianity, better than he could make a new one to take its place. He seemed more successful at destruction than reconstruction, but perhaps if his life had been prolonged, he would have demonstrated to the world that he could not only tear down but build up. As it was, lie laid bare the foundation stones of Christ and his apostles, for his successors to build upon, and in removing the sacerdotal rubbish under which the foundation stones of the true gospel structure had been buried for more than a decade of centuries, he paved the way for the Reformation. JOHN HUSS — JEROME OF PRAGUE JOHN XXIII. BENEDICT XIII. GREGORY XII. In the fifteenth century the autocracy of the papal power received a still heavier blow. After the sudden death of Wycliffe, by paralysis, his mantle seemed to fall upon John Huss and Jerome of Prague, two Bohemian reformers, who ignored the infallibility of the pope and the church with their blasphemous teachings, and drank in the pure doc- trines of Christ and his apostles. Of course this was heresy 20 according to the canons of the church, and they were burned at the stake, by a decree of the Council of Constance. But the preaching of these men and their associates, in the prov- idence of God, and in spite of the fire and fagot, had made an impression upon Christendom, that the same council was constrained to heed in another case of very diflferent char- acter. Pope John xxiii. had far exceeded all his predecessors in corruption and crime. As corrupt as Latin Christianity had become, he had gone still deeper into all sorts of vices, and while he might not have added to the catalogue of crimes of his predecessors, he perpetrated them with even more boldness and defiance. The voluptuousness of his cardinals and bishops was commensurate with his own, and hence his immunity from crime. To condemn him was to condemn themselves, and vice versa. The council of Pisa which elected John xxiii. to the popedom, deposed two other popes to wit, Benedict xiii. and Gregory xii. and thus established a dangerous precedent, which the reform party in favor of the reformation of the hierarchy made good use of. The power of the cardinals not only to make popes but unmake them, was no longer successfully contested. council of constance pope john xxiii. deposed. cardinal's hat. At the council of Constance, five years later than that of Pisa, which continued three years and a half, the reform party had the sagacity to see that one thing only could be done at a time, consequently the transfer of the supreme power from the pope to the council of the cardinals, with the council of Pisa as a precedent, was not impossible. The corruption of a long line of popes had made this step of paramount importance as a stepping-stone to other reforms which would strike at the vitals of the sacerdotal system. The damaging charges brought before the council ot Con- stance against Pope John xxiii. and supported by un- doubted testimony laid the foundation for his deposition from the papal throne "He had been guilty from his youth, and during his whole life, of the foulest crimes — a priest of licentiousness which passes belief, promiscuous con- cubinage, incest, the violation of nuns ; of the most atro- 21 Clous cruelties, murder, massacre, the most grinding tyran- ny, unglutted avarice, unblushing simony." Yet for all these crimes the conclave which was composed of twenty- three cardinals and thirty delegates from the council, polite- ly waited upon this mass of moral putrefaction down the steps of the papal throne, to receive a cardinal's hat at the hands of his successor whom they were about to appoint. The same council condemned to the fire and the fagot John Huss and Jerome of Prague for preaching the doctrines, pure and simple, of Christ and His apostles, and for exemplifying the christian graces in their lives, not stained with crime. The reason why Pope John was not condemned to the gallows or the stake, was because the conclave and the pope were all in the same boat. The crimes of the fifteenth century were the graces of the Latin church ; and the christian graces of the first century had become crimes in the fifteenth. LUTHER AND THE REFORMATION. In the sixteenth century when Martin Luther came upon the stage of action, he found the great highway to the Ref- ormation already graded and the track laid, by John Wycklifie, John Huss and others in the fourteenth and fif- teenth centuries. The way was thus prepared for him to roll on the car of emancipation from sacerdotal religion. WycklifFe and Huss attacked the practices^ while Luther first attacked the doctrines of Rome, and subsequently her prac- tices. He struck the key note of the Reformation when he nailed his ninety-five theses to the door of the church at Wittenberg. In demolishing the sale of indulgencies he struck at the vitals of the papal system without intending it. After he had belled the cat, he said " the tune was nearly too high for my voice." The theses, like the cry of fire in a populous city, aroused all Germany, and in one short month was carried across the Alps and rung in the ears of the Vatican. Luther was now in a position to defend him- self At twenty years of age he had dug out of the rubbish of the university at Erfurth, an old moth-eaten bible in the Latin language, of which he was then master, the first one he ever saw in his life. In it was revealed to him the doc- trines of Christ and His apostles, which had been concealed 22 from the world by the popes and their satellites for a dozen centuries. The clear foundation doctrines of the christian religion shined from its pages in a striking contrast to Vati- canism. Justification by faith, the terms of human salva- tion by grace, " repent and believe on the Lord Jesus Christ and thou shalt be saved," and other fundamental doctrines which cut up popery by the roots, were a perfect surprise to him. He determined to go down to the foundation of the whole system of Christianity, and to this end he learned the He- brew and Greek languages that he might get at the true meaning of scripture, and make a translation of the Bible into the German language. This translation was made in due time and sent into the German families ; and as no traces of the hierarchical system could be found in it, papacy was put upon its own merits. Luther had not yet purposed to overthrow the primacy of Rome, and counted it and Catholicism on his side in dealing with the mammon wor- shippers among the barefaced monks, among whom were Tetzel, the great auctioneer for the sale of indulgences, and a still more powerful opponent, and former friend, Dr. Eck, the sturdy scholastic gladiator. The most important step of all — the translation of the New Testament into the vulgar tongue — made short work with the corrupt practices of the papacy and shook the doc- trines of Antichrist from centre to circumference. While the civil powers, by authority of the papal, were burning the new translation in bonfires, all Germany was ablaze with a moral fire which substituted the marriage of the New Testament for the celibacy of the priesthood in the canons of the church, liberty of cont^cience for monastic vows, the Lord's supper for transubstantiation, repentance towards God for penance to the priest, salvation by the grace of God through faith in Jesus Christ's atonement, for the sale of indulgences and salvation by works. The superstitions of Rome, and the subtle and pedantic systems of the schoolmen, melted away before an honest translation of the Bible, like error before truth. Those scattered stones which Luther had so laboriously hewn from the quarries of Scripture were now combined into the majes- tic edifice of Christianity, which neither pope, nor cardinal, 23 nor king, nor emperor, nor all the devils in hell could over- throw. Luther soon found that his contemplated reforms could not be, after all, accomplished, until the papal power was broken. The christian religion and the hierarchical system were antipodes and one or the other must be destroyed. In bidding farewell to Rome, he wrote a long letter to Pope Leo X. in which he says, " the church of Rome, once the foremost in sanctity, is become the most licentious den of robbers, the most siiameless of all brothels, the kingdom of sin, of death and of hell which Antichrist himself, if he were to appear, could not' increase in wickedness. All this is clearer than the sun at noonday ; once it was the gate of heaven, now it is the mouth of hell." In the same letter of divorcement from the church of Rome, he quotes from Rev. 22; 11, his authority for the step, as follows : " He that is unjust, let him be unjust still ; and he which is filthy let him be filthy still." He also tells the pope that " to be a christian, is not to be a Roman." In examining the original Greek he found that the Latin church had committed a fraud by substituting penance for repentance the real meaning of the original. The former is the main-spring of the man-made papal system, while the latter is one of the fundamental doctrines of the God-made christian religion. The one is a human expiation to the pope, the other a transformation or conversion of the heart to God. The twenty days disputation at Leipsic between the reformers and the Roman hierarchy in 1519, settled the question with Luther. It was God's word against human traditions. He had unmasked Vaticanism in its corrupt practices, in his thesis alluded to, and now he and his friends demolish the whole fabric of human traditions (which constitute the papal system), with the word of God. He calls the pontifical law " the nest of every heresy." In 1520 Luther attacked the papal powers as the great Antichrist of the Bible, and proceeded to strip the sover- eign pontiff Leo x. of his stolen wealth and usurped prerog- atives. It did not take the Wittenberg doctor many months to learn from the prophecies of Daniel and St. John, and from the Epistles of St. Paul, St. Peter and St. Jude, that the papacy was and is the Antichrist of the Bible. 24 1522, Sep. 21. The New Testament was published in German, at Wittenberg, and 3000 copies in two folio vol- umes, — a translation from the original by Martin Luther, assisted by Melancthon, — were sold at a moderate price. Three presses were employed, says Luther, and 10 000 sheets were printed daily. The fii-st edition was sold, and a second edition issued in December. In 1533 there had been printed seventeen editions at Wittenberg, thirteen at Augsburg, twelve at Basle, one at Erfurth, one at Grimma, one at Leipsic, and thirteen at Strasburg. Luther began the Old Testament translation in 1522, and issued it in parts to satisfy the demand of the people. Scripture led man to faith, and faith led him back again to Scripture. These two principles combated two funda- mental errors. Faith was opposed to the Pelagian tendency of Roman Catholicism ; scripture to the theory of tradition and the authority of Rome, (see D'Aubigne, p. 357.) Henry viii., king of England, denounced the work, and all the states devoted to Rome ordered Luther's Bibles to be gathered into the hands of the magistrates ready for the torch. Amonoj the obedient states were Duke George of Saxony who lead satan's forces, Bavaria, Brandenburg and Austria. Bonfires were made of these sacred books in public places. See page 338, lb. The staircase of the Reformation was ascended step by step and the errors of Rome were abolished one by one by the reformers. In the churches in Saxony the reformers rejected the abuse and restored the use of the ministry and the sacra- ments. In regard to the advances of the Reformation in Germany, A. D., 1516 to 1529, D'Aubigne says, page 513; "In every place, instead of a hierarchy seeking its righteous- ness in the works of man, its glory in external pomp, its strength in material power, the church of the apostles reap- peared, humble as in primitive times, and like the ancient christians, looking for its righteousneSvS, its glory, and its power solely in the blood of the Lamb, and in the Word of God.'' "The jurisprudence of Rome," says D'Aubigne, p. 578, "consisted, according to a prophecy uttered against the city which IS seated on seven hills, in adorning itself with peails 25 that it had stolen, and in becoming drunk with the blood of the saints." See Rev., chapters 17 and 18. Evangelical Christianity established itself in Germany in 1530. Legal protestantism was definitely established in 1555, at the Diet of Augsburg, which was intended by the papacy to crush it, the former was that of the Word of God and of faith, the latter that of the sword and diplomacy. See D'Aubigne, p. 595. " All the European states," says D*Aubigne, (page 608) that have embraced the reformation have been elevated, while those which have combated it have been lowered." LOUIS XIV. THE HUGUENOTS — EDICT OF NANTES RE- VOKED THE INQUISITION PERSECUTION OF PROTES- TANTS BIBLES BURNED CRUELTIES PRACTICED ESTATES CONFISCATED. During the last half of the seventeenth century the autoc- racy of the papal power was more fully developed in cath- olic France under the reign of Louis xiv. by the wholesale massacre and exile of the Huguenots. The enraged hierar- chy had witnessed the decline of their power, both temporal and spiritual in England, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, Swit- zerland, Netherlands, &c., &c., and something must be done to exterminate heresy or all was lost. It was every where patent that the losses of popery were the gains of protestant- ism. It was also evident to all the world that the union of the temporal and spiritual powers in one supreme head, had repeatedly proved a failure, that the inquisition with all the fiendish tortures the Jesuits could invent was making protestants quite as fast as it destroyed them, and that neither policy had as yet proved a remedy for heresy. — Therefore another grand effort must be made to revive the drooping spirits of the papacy and fill up the churches. For this bloody work Louis xiv. was the right man in the right place. The tolerating edict of Henry iv. (edict of Nantes) was revoked, for which Louis was applauded by all the fiends in human shape. Te Deums were sung at Rome in thanksgiving by Pope Innocent xi. If there were no jubilees in hades it was because the morals of its inhabitants were purer than the papal church of Europe. For sixty years after the revocation of the edict 26 of Nantes, France was said to be "a perpetual St. Barthol- omew." The property of the 1,800,000 Froti^staLut families was confiscated and made free plunder for the lascivious soldiery and scarcely less corrupt priesthood. " More than one million Frenchmen either left the kingdom or were killed, imprisoned, or sent to the galleys in their efforts to escape. In Lauguedoc alone, '' besides those who succeeded in making their escape, the province lost not fewer than one hundred thousand persons by premature death, the sword, strangulation and the wheel." After thirty years of robbery, murder and carnage the pious " Louis xiv. proclaimed that there were no Protestants whatever in France, that Protest- antism had been entirely suppressed." It had indeed been suppressed by law, but many fled to the deserts and hid away "in caves, valleys, moors, woods, old quarries and hollow beds of river," so that, one hundred years later than the revocation, when Louis xvi. granted them an edict of, tolerance, there were "two millions useful citizens" in France. But why should the Huguenots flee to their hiding places after the revocation ? The proclamations, laws and edicts of Louis XIV. will answer that question. During the perse- cutions before the revocation, many families who had estates sold them for the most they could get and left the country with the proceeds. This was a rich harvest for speculators, as they could buy the estate of a heretic at their own price. But after the revocation, heretics had no rights that papists were bound to respect. The edict of revocation proclaimed that "every Huguenot subject must be of the king's religion." To worship ^'publicly after their own religious forms, the penalty was death," to worship " in their own homes privately^'' the penalty was " the galley for life." They were forbidden under heavy penalties to even look out of their own windows, while a catholic procession was passing, bearing the corpus domini, but must hang out a flag. It was five hundred livres fine to neglect to send a child to be baptized and brought up in the Roman catholic faith. The boys were educated in the Jesuit schools and the girls in the nunneries. Their parents were obliged to pay the bills while their funds lasted, and after they were sufficiently fleeced their children were turned over to the 1 27 general hospitals where no ray of protestant light could reach them. Every child of five years old was forcibly taken possession of by the catholic authorities and removed from its protestant parents, the result of which was often death to one or both. Every protestant temple in France was legal plunder, and the pastors had fifteen days to leave the country, or be sent to the galleys if found preaching Christ and Him crucified in that time, but if found after the fifteen days lingering in France, his portion was death. Protestant marriages were illegal and their children bas- tards. Doctors of both sexes were forbidden to practice; apothecaries were suppressed, schools were abolished, groce- ries closed, all offices were denied them, and they were not even allowed to work on the public roads. Bibles, testa- ments and all other religious protestant books were collected and publicly burned in every town In Metz the bonfire lasted a whole day. The collections deposited with the catholic clergy furni>hed the fuel. Protestant housekeepers were liable to be sent to the galleys for life for hiring a protestant servant, even a "new convert." All these and every other insult and degradation that could be fished up from the bottomless pit were perpe- trated upon these poor Huguenots, who refused *' to be of the king's religion." Bribery was another means used to convert the higher classes. Pastors were offered higher salaries, and judges were offered as high as six thousand livres as a pension. Every pastor taken at the meetings of the peasantry was hung, and a reward of five thousand five hundred livres was offered for every pastor who should be taken at a meeting, and the penalty of death was awarded to those who should attend any of them. The cruelties practiced under these laws and edicts upon an unoffending and religious people are almost incredible. The recital of their details can be endured only by persons of the strongest nerves and will therefore be omitted. Catholic France of the seventeenth century is the legiti- mate offspring of the Roman catholic church. The perse- cutions of protestant christians were the natural fruits of her teaching. All up through the middle ages her conversions were by might and power not "by my spirit saith the Lord." The medieval church, under the long line of profli- 28 gate popes was made up of the most unsanctified wretches the world ever produced. God took good care to put into it salt enough to start the reformation, from her own ranks, and also to raise up the men to conserve and propagate true piety. Let us not be deceived in the character of the institution we are to deal with. We shall soon see