LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 899 213 1 Conservation Resources Lig-Free® Type I Ph 8.5, Buffered E 453 .B85 Copy 1 T H E T W P R C 1 > A. M A T 1 N S. SPEECH HON. JAMES BROODS, BEFOBE 1 i j£\ U ^ Democratic Union Association, Sept. 29th, 1862. Hon. James Brooks, on rising, was received with great chef ring. As soon as silence was restored, ho said : — Mb. Chaikman and Gentlemen :— I am well aware of the responsibility under which any public speaker addresses any public meeting in a crisis like this. I am well aware, that this hitherto proud land of liberty, of which we all have boasted and in which we all have lived, i • now not altogether free, for free discussion, free speech, or a free press. (" That's so," and ap- plause. Another voice—" We'll make it so.") Everyone who comes before the public fear- lessly to utter his sentiments, to nay now what hitherto has neon accorded to all by every ad- ministration of the government, assumes a re- sponsibility which every public speaker would gladly avoid if lie could. I have interests, I have associations, I have responsibilities, I have a family, and I am notsatisfi< d yet, that if whal I say here does not suit the administration in power, that I may not be dragged and incar- cerated where many a ruau has been dragged without trial. (" No yon won't," and ap i Nevertheless, I feel that I speak as it t^re, a candidate for the Bastile this evening, but I «hall speak freely, boldly, and fearlessly, though with due respect to the administration. (Loud cheers.) THE DISTINCTION 1'. I ! « 1 11 N UDMTNISTBATIOJ VSV GOVERNMENT. A new era has come in upon us ; new logic has arisen ; new law is expounded ; new exposi- tors of the Constitution have sprung up. There was assembled, Sunday evening, in a neighbor- ing city, in no lager bier saloon, in no Irish porter house, where a like discussion would have been suppressed by the police, but in the holy Puri- tan church of Brooklyn, a political meeting, (great hissing) in which the reverend expositor of the Constitution laid down this creed, as I find it reported: "There can bo only two parties now in ibis -onefor liberty ana the President and i for the Smith' and for slavery. I know it is said that the President is not the govern^ merit ; that the Constitution is the government. Wha* . ! a sbeep.-km parobuumt a government ! * * President Lincoln, his cabinet, the heada of the executive departments, are me govern- ed i ,«■;> bave got to take their choice whether thej will go ag i-inst thi g »vei ament. And the President himBelf has fallen into a like error in his reply to the Abolitioni-tts of Chicago, for they report him to have said, while they were presenting to him the necessity of issuing the proelamati" "Understand, says Pre 'dent Lincoln, "I raise no objection <>n legal or constitutional • :•, i !ommander-io-Chief of the i in time of war, I sirppose I have totakeany measure which may best subdue th< enemy." Be farthi r said io the of his conversation with them, in sub- thai whatever appeared to do God's will he (President Lincoln) would do. Now, gentlemen, T propose, as briefly as pos- sible, to present to yon, not my ideas, out what are the real ideas ol government and of the ad- ministration of the government, and what is the difference hotween government and the admin- istration of government ? To the government Itself, we all owo loyalty and devotion, (ap- plause) and to the government we all owe alle- giance and fidelity. Government is not odIv instituted bv man for the protection of man and of society, but government is ordained of G"d to protect the people from anarchy and to main- tain liberty and law for the people. (Renewed applause.) ALLEGIANCE DUE TO GOVERNMENT, NOT TO MAN. To that species of government our allegiance is due, and it has been given by the Whigs and by fcju i ,. nil k i a1 m Congress in freely voting mil- .2 lious and teuH of million* to support tbi n-nmont and the Constitution of the United Spates. It has been given by the people of New York city, in tens of thousands of dollars and in thousands of soldiers, volunteers in the army of tbetoiied States, for the support, of the Rovr rmneut ; and its volume and its voice pressed by two D • Generals at the head of the army, HaReck, the Commander in-Chic'', and BfcClellan, — [Protracti enthusiastic cheer . in which 'lie roice of the speaker was lost.] Government, in this coun- try, lias its form and embodiment in thai wril ten instrument colled the Constitution of the United States. That piece of "parchment," that piece of " sheepskin," .is it was sneering- ly called by the ■ evening, that Constitution of