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 ^1 1 
 
 (No. 1.) 
 
 t\lIow- Citizens: 
 
 One who has known you long, begs leave to address you. 
 
 It was said many )cars a::o, that a crisis had amved which **tried 
 men's souls." It was true. It was a great crisis, and was pregnant with 
 tiie most important consequences. Multipiied wrongs and aggressions; 
 niult.pl:ed violations of our charters and infractions upon our rights, roLised 
 your ibre-fathcrs to resistance, and impeded them to seek by the sword, 
 the recovery of pnvdeges, which England, our unnatural |)arent, liad 
 ■wrested from us. It was a crisis fellow-citizens. It was a crisis which 
 called for s;reat heads and stout hearts, which called for warriors in the 
 field, and =ages in council. To a single state belonged the glory to 
 send forth her gallant son, who, by way of excellence, is called "the 
 Farther of his Country;" while the others were forward in sending forth 
 their full proportion of each. There was every thing about it to entitle 
 it to the denomination by which it is was called. It was novel — for the 
 world had not seen its like. It was startling — for, it was every where 
 encompassed with the dangers? It was awful — for, if unsuccessful, were 
 a gibbet for our leaders — a yoke for their followers. This was our situa- 
 tion — tiiis: was the crisis whiclr tried men's souls" — But, the souls of 
 our fore-luthers were equal to the contest; and looking as they did to the 
 result, with an eye animated by hope, they grasj^ed the swoid, determined 
 upon liberty or death, and onward they rushed to battle: and he who 
 is the God of war as well as peace — he who is the God of justice as well 
 as mercy — he who avenges himself upon nations as well as an individual 
 — he who holds in his hand the destinies of the universe, smik'd upon 
 their cause, and crowned their effo' t with success. Here I repeat it — 
 was a great crisis; and one to which we should often look with feelings of 
 gratitude, of admiration and love, towards those who were conspicu- 
 ous in it. But, another crisis fellow-citizens has occured; and between 
 this and Mot there exists the most essential difference. That was a cri- 
 sis to create; — this is a crisis to destroy. That was a crisis wiiich aimed 
 at the destruction of ursurpation. and the substitution, and the erection of 
 
a free a incdpendant government. This impels to the annihilation oi 
 all governnient,, and subsiitute? anarchy for the security of the law. 
 That was a cr''sis, which gave birth to a constitution w!;ic!i the wise must 
 admirer, and the friend to the rights of man much est(-em. Taiti raises 
 its hands against this constitution, and cloaked under the mantle of nullifi- 
 cation, woulci beat it to the ground. Tliere is then all the difference be- 
 tween that crisis and this: and just in proportion as the object of each 
 is different, should be our resoect for the one, and our detestation of the 
 other. Excuse me my country-men, for dwelling so long on tlse subject. 
 I love to think ofour revolutiunary times, and of the men who figured 
 in them: and it behooves us all, to recall t'leni often to our recollect on. 
 For, besides that they were times of great peril, and the dee! est interest, 
 they were moreover peculiarly remarkable for the production of some of 
 the rarest snd most ennobling qualities which adorn human nature, and 
 mark the primitive greatness of man for a courage so indonutable that 
 not' iing could subdue — for a patriotism so steadfast that nothing could 
 shake — and for a disinterestedness in principle and action, unsurpassed at 
 least, in the annals of any nation of ancient or modern tinies In fict 
 they constitute an epoch in the history of the world, from whose summit 
 the patriot and the philanthrophistmay look down, and contemplate the 
 most ravisliing prospect which tlie eye cm survey. And so in spite of 
 the fears of the timid, and tlie predictions of their enemies, they con- 
 quered the proud Hon of old England, and achieved our independence; 
 an i then we framed a constitution, and adopted it; and then we united 
 ourselves as one family, and in this connexion which we call union, we 
 have found freedom, concord, and security. But times change and we 
 change uith them, and therefore, he who expects any human institution — 
 supported alone by human aid — ^to remain unchanged has read but little 
 "and obseived less. Factions in state, as well as scl'isms in church, must 
 come; and it is the pait of wisdom to provide as well as it can, against 
 their dreadful consequences. We ought therefore to look for chansies, 
 and even the most alarming hanges — changes some of '.vhicli, affect the 
 policy, and others, the funnamenlal pni!ciples of our government. For, 
 man is the desendant of a fallen parent, and is frequently a victim to the 
 most furious and ungovernable passions. At one time, a prey to sensuali- 
 ty, he sinks into the arms of voluptuousness — at another, controled by the 
 love of riches, his sordid soul can find no pleausure but what she derives 
 from the accumulation of the glittering metal. Such is man; but, of all 
 the passions which assail him, there is not one which is capable of pro- 
 ducing more good or evil, than ambition. The noblest, the grandest, 
 at the same time the most insatiable in its desires,it has alternately raised 
 man to the imitation of angelic greatness, or sunk him to that of the 
 most fiendish debasement. When inordinate, tlie loftiest heights of the 
 towering Andes finds no resting place for it. When entirely absorbed in 
 self, the universe is too poor to satiate its hunger. To check its march, 
 the best concerted pi ;ns of human reason are frequently unavailable; for 
 thought is the image of its speed, and the thunder-bolt of heaven, the 
 figure of its force. Dangers but stimulate it to action, and difficulties 
 but only augment the force of its energies, death and carnage are its pas- 
 times: and while glory encircle its banner, it grasps v.ith firmness fhe 
 standard though slippery with a brother's blood. The ties of nature re- 
 tire at its approach; and the tenderest — the dearest and most cherishes! 
 