that the question which more than any other seems to claim the attention of the old world, is one of supremacy between the civil and ecclesiastical powers, the temporal and the spiritual, the state and the papal church. In some localities it assumes the ecclesiastical form and becomes a contest between papists and protestants. In either form it is not a new question. For nearly fifteen centuries the papal power has striven for the mastery over both church and state, and for five centu- ries it has claimed in fallibility. It has stolen the livery of heaven as its banner, and folded it under its autocratic robes as soon as its temporal power in any country was secured. In this republic the sacerdotal robes of the papacy are worn in their most fascinating, submissive and obedient forms, and while it is quietly acquiring its civil supremacy all will be lovely ; but turn the scale and put the civil power into its hands, and its autocrasy and despotism will soon be developed, as it always has been in other countries, as attested by history. God forbid that the iron rod of papacy should ever be extended over this country. " Eternal vigi- lance is the price of liberty." The papacy also claims an unbroken succession from Christ and his apostles, and it audaciously claims the pre- rogatives of both Christ and Caesar, by virtue of which it acquired the divine right to .rule the world, civil and ecclesiastical. The pope's will is absolute over the bishops, the bishops over the priests, and the priests over the people. Add to this the temporal power and all the elements of an autocrat and despot center in the pope. His word excathedra is law from which there is no appeal, and whether fallible or infallible, it is the same for all practical purposes. The papal church claims credit for preserving the scrip- tures through the medieval ages. It has a better claim to the infamy of destroying them, as we have already seen. God saved His bible from the devouring element, but no 29 thanks to the papacy, as an organized power. God took care to raise up individuals who would hide away their bibles at the risk of losing their heads. Portions of the scriptures and some important links of history were exhumed from the ruins of old monasteries, and dug out of the rub- bish of centuries, but they were the hidden treasures that escaped the argus eyes of the Vatican, and an obedient priesthood. In like manner the papal church claims the credit of bringing the world from a state of barbarism to civilization, from paganism to Christianity. But cui bono. It only transfered the worst 'features of both to its own organiza- tion, intensifying their modes of torture many fold for its own advancement. At the gladiatorial combats when hated christians were thrown into the arena of the coliseum to be torn in pieces and devoured by wild beasts for the amuse- ment of the people, the process was merciful when compared with the later contrivances of the hierarchy to dispose of and exterminate heretics, by the thumb-screw, the wheel, and other modes of slower torture used by the inquisition, too bad to mention here. Nor is it possible for the papal church to hide its true character under its sacerdotal robes of hypocrisy in this country. Our free schools, free press, free pulpits, with the liberty of speech, will unmask the great hypocrite and show her naked deformity as it has existed for centuries in the old world. That the papal church is an old institution, and that it has had popes for many centuries may be all true, but that its popes are infallible, or that they form a true and un- broken line of succession from the apostles, or that they represent the true church of Christ and His apostles in any sense is not true, but emphatically denied by history. The church of Christ is one of morale while that of Rome is one of physical force, constituting a political organization of the worst type, as demonstrated the world over. But its political character will be discussed more fully in the third and fourth chapters of this pamphlet. 30 CHAPTER 11. VATICANISM IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Let US now turn to the history of our own times, and see whether the papal system as now practised with all the " modification " and '* softening down " claimed for it, is an element in harmony with the civil powers of either Europe or America, the old world or the new. 1. Germany. In the lower house of the Prussian diet on the 16th of March, 1875, Prince Bismarck, in a speech on the new ecclesiastical bill, said, "the maxim that more obedience was due to God than to man, certainly did not mean that more obedience was due to the pope, misguided by Jesuits, than to the king." Subsequently the bill was passed, and some of its provisions were reported in the papers as follows : " The contributions from the public treasury, for the sup- port of the bishops, priests and institutions of the Roman catholic church, will be suspended until they submit to the laws of this state, until which the state will not compel the payment of dues to the bishops and clergy as heretofore." If the pope revokes the written pledges of his bishops and priests to obey the laws of the state, the same laws provide a severe penalty. Whether the other members of the con- federacy follow Prussia's lead remains to be seen. Endow- ment is to be the reward of obedience. Bismarck's* purpose is to desti'oy the pope's secular power in Germany, not to break up the ecclesiastical power of the German hierarchy. "In the upper house of the Prussian diet, on the 14th of April, the bill withdrawing the state grants from Roman catholic clergymen was under debate. Prince Bismarck made a speech in which he declared that since the Vatican council, catholic bishops were merely the pope's prefects. He said that he was not an enemy to the catholic church. He warred only against papacy which had adopted the princi- ple of extermination of heretics and which was in enmity with the gospel as well as with the Prussian state." After informing the world that " the supreme cathedra of truth by divine dispensation was placed in Italy," the pope pathetically acknowledges that he is powerless. He 31 bemoans his lost power, confirms his bishops in Germany in their " apostolic authority " and gives the fullest praise before the catholic world to the said bishops for their firm opposition to the civil power. 2. England. In England the contest is waxing warm between the civil and papal powers, and an efiort is made by archbishop (now cardinal) Manning, and a score of others to batter the edge of Mr. Gladstone's late pamphlet, in which he shows the world that civil obedience is incom- patible with the demands of the Vatican. No one denies that the Romanists may render tacit obedience to the civil power, when not in conflict with papal decrees. But all the world knows that when the occupant of St. Peter's chair com- mands one thing and the civil power the opposite, the pope must be obeyed by all papists, and not the civil powers. For more than a dozen centuries the head of the papal church has claimed the prerogative of vetoing the acts of all civil powers. Says Mr. Gladstone, " the papal church is in direct feud with the larger part of Christendom to-day. In addition to those countries already named we may add from the list, Portugal, Spain, Switzerland, Austria, Russia, Brazil, and most of South America." Mr. Gladstone charges " Vaticanism with the intention of restoring the temporal sovereignty by foreign arms," and not a papal writer from cardinal Manning down, has yet denied it, but many glory in it. The revival of the ridicu- lous claifh of "infallibility" within the last half decade, to Bay nothing of the ludicrous doctrine of the " Immaculate conception," is another loose spoke in the Vatican wheel, but the rubber tire of the last allocution of the tottering occu- pant of St. Peter's chair, is inadequate to tighten the wheel. Contrasted with some of his predecessors such as Boniface III. in the seventh century. Innocent in. of the thirteenth, Boniface viii. of the fourteenth, and John xxiii. of the fifteenth, to say nothing of many others, the present pope is a saint. The loss of his temporal power in some countries, and its only partial retention in others, together with his decaying health have somewhat toned down his last allocu- tion, in which mandatory decrees give place to humiliating confessions of weakness. This may be pardoned in a super- annuated old man, but his successor may be a very different sort of a man to deal with. 32 The animus of the hierarchy has been substantially the same for fitteen hundred years. The next pope may be a very good man or a very bad one, and it behooves the United States to prepare for the worst. The society of Jesuits has been, for many years sending its members to this country, until they are as thick as blackberrit s. The members of this society are ineligible to the office of bishop, cardinal or pope, but they are the most obsequious devotees of the Vatican, the best material for inquisitions, and the most dangerous element of all the priesthood in the civil powers of the world, because better educated. They call themselves the society of Jesus, but the society of Judas Iscariot would be more appropriate, . All newspaper read- ers know that the protestant governments of Europe have for years past been trying to rid themselves of tliis mortal foe of civil liberty, as for example ttie Prussian diet, already alluded to, a year or two since banished the whole crowd from its territory and gave six months for compliance. The bishops protested in the interest of the Jesuits, and the pope applauded them for their opposition to the heretical government. 3. Italy. We cheerfully admit that there are many worthy members of the papal church in this country, but they are ignorant of the historical facts we are now consid- ering, while others who are better posted, do not believe the histories by their own authors, when quoted h^ protest- ants. For the special benefit of that class of persons, we will call their attention to priest-ridden Italy of the nine- teenth century. Within the last decade she has become an independent state. During sixteen hundred years the has groped in the midnight of priestly superstition. The papal church has there had a fair opportunity to give the world a specimen of what she could do for it. She has grasped the wealth of the nation and deposited it in the closets of her hundred cathedrals, for the princely support of her army of priests, while one-half the people know not to-day where they are to get bread for to-morrow. Says a late traveller, "There are thousands of churches in Italy, each with untold millions of treasures stored away in its closets, and each with its battalion of priests to be supported. And then there are the estates of the church, league on league of 33 the richest lands and the noblest forests in all Italy, all yielding immense revenues to the church, and none paying a cent in taxes to the state. In some districts the church owns a// the property, lands, warehouses, woods, mills and factories. They buy, they sell, they manufacture, and since th(»y pay no taxes, who can hope to compete with them ? " 4. France. A few years since the Romish priests made an effort to procure an act of the general assembly of France restoring to the clergy the entire instruction and control of the national schools as had been the case before the time of Napoleon Bonaparte. In these schools as noth- ing was taught except 'the creed and the elements of the papal faith, the emperor changed the system entirely and removed the priests from the schools, whom the Bourbons subsequently restored. The last revolution, however, re- lieved the schools from^ papal rule, and the effort of the priests as above stated brought out the following speech in the general assembly, from the gifted and eloquent Victor Hugo, the foremost intellect of France. " Ah, we know you ! We know the clerical party. It is an old party. This it is, which has found for the truth those two marvellous supporters, ignorance and error ! This it is, which forbids to science and genius the going beyond the Missal, and which wishes to cloister thought in dogmas. Every step which the intelligence of Europe has taken, has been in spite of it. Its history is written in the history of human progress, but it is written on the back of the leaf. It is opposed to it all. This it is, which caused Prinelli to be scourged for having said that the stars would not fall. This it is, which put Camanella. seven times to the torture, for having affirmed that the number of worlds was infinite, and for having caught a glimpse at the secret of creation. This it is, which persecuted Harvey for having proved the circulation of the blood. In the name of Jesus, it shut up Galileo. In the name of St. Paul, it imprisoned Christo- pher Columbus. To discover a law of the heavens was an impiety. To find a world was a herCvSy. This it is which anathematized Pascal m the name of religion, Montaigne in the name of morality, Moliere in the name of both morality and religion. . . . For a long time already the human conscience has revolted against you, and now demands of 3 84 you, ' "What is it that yon wish of me ? ' For a long time already you have tried to put a gag upon the human intel- lect. You wish to be the masters of education. And there is not a poet, not an author, not a philosopher, not a thinker that you accept. All that has been written, found, dreamed, deduced, inspired, imagined, invented by genius, the treas- ure of civilization, the venerable inheritance of generations, the common patrimony of knowledge, you reject. " There is a book — a book which is, from one end to the other, an emanation from above — a book which is for the whole world what the Koran is for Islamism, what the Vedas are for India — a book which contains all human wisdom, illuminated by all Divine wisdom — a book which the veneration of the people call The Book — the Bible ! Well, your censure has reached even that. Unheard-of thing ! Popes have proscribed the Bible I How astonishing to wise spirits, how overpowering to simple hearts, to see the finger of Rome placed upon the book of God ? "And you claim the liberty of teaching. Stx)p ; be sincere ; let us understand the liberty which you claim. It is the liberty of not teaching. You wish us to give you the people to instruct. Very well. Let us see your pupils ! Let us see those you have produced. What have you done for Italy? What have you done for Spain? For centuries you have kept in your hands, at your discretion, at your school, these two great nations, illustrious among the illus- trious. What have you done for them ? I am going to tell you. Thanks to you, Italy, whose name no man, who thinks, can any longer pronounce without an inexpressible filial emotion; Italy, mother of genius and of nations, which has spread over the universe all the most brilliant marvels of poetry and the arts; Italy, which has taught mankind to read, now knows not how to read I Yes, Italy is, of all the states of Europe, that where the smallest number of natives know how to read. " Spain, magnificently endowed ; Spain, which received from the Romans her first civilization, from the Arabs her second civilization, from Providence, and in spite of you, a world, America ; Spain, thanks to you, to your yoke of stu- por, which is a yoke of deofradation and decay, Spain has lost this secret power, which it had from the Romans ; this 35 genius of art, which it had from the Arabs; this world, which it had from God ; and in exchange lor all that you have made it lose, it has received from you — the Inquisi- tion. " The Inquisition, which certain men of the party try to- day to re-establish, which has burned on the funeral pile millions of men ; the Inquisition, which disinterred the dead to burn them as heretics ; which declared the children of heretics, even to the second generation, infamous and inca- pable of any public honors, excepting only those who shall have denounced their fathers ; the Inquisition, which, while I speak, still holds in the papal library the manuscripts of Galileo, sealed under the papal signet ! These are your masterpieces. This fire, which we call Italy, you have extinguished. This colossus, that we call Spain, you have undermined. The one in ashes^ the other in ruins. This is what you have done for two great nations. What do you wish to do for France ? " Stop; you have just come from Rome! I congratulate you. You have had fine success there. You come from gagging the Roman people ; now you wish to gag the French people, I understand. This attempt is still more fine ; but take care ; it is dangerous. France is a lion, and is alive ! " The above is taken from "The question of the hour,'' by Rev. Rufus W. Clark, who says : — Shall a Frenchman thus speak in France, and we be silent? Shall one, brought up amid papal influences, see so clearly the withering power of Romish education, and any person in this land of gospel hght be blind to it ? Let us now leave Europe and cross the Atlantic ocean for North America, and learn the programme of the Vatican for this country. 5. Mexico. During the war of the slaveholders' rebel- lion in the United States, Napoleon iii.. Emperor of France, took it into his head that his opportunity had come to estab- lish a government in Mexico after his own heart, without the risk of interference from the United States. Maximilian was v«aid to be the right man in the right place. The prob abih'ty was so strong that he would be the future emperor of Mexico^ that Pope Piua ix. addressed the prince a letter. 