the United i is the written expression of the public wUL, the embodiment of th and in Mia* Constitution, which tons is, what Magna Char- ta is to England, what the h %beas corpus is u, England ; in tha i at is our form ol government., and thai government eiu^odiea tour distinct branches,— not alone the Presi- dent, of the United States, nor the Cabinet of the President of the United S'ates, (an organi- zation altogether unknown to the Constitution,) but the Senate of the United States, that has the treaty-making power, and that has the con- firming power over appointments, the House of Representatives of the United States, and last, not least, aye, more powerful than all, the Judi- ciary of the United States. [Cheers.] President Lincoln is no more the government, than you.or I or anybody else ; he is but a branch of the gov- ernment. [Ren ] He is but the Executive power. He is no more the govern- ment than the Sonate, or the House of Repre • sentatives, and Justice Taney, with bis associ- ate Judges, is as mnch a part of the govern- ment as the Prei ta flf. [Applause ] MAN ALLI MRY IDEA. These are constitutional f.ie.ts; this is the writ- ten law of the Uo i is the embo- died government ofthe United States, and the only government, to which I, or you, or any D«- mocrat, or any Whig, hue ever sworn alle- giance. [Great cheering. J Brides of government is twelve or fifteen hundred years old, a product of the feudal ag< darkest ages of Europe. Braoton, the I enunciated it in law Latin : et Minister Dei in Terra, omnis quidem sub so est, et ipse sub nulla, n nib Deo." The kingly idea of government, in one man, or tinder one authority, with certain Divine rights, irresponsible to man oa earth and scarcely responsible to God in Heaven, is the Tory idea of government ; the despotic, monar- chical idea., never before, till in (his crisis, this new era, inirodu ed and forctd upon the un- happy people of these United States of Ameri- ca. ['* Good, arid applause] The President himself is but the mere creature of the Consti- tution of the United States. He never was by the popular will, or by the popular voice of the people of the Uoitpd S'ates. — [" No, never," and great applause.] No never, never, never ! [A number of voices "Never."] 3TR. LINCOLN NOT PHESIDrNT r.Y THE POPULAR VOICE. Of fl f or millions and two-thirds of a mil- lion of rotes cast at the last Presidential elec- [r. Lincoln was in the minority of nearly lion, among the people; [applause) and though in California and Oregon, underthe plu- rality system, he received their electoral votes, Jersey, glorious New Jersey, [cheers for rsey,] he did no 1 , receive the vote popuUr or the vote electoral. Thus, in these three northern tesofth Union, a majority ofthe people were against him, while from the Sus- quehanna to the Rio Grande, in fifteen other States, not a popular, nor an dec' oral vote was given bim. | MB LINCOLN ONLY PRESIDENT AS CREATURE OF THE CONSTITUTION. Nevertheless, under our constitutional sys- I tern in the, Electoral Colleges, of the 303 elec- toral votes bl en , though in a popular minority of nearly a million of votes, be did receive 1 180 electoral vob more votes tban wei e i ecessazy to elect him, the President nited States, under the Constitution. I , then, the President does not represent, and neva hasrepi rented, the popular will of .the people'oi the Tinted States. (A voice— : "And never will.") He is the mere creature of the Constitution of the United States, and our obedience to him as Executive, our fidelity to i ive, is through, and under the Constitution alone. ("That is all," and cheers.) deelaimers tell me, that the Ins Cabinet or, ] show thun the popnla iem, that the President" nt, but as he was Id by the Constitution of the rod in defiance of the popular voice of •he U. S. (Applause, ) Tell me not, then, that I may not.and t hall not,discuss the measures of an administration, or, that this administration is the government, and that in criticising the ad- ministration I am guil'y of treason to the govern meut. Government is a thing eternal,and spring* from God as well as born of the instincts of man, but Mr. Lincoln is but a creature of the Constitu- tion for four years only, and the Cabinet are but creatures of Lincoln. And yet. the reverend Brooklyn expositor tells us, that the Preaident aod the Cabinet are the government of the U. S. (A voice— " They are pretty nearly played out.") I shall, therefore, as I have a right, discuss fretly all the measures of the adminis- tration. THE TARIFF NOT FOR REVENUE ALONE — CARPET- PETING— WOOD SCREWS. I shall speak ot the tariff, for example, cost what it may. I