rv> . o » » * ♦q a^ \ o .4? .-i^iC-, -^ >v%. ^o. , o ''WHEREFORE CHAjVGEV* MORK THAN ONE HUNDRED REASONS WHY WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON SHOULD AND WILL HAVE THE SUPPORT OF THE DEMOC r\<: Y , PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, IN PREFERENCE TO MARTIN VAN BUREN. BY A WORKINGMAN BOSTON: PRINTED BY TUTTLE, DENNETT & CHISHOLM 1840. h ^Q or?" The materials of this tract were gathered by a hard working manufacturer, who having supported from its beginning, the present Administration, has recently had his eyes opened to the righteousnessi of opposition to it. These materials, are the facts and opinions, (noted down in the course of his reading,) which had the effect to produce ui his mind this change of sentiment. He gives them to ihe public in this manner, with the hope that others may be led by them, into the same train of reflection which they caused in him ; and with the humble, but sincere belief, that they cannot do any liarm, and may do good. f4Je'g [Copy-rigl.t secured—To be liad at the Secretary's Office, Whirr Republican Hall Boston ; Price 3. 00 per hundred.] ^ MORE THAN 100 REASONS FOB MPrOi:TING HARHISON AGAINST VAN BUREN. 1. Because the chain which has hound men to party, and led them bhndfold in the train of political specidators, is broken. The actual slate of the country, and the actual state of every in- dividual's affairs, has opened their eyes to a sense of how much depends on government, and that our government depends alone on the vigorous exercise of the honesty and common sense of the people. 2. Because the people, freed from party prejudices, see at last with open eyes, that probity and lionor have forsaken the offices of highest trust, and even the honesty of purpose which a candid op- position once gave them credit for, has proved to be only selfish perverseness, and actual imbecility. From a state of matchless prosperity, the country has fallen into a state of sheer, pitiable beggary. An administration which began with surplus millions in the treasury, is now suppliant for the means to meet ordinary lia- bilities ; incompetent alike to devise a method of raising, or man- aging a national fund. 3. Because this incompetence, and this want of principle in the administration of Mr Van Buren, has not only become too palpable for longer concealment, but is felt on the pecuniary and political interests of every man. It is felt as an individual distress and ruin. It is felt as a national shame. It is felt as an all-per- vading evil, which, ripened and aggravated by long continuance, has become intolerable ; and can only be abated by the removal of its authors — the administration, and its salaried adherents. And the people, who have suffered so long, have only to pursue the course already begun, to realize their long cherished hopes of actual reform. 4. Because the people see that to support a president for a second term, places before him a temptation to use the powers of his first term to secure his own re-election. And they will not re- elect the man who has been thus abusing the trust sacredly reposed in him ; but will support that man who has pledged himself to sustain by his example, the principle of accepting the office but for one term. 5. Because there is no republicanism in Van Burenism. The term democracy being one that they stole from a virtuous party that once existed in this country ; and they have used its popu- larity to violate every re|)ublican principle which that party sus- tained. Like the religious hypocrite, "stealing the livery of heaven, to serve the devil in." 6. Because the tendency of the action of the present federal administration, under Van Buren, has been to absorb the state powers, and increase its own ; and to erect at Washington a des- potic system of centralism., and consolidation. A course directly at war with every principle of the republican party, and opposed to the very foundation of that party, as laid by its fathers, in the federal convention. 7. Because President Van Buren is solely and entirely the head of a party ; and not the impartial chief magistrate of the nation. 8. Because he is inaccessible to the people ; indifferent to their interests ; contemns their will ; refuses to acquiesce in the deci- sion of the majority ; is selfish in his views, and sectional and partial in his measures. Entertaining a low estimate of human na- ture, he acts upon the supposition that corruption is the ruling fea- ture of mankind, and that every man has his price. He brings the patronage in his power, to bribe our public servants from their duty, and to conflict with the freedom of elections. No upright citizen can accept an office at his hands, for every officer under government must be the slave of his will. Assuming the powers entrusted to him, for the benefit of the people, to be solely for his own aggrandisement, he disclaims any duty in their behalf as incumbent on him in return. 9. Because he will not let the patronage and power of the fed- eral executive, now vested in him, be either lessened, or regulated by law. 10. Because he has subverted the course of legislation, by plot- ting with his partisans of the Senate, to originate laws which should originate solely with the representatives of the people, in the House of Representatives. 