36 which was published in Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia, 1865, p. 749, in which he says, " Your majesty is well aware that, in order effectually to repair the evils occasioned by the revolution, and to bring back as soon as possible happy days for the church, the catholic religion must, above all things, continue to be the glory and the main stay of the Mexican nation, to the exclu- sion of every other dissenting worship ; that the bishops must be perfectly free in the exercise of their pastoral ministry ; that the religious orders should be reestablished, or reor- ganized, conformably with the instructions and the powers which we have given; that the patrimony of the church, and the rights which attach to it, may be maintained and protected ; that no person may obtain the faculty of teaching and publishing false and subversive tenets ; that instruction, whether public or private^ should be directed and watched over by the ecclesiastical authority ; and that, in short, the chains may be broken which, up to the present time, have held down the church in a state of dependence, and subject to the arbitrary rule of the civil government." If this nice little scheme had succeeded the way would have been paved for the acknowledgement of the independ- ence of the Southern Confederacy, and the pope would have got more credit for infallibility in leading off in that meas- ure. Moreover with Maximilian to rule Mexico, by the grace of Napoleon iii., and the pope to rule both, with the independence of the Southern Confederacy acknowledged, including slavery as its chief corner stone, how long think ye the American government would have withstood that storm of despotism ? But diplomacy having failed in Mexico, the ecclesiastical mill was set in motion by the blood-thirsty representatives of the papal power, to grind up protestant missionaries for their blood, as farmers grind apples for their cider. We will give one or two specimens of this operation. The Rev. J. L. Stephens, a missionary of the American Board, at Ahua- lulco, Mexico, was murdered on Sunday, March 1, 1874. The telegram from the city of Mexico to the daily papers reads thus: " In the morning a priest delivered an incendiary sermon, in the course of which he advocated the extermination of 37 the protestants. This so excited his liearers that in the evening an armed mob of two hundred persons broke into the house of Mr. Stephens, and with cries " Long live the priest," smashed his head to jelly and chopped his body into pieces. They afterward sacked the house and carried off everything of value. After much delay, the riot was suppressed by the local authorities. The Government has sent a detachment of troops to the place. A rigid investigation has been set on foot, and orders issued for the arrest of all priests in Ahualulco and the neighboring town of Teshitan." Strange as it may seem the severest rebuke of this unprovoked and atrocious murder, we have seen, comes from the Boston Pilot, the Roman catholic organ for New England. The Pilot says, " should it turn out to be true, the crime of all the mob should be intensified on his head by a terrible punishment. The wretches who could kill a man with a religious cry on their lips, are the greatest wretches in the world." This is a perfect God-send to the timid protestant press, for they can copy Mr. Patrick Donahue's rebuke as an item of news, and a salvo to their own consciences for not doing their duty. The same papers inform us that " Rev. Antonio Corral was stoned and his chapel sacked in the city of Puebla, Mexico, on the 7th of March, by Roman cathohcs." 6. THE UNITED STATES, THE PAPAL CHURCH AND THE FREEDMEN. The efforts that have been made since the close of the war of the rebellion, to convert the freedmen, not to Christ, but to the papal church, stands in striking contrast to the efforts of that church, both before and during the war, to keep them in bondage. As slaves they were not wanted in the papal church, but as voters it is suddenly discovered that that is the very place for them. The motive for this movement on the part of the church, will appear, as we proceed, so perfectly transparent, that any mind of ordinary capacity will easily see and comprehend it. Having devoted the best twenty years of our own life and many thousand dollars to the anti-slavery cause, we cannot quietly stand by 38 and witness this glaring hypocrisy without a note of warn- ing. Having fitted for college under a Roman catholic priest, and been offered a collegiate course on condition of entering the priesthood, (which we declined,) and having been educated in the laws, tenets, canons and dogmas of the papal church we know wherof we affirm. In the previous chapter we have deduced from the most authentic histories of nearly fourteen centuries the civil and ecclesiastical character of the institution under considera- tion, for the special benefit of the protestant church many of whose members have not access to that kind of literature, and cannot well spare the time to read it if they had. The colored people having been so recently emancipated from the American slaveholding oligarchy, it would be a great calamity to allow themselves to be transferred to the Roman hierarchy. As in the former there were some kind masters, so in the latter there have been some kind popes. But in both cases they are the exceptions not the rule. The despotism lies in the system each represents. As the oligar-' chy requires the most despotic measures to keep its subjects in subjection, so the hierarchy requires the most despotic popes to rule the church of Rome. The present encumbent of St. Peter's chair is a superannuated old man, on the verge of the grave, who has beheld with tears, the temporal power of the old world sliding from under him, without the power to arrest the progress of the nineteenth century. In the slaveholders' rebellion the Vatican was the only power on earth that acknowledged the independence of the Southern states, but as that was an ignominious failure, they are now endeavoring to utilize a combination of political and eccle- siastical elements which has been in progress for a long time, by transplanting to the new world a despotism of the old. The political elements are divided into two parties numerically, nearly equal, the ecclesiastical into two churches, protestant and papal. The protestant church is composed of individuals, each with a conscience under God, but amenable to no power on earth. He can read his bible and think for himself. His religion allows him liberty of conscience. Each individual is his own conscience-keeper, and must answer as an individual to God for his own sins, and no man or body of men can answer for him. As an organization it is strictly religious. 39 THE CHARACTER OF THE PAPAL SYSTEM UNCHANGED. For tlie benefit of whom it may concern, we shall now show that the character of the papal system has never changed for the better in any essential particular, and that its modification in this republic is only temporary, and a necessary step to gain control of the civil power, as an engine of force with which to suppress protestantism. 1. Its AFFILIATION WITH THE PrO-SlAVERY PaRTY BEFORE THE WAR. ItS REWARDS AFTER. The slaveholders of the south were the natural allies of the democratic party, and constituted its head, while its tail was in the north. The Roman catholic church was the natural ally of that party, and the price of its co-operation was the offices the party had in its power to bestow. If the Roman catholic voters should be eliminated from the demo- cratic party, the skeleton of the party only would remain, a powerless wreck. During the dozen years of our sojourn in New York, previous to 1872, the following facts were published in the newspapers of that city, from time to time showing the proportion of city offices held by Roman catholics in the democratic party, to wit, sheriff, register, comptroller, city chambei lain, corporation counsel, police commissioner, president of the Croton board, acting mayor, president of the board of councilmen, clerk of the common council, clerk of supervisors, five justices of the court of record, all tiie civil justices, all the police justices but> two, all the police court clerks, three out of four coroners, fourteen-nineteenths of the common council, and eight-tenths of the supervisors. In the vears 1869, 1870 and 1871, out of the monies raised by tax on the property of New York city, the records show that SI, 396,389 were paid to Roman catholic institu- tions, and only $138,146 to protestant and Hebrew institu- tions combined. Thus the papists got over ninety per cent, of the appropriations, which is probably about the propor- tion of criminals and paupers they throw upon the state in return to be taken care of albo by the tax-payers. The above figures are merely specimens, of which we could make an entire chapter. 40 2. Its sympathy with the Rebellion — Resistance OF the draft —New York riots. That the Roman catholic democrats were responsible for the riots which resisted the draft of 1863, in the city of New York, no intelligent man acquainted with the facts will deQj. The civil power was then and there in the hands of the democratic party ; Horatio Seymour, governor. The offices as above stated were nearly all held by Roman cath- olics, who acknowledge their allegiance to the Vatican at Rome higher than any obligation to the civil power of this country. The state militia stationed in the city were in full sympathy with the municipal government, and part of the plan was to clean out the city of all " niggers and abolition- ists." The colored people were hunted like wild beasts of the desert, and were seen flying for their lives in all direc- tions, abolitionists were threatened by their enemies and warned by their friends, the Principia association was noti- fied to close the doors of its office to save the block from conflagration; the publisher of the Principia declined to desert his post and was peremptorily informed that his house with many others was marked for destruction. In passing from his office in Williams street to his house on Twentieth street he was shot at by the mob in open day but not killed ; in one evening he witnessed from his dwelling seven incendiary fires in the vicinity. In a private correspondence Secretary Chase was kept informed of all these movements He was advised that if the President was depending upon the state militia to save New York, he was depending upon a broken staff. On the receipt of this information the government at Washington lost no time in sending thirty thousand troops into New York harbor, under a suitable general, who notified the demo- cratic ringleaders, whose names he had obtained, that the riots must be stopped forthwith or their heads must come off. The general knew who he was talking to, and his auditors knew who was talking to them. Gov. Seymour addressed the rioters from the steps of the City hall as '' my friends." Whether the pathetic address of the governor at the City hall, or the fire-flashes of the cross eyed general at the Fifth avenue hotel, or the thirty thousand troops in the 41 harbor argument was the more potent we do not know, but one thing we do know, viz., the riots were stopped and the draft went on without further interruption. 3. Acknowledgement op the Independence of the Southern Confederacy by the Pope. So strong was the feeling at the Vatican in favor of the rebeUion, and so intense the desire to see republican liberty crushed out and slavery extended over this continent, that the "pope," the " holy father," the "infallible head of the church," the "vicegerent of God on earth" hastened to acknowledge the in3ependence of the Southern Confederacy, and set an example to the civil potentates of the world to follow. Not a civil ruler on the globe dared follow his example, but the democratic party of New York showed its gratitude for and its appreciation of such favors in various ways, to wit, — GRATITUDE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF NEW YORK IN COIN. In 1866 the legislature of New York voted for Romish institutions $124,000, and only $4,000 to protestants and Jews combined. Whenever catholics hold the balance of power, protestants have to take the back seats. In the first half of 1867, New York city voted Romish institutions $120,000, and for two successive years, $30,000 were put into the "city levy tax bill," for the Romanists. In addi- tion to this they held a lease of land on Fifth avenue valued at nearly $2,000,000, for a ground rent of one dollar a year, for ninety-nine years ! This is the way the money of prot- estants is used to build up and strengthen the Roman catholic element in the democratic party; and the Boss Tweed crowd, including Samuel J. Tilden were responsible. 4. The Roman catholic opposition to our common SCHOOLS. The suppression of the Bible demanded and acceded to in several states. Testimony of papal priests. The only direct issue the papal power has made with any part of our republican system, is with the common schools. They like the system w^ell enough, but wish to reorganize it 42 in the interests of the Roman catholic church. At the late " Roman catholic conference," held in St. Louis, Mo., Father Butler of Kansas " thought it should not be forgotten that the public schools of this country had served as a model for catholic parochial schools." But as at present organized with the reading of the protestant Bible, they were declared to be "a nuisance." Father Phelan of St. Louis, said "they would as soon send their children into a pest house as let tliem go to the public schools." Mr. Hawley, of Pennsyl- vania, said, " the catholics had gained a great victory in driving the Bible out of the public schools." As this victory has as yet been only partial and not general, the gentleman was a little too fast. But the object of driting the protest- tant Bible out of the schools is to get the catholic Bible into them. The reason is that the all important features of the papal system are not to be found in tl^e protestant Bible at all, nor in any other except a false translation. At the same conference to which we have alluded, Father Graham said "the purpose was to put in them the correct version of the Bible, and the catholic catechism." They forget that the protestants provide for the religious instruction of their own children in separate schools, and generously leave the com- mon schools free from sectarian instruction, for the special benefit of the papists, infidels or any body else who don't believe the Bible. There is no objection to the catholics having as many parochial schools as they please, but when they attempt to convert our common schools into nurseries of the Roman catholic church, it is about time for Protest- ants to wake up. In the eyes of Roman catholics our common schools, without the Douay Testament and the Roman catholic cate- chism, are the very fountains of corruption. In the confer- ence to which we have already alluded, one of the " fathers" said, "the public men of America were educated in the public schools and were exhibitions of the system, and they were the most dishonest and corrupt of any country in the world. Men can steal in this country with impunity, pro- vided the amount is large enough. That the children of the country go heels over head to the devil, must be attrib- uted to the education they receive in the public schools, which does not fit them for the temptations of the world. 43 In the?e schools men of science are honored and eulogized, but the name of Jesus Christ is not allowed to be men- tioned with reverence. These children turn out to be learned horse-thieves, scholastic counterfeiters, and well posted in schemes of deviltry." That many of our public men are corrupt we sorrowfully admit, but that their common school education is the cause of their corruption we emphatically deny. If father Phelan*s assertions were true, how happens it that three-quarters or seven-eighths of all our criminals are graduates from catholic institutions ? If ",the name of Jesus Christ is not allowed to be mentioned with reverence," whose fault is it.'^ Prot- estants who put the Bible into the schools or Roman catholics who put it out ? Protestantism which tolerates the reading of the Bible in the schools without comment^ or popery which assumes Christ's prerogatives and demands the substitution of the Roman catholic Bible and catechism, which place an infallible pope at the head of the church instead of Christ ? Is this audacious claim of his infallible holiness doubted ? Read the letter of " Pio " to the " Emperor of Germany.*' In this letter we find the following claim among others, " Every one who has been baptized belongs to the pope." To this, Emperor William replies " our evangelical creed does not permit us to accept, in our relations to God, any other mediator than our Lord Jesus Christ." In this country in the matter of the division of our com- mon school funds, the question partakes of both politics and religion, for the real question after all, is whether the civil power shall open its treasury, as in Germany, and furnish the papal church with funds to educate its children in the dogmas and doctrines of that church, or whether it shall provide for the religious education of its own children, as the protestant churches do, to wit, from their own treasuries. If the papal church is not satisfied with our common school system as it evidently is not, the wide world is open to it to go where it can do better. It will never be permitted to demoralize our system of education and pervert rtie common school fund to educate us in popery, until Americans lose their senses. The pope claims infallibility, the church of which he is the head claims infallibility, both claim supreme power over 44 the state. This audacious usurpation has controlled, or attempted to control, every government on earth, and the infant republic of these United States need not hope to form an exception. We have already indicated their plan and their policy, showed with what pertinacity they have thus far pursued both for many years, and with what success their efforts have been crowned. We are not at all sur- prised that our religious press, so far as it is controlled by ex-ministers, should hesitate to grapple with so formidable a foe. For purity of life and honesty of purpose the minis- ters who have exchanged the pulpit for the editorial chair are not excelled by any class of persons in the community. But many lack one element in their character, which is indispensable in an ecclesiastical war with the papal power. That element is the Martin Luther back-bone. So long as satan can keep the protestant press and pulpit quiet, just so long will the papal power be able to capture one political post after another, until protestantism lays powerless at its feet. The pulpit or the press which ignores politics as an element in religion, ignores one half the Bible, and denies the transforming power of the christian religion. By this we do not mean that Christianity should be let down to the standard of the brood of political demagogues who are now a curse to the country, but that " politics " should be purified and raised to the standard of the christian religion. It is as much a man's duty to vote in the state as it is to pray in the church, and he who makes long prayers in the latter on Sunday, and votes for corrupt politicians on Monday, is either a dupe or a hypocrite. From the foregoing pages it appears that the papal church is a politico-religious institution, which assumes to govern the world in its dual capacity. The political press of this country seems to wait for the protestant pulpits to grapple with it, because it is an ecclesiastical organization in their line; on the other hand the protestant pulpits with few exceptions, seem to turn it over to the tender mercies of the political parties, because it is a political institution in their line. Thus between the two elements of politics and religion, the great Antichrist is comparatively safe from attack let her do what she will. The cunning and intriguing hierarchy takes note of the situation and governs herself 45 accordingly. She sees through her political glasses that she has already the balance of power between the two great political parties, and she has poUtical wisdom enough to form an alhance with the minority party, first because it is a minority party, and second because their political instincts are in harmony with each other. This will be found dem- onstrated in the two following chapters, which, by request were published and pretty extensively circulated in separate tracts as campaign documents, in the Presidential campaign of 1876. In addition to the question of our common schools, which are marked for capture or destruction, rule or ruin, by the papal power, comes the question of our penal institutions, where the attempt is being made to substitute canon law for our own statute laws, the practices of monarchal govern- ments for republican. The Rev. Joseph Cook, in his seventy-first lecture in Boston, March 26th, said that "the demand is secretly made, and in a letter lately published by a representative Romanist, (Daily Advertiser, March 22, 1877,) it is publicly made in Boston, as it often has been in New York and Cincinnati, that in each penal institution there should be two chaplains, after the manner of Austria or France; and, of course, the implication is that in Amer- ica, as in Europe, both should be paid by the State. Yield to that demand, and you will have a division of your pubhc criminal fund. What will come after that? It means a demand for the division of your school fund. It means a demand for the division of your church fund. It means a demand for the division of your eleemosynary fund. You will have to face all these questions that have given so much trouble in those countries where there are State churches Romish ecclesiastics want their chaplains paid by the state. They must learn that they are not in Austria, France, Prussia or England. America means that all religious sects^ Romanists included, shall pay their own hills. To demand that a sectarian chaplain or schoolmaster he paid hy the StatQ is to act against the whole spirit of American lawj* tts-^ THE Political Trinity of Despotism. A CHAPTER FROM VATICANISM UNMASKED; OR, ROMANISM IN THE UNITED STATES. BY A PUEITAN OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. ^J.