shall say that the existing tariff was not made for revenue, but in the main for the protection of a, few monopolizing, rich and wealthy corporator-', the most «)!' «hom are n New England. (Applause.) I wjll say — and I might enumerate many such instances — that in the simple article of the tapestry carpet manu- facture, in consequence of the loom for the manufacture of that species of carpeting being patented, the tariff law of the United States throws thirty or forty percent protection for every yard of tapestry carpet manufacture into the hands of two or three wealthy manufactur- ers of tapestry carpeting. ("That's so, and cheers.") (A voice, " Simmons on wood screws.") Yea, that is another of th< m . '■ ■ '■ iuatratiotiH. THE PUBLIC LANDS. So with the public- land?. Whan it wau necessary to raise the tariff to increa i thi protection io the^e corporators, not for re- venue, but wholly for the purpose of protection, the public lands were givei away by Co] under the pretence of a donation to the poor maD, while upon that very poor man's ■ k>vied a duty, which makes it cost him thirty to forty cents per pound more, while the price of his sugar hau been doubled, the price of his coffee largely it) creased, and taxation in every way and in every possible manner inflicted upon the consumers of products atid the laborer^ throughout all the United States. (Applause.) I will »ay, too, that the appropriation of mil- lions ot money for a tew wealthy eorporator^bf the Pacirij railroad by Congress in time of war, was a wasteful exercise of the power of appro- priating money when it was necessary during the war io inflict enormouj and gigantic taxes upon all classes of peopls. (Cheers.) THE CURRENCY— PAPEE MONEY LEUAL TENDER. I shall speak, also, of the currency of the Uni- ted States. The creal or^ of the Constitution, our fathers, intended that the people should nave hard money as the basis of their business, only haid money ; gold and silver were the people's money. Hence gold and silver were ingrafted upon the Constitution, and the power given to Congress was only the power to coin money, » ever to coin paper, as money, (" good" and ap- plause,) and to stamp upon metal. nevei'jOn pa- per, the value of money ; the States were for- bidden, therefore, lest they might override the Constitution, from ever making anything but gold and silver money a legal tender for the payment of debts between man and man. And yet, the administrative powers in Congress and in the White House have not only violated th6 Consticution of the United States in the coin- ing of millions and millions of Treasury notes, but ha^e gone down to low water mark and have coined even postage stamps, not shin plasters alone, but sticking plasters also. (Great aughter.) Now, if human ingenuity had exert- ed itself to invent or devise the ways and means of destroying ihe value of property and of labor and of disturbing society, it need never have invent* rder from the War Department' abolishing, to a considerable extent, the civil ju- risdiction of the courts, and establishing in lieu thereof, a system of Provost Marshals through- out the whole of the United States of America. The first Proclamation of the President has in it tbree elements, three points worthy of consi- deration. The first is emancipation, the second is a proposition for the compensation of slaves, and the third is the colonization of these slaves. 1 propose as briefly as possible to ex- amine these points in order. The first thing which strikes a man is, to aBk, where is the grant of power in the Constitution of the U. S. which gives the President, but the creature of the Constitution, authority to annul whole States of the Union, or the laws and institutions of whole States in that Union, and to override all laws for the protection or loyal men, even if in disloyal Sta'es. No man can rise and say, that there is, anywhere, in our written Constitution, any such authority tor the President of the U. S. to exercise any such power as he assumes or usurps in his Proclamation. The only authority claimed is, that he, as Commander-in-Chief of the army— of the army not in the field— fla- grante hello, but as theoretical Commander-in- Chief of the army, sitting in the White House at Washington, has the power to exercise any authority which appears to him beat, or which he deems right. Now, if this be law, there is i no security that he may not exercise the same j power, if he deems it best tor the people oi the United States, to annul the relation of (parent j and child, of ward mid guardian, of debtor and creditor, of mortgagor and mortgagee, aye, all the rights and obligations