11. Because he has thrown an obstacle in the way of the Bank- rupt law, by recommending its application to corporations ; in order that he may have control over these state institutions, and be able to crush them at his pleasure. 12. Because he wants an executive bank and power to resort to ihe ruinous and exploded system of depreciating the govern- ment paper. 13. Because the administration, like a silly spendthrift, are issu- ing millions on millions of treasury notes to be shaved by brokers ; they have not the firmness and ability to adopt a healthy tariff, that would furnish the constitutional revenue for paying the ex- J3enses of government, suppress over importations, encourage manufactures, and prevent our getting so largely in debt to foreign countries. 14. Because Mr Van Buren never had any claim upon the re- spect or gratitude of the American people ; never having served the country in any way which required the sacrifice of his personal interests — never having originated, or carried through a legislative body any law or measure worthy of an eminent statesman. 15. Because he was elected president purely by the popularity of his predecessor ; and to obtain the benefit of that popularity, he sacrificed his independence as a statesman, by promising to follow blindly in the footsteps of his predecessor. 16. Because he rests the merit of his administration upon one expedient, founded on the mistaken policy of liis predecessor, which he has failed to carry ; a question which involves a misera- ble warfare against the State Banks, which engages his whole mind and occupies his whole time, proving him to be contracted in his views, and not capable of the comprehension and liberal policy of a great statesman. 17. Because his ruling characteristic is a non-committal policy, wholly inconsistent with the character of a republican statesman, who is bound to communicate to his constituents a frank, open and manly exhibition of his views upon all important questions. 18. Because his views, when presented in messages and other documents, are so involved in mystification as to be unfit commu- nications for the information of a republican people, who would prefer openness and simplicity to such ill-timed displays of a power to use words to conceal his thoughts and intentions. 19. Because the people wish to see restored, the clearness, FORCE, BREVITY, AND HONESTY OF 1776. 20. Because the whole tendency of his recommendations is to destroy the credit system, hamper commerce, lessen trade, and depreciate labor. 21. Because he appoints "rogues and royalists" to office, who pilfer and squander the public money. 22. Because he wishes the States to surrender their right to the money arising from the sale of the public lands ; for the purpose, we have a right to infer, of distributing it where it will be most ef- fectual in promoting his political prospects. 23. Because in view of our foreign relations, the prospect of a war, and the state of affairs at home, it is apparent that an impor- tant crisis in our history has arrived ; and it is as apparent, that Mr Van Buren has neither the capacity, nor the integrity for the crisis. 24. Because he has occupied the presidential chair three years, and received 5^75.,0()0 of its salary, only to render his country and himself an object of pity ; to destroy the confidence of the people in one another, and more particularly to destroy their confidence in him. The best wish his friends can wish him, therefore, is a safe and speedy retirement. 25. Because the leaders of the administration are all emulating their leader, in plots for self-aggrandisement ; each identified Vv'ith some favorite scheme of his own conflicting with the rest, and all their schemes alike opposed to the prosperity of the country ; but more directly intended to bring themselves into notice, as candidates to succeed Mr Van Buren.* While the people, whom * A few of these schemes of the administration leaders are enumerated in the succeeding reasons; as they ail have the expressed or implied sanction ol'MrVan Buren, we must hold him accountable for them, however inconsistent they may be, or various the individuals with whom tliey originate. 6 they in their political blindness have lost sight of, are coolly weigh- ing, and impartially trying all their schemes. '26. Because Mr Buchanan says to the laboring people of this country, study the financial history of Holland, Fiance and Cuba, emulate their solid currency, and follow their example. 27. Because the President wishes to introduce into this country, the treasury system, which i^ the favorite of twenty seven mon- archies in Europe, whose only policy is to strengthen themselves, and to keej) the people down. 28. Because Mr Walker has expressed the ardent wish that we may attain to the same happy condition of the island of Cuba^ by means of a pure metallic currency. 29. Because Mr Buchanan is in favor of reducing our nominal prices to the real standard of prices throughout the world ; an un- dertaking, which, if possible, would first recjuire the extinction of American enterprise, and our institutions of equality. 