^M^^ '-^ . CAMBRIDGE, MASS.: PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCIPIA CLUB. 1876. INTRODUCTION. The following is taken from a manuscript not yet pub- lished, entitled ^^Vaticanism Unmasked ; or Romanism IN THE United States, by a Puritan of the Nineteenth Century." In harmony with its title, the pamphlet is de- signed to disrobe the papal church of its ecclesiastical covering, and show to the world its political character as the essence of despotism. This is delineated from the most authentic histories of the last fifteen centuries, and shows the despotic and corrupt character of the institution we are tolerating and nursiifg in the bosom of this republic. In view of the efforts being made to capture the votes of the Freedmen, by first alluring them into the papal fold, the author has kindly consented that this chapter, particularly addressed to that class of voters, may be published separately and distributed among them, in the states more especially where they are in the majority or hold the balance of political power. The other chapters, addressed to protestant sects, will be published in due time. After the colored voters are fully informed of the con- spiracy to destroy the republican party and with it their liberties, if they choose to put their feet in that trap they can do so. But if their liberties are dearer to them than a few cents per capita, of which they have been robbed by a half dozen genteel scoundrels in Washington who ruined tlie Freedmeu's Saving Bank, (which the government ought to restore) then -let them hold on to their old friends and trust them to do justice iu time to come as in time past. The writer makes no apology for lifting the clerical robes and revealing the naked deformity of the papal church as a political organization, for the information of four or five millions of emancipated people. It cannot be expected that the latter can begin with their a, b, c's, and learn the history of the former in as many years as it took centuries to make a character for that church. The Free'draen have once graduated in the patriarchal institution and have been loosed from the grasp of the slave power, God forbid that they should be transferred to the more despotic embrace of the papal power. TO THE FREEDMEN OF AMERICA, The political trinity of despotism. — The slave- OCRACY. — The papacy. — The parental preroga- tive. — The public schools. — Untaxed church property. — The auricular confessional. — The legitimate fruits of the combination. — The division of the spoils. — The freedmen's savings BANK. — The South the weakest point of prot- estantism. In 1872 when our mutual friend the late Hon. Charles Sumner went into the Greely movement, the writer decHned to follow, and pointed out to him and his colored wards, in an open letter to each, the political elements that would eventually combine to overthrow the republican party, and also enumerated some of the things that would legitimately follow. These elements are natural allies, to wit : the democracy^ slaveocracyj and the papacy^ and when united constitute THE POLITICAL TKIKITY OF DESPOTISM. We now beg the Freedmen to note that this combination is practically consummated for the presidential campaign of 1876. Let us examine each of these forces separately and learn if we can what claims, if any, either of them has to the votes and political support of the Freedmen of this republic. 1. The Democracy. — The democratic party as now organized, judging by its own acts, is just about as much entitled to its assumed name as satan is to that of saint. Ignoring the significancy of its name, it has opposed the anti-slavery movement from the beginning, and after the republican party had, under God, abolished slavery, it opposed all the reconstruction measures adapted to benefit the Freedmen, and make our republic a democracy, and not an aristocracy of slaveholders as before. For a long series of years when the democratic party was in power, its un- blushing and boldly asserted fundamental principle was, "to the victors belong the spoils." In other words, give us the key to the money-chest of the nation and we will run the machine for our own and your benefit. 2. The Slaveocracy. — We use this term for con- venience. We mean to include in it the old sJave oligarchy, which ruled Congress, and through it the country, up to the rebellion, and which represented all the slaveholders of the country. In the anti-slavery battle it was called the slave power. This was the power that wielded twenty-five votes in Congress on account of their slave property. These twenty-five votes decided every question of slavery against liberty, until the republican party, by the Proclamation of Emancipation by President Lincoln and the Amendments of the Constitution, wrenched them from the masters and put them into the hands of the Freedmen to whom they right- fully belong. Now will the Freedmen turn their backs upon their true and tried friends, and help into power their life long enemies? Is that the way to show their gratitude to their deliverers ? God forbid. Nor can we yet believe that they will surren- der themselves to the papal power, where disobedience to the Vatican is a crime with a death penalty. 3. The Papacy. — The Eoman catholic church, which is really the frame-work of the democratic party has been a despotism for fifteen hundred years. It is an apostacy from the true church of Jesus Christ and His apostles. "It stole the livery of heaven to serve the devil in." ' Its character has never changed for the better, but it has grown worse and worse. Macauley calls her "superb and voluptuous — the sorceress of the golden cup and of the scarlet robe — the beast — the Antichrist — the man of sin — the mystical Jezebel — the mystical Babylon." It has opposed the anti- slavery movement as earnestly as did the democratic party, and if it could have had its own way every Freedman to-day would have been in chains, and slavery would l^ve been extended over every foot of soil in these United States now dedicated to freedom. This was the meaning of the Pope's acknowledgement of the independence of the southern con- federacy, or it had no meaning at all. The Parental Prerogative. — Since writing the foregoing, chapters materials liave accumulated which seem to require some attention. We have already intimated that the Bible question in our common schools is only a stepping stone to more audacious claims by the papacy, but we were mistaken in supposing that they would wait until they had put the Bible entirely out of the schools before taking the next step in their programme. The reason of their haste is obvious enough. The "parental prerogative" as they term it, includes not only the Bible question in the common schools but also the school system itself, and consequently there is no need of haggling longer on the smaller question, if they can fasten the grapphng irons of the Vatican upon the school system. This th'ey can do by establishing the "parental prerogative" doctrine as understood in the Roman church. There is but one party, according to this doctrine, that has any rights and that party is the supreme Pontiff. The parent for whom supreme authority over the child is claimed without exception, is the cat's-paw in the hands of the Pope to pull the chestnuts out of the fire. Both the parent and child belong to the Pope. The child has no rights, the state has no right to interfere, not even to protect the child, and the parent has the privilege to obey and lead his child into the papal fold where he can be taught the religion of Antichrist, but not the teachings of our common schools. The civil power of this country is not yet under the authority of Rome, and consequently the common school system must be eliminated from it, that Rome may not be troubled with a power it cannot control as yet. The Syllabus Errorum promulgated by Pope Pius IX. in 1864 expressly condemns all secular education "which is separated from the catholic faith and from the power of the church." President Grant was wise in calling the attention of the present Congress to the subject of eancation. Whether he had the said syllabus in his mind or not, it will do no harm to remind the American people that their liberties are in danger. The Roman hierarchs are raising a great howl over the American system of education, and claim that their poor people are taxed for the education of the rich pro- testants' children. But who pays the taxes from which State aid is derived ? Not the poor people who have nothing n to levy taxes upon. If parents were taxed for their children instead of their property, the case might be different. But as it is, the boot is on the other leg. The *'rich" pay for the education of the poor. The poor man with half a dozen or a dozen children pays a poll-tax of two dollars per annum. For this trivial sum, which he gets for a half a day or day's work, the State on its part gives him a ballot equal in political influence to the millionaire, and agrees to protect him in " the enjoyment of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." In this the State gets the worst end of the bargain. Nor is this all. The State gets abominably cheated, because it has to pay the bills for pauperism and crime, five-sixths of which is furnished by these same poor people, who are graduated from Roman catholic institu- tions. And after all this the Roman hierarchy are not satis- fied. How much money do these poor people pay for educating the rich? Their surplus earnings go to their priests, but not a dollar to educate the children of wealthy protestants. But there is another matter in this connection, alluded to in the President's last annual message, to wit: the "untaxed church property." If this is an evil to be remedied by constitutional amendments in the nineteenth century, what may it not become in the twentieth ? Let us look into history and see what it has done for the old world, and we can better judge what it will do for the new. The accumulation of vast amounts of untaxed church property in the old world was begun in the fourth century, under the reign of Constantino the Great, who united church and state under one supreme head. The power to hold real estate was secured to the church in its own right; after which the accumulations went on increasing for centu- ries, until that institution became the great savings-bank of the then civilized %orld, with more than half the wealth of Europe under its control. Once there, it was under the directorship of the Vatican. This vast money-power could make war or peace at pleasure, — withhold or dispense crowns, — put kings and emperors under tribute, — consti- tute them fiefs of the papal crown, — divorce queens, — pardon sins, and assume God's earthly prerogatives. The war between England and France, in the thirteenth century, lagged in consequence of the depleted exchequer of both Edward and Philip, caused by the flow of so large a portion of money into the treasury of the Church, instead of that of the State ; and when these kings proposed that the Church should pay its fair proportion of war expenses for its own protection, Boniface VIII. interposed his bull from the Vatican. [See more particular account in chapter I.] Under the impetus of this money power the papal beast waxed fat and kicked. As an organization the Church had become a political machine of the most corrupt type. Its religion had become materialized, until it was all Pope and no Christ. Hence it was the work of the Eeformation of the sixteenth century to revive and reproduce the primitive Christianity of ih^Jirst, A century later it was transplanted to this continent, where it erected its majestic edifice upon the foundation stones so laboriously hewn from the quarries of scripture by the reformers, and where it has ,stood the test of time for two hundred and fifty years. Under a republican form of government the nation has become one of immense wealth, too rich to escape the avarice of the papal power, and the great problem now is how to capture and hide it under the sacerdotal rubbish of the papal system. The question then comes home to the heart and hearth- stone of every protestant in these United States : shall the country to which protestantism fled from the persecutions of Antichrist in the old world be given up without a struggle ? Our forefathers came here to rid themselves of ecclesiastical despotism, and shall their sons ignore the foundations of civil liberty, and receive to their embrace the world-renowned enemy of both civil and religious liberty ? We have done this already too long for our safety. Our hospitality has been extended to the papal church and abused by the man of sin until forbearance is no longer a virtue. Self-preservation is next in order. The audacious claim that the Pope of Rome is the rightful sovereign of all the kingdoms of the earth, virtute clavorum — by virtue of the^keys — and, consequently, an oath of allegiance to any protestant government is null and void^ 8 and better broken than kept, should be repudiated by every American citizen. Let every papist be made to understand that the very condition of his civil rights and privileges is obedience to our government — that no pope, potentate, or king has a right here on any other condition. Our government made a fatal mistake in framing a special oath for conquered rebels. It is committing political suicide in appointing officers of the army and navy, and filling other offices of trust and power in the nation with papists who owe allegiance to a foreign power. Let as strong an oath of allegiance to this government as can be framed from the English language be required, instead of back-door and mental-reservation oaths, and then let those who refuse take the back seats forthwith. If this is not done, our liberties are a myth, and only await a union of these natural allies, under the name of the democratic party, to bury republic- anism beyond the possibility of resurrection. Before closing this chapter, we will introduce a witness who is a convert from the papal priesthood to Christianity. This witness, for many years a priest in Europe, and sub- sequently in this country, during the first half of this century, is supposed to know what he testifies to, and to give us the true character of the papal church in its " mod- ified form," as is claimed by its friends in this country. We cannot accuse him of using the English language to cover up and conceal crime, as is too much the fashion with the pulpit and the press of the present age. To debauchees and libertines he attaches the titles they have earned for themselves, though clothed in clerical robes — and to pros- titutes and adulteresses he gives the names they have volun- tarily assumed, whether under a white or black veil. The eonfessional is so important an element in the papal system, that we •cannot complete our task of unmasking that system without an inside view of it. Every protestant voter in this republic should understand the true character of this institution we are tolerating and even nursing among us. Every protestant parent should be thoroughly posted in the morals of most of the teachers in the convent schools, which constitute the connecting link between popery and protestantism. Every daughter should be taught the nature and allurements of each successive step before she takes it. 9 During school everything is lovely and of the most fascinating kind for every pupil. So, also, when they enter the novitiate course everything is niade as agreeable as possible during their probation. But if a young lady takes the next step, to wit: the white veil, she takes a step towards her own destruction ; and if she advances still another de- gree and takes the black veil, she seals her own doom, and gives herself body and soul into the keeping of her confes- sor. She is obliged to go into the confessional when required, and be locked up with him alone until she yields to his desires. The lying-in-hospital and the private burying- ground will tell the story of their illicit intercourse. Let us not be misunderstood. We do not mean to say that all parties become criminals inside the confessional. There may be, and probably there are, honorable exceptions, but the exceptions do not destroy the rule nor alter the the law of the infallible church. " Romanism as it was and as it is," a book written by William Hogan, Esq. some two or three decades since, turns inside out the "auricular confessional." Having been a catholic priest himself, before his conversion to Christianity, his testimony is of the most positive and well-informed kind. He quotes from the rules of the papal church, which are obligatory on every priest, but which the outside world know nothing about. From that code of laws he gives us the questions intended to be used in the confessional, and which the priest uses with hi^ female penitents only. As the Douay testament was a translation to exactly fit the hie- rarclial system and ^nce versa, we have the key to the whole system. Mr. Hogan gives us a full description of the con- fessional and its workings, the substance of which we give in our own language, retaining the vigor but toning down the expression. The confessional is a small ante-room in the rear of, or contiguous to, the altar. In it, the wafers, which are made of flour and water, are kept, and the confessor keeps the key. These wafers are turned into the " real body of Christ," which is called " transubstantiation." Into this room, or " box," as Mr. Hogan terms it, only one penitent is ever permitted to enter at a time, when the confessor locks the door and puts the key in his pocket. Every one 10 who goes to confession is obliged to answer all questions put to him or her, or be eternally damned. If the penitent is a female, the questions appropriate to her sex are put to her by the confessor, not as man, but as God. Entering the confessional as God he can commit no sin himself, and, moreover, can