of society — for he has the bi ttder-in-Ghief roue all powers over the northern States of the Union. ("Hear, hear," and cheers.) Who created this creature of the Constitution, the offspring of a | opular minority, who vested and appointed bim with this arbi over thirty million tan beings? — (gteat cheering,)— a power, the like of which, erdaed in Englatd, without an act of Parlia- ment, won! I or* ate a revolut ion there in forty- hours, among all classes of people : a pow- er, which Napoleon never dared iu exercise upon his imperial throne, and which the French peo- ple would never submit to, if attempted over the people of France? (Cheers.) THE LAWS OP W.Ui. But there is no such military power under "■■• institnti u a of the United •re martial rights, lawe <•! war, but well known and well recognized, laws written of, in Grotius, in Vattel, in Puffendorf, n our own Wfieaton, and in our own Kent, and nowhere is there recorded as giviDg to any Dominal Commander of an army, any such au- thority ar the President attempts to exercise, not only over the people at large, but over this Constitution of the United States. I do not hesitate to say, cost what it may, the use of such power isau arbitrary, and despotic exer- cise of illegal and unconsti utional power. — [ !Y> mi ndous cheering.J I will not cite a hun- dred authorities that I could cite in La*in, in French and in Germao, under the civil law, as old as the days of Justinian, hut I wid come down to what has been deemed high Republi- can authority, that, of John Qainoy Adams. We had likts controversies with Great Britain in 1783 and in 1816, upon the subject of plave emancipation, that we have now. Great Bri- tain, pending the revolution, emancipated and abducted many slaves from Long Island and elsewhere, and carried those slaves to Nova 8 otia or to the West Indies, there to be re-en- . Laved, and in the war ot 1812, Great Britain ex- ercised alike power over this slave property of the; Uniled S'ates. John Quincy Adams, as a Minister to England, as Secretary of State of the United States, wrote to the British authori- ties that, — '• They (the British) had no right to make any Mich emancipation promises to the negro. inciple i«, that the emancipation of the en< my's slaves is not among the acts of legiti- mate war ; as relates to the owners it is a de- si ruction of private property, nowhere warrant- ed by the usages of war"' "No such right is acknowledged as a law of war by writers who admit any limitation. The right of putting to death all prisoners, in cold blood, without special cause, might as well be pretended to bo a law of war, or th^ right to use mi d weapons, or to as B at s this tktvernment de facto, yet is put under the ban by this proclamation as much as if he bad beeu a rebel, ab-initio, from the very beginning, when the r'-beiliou first broke out. (Applause,) Heiiee, I repeat, the proclamation is unconstitutional ; the procla mation is against the laws of war ; (loud aijd protracted cheers ) the proclamation is against all well-written distinctions of jurists upon the subject of allegiance and loyalty due govern- ments, dejare and de facto. (Renewed cheers ) Excuse me, gentlemen, lor the heaviness, 'ho pro- lixity of this discussion. (" Go on, go oa.") I fear that in entering into it I am loo laborious- ly d'acustiiu^ abstract, principles ; but in theso times it becomes necessary to discuss these plain, constitutional, legal principles and to show that two. and two make four. FEDERAL COMPENSATION FOB STATE SLAVES. The next proposition of the proclamation is compensation to slaves. Here I plant my foot down on the steps of my fathers, in this, and other northern States, and tell the South to abolish slavery there as our fathers did, and pay for their siave-i when they abolish the institution, and not force taxation upon us to pay for 'he emancipation oi their slaves (Applause.) I will not tax the poor man of the .North nor the rich man of the North to pay for the emancipation of slaves in Texa*, North Carolina, Georgia, Teuueesee, or anywhere else. There is no such authority in Congress to appropriate money for anj such purpose whatever. All of theso northern States Uave abolished slavery by their own tree wid, and under their [own laws,have compensated the people or not compensated thtm as the people of the States willed. And yet, the President of the United Svatet, in the exercise of the pow- er of the Executive, promises to call upou Con- gress to tax the people of the North for the com- pensation of slives, loyal or dislo;> al. What ! are we, who are about to be more and more over- ridden by taxation, to be taxed even