30. Because the wages of labor under those governments re- ferred to, — are in France, 7 1-2 pence per day, with board, and without dwelling ; in Bologne, 5 pence per day, with board, with- out dwelling ; in Marseilles, 4 pence to 7 pence per day, with board, without dwelling. The food of laborers in these countries, consists of rye bi'ead, soup made of millet, cakes made of Indian corn, sometimes, but not often, salt provisions, and vegetables ; rarf^ly, if ever, butcher's meat. In some other countries, wheaten bread, soup njade with vegetables, and a little grease, or lard, twice a day ; potatoes or other vegetables, but seldom, butcher's meat. In Germany, laborers receive 6 pence or 7 pence per day without board ; and in parts of Holland 100 shillings per year, with board. 31. Because Senator Calhoun says we must bring things to their specie value, that we may have free trade, meet Europe on her own level, and compete with her for the niarket of the world. And to do this, it will be necessary to reduce the northern white laborer to the same state of the southern black laborer. 32. Because Messrs Buchanan, Walker, and Calhoun, all co- incide in the opinion that we must bi'ing things to tbeir specie val- ue, and reduce the price of labor to its standard in other specie currency countries. S3. Because to compete with European nations in prices of manufactures, without a tariff, we must reduce our laborers from the comfortable life they have heretofore enjoyed, to the half starved, animal existence, of the laborers of Europe. 34. Because the infallible cure proposed by Mr Buchanan, for the existing evils in our country, are, first, — to have every State prohibit the circulation of Hank notes under twenty dollars ; and second, — to reduce our standard of prices to the standard through- out the world. Measures, inconsistent with the encouragement of American enterprise, with our institutions of equality, and with the wishes and wants of the people. 35. Because the standard prices of laboi- in eighteen out of Iwentyfour of the countries, consulted as models by the Presi- dent is, on an average, but from 18 to 25 cents per day. 36. Because the simple agitation of the sub-treasury and spe- cie currency schemes of the present administration, has already brought down the ])rice of labor, and with it the value of manu- factured articles, agricultural products, and real estate. 37. Because the theory of Mr Buchanan as found in practice on the Franklin and Ohio Railroad, has already reduced the wages of laborers there to 75 cents per day. 38. Because Mr Buchanan had the hardy dishonesty to deny what it can be proved he said, by every senator in Congress ; — an act that should forever disqualify him from enjoying the confidence of the people, or any place in their national councils. 39. Because such is the imbecility of the administration, and its leading men in Congress, that tliey cannot originate and pre- sent a measure for the relief of the country, that will unite a ma- jority in its support, and therefore there is no hope of relief, until a new set of men, who shall have the confidence of the country, and the ability to improve it, shall give us the desired relief. 40. Because the tei-m democracy in the mouths of Van Buren and his officers, has lost the power to deceive our hard-handed and honest-hearted yeomanry and laborers, since they find tluU it is being used to shut them out from the fair field of enterprise, which it has always been the privilege of Americans to enjoy, in contra-distinction to the oppressed and starving laborers of sub- treasury, hard money monarchies. 41. Because insult, instead of consolation, is offered to the la- borers of Massachusetts, by Mr Bancroft, the Rev. Collector of Boston, when he tells them that if ihey cannot get a living at home, they can " ^o west, and squat.'''' 42. Because the same party leaders are now aitenipting to des- troy one great source of our prosperity, by a repeal of the fishing bounty. 43. Because Thomas H. Benton has imposed his political quackeries on the nation, till every limb is out of joint ; his present attenqDt to administer to the fishing interest, is opening the eyes of New England, at least, to his impostures. 44. Because in making use of .1 ohn M. Moriarty to manufacture charges and evidence against the fishermen of New England, whom he was bound to protect and defend, we have only another instance of that insidious treachery to the interests of the people, which characterises the whole history of Loco Focoism through- out the United States. 45. Because when resolutions were offered in the Maine Legis- lature against abolishing the fishing bounty, the Van Buren mem- bers of that body opposed the resolves on the ground of their aversion to hurt the feelings, or reflect iqoon the course of Thomas H. Benton ! 8 46. Because the administration party is a party without princi- ples ; — each of their radical leaders is speculating on his own hook, and torturing his imagination for new experiments to inflict upon the nation. In the address of their " convention to the people of Massa- chusetts," it is observed, that a duty on imported goods, raises their price, to the injury of the poor. A little further in the same document and they go on to observe that with the rise of prices, our currency is sure to expand, till the duty becomes a nullity. Add to this ihe insulting remark of Mr Plumer, a Pennsylvania loco foco, that poor men ought to do without tea, coffee and su- gar, and we have a dose of incompatibles, a dish of absurdities, showing at a glance the imbecility and roguery which has so long been inflicting upon us all the plagues of Egypt. 