absolve his victim from her sin. The ques- tions are too infamous and licentious to be recorded here, and will therefore be omitted. They are a disgrace to any place but a house of prostitution, and are calculated to debauch the mind of any one who believes in the infallibility of the church or its priesthood. Mr. Hogan further informs us that, as adjuncts to these dens of iniquity, there is usually attached a "lying-in hospi- tal, and a burying ground," consecrated of course after the most approved pattern of the infallihle church. When a nun becomes a mother, the little innocent bastard is privately baptized and strangled, its body buried out of sight, and its soul sent straight up to heaven. The seduced mother is often poisoned to death and laid by the side of her murdered child, and the debauchee confessor is ready for another victim. When adultery is committed with a married woman whose husband is living, the offspring is permitted to live, and as the confessor and the mother are both sworn to secrecy, the husband becomes the legal guardian of the child that his adulterous wife has forced upon him for support ! Of course this is all right, as God in the confessional has pardoned the adultery of the wife. Mr. Hogan cites cases in proof of all his statements of which he himself was not an eye witness. This mainspring of the papal system is a sort of compromise between the Pope and the Devil. The laws of celibacy issued from the Vatican were satisfactory to the priesthood, inasmuch as they abrogated the law of God as recorded in I. Tim. 3:2; "A bishop must be blameless, the HUSBAND OF ONE WIFE," &c., but wcre not satisfactory, in- asmuch as they deprived pope, cardinal, bishop and priest of a wife, with nothing for a substitute. Under these circum- stances the devil invented an improved edition of the "auric- ular confessional" as an amendment to the celibacy laws, which was accepted by the whole priesthood as entirely satisfactory, inasmuch as it abrogated another law of God, 11 to "wit : the seventh commandment, delivered to Moses by God himself on Mount Sinai and has" never since been repealed, except in the infallible papal church. THE LEGITIMATE FRUITS OF THE C0MBINATI0:N'. Having dissected "the political trinity of despotism " and examined each separately, let us consider the legitimate fruits of the combination of these elements, in this American Republic. It does not require the spirit of prophecy to affirm that the horse will neigh, or that the lion will roar, -or that the bull will bellow. It is the nature of these beasts to do so, and putting all into one fold will only develop their natures, not destroy them. So with the elements of despot- ism we find in our republic. Should we put the adminis- trative powers of the government into their hands for the next four or more years, some things will be as sure to follow as effect is to follow cause. Every tree will bear fruit of its kind. 1. The late slave masters would claim pay for all the slaves emancipated by the late war. Not to pay their slaves for their lives of unrequited toil, for not one dime would they get, but to pay the master for their wicked investments in the bodies and souls of men. Of course the Freedmen would be taxed their share to pay this little bill ! Look at it ! ye voters. You have paid your masters for their in- vestments many times over in hard work, and your wives by their increase. But they are not satisfied until they get it again in hard cash from the United States treasury, of which you are among the proprietors. 2. The second item for which this combination would be likely to clamor, is the issuing of United States bonds in exchange for Confederate bonds, and placing them both on the same level. This would be the same thing, in a round- about way, as paying the rebejt war debt, or promising to pay it, without the slightest intention of ever redeeming the promise. 3. The losses and destruction of property during the war, other than slave property, including Sherman's march to the sea. The claims for losses are already shadowed 12 forth in the democratic House of Representatives as an entering wedge to the whole. 4. The fourth thing to be met, in case these powers combine and succeed, is the pensioning the rebel soldiers and placing them in the same category with our Union soldiers. The above four propositions, you will observe, are all in the interest of the first two elements of this political trinity. The last one, to wit : the papacy, must be provided for or the conspiracy fails ; for be it remembered that the j^r5^ thing to be done by the combination is to get full possession of the government, and the second is to divide the spoils so as to satisfy the three factors. 5. The fifth thing to be done then is to give the papal church the share of 'the spoils belonging to it. This is the lion's share, as the democracy will find out, after it is too late. The Vatican makes moderate demands at first, but the time will soon come when it will tolerate no partners in power. Its demands are always in proportion to the power at command to enforce them. The Bible out of our com- mon schools — the school system itself under the control of papists — a liberal supply of public funds to papal institu- tions — untaxed church property — the police forces of all our largest cities under the control of the Roman priests — a large majority of the officers of the army and navy acknowledging supreme allegiance to a foreign potentate — the priests forming and driUing military companies in the papal churches — the building of the most expensive churches and cathedrals in our land, and especialjy at the South for colored voters and their families — these and other thinojs are already in progress and only await a change of administra- tion to be consummated. But the papal church will not wait the slow process of political action. It has already a commission on its way to Europe to employ papal teachers to come over to this country and reap the fields already white for the harvest. We have, moreover, seen that the Pope expressly condemns all secular education " which is separated from the Catholic faith and from the power of the church." Their chil- dren must be trained to know nothing but the CHURCH. Let us now for a moment glance at the situation. These paragons of despotism tried the sword and failed. Instead 13 of capturing the government, they lost slavery. Now they are trying another plan, and they are far advan'ced in its execution. Our mistaken politicians have relieved most of the ex-rebels of their political disabilities, and, as a reward, the latter are sent to Congress to make laws for the nation ! They have a majority already in the popular branch, and the Union soldiers have had to give place to ex-rebels, who have been conquered but not subdued. This is only a straw which shows the way of the wind, but the political tornado which is to sweep over the country under democratic rule, for which they are now intriguing, will sweep every repub- lican out of office, every colored American into slavery, and saddle a national debt upon posterity which will foot up nearer ten thousand millions than hvo. If any man, colored or white, contemplates voting a democratic ticket next Fall, let him consider seriously the responsibility he incurs by depositing his sovereignty in the hands of such a combina- tion for the next four years. The things in embryo we have enumerated may not be demanded in the same order we have recorded them. Probably they will not. The smaller ones which require congressional action will be brought forward to pave the way for the larger. Indeed, some of them are already before Congress, and a strong lobby pressure is brought to bear upon the ex-rebel members. The fact that the repub- licans have yet a majority in the Senate may save the country at least $100,000,000 this session. The majority of the democratic House clamor for a reduction of expenses of some $40,000,000 — but put in Southern claims of five times that amount. But there is another thing of which we may be sure. If this corrupt combination should succeed in controlHng the money chest of the nation for the next four years, and if they succeed in paying off the claims we have enumerated above, by which our national debt would be quadrupled at least, if not quintupled, then that would be the point of repudiation. It would be the acme of the democratic edifice, "to the victors belong the spoils," and the national debt might follow the "niggers" and the constitution to the devil. It would not matter a picayune who occupied the presidential chair. The party would rule him if he were the angel Gabriel, and the pope would rule the party. 14 Let us not forget that the papal church of America is the ground work of the democratic party, and that its head is in Rome. Eliminate from that party the papal element, and the remainder would not constitute a political factor worth mentioning. Let us not forget in the second place, that said church is pushing for political power in this country, and has cun- ningly allied itself with this party in which are concentrated all the elements most hostile to our liberties. The banns were duly solemnized at the national democratic convention, recently held at St. Louis, where a representative of the Vatican' officiated as chaplain. Let us not forget in the last place that our greatest point of danger is in the- Southern States, once the seat of the slave 'power ^ but now the objective point of the 'papal 'power ^ for tho destruction of the republic and the substitution of a papal despotism. Beware of this political trinity of des- potism, and send all corrupt politicians, of whichever party, to the rear. Nor should we ignore the fact that the repub- lican party is honeycombed with military men demoralized by the very war that emancipated the slave. But let it reform and live, or cling to the ring rascals and die. Judo^ins: from its doino^s at the late Cincinnati convention ... it is on the straight road to reformation. Unlike the demo- cratic party, it has, in the past, paid some attention to its professions, and we have a right to expect, nay, demand fidelity to republican liberty, from the fact that it is chiefly made up of protestants. And this brings us to the great question, what are protestaut republicans doing to meet the encroachments of papal despotism? The papal forces are concentrating their power on our weakest point, which we have already said is the South, where the danger lies. The protestant forces, with the exception of a half manned and half endowed missionary society or two, "are busy here and there," suffering the chief point of attack to be exposed. New England is well provided with schools, colleges, and churches, the great West is partially so, but the South is to- day suffering criminal neglect. If the general of an army should thus conduct a campaign he would be immediately cashiered and sent to the rear. We would ask with all deference to the faithfulness of these struggling societies, 15 what headway can they be expected to make against the combined forces of the sham-democracy, the old slave oligarchy, and the corrupt papacy, all sandwiched with intemperance, licentiousness, profanity, murder, disloyalty, ignorance, infidelity, lawlessness, and the like. The Freed- men can do much towards maintaining their liberties, by voting for the republican party, but the churches can do more by infusing into it those stern old puritan principles which harmonized voting and praying, principles which never would admit a christian citizen to pray for good rulers and vote for bad ones. Let us now review the whole question, and see what is to be done. The papal church, as an organization, is a unit which embraces both continents. Where a great battle is to be fought it has the wisdom to mass its forces at the weakest point of its antagonist, and use such political instruments as it can command. In this country the weakest point is the late slave states, and its political machine, the democratic party. Despotism is cunning enough to nominate its figure- heads, with which to catch votes, from the ranks of its adversaries, and cry reform ! reform ! before election, which means nothing of the kind after the close of the polls. On the other hand, protestantism and republicanism are twin cherries of the same stock. Their principles are in harmony, but their forces are scattered. Protestants are divided into sects, but unlike the divisions of an army, they have no head. Each division fights on its own hook, with- out concert of action, and when attacked by a well-organized enemy, its defeat is all but certain. Look at our weakest point, in the South. Protestantism bas^ a few missionary societies, half endowed, half manned, half supported — struggling for very life, while its political ally is busy here and there with railroad schemes, Freed- men's National Banks, and such like financial swindles. Now let the national government deal justly with the depositors in the late Freedmen's Bank, and pay them back their money, with interest, whether they can recover it from the thieves that stole it or not. Let the republican party pledge itself to this measure and send its corrupt politicians to the rear. Then it may save the Freedmen's votes, but not till then. Let protestantism back the party, and the work is done. 16 One word more in regard to the Freedmen's Savings Bank and we are done. While it was located in New York under its original charter, with a Board of Directors of honest men, its business appears to have been conducted strictly in accordance with mercantile honor. But after its removal to Washington, it was manipulated by a ring of rascals, its charter amended by Congress, to suit the ring, which amendments opened the doors to corruption and made easy the stealing of its funds. Some fifty odd millions of their deposits have been paid back to the depositors, but when the ring at Washington had brought the institution to bankruptcy, about three millions of the money of the Freed- men still remained on deposit. Now then we say it is the plain duty of the 'United States government to see every dollar of this money paid to the depositors with interest, no matter how much or how little it can get out of the assets of the bank or the rascals. By amending the charter as it did. Congress made the government morally, if not legally re- sponsible to the depositors. Since the above was written a new development of papal despotism has appeared in St. Mary's Church, Cambridge- port, Mass. The autocrat of that pulpit issued an edict that no fans should be brought into the church, and placed a guard at the door to enforce it. One pew-holder, more jealous of his rights than the rest, refused obedience, took his seat as usual, ladies, fans and all ; and refusing a second time to deliver up the obnoxious article, was seized by the pious fraud, who descended from the pulpit for the purpose. The pew being more than a match for the pulpit in a hand to hand fight, the latter called for assistance, which was rendered, and the offender, after a hard struggle, was f ut out of the church. In this melee the priest of course did not act in the official capacity of spiritual advisor, after he came down from the pulpit, but as captain of the military company he had organized ; although in his haste he forgot to put off his clerical robes and put on his military costume. Orders for tliis tract should be addressed to the "Prin- ciPiA Club, box 104, Cambridge, Mass." Price, $5,00 per hundred, or $30,00 per thousand. Tract IsTo. 3. — 16 Phages, Despotism vs. Republicanism. FOURTH CHAPTEK FKOM VATICANISM UNMASKED; OK, ROMANISM IN THE UNITED STATES. BY A PURITAN OP THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. CAMBRIDGE, MASS.: PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCIPIA CLUB. 1876. DESPOTISM VS. REPUBLICANISM God's plan for opening the eyes of tlie American people to the real danger to their liberties, has by the logic of events and the overruling of second causes, so rapidly devel- oped into history since the publication of the first edition of " The Political Trinity of Despotism," that the Principia Club finds it necessary to issue another number of their tracts, embracing some further progress of THE GKEAT BATTLE BETWEEN DESPOTISM AND KErUBLICANISM. Two and a half centuries ago Republicanism set up in business for herself on this continent. Politically speaking the first element of despotism she encountered was the slave power in the democratic party which was not conquered until the seventh decade of the present century. The party itself first fell by the ballot — the slave power afterwards by the bullet and bayonet. These successive defeats alarmed the papal power — the most powerful element of tlie three — which immediately came to the rescue of her defeated allies. As at present reorganized the democratic party is making the most desperate efforts to put republicanism on the defen- sive ; and by fraud and violence take possession of the gov- ernmental machinery and divide the spoils. In this tragic scene the papacy will play an active part — some times in her sacerdotal robes and at other times in military or politi- cal costume as circumstances may require. The truth of these propositions will appear in the following pages. " The Hamburg Massacre in South Carolina," is familiar to all newspaper readers and we need not, in this place, go into the particulars. 