feellnc;9 of the heart are palsied under its omnipotent sway. Justice laysi 
 her Jaims .;e;br>; t;.i> passion, and she heeds ihi^m noi. Pity implores 
 her succt.ur, and she .-'.wiisto be moved by the tear which e;l!siens in her 
 eye. Such is inonfjnate ambition. We have seen ii in an Alexander and 
 a Ctesar of ancienf, and a CiOinweli and a Bonaparte ol modern times. 
 W liaie seen it in fidl disp ay upon the pl.iins ol Phanulia, and aft^^r- 
 wards on the liel I ol Watt rloo; and we may soon bf called upon to look 
 at it, in aland, tree, ind'jpen- lent and hapoy — our own. My country- 
 men! who could have suppusr I it — who could have imaged, tiat si) soon 
 as this — so soon aft r our RevoUitionary strusrule — so ?oon after the 
 acSievemeni of our liberty and independence — so soonaftei- the ado (lion 
 ol our Constitution, andt: e ton nation of our union — so soon after we had 
 bocomt; an oitject of adnniation and envy to the universe, t'at it", slould 
 hav. la ked of resistance to the law, to the constitution, and the 
 union? Vet so it is. Tlie hoarse voice of faction is he^rd among yon, and 
 th> li. I iguage of rebellion is addressed to your ear. And this, not by a 
 mere handful of dis-atisii'.'d and discontented men — not by a set of men 
 destitute alike of talents, of fortune, and of character — not by a rabble 
 or a mob: no, but by men, some of whom are of the first order of ta- 
 lents — by men, all of who.n I believe enjoy an unstained reputation in 
 private life — by men, some of whom had bled in their country's cause — 
 by men of high darinji, and chivalrous enterprise: yes, fellow-citizens, it 
 is by such that this language is addressed to you: it is the language of 
 their legislature — the lan^uai!;e of their State. And t' at state is South 
 Carolina: how strange! Is is a dream, or is ^t a fact? that S(juth Caroli- 
 na once — still the darlini; sister of her sister states: that South Carolina, 
 once — still the pride of the union: that South Carolina, which had suf- 
 fered so mui'h, which had endured so long — which had bled so pro- 
 fusely in the cause of independence — that South Carolina on whose es- 
 cutcheon shine so many of the virtues which adorn and sweeten domes- 
 tic life, should be the first of the twenty four states — tlie first of our soci- 
 al compact— the first of a family circle united by every tie, which bind 
 men to£;cther, to declare, not n a moment of bent and passions, not in 
 a moment of insult and menace, not when a challcnse was hanti,ing over 
 her head, or the laniiuago of defiance was riugins; in her ears, but in a 
 tune of profound peace and at lea-t, apparent amity — at a tme when 
 she was engai2;ed in solemn co)»venuon, and when the passions are pre- 
 sumed to be hushed and reason alone to bf^ar sway, that slu will not 
 obey a law of the general government, that she will resist theexccuti'm of 
 </iaMaw, ti.at a7ic will sepente from the union, and declaie lierselfto 
 be free, sovereign and indejjcndent? Yes, — it is no dream of a distem- 
 pered mind — no fiction of the creative fmcy of a poet. It is a fact — 
 South Carolina has done this. H?r ordinance is the scroll of insurrec- 
 tion. Her nullification is the annihilation of 'aw, and the prostration of 
 authority. Then she stands before you. In t';e one hand she holds the 
 parchment of rebellion — in the other she grasp the sword with which to 
 sustain them. 
 