47. Because with the design of strengthening his individual power, by uniting the purse and sword of the nation in a single hand, the President has continued to carry on a war upon our na- tional currency, which has resulted in the derangement of trade and commerce, diminished the national resources to a ruinous ex- tent, and overwhelmed the people with individual distress. 48. Because quackery has had its day. Every new nostrum makes the patient worse ; and if we desire to prevent a finally fatal result, we must teach our rulers a lesson in behaviour, that will be remembered both by them and their successors. 49. Because the freedom and extent of trade between all the different sections of the United States, require for its well being a currency by which one dollar will be one dollar, whether in Maine, Michigan, or Louisiana. 50. Because in the efforts of the administration to restore a new currency on the ruins of that which it has destroyed, we witness a vacillating incapacity, utterly contemptible in man under whatever circumstances, and wholly inconsistent with the govern- ment of a great nation. 51. Because the argument once was, that State Banks were safer depositaries of the public moneys, than public officers could be. 52. Because the argument now is, public officers are safer depositaries of the public money, than Banks can be. 53. Because it then was, that the people had a right to be con- sulted, as to their wishes for a currency, and its regulation by the national powers. 54. Because the argument now is, that government must be limited in its action to its own protection and to strengthening itself; without reference to the wants and sufferings of the people. 55. Because in all this we see the seeds of the same disease, which has led the governments of Europe, the longer they existed, to become the more avaricious of power, and to view with greater indifference the sorrows of an oppressed people. 56. Because, by the destruction of the system of exchanges which for expansiveness and adaptation to our wants, resembled the noble rivers with which nature facilitates our national enter- prise, they have not only embarrassed our agricultural, manufactur- ing and commercial pursuits, but have helped to arrest civilization. 57. Because a consequence of this derangement of exchange has been to suspend the operations of many woollen and cotton manufactories, thereby destroying a portion of the means of pro- ductive wealth, and causing numerous workmen to suffer for the means of earning a living for themselves and their families. 58. Because Mr Van Buren, by still urging the Sub-Treasury scheme, while the people are declaring their condemnation of it, in a voice not to be mistaken, confesses himself either unwilling or unable to administer the government to their satisfaction. 59. Because " these men" are found tampering with every vice and every error of mankind, in the base hope to conciliate the sinner, by flattering his sins, into a support of their selfish and unhallowed purposes. 60. Because the sentiment once expressed by James Buchanan, " that if he knew he had one drop of democratic blood in his veins, he would let it out," has been amply illustrated by him, in his late advocacy of the Sub-Treasury — a measure, by his own admission, that is any thing, but for the greatest good of the great- est number. 61. Because, though a poor man, I have as sacred a right to free suffrage as the proudest and richest in the land ; and Martin Van Buren, in 1821, not only opposed this right by advocating that no man should be entitled to vote who icas not worth 250 dol- lars^ but ASSERTED that the people ivere not prepared for a system of universal and free suffrage. — Thus showing, that though for the purpose of gulling us, he now affects democratic principles, he always was a Federalist of the highest tone, and a rank aristocrat at heart. 62. Because the President has said, in the language of a tyrant, that the people are apt to expect too much of govern- ment ; when in fact, whatever the people wish, they have a right to order., and whatever they order, it is his duty to perform. 63. Because, in the same spirit, he still further says to the people of this country, that their repi'esentatives will legislate in vain, unless in conformity with his views, for when it is not so, " he shall place his own will against the will of the people." 64. Because the President and his coadjutors have propagated the false and corrupting doctrines of rewards and punishments on account of political belief, — thereby destroying all national feeling, and substituting in its stead, a narrow regard to self-aggrandizement, or a low desire of pecuniary profit, as the sole incentive to political effort, and the only regulator of political opinion. 65. Because a once independent Congress, have, by threats, bribery, and a system of dragooning, better suited to slaves, than to the representative governors of a free people, been brought down to subserviency to the will of the executive. B 10 66. Because, by the vicious practices of this administration, the constitutional distribution of power, among the several branch- es, has become a nuHity — all the actual powers of government have become concentrated in the cabinet at Washington, and Congress submits to be the mere ministerial agent of its decrees. 