'The " Regulators " whose special mission appears to be to " keep the negroes in their place," murdered in cold blood without the least provocation nearly a half score of negroes. This brought out the following from their survivors in Charleston, S. C. The address, after narrating the events of the massacre, says : " We protest against these men, and their aiders and abettors, and, in the name of the majesty of law and order, we demand that Governor Chamberlain shall at once invoke all the powers of this state to bring M. C. Butler and his clan to justice, and that no naeaus or treasure be spared to punish these criminals. And we invoke the consideration of this whole nation, and the powers of the Federal Gov- ernment, to see to it that the great principles of equal jus- tice before the law, and equal protection under this Govern- ment, be maintained throughout this nation, so that safety to life and property, and the ri^ht to vote as conscience shall dictate to every citizen, shall be forever secured to all throughout this broad land." Failing to procure such protection as is needed, the ad- dress proceeds to say what they will do, as follows: " We tell you that it will not do to go too far in this thinor — remember that there are 80,000 black men in this state that can bear Winchester rifles, and know how to use them, and that there are 200,000 women, who can light a torch and use the knife, and that there are 100,000 boys and girls who have not known the lash of a white master, who have tasted freedom once and forever, and that there is a deep determination never, so help their God, to submit to be shot by lawless regulators for no crimes committed against society and law." The wonderful grace and patience which has thus far restrained the Freedmen from usino^ their " AVinchester rifles " under such unheard of provocation, is a marvel in human society. If M. C. Butler, the bellwether murderer, and his crew are not brought to justice by the state author- ities, they ought to be taken in hand by the strong arm of the nation. It is high time the American citizen should be protected in his rights to ^' life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." Our colored citizens used their rifles effectively to save the life of the nation, and if the nation can not or will not protect their lives, they had better use the rifles again to protect themselves. Who can say nay ? Since the Hamburg massacre the South Carolina regula- tors have adopted a somewhat modified policy by taking possession of republican meetings and running the machine in the interest of spurious democracy, in the name of free discussion, equal rights (all on one side of course,) &c., &c. How long are the majority to wait, in order to find out whether they are to be protected by law from a lawless banditti? Let the trio of despotism try it* on in Massachu- setts and see how they come out. The late democratic triumph in Alabama is another spec- imen of democratic rule. At a democratic ratification meeting in Mobile, the chairman of the *' Democratic State Committee," said that '* the election was peaceable and quiet, not a disturbance of any magnitude marred our day of triumph." But the speaker omitted to tell his hearers why it was so " peaceable and quiet." Probably they knew, but for the benefit of those who may not know, we will supply the omission. In all the Southern States where the negro voters are in a majority, one plan is, to surround the ballot box with a circle of " Regulators " ten or twelve deep, armed with pistols and bowie knives, with a passage-way of ingress and egress of sufficient width for one man only to pass at a time. This passage-way is strictly guarded and no "nigger" is allowed to enter it on his way to the ballot-box with a republican ticket. Some are induced by threats and intimidations to take a democratic ticket and put it into the ballot-box to the infinite delight of the candidates for hades. We have this key to the democratic victories in the South from undoubted authority and from witnesses who cannot be impeached. We have still another specimen of the programme of the democratic regulators, which may pass more current in some localities. The Hayneville, Alabama Examiner, has the»kindness to inform us of another way to get rid of re- publican majorities, which ought to be at once patented, for it enabled the democratic party to roll up 40,000 majority in that State at the last election, with peace and quietness, without shootino^ a negro. "The true and good men of Collerine, not wishing to be servants of the radical party by sitting down all day, just to receive the votes 300 or 400 negroes were anxious to cast against the peace and welfare of the State, wisely concluded last Monday that if the radical negroes wanted to have an election they might hold it themselves; and if they didn't have sense enough to hold it they didn't have sense enough to vote at all, and therefore the county would be all the better for it. This was a just and sensible conclusion, for nothing can be more foolish and ridiculous than for men to aid this villaiious party to carry out its schemes of plunder by acting as their ageuts to gather in the votes of a blinded and prejudiced people. And no man who has carefully thought over the matter would be guilty of such a crime against God and his family if he could help himself. There- fore, the patriots of Collerine are hereby thanked for the splendid manner in which they struck at carpet-bagger and negro rule in this State." From another source we advance still further into " the true inwardness of the Alabama election." The Cincinnati Commercial has a letter from H. V. Redfield, in which we find the following utterances of the democratic press of that state. " I spoke of the large democratic gains through *' mild in- timidation," meaning an intimidation of less degree than shot-gun arguments. I have the Tuscaloosa (Ala.) Times of last Wednesday. In a previous issue the editor stated that two colored men — giving their names — had voted for the democrats. Here is the handsome manner in which he " takes it back : " " We Take it Back. — We stated in our last issue, upon what we regarded as reliable authority, that Jeff Wilson and Israel Carson both voted the democratic ticket at the recent election. We have since heard that neither of them did anything of the sort. Jeff is said to be one of the most im- pertinent negroes in town, and Israel is just fool enough to be manipulated by 'Squire Stone and other similar lying and thieving negro scoundrels." No doubt if Jeff had voted the democratic ticket he would not have been classed as " one of the most imperti- nent negroes in town." And " 'Squire Stone" might escape being called a lying and thieving scoundrel if he would only vote the democratic ticket. This sort of thing, with which the country press of Ala. bama is unfortunately filled, is what I call *' mild intimida- tion," though the reader may not consider it so very mild, after all. The Tuscaloosa colored drayman gets this simple notice, but it has a world of meaning. " Alec, the drayman, did not vote at the recent election." And a colored man who gets his living by painting gets this notice, pregnant with meaning : " Bill Buck is^an excellent painter, — he voted the demo- cratic ticket." Had he voted with the republicans he would no doubt be referred to as a Iving and thieving scoundrel, whose paint- ing wasn't worth a cent. It seems there are two *' chicken peddlers " in Tuscaloosa, one white and the other black, and they get this local notice: " Redd, the white chicken peddler, voted the democratic ticket. Daniel, the black peddler, was a radical ringleader on election day." A delicate insinuation, indeed, as the best man of whom to buy chickens. When Texas was clamoring for admission, as a slave state, to the union, she was denominated the " valley of ras- cals." Since her admission into the family of states she is supposed to have reformed, but it now appears that her '' reform " is of the democratic pattern. The Boston Daily Advertiser of Aug. 21, has the following item: " Professor James Gilliard, colored, a graduate of Oberlin University and late of this city, was murdered recently in Texas, his offence being that his horse interfered with a game of base ball by stopping the ball. He was shot." If a tvhite man's horse had stopped the ball of black men, the latter would have been shot for the indignity to a white man's horse, in rolling their ball against his hoof! This addition to the crimes punishable with death, may be new to some people. But black republicans are of no account in the valley of rascals, for they can't be trusted to vote the democratic ticket and therefore must be shot at sight. Another way of getting rid of black republican votes is the starving out plan. In Barnwell, S. C, according to the Charleston Journal of Commerce, the farmers are forming clubs that ''will no longer give aid of any kind to such as vote the radical ticket." If the negroes had a Moses to lead them out of Egypt, the poor white trash would have to hoe their own corn and dig their own potatoes or starve. In Louisiana another mode of intimidating is resorted to to keep the black republicans from the polls. Pinchback is speaking in Indiana for the republicans. In a recent interview he stated that the white-liners are making active and determined efforts to carry every southern state at the ensuing elections. He said that they had planned out a complete system of intimidation, going so far as to organize riHe companies in every parish. This line of action was very general, especially in Louisiana. It was his opin- ion that it was not intended to bring these companies into action, yet their existence was regarded by the blacks as a formidable menace to them to stay away from the polls, or, if present, to vote the democratic ticket. It was his deliberate opinion that if permitted to express their free judgment and inclination ninety-nine out of every hundred blacks wili vote for Hayes and Wheeler, and at least four states would cast their electoral votes for the republican candidates. The poor, ignorant "white trash" of the South have neither brains nor intelligence to discover that the colored people have some rights the white man is bound to respect. Indeed the " white liners" who claim to occupy a higher plane of intelligence than the blacks, have yet to learn that the shot-gun argument is a game that two can play at, and so sure as they continue it, until the blacks meet them on their own chosen ground with their own chosen weapons, they will get more than they bargained for. But the democratic party has another baby in its cradle more troublesome than the " rag-baby " which was so easily rocked to sleep at Saratoga — and more turbulent and man- datory than the negroes, to wit, the third factor in the Trinity. Senator Thurman is reported to have said a few days ago that " The d — d priests have overdone the thing by stickinoj their noses into our politics ; and they deserve to be beaten, to teach them their place. The Democracy only have themselves to blame in submittino; to the demands of the priests in the way they did. It was unfortunate, indeed, that the Catholic question was lugged into the campaign. The Democracy was the only party that ever did any thing for the Catholics, and it would seem that the more that is done for them the more they will demand. Their arrogance is insufferable, and as we shall be defeated anyway, I hope it will hereafter teach these meddlesome priests a lesson that they will understand — that is, to let politics alone. I, for one, don't propose to stand any further nonsense frona these fellows." 8 If the Cleveland reporter is correct, it is evident that one democrat at least sees that his party is fair game for the satellites of the Vatican. The warp and most of the woof of the democratic party are Roman Catholics, and Senator Thurman is correct in saying that " the Democracy was the only party that ever did any thing for the Catholics/* It is true however, whether he said it or not, and it is also true that " the more that is done for them the more they will demand," as the party will find out in due time. Congress- man Seeley is reported to have said, "Two dangers beset us in questions of religion in the schools. One is letting it alone and allowing education to slip into the hands of the Catholic priesthood. The other is taking away the Bible from the schools and making them altogether secular. The first means delivering posterity, body and soul, into the hands of the Romists ; the second means destruction to our system of education." In the last Congress it was proposed to amend the Con- stitution, concerning religion and the common schools, as follows : " No state shall make any law respecting an establish- ment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and no religious test shall be required as a qualification to any ofiice or public trust under any state ; no public prop- erty and no public revenue, nor any loan or credit by or under authority of the United States or any state, territory, district or municipal corporation shall be appropriated to, or made or used for, the support of any school, educational, or other institution, under control of any religious or anti-relig- ious sect, organization or denomination, or wherein the par- ticular creed or tenets of any religious or anti-religious sect, organization or denomination shall be taught, and no such particular creed or tenets shall be read or taught in any school or institution supported in whole or part by such revenue or loan of credit, and no such appropriation or loan of credit shall be made to any religious or anti-religious sect, organization, or denomination, to promote its interests or tenets. This article shall not be construed to prohibit the reading of the Bible in any school or institution, and it shall not have effect to impair rights of property already vested. Sect. 2. Congress shall have ])ower by appropri- ate legislation to provide for the prevention and punish- ment of violations of this article." While this was pending the Roman Catholic priesthood rallied around their democratic allies in Conorress and de- manded that the proposed amendment should be snuffed out and it was of course done. If this can be done by a major- ity of the U. S. House of Representatives, in obedience to the demands of the Vatican, what may we not expect if the whole political and money power of the nation is put into the hands of the corrupt democracy under the iron despot- ism of papal Rome. Be it remembered that a majority of the last House of Representatives are ex-rebels, who fought four years to destroy the republic and substitute a despo- tism, and failed — but who were magnanimously forgiven and restored to citizenship, which privilege they with their constituents and papal allies are now using to capture the government by the ballot and the bullet. There is another witness we wish to introduce, to wit, the Rev. W. C. Van Meter, a missionary in Rome. In present- ing his claims as a missionary, to the First Baptist Church in Springfield, Mass., in July last, he said " that Roman Catholicism is a curse wherever found . . . that this republic is under its curse and therefore its priests would not allow the bells of its churches to be rung in commemo- ration of our National Centennial. But if a second St. Bar- tholomew were possible, if an edict silencing every Protes- tant pulpit in the land, and disbanding every Sunday School were possible, then the cathedral bells would ring right mer- rily, and the Pope himself, old infallibility, the old man of sin, he who sits in Satan's seat, under a canopy of peacock feathers, fit emblem of his mind, would rejoice greatly." This is spoken of by some of the democratic papers as '• a bitter denunciation of the Roman Catholic Church." Mr. Van Meter states a fact that nobody denies, viz., that the bells on the Catholic churches were not allowed to be rung in commemoration of our National Centennial. He then states a case where and when they would be rung right merrily, it such a case were possible. Now then who denies or doubts that, if the papal power, with the help of their allies could and should " silence every Protestant pulpit in the land," the bells on the Catholic churches would be made 10 to ring their merriest peals, while Te Deums would be sung from Rome to the bottomless pit. Again, at the National Sunday School convention held at Fair Point, N. Y., in July, " Dr. Hatfield spoke of the perils of our youth, and his remarks were the feature of the day. One of these perils was ignorance, especially the ignorance of voters. Another was the growing influence of the church of Rome, which was still asserted to be an inveterate and consistent enemy of civil and religious liberty. She claimed the right to coerce civil powers to obey the dictates of the mother church. It was Father Hecker's boast that within fifteen years the Catholics would have control of the United States government:" " Father Hecker," is a little more sanguine in regard to the time of gaining possession of the United States govern- ment than some of his brother priests. He sets' it at fifteen years, while " Father Scully," of St. Mary's Church, Cam- bridgeport, Mass., who is drilling a military company for future use, magnanimously allows us poor Protestants until nineteen hundred to make our peace with the Pope! One of the most truthful and comprehensive utterances of our public men is contained in a speech of Senator Sher- man, which has been printed in capitals in some of our daily papers, and is as follows : " And now the very men who fought and voted to break up this Union, now under the same name and organization, still calling itself democratic, appeal to your generosity to surrender to them all the great powers of the government, they ask to administer its laws, control its revenues, and to mould its policy at home and abroad. Both of their candi- dates, though living in the North, opposed every measure of the war, all the movements to organize the army that beat down the rebellion, and all the safeguards adapted to secure the results of our victory. The men they would bring into the chief places of the government are those who led the rebel armies or who frowned and complained in the north. The same states that passed and maintained ordinances of secession are the main strength of this coalition. — Senator Sherman, Parson Brownlow wrote to the Tennessee Republican Convention : " The American people are not yet ready to 11 • see their National" Government turned over to the tender mercies of the Hamburg-Secession-Repudiating-Democracy ; but, in November, will hurl this nefarious, God-forsaken, hell-deserving old party to that political perdition which it richly merits." The Mobile Register, the leading democratic paper in the state of Alabama, and one of the leading journals in the South says " The grave question to be settled is : What is to he done with the negro as a voter ? Sooner or later, with more or less despatch, he will be disfranchised and thrust out of politics. He must go, and there is no profit in stand- ing long upon the order of his going. When the reorganized democracy of 1876 goes into office each State shall be al- lowed to settle this and all other social and domestic issues for itself and in its own way." This is undoubtedly the universal sentiment of the South- ern democratic press. Let us translate it into plain Saxon English so that a northerner though a fool need not err therein. The "reorganized democracy of 1876," means " the political trinity of despotism,'^ which is the title of our tract No. 1. It means that or nothing. The party stands like a stool on three legs. Knock out either of them and it falls. The northern democrats are mere bobs to the south- ern kite. The novices of the party like Charles Francis Adams, Geo. Ticknor Curtis and others of that stripe will have to follow, not lead. The older democrats such as Tilden, Hendricks and the like will be used as figure-heads, but driven with a curb rein, in the hands of their southern allies. " The negro voter." says the Mobile Register," "will be disfranchised and thrust out of politics." To " thrust'' the negro " out of politics" will only require the southern state rights doctrine to be thrust in, so that each state shall be allowed to settle THIS and all other social and domestic issues for itself and in its own way." This claim the old slave power always maintained under a false construction of the constitution. That is to say. They construed the con- stitution in favor of slavery, while the north, (excepting the pro-slavery democracy) construed it in favor of freedom. Hence the necessity for the thirteenth, fourteenth and fif- teenth amendments to the constitution, which, if not re- pealed, will become a dead letter under a democratic admin- 12 istration, and this is WHAT "REFORM" MEANS IN THE RECONSTRUCTED STATES. It is the old trick of the slave power revived, backed by the papal power. It is the junus-faced policy that worked so well for the des- potism of slayery. Reform is one thing at the south, but another thing at the north. At the south it means just what the Mobile Register says " is