as the peo- ple of Eu^land and France are taxed on every- thing wa eatj drink, wear and move about in? Are we to tax the laborer of the North, earn- ing for his family, a dollar or two dollars a day, for the emancipation of slaves in dtstaut States of the Union, over whoso local interests, over whose municipal authorities, in whote debts or credits, or in whose systems of government we have do earthly r ght to exercise any power, and in which we have but little interest ? (Cheers.) eedehvl colonization of su The next, proposition of the President is a huge svstem of colonization for those slaves. Coming as be does from the State of Illinois, his own Republican State, which gave him the Republican vote, imbued wim the idea of the Western people,that they will not have negroes to live a; d dwell among them — he proposes to tax the Treasury of the United States millions upon millions to colonize, in Chiriqui or else- where, some three or four millions of uegroe9, at the exp heNorth. Why, never did a dn tnier idea enter the head, it seems to me, of auv wild Utopiau scheming philosopher. (Laughter and applause.) The abduction, the emancipation, the coloni- zation of four milhous of humau beings from the cotton and rice fields of the South, from the tropical districts of that region, whore only the negro can work, where the white man cannot possibly labor under that tropical >"un, the colo- nization of three or four millions of once happy human beings to some foreign country, on some wild prospect of emigration, and the taxation of twenty milhous of Noj ihero people to pay i > s negro < olonization,is utterly impossible, and never can take place. What- ever the President may say, or whatever ho may dream of, the Southern negro will remain hero iu the laud of his adoption and now the land of his birth, and the onlj q - I ft torus to settle », wh< ' ■ shall be left iiutramnielled, unnoticed and undisturbed by u*, as tli .v have been, from the foundation ot the gov, c imen , or whether we shall use the power of the army to subvert and destroy the author- ity of tlieir mas'ers and instal these slaves as masters of the Southern States of this Union, (" never, never,") and when thus installed, whether wo shall have i-lavo partnerships with them NO NEGJ HIPS. For one, I am readv to Bay that if the time ever arises when Georgia or Alabama, or \ irginia or Louisiana is governed by negroes, with a negro judiciary, negro senators in Con- gress, and negro representatives, it is quite tune tor the wnite people of the North to dis- solve partner ihip villi any such concern. (Loud cheers.) All these,however,are dreams of negro liberty, equalitv and fraternity ; and if the schemes ot the President are curried out, there must inevitably 10110*, what the Aohtionists now demand of nim, the arming of the slaves, their adoption into the arniv of the United States, and our recognition of them, not only as tellow soldiers, but as fellow citizens al- so. (Applause and laughter.) In Louis- iana, there are now thousand of slaves supported on government rations, and every ne,;io costs the U. S., forty cents a dav for bis ra- tion. Something must be done wnh these ne- groes. jThe Abolitionists propose to briDgthem into the army of the United States. This is no new proposition. Alikd proposition was made two years ago, id the State of New York — the be- ginDingof that idea, to give negro rnffrage to negro voters, and though this was a Repuolican State, going for Mr. Lincoln by fifty thousand majority, the Republicans themselves had good sense enough to vote down that proposition by an immeose majority, Butwbat mean these propositions? They are nothing new. Let us dee. . BE NEGBO lUii.- I i .< .' .■ I f IS BPAH [SB AHEBIOA. Look at Spanish America Spanish America was a t- 1 ' I i (I !>■ the lofty and proad Bid tlgos "t Spain ; New Engl tiled by tbe Puri- ut clasa of people, no, Paritans, not all Chevaliei -..in.! of them claim, not ah gentlemen, but -i thi in far diffei eat from gentli d Tbeee ;b ee els Pari Chivalry, say, in the centre aodSpani aAmer- ■ South. God in w i madi a nobler if men than tin old .SpanishHtdalgoa. True to thai tim- to thi ir God aud they carried toeir old flag from tl a bai ksof the alqniver, far acro«« the Atlantic i from lie Bborea of Florida through S-nth d from thenoe > tthfornia, or across the Cordilleras. ' . i ile la Plata ; and faithful to their God auu king, Hi y i this old Has; of Bpaia in glory from lant ic to tne Pacific ocean [A.] A i long as the pure white bloo ourm ut when Spain ud intermar- rying with the 1 1 ili. in and with the n ■ ■■ when Spain adopted into her armies the b'ack