67. Because an eminent democrat, Dr Duncan, has said that Congress has nothing to do with the difliculties of the people : and at another time, has said, that the distresses of the people were not actual but imaginary, and not worthy the attention of government ; — a false and insulting libel on the farmer, the mer- chant, the manufacturer, and the laborer, who have testified often to the embarrassments inflicted on them by acts of government, and demanded at its hands that defence and encouragement which all government owes to the arts of civilization. 68. Because Senator Wright, together with the rest of his co- adjutors, have endorsed the fatal sentiment, — government must take care of itself, let the people take care of themselves ! 69. Because another of " these gentlemen," a member of the Connecticut Senate, exclaims in the heat of his democratic zeal, " We shall never be as prospered as is England, till a laboring man can be hired, for a sheep's head and pluck per day." 70. Because, since Van Buren's accession to power, our government has been reduced to bankruptcy, and no disposition has been shown to punish the numerous defaulters, who have plundered the public treasury, nor has any attempt been made to get back the treasure. 71. Because Mr Calhoun proposes to steal the public lands from the Eastern States, and use the proceeds to buy favour for himself and Van Buren in the Western States ; a measure, marked by every feature of dishonesty and corruption, but yet approved by the President. 72. Because the Van Buren members of the House of Repre- sentatives voted in a body against re^renc/imenMn printing — by giving a contract to their partisans, Blair & Rives, at a rate 20 per cent, higher than other printers offered to do it. 73. Because, in neglecting to secure our rights on the North- eastern boundary, the administration have left open a question which now threatens the country with a long train of evils. 74. Because the President, in neglect of the duty assigned him by Congress, and in neglect of the wishes of the State of Maine, did not send a Special Minister to England to negotiate a settle- ment of the Boundary question, — for the reason, it is supposed, that one not of his party was recommended as the messenger, and he preferred letting the question suffer, to appointing such an one to office. 75. Because the President neglected to use the means placed by Congress in his power, to put the country in a state of de- fence ; as was his duty in view of the insult and injury offered our government, and persisted in, by a foreign nation. 11 76. Because the conduct of the loco focos of Maine, in turn- ing the expenditures attending the armed disturbances of 1839 into a matter of party patronage, was a gross, unjust, and unijatriotic act of party partiaHty, tending to divide and embit- ter one part of ilie people against the other, when the honor and defence of our country required that we should be united, to a man. , 77. Because in the operations of the Florida war, a war waged by one of the most powerful of civilized nations, against a tribe of ignorant and defenceless savages, from its first act to its last, that of employing bloodhounds, we have witnessed a scene of brutali- ty and inefficiency, which stamps the character of its conductors with every feature which an intelligent people may justly look upon in rulers, with contempt. 78. Because if we are to have a war with England, it must be conducted in a different style from that of Florida, or we shall be annihilated, as well as disgraced ; and in order to avoid the danger, we must place in the presidential chair, a statesman and a soldier ; one who has been tried, and found not wanting. 79. Because we remember when the country was prosperous and happy ; because we remember the facilities with which we lived, and moved, and had our being under the broad shield of its free institutions, honestly administered ; because beneath the full and uncontrolled sway of another (the present) administration, we behold blight and mildew spread over the life-giving enterprise of our once happy country : we see mechanics, manufacturers and laborers idle, workshops silent, warehouses untenanted, stagnant trade, and deranged exchanges, a long and melancholy train,— the fruits of bad government. 80. Because Mr Van Buren adopts the tyrannical doctrine ot his predecessor, that all who do business on borrowed capital ought to break. 81. Because the expenses of his administration have exceeded by seven millions, its income ; going even beyond the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor, in the expenditure of the public money. . 82. Because he approves the anti-republican project ol Mr Poinsett, for creating a standing army of two hundred thousand men. 83. Because their attempt to array the rich against the poor, is a wicked design to appeal to the worst passions of men, their jealousy of one another ; an appeal to which no good man would lend an ear : and therefore its actual tendency is to array the ig- norant and the wicked against that morahty and that order, on which the very existence of a free government depends. 84. Because the same non-committal policy which elevated xMr Van Buren to the presidency, might place the greatest villains in stations of highest power, if they only had cunningenough to con- ceal their purposes ; it is in fact cowardice and dissimulation re- warded. 