 Travelling as we have been for more than fifty years tlirough adoles- 
 «nce to some thing like the gristle of manhood, we have not only bf^en 
 exhibiting to mankind so many sunny pictures of human hapnires'= as have 
 awakened their astonishment, but we hive even far exceeded the 
 most sanguine expectations of the most ardent pijilantlu-oj)ii. Wh9» 
 
therefore at such a time as this — at a time when we are In the tloodtide 
 of a successful experimrnt— when divine providence is overflouin-^ us 
 with the abundance of his gifts— where the genius of liberty, lias taken 
 his abode amongst, and tlie spirit of toleration walks triumphantly over the 
 crun.biing ruins of bigotry, through our happy land— when we seem 
 alnjost to have attained to the summit of human greatness and happiness, 
 at sucJi a time as tnis, the voice of resistance to tJie law, of disunion 
 and rebellion breaks upon the ear like the scream of some ill-omend bird, 
 and leaves us for a wliile in that state of a^^tonishment which suspends 
 the. faculties of the mind, and paralizes tlie physical action of the body. 
 When however we have recovered from this state, it is natural for us to 
 enquire to wliat does all this lead? What means this Ordinance of S(;uth 
 Carohna which you have all read? Why is that parracidal steel ui)litted 
 agamst the majesty of the law? What mean those Legislative acts ar- 
 raymg her citiz»-ns in arms againn the Union? Whence spring the oppo- 
 sition of unionists and nullifiers, whose fierce and discordant acclamations 
 have reached to the remotest bounds of this peaceful land? W])y stand 
 they, chiMren of iier own bowels— armed against each other, not only 
 with t!iesvord,br.t what is infinalely worse, with the most deadly and 
 rancorous haired? What means all this, and to what does it naturally 
 lead? 1 will tell you my country-men. It leads to rebellion-to the 
 prostration of autlionty— to disunion, and to civil war. Yes. civil war 
 With all Its fury and carnage— civil war with its misrule and anarchy— civil 
 war with ''Its garments rolled in blood"-and the annihilation of guvern- 
 ment Yes, this is the state of thing which the ordinance of S^nith 
 Carohna must produce. Do you not shudder at the bare idea of it> 
 Areyou not prepared to make many sacrifices to prevent iO But to 
 prevent it, we must be united in action; and to be united in action, it is 
 necessary that we should be so in opinion. To produce this is the main 
 object 1 have in addressmg you, and therefore in the succeeding numbers, 
 we vvill examine fuly, and I tnist dispassionately, the novel, and uncon- 
 stitutional ground which South Carolina has taken in her ordinace. 
 
 A NATIVE OF MARYLAND 
 
 (No. 2.) 
 
 Fellow- Citizens: 
 
 I have hitherto addressed you in general terms; and I have done so 
 that your minds may gradually be prepared for the consideration, and 
 ca.whscussion of the subjects which J shall lay before you. I said in 
 my first number that I 1 ave known you long, and I will now add that I 
 esteem youmuch. I am by birth a native of your country; andby choice 
 by judgmem, by every deduction of my reason, and every impdse of 
 my heart attached to the Constitution and Union of our Country.'^ Who 
 indeed, that is not a fiend in human shape, but must be? Who unless he 
 he one who like the Infernal M. ,n.rch k-kens at the happine'ss of a„o! 
 jher, but must be ready, tho' age should almost have curdled the blood in 
 his ve,ns, to grasp the sword to defend the Constitution and the union" 
 Yet,,t may be, that we have other men as these amongst us: nor, when 
 
 stance. Scarcely is our fiist parent banished from paradise, than the 
 
»arth, cursed on his account, becomes the theatre of crime, and baleful 
 2nvy siieds tl.e blood ol the innocent Abel: and inan has been the same 
 iince in every age, cl.me and government. 1 entreat you, to ponder on 
 this fact; knit is one, which is pie-nant witli inst! notion; and vviiile your 
 recu'ieft'n of the past, will I'urnisli you with many inst;mces of its ex- 
 istan-.'e, it will also gu.ird you against a too confiding trust upon the pro- 
 fess on of any man or set of men who solicit )our confiiience. For 
 rely on it, you are in more danger from your netiligence and ai)athy than 
 yoiii' vigilence, your suspicion, or even jealously. There is no time 
 wi.en th- se are not necessary; and tfure are times when they are pcru- 
 lia. iij demanded. Do you doubt t'lis? Look at the facts before ycu. 
 Ha^ nt>l tlie time come, wiien doctrines the most novel, the most extra- 
 ordinary, unconstitutional and disorganizing are openly avowed, and un- 
 blusiiingiy a'^hocated? Men — some of w hom are dislin2;uished by the 
 Jidendour of their talent^; some, by the abundance by which they are 
 ;urr*'un;!ed, an ' a!! by the profession of the most ardent atta.hment to 
 the Union, hoi' !ly assert, tiiat the will of the majority tho' declared by 
 its vonstiiutional organ, is not the law of tie land; and that it is the right 
 of any Smte In the Union, to resist and nulhfy it; that each State of this 
 Unio.i IS sovereign, free, and independent; and that its obedience to any 
 law ol the Generai Government, is of courtesy and not of obligation. 
 Su.d) iis the doct- ine avowed by South Carolina. It is, as they call it, 
 null fi;aiion. It is, as /pronounce it, insurrection. It is a;;ainst the 
 cci'St tution and. law, against the Union, and the Utter and spirh of our 
 Social c^ mpajt, against every princi;ile of government, and society itsell. 
 An.i, a/; i/r'^s,I shall endeavourto prove to your entire satisi'action. Before 
 ho\ever 1 ^m this, permit me to make a few preliminary remarks, and to 
 staler*, you d'-tin/tly my own political principles. 
 