blood of the ii. gro then, j,o longer, did the pure wb Spam rule in glowing grandeur from the moun- ■ ok* of the A 1 1 • 1 • i, but tto ad th< Indian at last roee up, and drove out the loft] II •' ! ... io the h line wheuco he emigrated, bo that now, when I northern or a southern regii latto of Sudiu, od, one fierce look of ol a nor i hern or boti'horuiuan wo moliab a whole regiment ol Ludyet, th to arm as, io intn i into our anni consoi iption, trom oui i march . Hi*■ i the Administration upon ibis sabjec , you shall be incarcerated in Fort La Fayette. ["Go on, let them try it,."] The pro- clamation forbids all disloyal practices, and among other thingf, states.that all people who lilty of, dieli ball be aub- law. But who ia to judge of oilt of disloyal practices? The eonr's ot law— judges and juries? 0, no. ["Dick 1 the city of New York, S head of the police. [Biases.] And, it I have an ene- l that social enemy approaches the Pro- I arshal aud whispers that I am guilty of dmloyal pracices, he having a< udied into rets of some 'atmly circle, the Provost Mar. .lntl, n Li boul proces -, without judge or jury, can i all to his aid two thousand policemen, ami can arrest and incarcerate me iu Fort La Fay- ette, and 1 am there beyond the hope of corpus and the protection of law. ("No, n< -. ■ r, ") Qiere are two points in the Pre clan • vat ia the suapenaiou of the civil, and the establishment of martial law, and cond i the is cor- pus. You all know what tbe civil law is — courts, and the processes by which yon have been accustomed to see law ad- law you do not know. It ii i ur happy lot, since the • lament, never before now to kuow u h i in..) ti.il law was iu this coun- try, and we can not know whatitianow,but as we it in tbe history ofdespotiogo\ tin tnents over the A'laniic ocean. Martial law lathe law of of the drum bond court, of rhe I be, the absolute law,the law from which there ia no court of appeal, but, to the jurisdiction ol which there must be implicit obeuience ; and from which there ia no hope for, except a( the pleasure of the administrators of that martial Jaw. The next point in that Pro- ion of the Habeas cor- GATIOH ui' atAGNA CHABTA. Now, friends, there are certain Latin words which come down to uu from the hiatory of our lathers, almost madeEugliah by cona'ant it^c, which ciunot well bo translated, but which, ■ • v. rtheless, arc toll of meaning AH Eugbah liberty, and all our liberties as doscendauta of Eugliohinen, come from what ia called Magna Charta. it was extorted bv the barona of Eng- land from their despotic King John, in the year 1215, for themeelvoa and their aerfa, under the threat of tbe i-word. it he did not sign ilia' great chaner for English liberty, lion winch nave soinng, in the main, all the rights aud liberties of Englishmen. From thenoe cornea our right of trial by jury, and our security in the posses- sion of our property. " Nutlus liber homo ca- pietur vel impnsonetur,"- "NoFreeman shall be taken or imprisoned. "No | ball be dissti-ed of nia freehold, impri oned a '1 con- demned, but, by judgment of uia Peer 1,1 u law ot the land." That is the right' and the liberty which the Eoglis-h people have had eioce, Anno Domino, 1215. Nop.', for 1 1 time here,and onlv with occasional exception i,in the history of English liberty, we a I this right of trial by jury;v ed, ar- rested and imprisoned without any adjudioal of a jury upon our Bins, or iniquities, on any allegations which may be made b gainst us, aud our property may be seized or diotnrbed out any adjudication whatsoever, (Sb THE NTTLLIFIC ATICN OF HABEAS C0BFD8. There followed, in the reign of the two Charleses of England, (despotic kings,) what is called the writ of habeas corpus, rite right which an English subject bad, when- ever he was taken prisoner, and incarcer- ated in a jail, to have a writ frotn a Judge of the Court of King's Bench, commanding the jailor to bring the body of tnal fore him, to have hie case adjudicated upon, ac- cording to tho laws of England. And ■ which bas been Eoglish liberty since the days of the dark ages, (12i5,) thai which tbedi Kings of England, the two CharK ed, one ot whom was executed for hie ' aud his government suppre d I ••• Cromwell— that which our fat hers ha reign, is now subverted, overthrown, d< s rojed, by a mere proclamation from the Pre ideiit oi the U. 8., annulling both the right of trial l y jury and the habeas corpus, by person has a right to know, before mi j why he has been incarcerated. The Pr claims that he has authority, Consti- tution, to issue this power of sum ' habeas corpus. Believe you that Washington, rebelling against the tyranny ot the <-'■ ■ power ot King George, that Madison, J. B Franklin, old John Adams, or any ol thers of the Revolution, ever created a Cot tut ion by wnich one mere man, havi same flesh and blood, that yon and [have,i without act, of Congret-s, to have authority over thirty millions of people ? — ths of you, by day or by night, from your - i children, and incarcerate you in For. La , or Fort Warren, beyondall hopeot redemp .on ? ("Infamous.") Never did the framer Constitution give or grant such powers to the Executive ol the U. S. (" W r stand it.") If it wore given, there is no liberty any longer for the people of the U. S., for that Exe- cutive has but by the exercise ot arbitrary po v- er to involve this country in war with England or France, and in the suspension of t be habeas corpus, after creating an army of a million cf men, to ride, rough suod,over thirty millions of hitherto free white men. ("Never, never.'"*— Our own Judge Hall, in the western part of the State, but tne other day liberated a pereon, a reverend gentleman— who may, or may not, have been guilty of something, I know not wuat— on a haoea< corpus, and in doing so, de- clared that, as Congross had given the Presi- dent no such power, he had no such power. (Applause ) Notwuaatanding this decision of Judge HalU this person was taken, the moment he was liberated (a white man kidnapped) to isolated from the ptople, and secreflv and stealthily taken from Buffalo to Al ba n?; thencS to Washington, a State prisoner. (Shame.) And they tell mo that for tbin free speech, thin free ami fundamental discussion of all these things, I may be imprisoned and incarcerat- ed. ("Nj, yon won't.") But I do not at all feel certain 'wo thousand policemen may not take mo any boor of the day from the midst of my fellow-citizens, audiucarc<.rate me. (Nev- er," and protracted cheers.) (A man in the audience proponed three cheers for Judge Hall, which were pnthneias* ically giv- en.) WHAT IS TO BE DONE ?— GO TO THE BALLOT-BOX Now, fellow-citizens, I dare say I phall be ij Republicans, after these complaints against the administration of the government, " Whal are we to do?" If this country was not in the midst of a civil war, I would have no hes- itancy in saying, as Patrick Henry said, in the Revolution, " Resistance to tyrants is ebedi- Goci." (Enthusiastic and lot g continued cheering.) (Capt. Rynder* -" Three cheers for that, if it is the last cneers that freemen have to The cheers were given.) What are we to do? (An auditor — " Wnere are the tyrai "Put him out.") All I propo le to do is to appeal to the ballot-box. Tb i : - > itherto been a suffici- ent court i f appeal forall the people of the Unit- Li they will permit us to have it, arouse and inspire yoursel >n at the ballot box. (Applause.) I ballot box is your only, your lofty and sublime remedy. ("Will they letUBhavt the ballot box?") Go to the ballot box and make a trial there for the redemption oi people irom all impending slavery. For the present, | ill this arbi- >of power. ("We will -io it.") If [,oi nvoi your follow citizens be imprisoned, be French did inthemidn ,,\ .h,. i; vo i large proci > the red cap er. vt i\ 'n>o!na.i"« head, (great applau ■<•) march bo unarmed, a beoded knees, if nei imp] re I i< manderto liberate your fellow- citizen. ("No, Devej ■ America, ) Freemen should always, be- fore re Dg to anj uttii ;,, beg. There ar< ... obligations mntry like this, as long as the ballot box is open for 'be redress or wrongs. ("You I lit.") When you have, assembled before this Bastili , read to the epaulettes, in the lofty sonorous Latin oi th< dark ages, the 9fa<7- Ha of your F, bers, thunder the habeas corpus m the ears of your Mlow cit- and soldiers, and tl ■ ■" ■ the Constitution of the United States, which g tarantee8 to every man the right of i'i i a, tiial by for bis property aud person. I citizens, I did not come here only to complain against the administration of thego. ling, i>ut itlxo to lay be- fore yon, m . bis free speech tha I am makiog,my ideas upon the subjec. ot this war. I Jiave no sympathy with rebellion in any shape or form oever. The Constitution of the United Sralesonce wasenougb for our southern conn- I, the Congr I States afforded every remedy for ihe redrees of their grievances under that Constitution. Tney were terribly provoked and goaded, bu f . iheir duty was, with the Senate of the United Spates, theirs, with the House oi I intatives, al- most theirs, with the Judiciary, theirs ; their duty was, to do what I urge npou you, thin eve- ning, to petition and to go to the ballot box. The right of petition is the birth-right of every in. The Ballot Box in the