12 85. Because " they" have uttered the arbitrary declaration, so characteristic of all those whom the lone possession of office has made insolent, that the sub-treasury scheme was in force, in spite of the representatives of the people ; and should continue in force, in spite of the lamentations of the people, there or elsewhere. 8G. Because after causing by direct legislative and executive acts, the ruin of our currency and exchanges, when the people demanded that these injuries be repaired, they replied by language in which insolence rivalled inconsistency ; that currency and ex- changes must take care of themselves— for government had nothing to do with them ! ° 87 Because the pretensions to economy and retrenchment put orth by the administration are false and deceptive— their practice has been more extravagant than has that of any who preceded them. -^ ^ 88. Because the expenses of Mr Van Buren's government has been 37 millions per year ; greater by more than half, than An- drew .Jackson's. And during his three years, his expenses have exceeded double the amount of John Q. Adams four years. 89. Because the only efiect that can be clearly shown as likely to arise from the Sub-Treasury system, is the robbery of the la- borer ot his wages, the farmer of his prices, and the manufacturer ot his profits. 90. Because Messrs. Niles, Buchanan, Walker and the rest- all who have attempted to advocate this monarchical bill, have been unable to escape the admission that it tends to reduce the in- dustrious classes of this country, to a level of the same classes, in the most oppressed of nations. 91. Because in all sections of the West, the prices of her sta- ples are tending downward,— the Cuba standard of the administra- tion is rapidly spreading,— and the down ivith ivages panacea ouev- ates as effectually, as Messrs Walker or Buchanan, could rea- sonably ask or expect in so short a space of time. 92. Because we see in the opposition of that party to the pro- tective system, to internal improvements, and to American indus- try, a spirit and policy altogether at variance with that, under which this country did enjoy a long, unclouded prosperity. 93. Because these party leaders, by flatterv and friendly pre- tensions toward the laboring people, while at the same time they were insidiously plotting to sacrifice both them and (he fisherman, to increase the powers of government, were taking to themselves all the profits and honors of office,— have merited the character and do deserve the fate of cheats, hypocrites and traitors. 94. Because the people do not sympathize with any thing Mr Van Buren says or does. He is too aristocratic, even in his drink ; preferring imported champaigne and imperial tokay, to that simple and republican beverage of the people, hard cider ! 95. Because the majesty of democracy does not consist in an 13 extravagantly furnished house, magnificent plate, golden spoons and forks, nor any of the tinsel drapery with which monarchy dazzles the eyes of its slaves. The majesty of democracy must be the wisdom of its laws, the impartiality of their administration, the simplicity of its forms, and the moral dignity of its rulers. 96. Because Martin Van Buren has refused to listen to the voice of the people, and to be instructed by their wisdom, till the day of his probation is ended, they will make themselves not only heard but felt at the ballot boxes. 97. Because Martin Van Buren voted against a clause in the last bankrupt law, for permitting farmers to take the benefit of it, and William Henry Harrison voted in its favor. 98. Because the Globe promised that before Mr Van Buren should be President two years, gold and silver should be plenty throughout the country ; the falsehood, folly and absurdity of this prediction, is verified by time, like most of the promises by which the people were cheated and deceived into his support. 99. Because the Nero of the White House is feasting and dancing while the American Rome is burning. 100. Because we have no faith in that economy which has in- creased the national expenditures from thirteen, to thirtyseven millions of dollars per annum ; nor desire for more experiments, of which each is still a greater abomination than those that came before, 101. Because practical loco focoism, as we have witnessed it, is plainly this : low wages for the laborer, high salaries for the office holder ; bankruptcy for the merchant, luxury for the office holder ; no bounty for the fisherman, all the revenue for the office holder ; rags for the people, gold for the office holder ; the poor may be reduced to beggary, and the beggar may starve ; no mat- ter, so long as the President can support a luxurious establish- ment, and his office holding blood hounds, who hunt for voters, can pick the crumbs that fall from their master's table. 102. Because in the address of the "democratic legislative con- vention" of Massachusetts, they express their regi'et that they have been able to do so little for " retrenchment" in the old Bay State. If their efforts in this department, are to result in the same kind of retrenchment that they have applied to our national offices, we hope they may never have cause to rejoice at success. 103. Because so many of the honest and intelligent men who supported Mr Van Buren heretofore, now candidly acknowledge that his principles, if carried into effect, must be ruinous to the country, and more particularly so to those poor and laboring classes of society which it is the object of republican government to |)rotect and encourage, and who have suffered, and are now suffering in consequence of these measures. 