to be done with the negro as a voter," and that is, to " be disfranchised and thrust out of politics," or in other words to be again reduced to slavery ! And this is southern democratic reform ! ! Reform at the north means to turn out the Republicans and take possession of the spoils which, according to democratic doctrine, belong to the victors. But gentlemen the republican party is abundantly able to reform its own corruptionists or send them to the rear, as has been abundantly demonstrated. If its backsliders see fit to jump from the frying pan into the fire, and join the democratic party they can do so, but they will find corrup- tion in it, as ten to one. There a few old fossils, verdant youth, and degenerate ^ons of noble republican fathers (whose nobility ends with the sons,) who will take the polit- ically fatal leap. But the compensation to the republican party for this loss, will be a better class of men from the other side, who are disgusted with the fare in the democratic camp. What shall we say of northern democrats who stand god- fathers to such elements of despotism as we have been describing. Surely posterity will hold them responsible for apologizing for, and keeping in countenance the M. C. But- lers of their party, who murder in cold blood their fellow citizens because ihey were created with a black skin instead of white, but whose character stands much higher in the scale of morals. To say that they sin ignorantly is paying a very poor compliment to their intelligence, when every newspaper reader knows that the half is not told in our tract. To say that they sin wittingly is to inscribe on each of their politi- cal tombstones — "here lays an enemy of republican liberty — a friend of papal despotism — a particeps criminis in sham democracy." Nor will it mend matters to point to an occa- sional good man in the party, for that would be making the 13 exceptions the rule. These men do not direct the party but the party drives them, whithersoever it pleases. What decent man can lend his influence to such a pack of consummate hypocrites as were unkenneled at the late convention at Saratoga and denominated the democratic party of New York. They enter a farcical protest against the' U. S. Government for sending bayonets enough into the South to protect its citizens in the use of the ballot, which the constitution puts into their hands. These pinks of de- mocracy say it is " with a view to intimidate the people and control their elections," but they know as well as we do that the bayonets are to intimidate the intimidators who use the shot-gun argument and guard the ballot box with bowie knife and pistol to keep republicans from voting at all, if they have a dark skin. But these pattern democrats have not one word of con- demnation for the shot-gun regulators, the Butler murderers or the Hamburg massacres. And why ? Simply because the crimes are perpetrated in the interest of the papal de- mocracy. In the papal church where many of these demo- crats were brought up, it never was a crime to murder a heretic, provided it was done in the interest and name of the church. So in the democratic party in the south, it is no crime to kill a colored republican for it leaves the party one less vote to overcome, for every republican voter they kill. The question of finance is an important question to the business interests of the country, but after all we submit that there is one question underlying all others of still greater importance, and that is whether, after the next pres- idential election, we are to live under a despotism or a re- publican fomi of government. The business and property interests of this country would be a very different thing under a despotism from what they now are. It wouldn't matter much whether we had, for currency, gold dollars or rag-babies, if we had no control over either of them. The whole Boss Tweed crowd of Tildens HofFmans, Morriseys, and Kelleys would not improve our finances much. The Hoffinans would address from the steps of our City Halls, the negro-shooters, and the Butler murderers as "my friends," as in the 1863 riots to stop the draft to put down 14 the rebellion. The Tildens and others of the same crowd would deed public property by the miUion to the papal church for votes to keep them in office as was done in New York city after the war, imless they have reformed. If there is a scintilla of evidence of reformation we will take back in our next tract what we have said in that direction. But what gives the papacy so much political power 'in this republic ? Why is that power courted as an ally by the democracy and slaveocracy ? Has she votes ? Let us see. It is well known that the slave power of this country, though in a hopeless minority, ruled the nation politically for a generation previous to emancipation. Who can say the papal power may not do the same thing. Our republic is very nearly equally divided into two natural political elements, republicans and democrats. At the last presiden- tial election the vote was 6,431,740, of which the republi- cans had 3,597,670, and the democrats 2,834,070, leaving a difference between the two parties of 763,600. The whole population of the United States is nearly or quite 40,000,000 of which 10,000,000, are Roman Catholics. The same pro- portion of voters among the papists gives them over a million and a half. The papal church of America has then to-day a balance of political power, aqd three quarters of a million of votes to spare. Their policy is to work quietly at the polls and make no political demonstration until they are still stronger, but obtain possession of the offices as fast as possible. They beo^an with the great financial centre of the nation, and we have seen how successful they have been thus far. The more cautious among them dare not yet make a public bid for the presidential chair, for fear of forc- ing a combination of protestants against them from both political parties. Let the sham democracy stop the manufacture of " bloody shirts," if they don't want republicans to hold them up to the gaze of the civilized world. At a mass meeting of the republicans of Massachusetts, held at Worcester, on the 4th of Sept., Hon. Geo. F. Hoar made a speech in which he makes the following statements : '• In the republican convention which met in New Orleans in 1868, unarmed and defenceless, 200 men were slain in cold blood hv democrats. In 1868 more than 2000 mur- 15 ders were committed in the same State, and in counties which had given six months before thousands of repubhcan majority, not a vote was cast for General Grant. In 1872 the same thing was repeated. ^ 1873 came the Colfax massacre, where a party of pea^able citizens being sum- moned by the sheriff of the county to appear as a posse qpmitatiis to enable him to assert his title to othce, every one of whom would have been subject to an indictment at common law if he had refused to obey, were besieged. in the court-house of their county. The lives of one or two rebels alone of the whole number being lost, the court-=liouse was set on fire over their heads, and when they came out from under its blazing rafters with a flag of truce, they were surrounded by the democrats of that county and promised if they would surrender peaceably they should be taken a little way and have their lives spared. A procession was formed. I looked in the faces of some of the men who took part in that deed in New Orleans two years next win- ter, — a procession was formed, every two negroes followed by two mounted white men. They were taken a mile or two to a lonely place in the woods, and there, at the word of command, every one of those rnen were put to death ; — those thirty-seven bodies were found in a pile, with a bullet hole in the back of the head in the instance of every one." Mr. Hoar was a member of a Congressional committee of investigation which brought out these facts, and knows whereof he affirms. This shows that the great conspiracy against our liberties, some of the evidences of which we have grouped together, was formed as early as 1868. It will be seen that the more recent developments we have recorded are simply the carrying out of the same plan. At the nominating convention on the succeeding day. Senator Boutwell, after enumerating several of the south- ern states which had been seized, and were now held by fraud and violence by the democratic party truly said : " We granted to twelve million white people, who had forfeited every political right, all that we claimed for our- selves ; and we granted to four milUon black people those rights, and those only, which they had earned by their early and constant exhibition of loyalty to the government, and by their services and sacrifices in the war for its preserva- tion." 16 /4) # "This is the grave question which now concerns the country. This is the question of questions, which the American people have n^er been called to consider until now — whether by and thmugh a usurpation begun and car- ried on in States by organized bodies of armed men the government of the United States can be seized under the forms of law by the leader of a minority." On the 6th of September the democratic convention met in the same city. It embraced some of the disappointed republicans — degenerate sons of better blood — who were pacified with the sugar coated pill of a nomination in the party which embraces all the i ebel element of the country. In looking over the speeches and resolutions, we do not find one word of condemnation of their southern allies who shoot republicans to keep them from voting, but we find a great deal of condemnation of republicans who hold up the " blody shirts " made, endorsed and approved by democrats. They laud the democratic rebels in Congress for cutting down the expenses of the government $30,000,000, but say not one word of the hundreds of millions of dollars voted and to be voted to southern claimants for fictitious claims which the republican party has over and over rejected. These pattern democrats and renegade republicans, hold the republican party responsible for the war debt, but forget that there would have been no debt of that kind if there had been no democratic party to co-operate with the slave power, which made the war. They also lay upon the broad shoulders of the republican party the shrinkage of values, the depression in business, and the distress in mercantile circles, but do not even hint that the same state of things exists in all the principal countries of Europe, and is therefore the effect of other causes, not under the control of the republican party of America. O tempora ! O mores ! 2®^ Orders for No. 1, " The Political Trinity of Despotism;" or Xo. 2, "Despotism vs. Republicanism," 16 pp. each, should be addressed, The Principia Club, P. O. Box, 104 Cambridge, Mass., or to A. Williams •& Co., Boston, Mass. Price of each $30 per thousand. 75 CHAPTER V. Having pointed out the dangers to the perpetuity of this republic, it only remains to indicate the remedy. A good physician may be able to inform his patient what ails him, but unless he can prescribe a proper remedy, the informa- tion will avail nothing, and not even then unless the patient follows the prescription. In this case the remedy will be effective provided it be applied in season, and it is A LIMITED BALLOT. By a limited ballot we mean one protected by an educa- tional qualification, by a property qualification, and an oath of allegiance qualification. In the infancy of this republic these qualifications were thought unnecessary, but in its youth and maturer age they are indispensable to its perpe- tuity. When the political trinity of despotism carried the state of New York for Tilden, by the direct interference of Car- dinal McCloskey, Messrs. Tilden, Kelley, Morrisey & Co. felt sure that the victory was won, and that nothing remained but to take possession of the spoils in March next, and, in due time, divide them among the victors. They were as sure of a " solid south " as they were of the city of New York, for both were to be carried by repeaters and stufied ballot boxes, bulldozing and intimidation. With all these crimes against the ballot box, the conspir- ators counted in only a portion of the south, but not enough to turn the scale in favor of the papal candidate. Tilden and McCloskey both sold themselves to the devil, or the pope which is the same thing ; the former didn't get his pay, the latter did. When the priest turned the slums of New York city into the fold of the bulldozing democracy, he was only delivering goods which had been paid for in annual installments under the Boss Tweed and Tilden administra- tions for six or eight years previous. To be sure those millions of dollars came out of the tax-payers of New York city, but what do the cardinal and the politicians care for that, so long as the papal church gets the money, and the democratic party the votes. 76 On this subject we quote from the Boston Congregation- alist of Nov. 22, 1876, the following from one of its corres- pondents. "The Roman Catholic Vote. — Writing the morning after the election, when it seemed to be conceded all round that the democrats had won, a gentleman of wide observa- tion, and who has travelled largely in foreign countries, wrote in a private letter to this office as follows : It is conceded that New York threw the casting vote, and that part of it, comprising New York city and Brooklyn, ruled by Tammany^ was the final factor which controlled the election. Cardinal McCloskey used his direct personal influence in making peace between Kelley and Morrisey, and the solid catholic vote of New York city held the bal- ance of power. In other words, the influence of the Roman catholic priesthood, moved on the chess board by the master hand at Rome, can settle the destinies of this great nation, founded to furnish mankind the civil and religious liberty they could not obtain in the priest-ridden monarchies of Europe. I am not an alarmist frightened by phantoms. It is a living, impudent, growing, ever aggressive, unscrupu- lous, thoroughly selfish, crafty, completely disciplined and unflinching foe, with which we have to deal. And the note of alarm cannot be sounded too soon, too sharply, too often. It invades our firesides, undermines political principle, saps the foundations on which the government is founded, poisons the minds of the rising generation, a fearful, fatal, infernal miasma. Here in Massachusetts even, where they are in a minority, the Roman catholics have been unusually impudent and unbearable this election. At my boarding house the servants were so excited, so overcome, so influenced by the priests, by the stories told them, and the possibilities of a Roman catholic triumph, that they could hardly eat and sleep. No; this question is one of the living, real issues of the hour ; and no protestant, and no liberal paper, can be true to itself or the cause of constitutional liberty, which does not press this home to the conviction of all under its influence." This is more severe than any thing we have said against the priests of the papal church, and considering its conserv- ative source, may be regarded as within the truth. 77 We might quote volumes in proof of what we have only hinted at, but let us now see if there is not a substitute for the universal ballot. One of our old anti-slavery poets, the late Eev. John Pierpont, defined the ballot as follows: ^* A weapon that comes down as still As snowflakes fall upon the sod, But executes a freeman's will As lightning does the will of God. And from its force nor doors nor locks Can shield you — 'tis the ballot-box.'' If a limited and protected ballot should ever be incorpo- rated into the organic laws of the land, with the qualifica- tions we have specified, it would not be a very easy thing for any pope, cardinal, bishop or priest to dictate the vote of a great state like New York, as was done by cardinal McClos- key, (to whom allusion has been made), at the last election. THE BALLOT A SACRED TRUST. Under a republican form of government the use of the elective franchise is the political thermometer of the christian citizen. His ballot indicates more clearly than any other act of his life, the quality of his religion and the sincerity of his piety. If his political acts do not correspond with his profession his religion is vain. If he votes for bad men under party discipline, he practically says the christian religion has no claim upon him in politics. He practically ignores the two great commands of the decalogue on which hang all the law and the prophets, and makes no distinction between right and wrong. If he sepa- rates his religion from his politics, it is like faith without works, like a body without a soul, both dead. That man is an hypocrite and will sell his vote to the highest bidder. The politics of this country have become so corrupted by godless politicians, that ministers of the gospel are frequently cautioned not to dabble in the dirty waters of politics, whereas they ought to be implored to use their influence by precept and example to purify them, by ignoring the dirt. The perpetuity of this republic depends so much upon the right use of the ballot, that it should be guarded with scru- pulous care. It__ should not be thrown to the rabble as a 78 farmer throws cornstalks to his cattle, nor should it ever be conferred on those who can neither write their own names nor read a printed ballot. Neither should it be conferred on any person who is not aleady under bonds to keep the peace with himself and the other eight million four hundred thousand voters, more or less, in this republic. That is to say, every voter should possess not only an educational but a property qualification, as a guarantee that his or her edu- cation shall be used for the perpetuity of the republic and not for its overthrow. It makes a very great difference whether a voter has ^something or nothing at stake when he approaches the ballot-box. If he is required to have fifty dollars worth of taxable property before he can vote he is less likely to sell his vote to a corruptionist for money, than if he had nothing. If he must have five hundred dollars to make him a voter, he is still less likely to sell his vote, for everybody knows full well that men who will buy votes to put them in office are too corrupt to be trusted with civil power. But there is still another safe- guard that should be thrown around the ballot, and that is, the oath of allegiance to this government, which should take precedence of every potentate, king, emperor or other earthly ruler. Every foreigner should be required to sub- scribe to such an oath on the receipt of his naturalization papers, after a sufficient residence in this country to eutitle him to citizenship. But no rebel or traitor to his country should ever be restored to citizenship after having once voluntarily forfeited it. If he escapes the halter, he should never be compensated with the ballot. The country to-day is suffering the penalty of pardoning rebels and restoring them to citizenship. Our naturalization laws have utterly failed to protect the ballot as was intended by those who framed them. They probably never dreamed that the administration of those laws would ever fall into the hands of corrupt politicians who would entirely disregard them, as has been the case in New York city for many years. If the qualifications we have named, or even reading and writing had been required of every voter, the Tweeds, the Tildens, the Morriseys and the Kelleys would not have found it quite so easy, on the night of every election to count up votes enough to neutral- 79 ize the republican votes of the whole state of New York, and turn the scale. The property qualification alone did not answer the purpose. In some of the states a voter must own at least fifty dollars worth of taxable property. Con- sequently a man of no property could buy a mule to-day, worth fifty dollars, and vote to-morrow. But the ludicrous question arose, which voted, the man or the mule. When the ballot was given to the freedmen of the rebel states the case was very different. President Lincoln was in favor of returning the ballot to the disloyal whites who had forfeited their citizenship and their lives, but Secretary Chase thought that the ballot should be given to the people who were loyal to the government, whether their skins were white or black, to those who had fought to save the govern- ment, and not those who had fought to destroy it. This was a case not only o^ justice but of absolute necessity, as much to preserve the government, as making them soldiers was to save it. This was the only point, gave one, on which the President and his financial Secretary disagreed, and that one point was the basis on which the proclamation of emancipa- tion should rest Mr. Lincoln thought its necessity as a war measure was all sufficient, while Mr. Chase insisted that JUSTICE to the negro should be recognized, a point which was yielded as the proclamation shows. [See letter of S. P. Chase to J. W. Alden, in Daily Adv., May, 1873.] If the elective franchise could be confined to those persons who have the requisite qualifications above specified, one great objection to woman suffrage would be out of the way. We have ignorant foreigners enough now who have the right to vote, without adding that large class of women who would outvote American women of intelligence two or three to one. The reason is not because the foreigners are so much more numerous but because they would all vote, while a small portion of American women would probably do so. We may be mistaken, but so far as our own obser- vation goes it is true. In case restricted or limited suffrage should be substituted for universal, there are three classes who would be more or less affected by the change. 