remedy for ... rv American. Arm*, artillery, the Cartoach .j not, elements of American progro-n "r civilization. [Cheers.] I have my own ideas on tlun war. I wi*h 1 could express them freely F'iRTIFV AND HOLD GREAT RAILROAD AND RIVER POSTS. I would R$ve the army ot the Uni ed States occupy tbe great points of the Mississippi river here. ["Spe A ou( ' 1 Mo, no, J shall no Bpeak and rhecardinal points on the railroads and I blood is being shed. Bni (here the speak r [dering) fcbSa I ml i i born incbe State of Maine On one side . t ; t - British province of Nova Sootia and on c' Lower C mada, with wide navigable rivers, opening the State to the navies of the world: and vet there ie such an unconquerable, invincible, Anglo-Saxon spirit, i leoilodepi ndi boe tberethat I do no her, could < var snojngate 1 b pie. Snbjog it ion ox i n ia not an American idea : it is not a theory to which tbe Anglo-Saxon blood in our veins', will ever sur B-oold have those points fortified, aud then I would leave tin rebellion thus snrroundea to Bting itself to death, io crush itself out by the violence of its own venom. (Applause.) This geographical war of overrunning apeoole, whose territory stretches from the Potomac to the Rio protec ed in manyparts by an infernal iii ides of ov-.rrunning with Northern not habituated to that climate, that vast rritoroy, is a theory tha/t, in heend, musl fail. Our great duty cer'ainly is, not to the Constitution of the Un&ed States is 1 and the Union restored as it was, the Abolitionists would have it. Let no man, therefore, pervert what I say. I have no reader! 11 tbe oatb of subj u nation w-re fueed ' sympathy ei Me r with treason or secession. 1 upon n I Maine, he Would Btrike at abhor Beceesionismand Abolitionism, booh th< administrator of that oath- m the rem-; Imt whoever held oul to him the rifles oi self government, according to the CoustHu- tion of the United States; he, with asittgl from New York, or alsewhere, oould bring !1 tbe |u ople or' Maine to their obedience. I do not propose,if anj may draw such an . ic-e.tiir we shall em r Burrender our Con tiou and government to of the south- ern States. But I propose to carry on the war upon a different principle with the Bword in the right hand, nnd the Constitute m in the lefi : (great applause,) and under that panoply and protection, not a million of soldiers, 1 thousand will crush out anil exterminate all i ebelhon. It - ary for the subjugation of that cradle of rebellion, where ibis nnliolv war began, where the proud flag of our country was first struck down cannon, it volunteers be called, to re hi Let that flag there, I tlonk 1 maj eay, two millions or' volun eers would go from tl.t Northern States. (Cheers.) . ■" l'l'TIES OF Tins (Great, applause.) I have no more respect for Wendell Phillips than I have for Jeff. Davis. Jeff. Davjs is but a rebel not two years old, aud Veii'N 11 Phillips i j a rebel, by Iijs own confes- ion, tweuty years old and more. (Laughter and BOTH NORTH AND LD TETE CONSTITUTION, SOUTH. Fellow-citizens, I have detained you too long, l" No, no, go ou,"J but I 'el it my duty to dis- •'■ cardinal, primary, fundamental prin- cioles of this government, and unless the> are maintained and vindica ed, we shall become n all other Republics have been, the victims of tyranny and despotism Turn over the Dages ol history, full of the tombs and sep- nlchres of Ri publica that have fallen. With 'he exception of the little Republic of San Mari- no,on a peak ol the Appenines, we are the only Repubhc on tbe face of this broad earth. We ing two great experiments — first, if the pronniiciatnento of a people, dissatisfied with i he i onatitutiohal result of an election can sub- vert the govern re ondly, if tjrante in Mytheorvoitb. e heart and in spirit, can fasten upon us, by mere powers which th ation gives us. And paper Pi a tyranny which will put rorwbatwa a mainly formed ? ()l "' Repubhc in ihe same category of the What were ita puj a the main, exterior tomba and sepulchres of all other Republics purposes,— pnrponef-, out of, and beyond the do- tllrtf hive gone before it. ["Never, never."] matnol ih< I' was common ' '• ■' precious bo in, a birthright be- rnment ol yond all mice and calculation. Demagogues, 1 reol the pet I1 ' 1 monarchists, the earth over, in pie of »he Chesapeake Baj ti trade with the n reol the peoi Ie ol Rhode I ea port I.! self in'- i icution ■mm nni. ,i 1 cans, reoo-sess Mobile, take mquer or buI jugate Chai l< ston at Euro],!: as well as here, are using all their cuu- nidg to subvert free institutions and tbe great priucii ui liberty. If, in our hostility "i rebellion, we forget our own ngh