104. Because the voice of the people is heard in long, loud and exhilarating tones, from all sections of the country, demanding a change ! 14 105 Because the name of General Harrison has excited a patriotic enthusiasm, which has long slumbered m the breasts of the American people, for want of an object to excite it. 106. Because the various sects and feelings ol the opposi .on which have heretofore been divided, are now firmly and confident- ly united in support of Harrison. , tt • ^ \-f^ ^ 107 Because every act and event of General Harnson's hfe, prove him to have been the faithful and self-sacr.ficmg servant of his country ; a wise and prudent man ; a sterhng, uncorrupted republican. . r u »;„« to Wc 108. Because he will confine the action of the executive to its appropriate sphere, nor attempt to influence the will of ^on^-^f from the faithful discharge of the duties it owes the people, eithe. by threats or bribery. i i.i^... in 109. Because he will stop the interference of office holders m elections ; that fruitful source of corruption. _ r ,, „, 110. Because he will reform the corrupt practices of the ex- ecutive departments, and by his simple and republican habits bring modesty and economy once more into fashion. 111. Because his mild and impartial character will unite all hearts and hands in his support, and subdue that banefid spin of party animosity, which has made the state a P«l'^'^^ .§^" ^ § boaid, arrayed the country in hostility against itself ; and in it iuiy has support'ed a known wrong for the good of party and thi-eat- ened not only our peace, but the very existence of oui in.titu- "°1]2 Because he has pledged himself to be a candidate for but one term ; thereby securing for all future candidates an example wlich, if successtul, they will see the advantage to themselves of ^""uT Because after fighting the battles of his country, when the peace with Great Britain was concluded, and the burden and heat of the day was over, he retired, like the father of our country, to the labors of a private citizen on his own farm. 14 Because General Harrison is the friend of all those prin- cinles and measures by which the country has prospered in lor- 'ne times-Freedom of elections-the independence of execu- ye legislative, and judicial departments-a sound currency-a ■easonab e tariff-the curtailment of executive patronage- he "relation of the public lands-the fulfilment ot -aties w eth^ viih civilized or uncivilized nations-the supremacy of the aus he D-eservation of our territory from invasion or encroachment, and the elevation to office of not the mere political demagogues 7 ny party but honest men, who will faithfdly serve, not theT-poses of a party, but the interests of their whole 'Tl7' Because he is such a President as Washington, could he revisit'the earth, would not be ashamed to see occupying the seat he once occupied himself. Such an one as will not permit the 15 only free government in existence, to be a nursery of corruption ; the scorn of its enemies and an object of pity to its friends. 116. Because General McElvane of Ohio, in giving his reasons for abandoning Mr Van Bnren, says : " It is a proud name enough for me that I can call myself an American citizen. 1 wish to be known by no other. 1 will acknowledge no other. 1 am tired of deception. Names are nothing. Honesty of purpose i3 evc-y thing. I therefore support my old general and fellow soldier, not as a party man, but because I hnoiv him— and know him to be a brave man, a true patriot, and a capable statesman ; and knowing him as I do, had I ten thousand votes, they should be his in pre- ference to Mr Van Buren." 117. Because, the efforts of partisan brawlers and newspaper hirelings to rob General Harrison of that fame which is alike hon- orable to him and to the country, cannot accomplish their designs so long as the testimony of our most distinguished statesmen and soldiers, can be adduced in his defence. 118. Because the following letter from J. Speed Smith, one of his aids at the battle of the Thames, and one who has al- ways supported xMr Van Buren, furnishes one of the incontrover- tible testimonials to the heroic conduct of Harrison at the battle of the Thames. Richmond, March o, 1b40. Sir:— Your letter of the 17th ultimo, was received on yesterday, in which you state, that " it has been openly avowed that General Harrison was at no time in the battle of the Thames, nor within two miles of the battle ground- that the entire plan of operations was projected by Col. Richard M.Johnson— that he led the troops on to conquest, and that General Harrison had no part nor lot in the matter." My humiliation is deep that a necessity should exist, produced by party rancor, to prove facts attested by history for more ttian a quarter of a century, and which have never before been questioned, i Hat ignorance and credulity abound to an extent, to render such baseless asser- tions available, bespeaks a lamentable state of public intelligence, and por- tends no good to the republic. . >i * 1, That Col. Johnson led the van, and brought on the battle, is true— dint tie behaved with the utmost gallantry, is also true ; but your letter contains the first suo-gestion which has ever reached me, that " the entire plan ot operations was projected by him." The