1. A large foreign population who have been brought to the polls, regardless of our naturalization laws, soon after landing on our shores, and who could neither write their own names, nor read a printed ballot. 80 2. The freedmen of the reconstructed states who grad- uated in the " patriarchal institution" of slavery, but who could neither read nor write, and who have not learned to do so since emancipation. Of this class of voters Attorney General Taft, in his annual report submitted to Congress, Jan. 9, 1877, says, "universal education of the voting people, both white and colored is essential to the safety of our repuUican government, No time should be lost in furni.-^hing ample opportunities to every American citizen of whatever complexion, race or condition, to acquire sufficient mental and physical draining to vote and fight with intelli- gence." 3. The third class would be prospectively affected only, because suffrage is not yet extended to women. It would be much sooner, if the ballot should be limited by an edu- cational qualification. The probability is that in the first class there are some- thing over a million of voters, and in the second something less. But one would offset the other inasmuch as there are a larger number in the first class who would remain qualified voters under a limited ballot, than in the second, so that the loss of votes to the democratic party in the first class would just about equal the loss of votes to the republican party in the second class. Those who would be dropped out of the voting lists by the enactment of laws limiting the ballot to an educational and property qualification, would have a new incentive to acquire a common school education, for the sake of the reward of full citizenship, and those who have not brains enough to acquire the education, and industry and economy enough to acquire the property, certainly have not intelli- gence enough to use the ballot with proper discrimination. Perhaps some would prefer that every voter should be required to come up to a certain standard of intelligence, to be ascertained by a commission in every city or town, his name recorded, and his ballot to be endorsed by himself in his own hand writing and compared with the voting list before his ballot could be counted. This may be preferable to the property qualification. But we should view this matter from a higher plane than the political battle field. No matter whose private interests I 81 are affected by the limitation of the ballot, what does the public good require ? Are our liberties to be put into the power and keeping of the ignorant emigrant population from Europe and the slums of our cities ? Is a convicted felon of the old world to be transported to this country and at once admitted to full citizenship? This is the way that thing has been done. A man may be discharged from any prison in Europe, without the knowledge of a single letter of the alphabet, have his naturalization papers and ballot put into his hand immediately on his arrival in New York, walk up to the ballot-box and wield as much political power as William M. Evarts or any other citizen of the United States. This is the practice whether it is the letter of the law or not, and this is one way the republican majorities have been overcome in New York city for years, or rather we should say this and the ballot-box stuffing are the ways the slums of New York city have cheated the republicans of the state out of their majorities. It has succeeded so well and so long there, that Tilden's conspirators are trying the same game in the contested states that have republican majorities. They have been through the operation so many times in New York without let or hindrance, that they claimed success and proclaimed Tilden elected. It now remains to be seen whether there is republican pluck enough to insist on a proper discrimination between legal and illegal votes, and after that whether there is wisdom enough in the country outside of the combination against our liberties, to protect the ballot as it ought to be protected in order to save the republic, by the enactment of a general law with the above safeguards which shall have the same operation in every state of the union. The truth is we have made two radical, and unless cor- rected fatal mistakes in this country. The one was universal suffrage without the safeguards we have proposed, and the other was allowing our conquered rebels to go unhung, and removing the disabilities they had incurred, so as to allow them to come back into Congress and make laws for the country they could not destroy. For this God is dealing with this nation. Since the above was written the Preddent's annual message has come to hand, with the following paragraph on 6 82 the subject of compulsory education and its application to the ballot. THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENT. "The attention of Congress cannot be too earnestly called to the necessity of throwing some greater safeguard over the method of choosing and declaring the election of a President. Under the present system there seems to be no provided remedy for contesting the election in any one state. The remedy partially, no doubt, is in the enlightenment of electors. The compulsory support of the free schools and the disfranchisement of all who cannot read and write the English language, after a fixed probation, would meet my hearty approval. I would not make this apply, however, to those already voters, but I would to all becoming so after the expiration of the probation fixed upon. Foreigners coming to the country to become citizens who are educated in their own language would acquire the requisite knowl- edge of ours during the necessary residence to obtain naturalization. If they did not take interest enough in our language to acquire sufficient knowledge of it to enable them to study the institutions and laws of the country intel- ligently, I would not confer upon them the right to make such laws, nor to select those who do." It will be seen that these two plans so far as the Presi- dent goes into it, are in harmony with each other, with a single exception. President Grant "would not make this apply to those already voters," while on the other hand, we would make it apply to those above all others. First because there are tens, if not hundreds oj thousands of voters on our check lists who have not now nor never had any legal right there. They are the balance of-power-slums crowd that obey the mandates of the papal priests, and if there is no way to rid the republic of their political power until they qualify we may as well stop where we are, for second the combination is already so strong against republi- canism and so corrupt that it requires a severe remedy. If a soldier's leg is shattered by a cannon ball, and the surgeon finds amputation necessary to save life, he takes it off above the fracture not helow it. If a physician finds his patient afflicted with a cancer he removes the cancer to save the 83 patient, but never scatters it through the whole system, beciuse that would be fatal. Third if the elective franchise were a natural right it could not be taken from those who now exercise that right, even though every voter should sell his vote as Esau sold his birthright. Nor could it have been taken from the rebels as it was and returned to them without sufficient guarantees. But as it is a civil privilege conferred by the state or nation, it can be withheld or taken away for cause, by the same power that conferred it. The laws of some of the states already require an educational qualification, and if all the states had the same laws and no others we should not, at this writing, witness the significant fact, that all the states but four which furnished means to save the republic in the late war, voted for Hayes, and all but three who sought to destroy it voted for Tilden ! Nor should we witness the humiliating spectacle of the incipient stages of another rebellion, if an hundred or two leaders of the last rebellion had been hung instead of par- doned. But they were so easily let off, that the same rebel element is much more bold and defiant now than before it fired on Sumter, and this is what the. loyal people of the country get for their magnanimity to a conquered foe. Let the American people never repeat such stupendous folly by offering a bounty on rebellion. Let the rebel element understand once for all, that relels must swing, as the lightest penalty for that crime. If the lesson taught the American people by the last presidential vote shows any thing, it is that the political trinity of despotism was thoroughly organized during the last canvass. That is to say, that the conspiracy against repub- licanism and the republic, which had long been in embryo culminated in the last canvass. The old slave power, the papal power, and the rebel democracy including northern copperlieads are an organized unit for political purposes, and if any one is so childish or simple hearted as to suppose that a combination so thoroughly corrupt and completely organized, will give up beat after the inauguration of Hayes and Wheeler on the 4th of March next, that one and all like him will find themselves wofully mistaken. Nor need we wait the developements of either the ides of February or March. An honest analysis of the November vote shows 84 an enormous increase, unparalled by any precedent, which republicans believe to be fraudulent, and democrats know to be so. A further investigation reveals the astounding fact that this fraudulent increase is found in the papal slums of the large cities of the great states some one or more of which generally decides who shall be president of this great repubUc. In the last canvass New York was thought to be the determining state. From 18G8 to 1872, her vote decreased 21,749. But from 1872 to 1876 it increased 175,000 ! Where are we to look for this unnatural, illegit- imate, and astounding increase ? The returns show that the democratic majority in New York city alone out-counts all the republican majorities in the whole state, with a large margin left. But the city of Brooklyn, and Kings county eclipses even New York city. According to the increase indicated by her vote, her population must have doubled in the last four years. Of course nobody believes this except very verdant democrats. Nor could the voters have been imported for the occasion from adjacent cities without re- vealing the fact of such an exodus, except under an assumed name as in Connecticut, " Eighteen hundred tramps " were said to be lodged in the station-houses in New Haven about election time, and it is fair to suppose that they belonged to the army of Tilden reserves, who operated as democratic repeaters to swell the otherwise unaccountable majorities in New York city, Brooklyn, Kings county and Connecticut. There is no doubt that the great state of New York not only, but several other states which were carried for Tilden were carried or rather " counted in " by what Dr. Leonard Bacon, in the New York Tribune calls the '-' crime as^ainst the ballot-box." He defines his meaning of that term, thus : "I mean not only the crime of putting into the box a ballot which has no right to be there, or of counting falsely when the box is opened, but also the equivalent crime of attempting to defeat the wilt of the people by bribing or intimidating those to whom the law has given the right of voting." Again he says, "the robber who with pistol or bludgeon coerces a traveller into the surrender of his purse is really not a greater villain than the man who has any part in an attempt to control an election by violence at the ballot-box or by intimidation beforehand." 85 It is said that fraudulent voting is a game that both par- ties can play at. Very true. But the democrats are highly educated in that art while republicans are mere novices, and when a bargain is made by both parties not to challenge fraudulent voters, as has been done, the republicans find themselves outwitted, and outvoted as they ought to be. We are aware that all laws protecting the ballot would be trampled under foot by this class of criminals, but that is no reason why good laws should not be enacted. The great Lawgiver does not repeal the ten commandments because men trample them under their feet, nor should we refrain from making good laws because wicked men will do the same thing. The crimes against the ballot-box have been committed so long with impunity and success, that any laws that could be framed would be powerless unless enforced. Fraudulent voting, fraudulent counting, false swearing, bear- ing false witness, &c., would still go on unless the laws were executed as well as enacted. The Wade Hamptons of South Carolina can subscribe their already dishonored names to the notorious falsehood that "not one drop of blood had been shed by democrats," the chivalrous rifle- clubs of Louisiana can display their wonderful democratic bravery and courage by surrounding the cottages of defence- less mothers and children, (whose republican husbands and fathers had fled to save their lives,) lacerating the persons of the mothers and throwing their innocent babes into the river, the bull-dozers of Florida can shoot and maim and kill republican voters after the latest democratic pattern, the copperheads can swear by the authority of democratic newspapers that the overwhelming testimony of all these and many more crimes and practices, are republican lies. Hence all these things can be done outside of any laws limiting or protecting the ballot. But there are already criminal laws for the lawless, which are practically nullified in all the ex-slave states where the political trinity of despotism bears sway. These elements taken separately or together, are incompatible with civil liberty, and when combined create a public sentiment utterly opposed to laws in harmony with republican institutions, and until that public sentiment is toned up to obedience to the laws of the land, it matters very little what those laws are or may be, in those 86 God-forsaken states under the iron heel of the despotic trinity which is to-day better organized for another rebelHon than the day in which one of its factors fired on Sumter. Southern policy is unmistakably in the direct line of another rebellion, as recent developements in South Carolina and elsewhere already show. The democratic bull-dozers have set up a state government of their own with the truthful Wade Hampton for Governor. At a recent convention in Charleston for the purpose of manufacturing a public senti- ment in their favor, and superseding the regularly consti- tuted state goverment with D. H. Chamberlain for governor, the very essence of rebellion crops out in all their proceed- ings. The Boston Daily Advertiser, Dec. 26, 1876, says: '* The upshot of all is expressed in the resolution declaring that they will yield obedience only to Wade Hampton as governor, and pledging whatever assistance, moral, financial and material, may be required for the establishment of the government of which he is the head. The purpose, plainly avowed in the speeches, is to 'starve out' the repubhcan administration and legislature. For the most part, the speeches were studiously decorous; but the passion burning underneath the careful words occasionally flashed out, as when the president denounced governor Chamberlain as a most infamous usurper, wrongly sustained by the federal administration, and when Mr. Tupper referred to the exist- ing government, as 'a government that rests upon fraud and infamy, that is administered by the stranger and adventurer, and is only upheld by the bayonets of a tyrantJ The same speaker again referred to the national adminis- tration as the 'central despotism at Washington.' The representation of all the speakers was that Hampton had been elected by the people, and that Chamberlain was attempting to " cheat the people of their choice." This is their way of putting it. But there is another side, and one much more consonant with the known facts. It avers that the democrats of South Carolina attempted to cheat and defraud the people at the polls, by-, in the first place, creat- ing a reign of terror, to deter the colored men from voting, of which Hamburoj and Ellenton are the si ^i "^i w ^'i V ^.,,'. y '^, V Deacidified using the Bookkeeper proces- Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide Treatment Date: Jarr. 2006 PreservationTechnologies A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVATlO^ 1 1 1 Thomson Park Drive Cranberry Township. PA 16066 (724)779-2111 ' 'W' vf vw^^gyy^W^^^y^: • I'\J'\J^\J\^\/ V ■'>^ \^ V V ' ^y^A4^AJ^kJ^ mm0i^^ <^\J\/^V\Jd\MVJJJ W Lv \^ W v> iWWW WWWWWV^^^^^^^.'^ yy^y^^^^^^ ^^jw.-«^- ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ fiyvW*^* ii^^y v¥'^JwwVw j^9j*9^^g^w/ ;W/v^y.^' yv'.v.v>> ^^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 017 285 768 1