magnanimity of Col. Johnson will repudiate, with proud indignation, such an effort to cluster additional laurels upon his brow, thus unjustly torn from the brow of his General. Col. Johnson received orders, as to the form and manner of charge, from General Harrison in pei- son, in the face and almost in sight of the enemy. The General vvas with the regiment when the charge was sounded. As Johnson moved to tne charge^, the General starl,ed for the line of Infantry, which had been drawn up in order of battle. He had not gone far, before turning to me, (and to the best of my recollection, I was the only one of his aids then with him) he said " Pursue Col. Johnson with your utmost speed, see the effect of his charge, and the position of the enemy's artillery, and return as quickly as possible. Havino- executed this order as promptly as practicable, I met him on my return, pressing forward with the front of the infantry. Upon reporting that Col. Johnson had broke the enemy's line— that they were surrendering, and that their cannon was in our possession— he exclaimed, m an animated tone, " Come on my brave fellows. Proctor and his whole array will soon 'je ou'-s- Soon after this, an officer, (I believe the late Judge John McDowell, of Ohio) rode up and reported that the lefl wing, at or near the crotchet, was suttering 16 . severely, and in great disorder. This communication was made in the hear- ing of the soldiers. The General contradicted the latter part of tlie statement in the most emphatic manner — but giving order to the next in command to push forward, he dashed with the messenger to the indicated point of conflict and confusion, and found the contest pretty close and severe. A portion of .Tolinson's regiment, owing to tlie impracticability of tlie ground for horse, had dismounted, and was fighting on foot and mingled with the infantry — which liad been, to some extent the cause of the confusion. Order was soon restor- ed, and the left wing closed to the front, (which formed the crotchet) under tlie personal supervision of General Harrison. In the mean time some of our soldiers were sliot within less than ten feet of the General ; for the conflict here was sharp and animated, and continued so for some time. With the exception of the charge made by Col. Johnson's regiment, Gen. Harrison was in the most exposed and dangerous parts of the battle. It is due to the occasion to relate the following incident : The day before the battle the army was impeded in its march by the destruction of a bridge across a branch of the Thames, up which it was moving, at or near the mouth of the branch. Col. Johnson had been ordered to cross this stream at some mills, two or three miles above the mouth. The road led him by the bridge. A portion of his regiment had a brush with a party of Indians, posted in cab- ins, on the opposite side of the Thames and the branch, and also under the thick covert along their banks, to dispute the passage of the stream, and harass all attempts to repair the bridge. As soon as the firing was heard, the Gene- ral hurried to the scene of action, accompanied by a portion of his family, of wliich Conmiodore Perry was one. When I arrived, I found General Harri- son, Commodore Perry and other officers, (I think General Cass was one,) in an open piece of ground, near the bridge. Col. Johnson had passed, and a small portion of his Regiment, previously dismounted, under the command of Capt. Benjamin Warfield, and some Infantry which had hurried up, were carrying on the skirmish. Major Wood had been ordered up with a small piece of artillery. Commodore Perry urged General Harrison to withdraw, as he was too much exposed for the Commander-in-Chief. If I mistake not. General Cass united with the Commodore, and offered to remain and see his orders executed. The Genera', with Perry and the residue of his suite, started off"; but General Harrison went but a few steps and returned, and re- tained his position near the cannon, until the Indians were dislodged and driven, the bridge repaired, and the army put in motion to cross. During the whole time he was as much or more exposed than the soldiers, being on horseback all the while. The Commodore afterwards remonstrated witii him against this unnecessary exposure, observing, "that in open sea he could stand fire tolerably well, but there was no fun in being shot at by a concealed enemy." The General justified his conduct by saying "the General who commands Republican volunteers, in whose rardis the best blood of the coun- try is to be found, must never think of his own safety, at least until his troops become familiar with his disregard of personal danger." Hardihood itself has never denied Perry's courage. Chambers, and Todd of Kentucky, and O'Fallon of Missouri, the other Aids of General Harrison at the battle of the Thames, are still living, and can give you additional facts, if required. Although it is not in direct response to any part of your letter, I must be permitted to say, that my intercourse with General Harrison left the convic- tion on my mind, that he was a gentleman, a soldier and a patriot ; and I deprecate most sincerely, the injustice attempted to be done him by a portion of that party with which I have always voted. I am, sir, respectfully. Your obedient servant, J. SPEED SMITH. To M. B Corwiii, Ksq. 119. 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