 The value of souieof tiie best things w^iich we enjoy, is often not 
 9ufRc''er<t;y a spree kited, because we do not reflect maturely on the nature 
 of the thiiigs tlieo;se!ves. Thus, health — one of t'le greatest temporal 
 bie-sinis which we possess, is seldom regarded with an eye of nmch 
 affect in, until by its loss we are compelled to feel, the almost immeasur- 
 able distance there is between it and the pains of disease; and so it is 
 of many otiiers, and part cularly law. The benefits which we receive 
 fr m this, ai'e almost covmtle'^s; and in order, that we may sufficiently ap- 
 precate them, and the sour-e also from whence they How; 1 beg your 
 attentive considei-ation of this fountain itself. With law, society begins, 
 and \v;tiiout it, societ\ must end. Its original, is God, its due observance, 
 is t.-'C harmony of the universe. Whenever you find it, there is order; 
 wiierevei*it is absent, there is confusion. "Where law ends, tyrany be- 
 gins." Such was the exclamation of one of the greatest orators and 
 sti^tesman that England ever produced; and however familiar our ears may 
 be wiih this exclamation, it is necessary for us to ponder on its import, to 
 become to see its whole scope, and to feci its ivhole scope. For, blood 
 Stained as the history of man is, in so many of its pages, from its wars of 
 aggression and defence, it nevertheless, never presents such an appalling 
 spectacle of human depravity and misery, as are exhibited by those storms 
 of the passion roused by civil war, and which rasing with ungovernable 
 fury, sweep from the land the laws of civil society, and the ordinances of 
 divine institution. It is law my coimtrymen, which is the band that binds 
 us together, and it is resistance to law which snaps this band aeunder. It 
 
6 
 
 is law vvliich declares and protects our rights: and it is resistance to law 
 which nullifies tiis protection, and exposes them to the usurper's 
 grasp. It is law which secures us from the midnight murderer, and 
 it is resistance to law whicit puts tbe dagger in his liand, and sanctions 
 the horrid deed. It is law wliich declares, "thou si. alt not steal, thou 
 shalt not kill, thou shall not lie;" and it is resistance to law which 
 tra.upling upon authority, licenses the commission of these crimes. 
 Such is law, such is its force and such are its consequences. Will you ai ide 
 by it? You, have received this law; /ou who !iave adopted it as the 
 rules of your actions; .'/Of', who owe to it so much; your life your liberty, 
 your security, the security of domestic enjoyments, the sweet of conju- 
 gal love, and the holy rapturesof religion; will you abide by ii? Ihnow 
 you will. I know you wilt support the law, and will dash from your 
 confidence, the man who shall dare, to recomu.end to you resistance. 
 Yes my countrymen, the law must be supported; for, "where law ends 
 tyrnany begins " For, I repeat, it is the oidy correct rule of action. It 
 is the only sure foundation of our security. It is the only band of society, 
 snap it,- and government is no more; and man flies from man, and is 
 driven into the gloom of the uninhabited forest to prowl his, unaided 
 and alone, through the swamp of the crocodile, or the jungles of the 
 tyger. But / may he asked — and the question is a very natural one, 
 must the people then always be obedient to any legislative enactments? 
 No matter wi^at maybe tl.eir chracter, no matter whether they be of the 
 most outrageous usurpation; no matter whether they most palpably and fla- 
 grantly violate the Constitution; of our Country; no matter whether they 
 trample upon our rights, and plunder us of our property, must the 
 people unc'er these circumstances yield oberlience tothem? I answer no. 
 We must give to Caesar; what belongs to Caesar; we must give to God what 
 belongs to God; and we must preserve to nian, what are man's inherent 
 rights. Of these no civil power has the right to attemjU to divest him; 
 nor can Ae even divest himself of them. Among these are the rigi its of 
 conscience, and self preservation. These are derived from God, and are 
 unalienable. The government may punish him for the exercise of them, 
 it may incarcerate his body it may confiscate his goods, it may even de- 
 prive him of life; all this it may do: all this it has done. Tyrants have 
 issued the cruel edicts, and man has bled under them. But the rights 
 still remain, for, these lay far beyond the reach of the despots power. 
 Whenever therefore the legislature of any country, and of course ours, 
 shall enact a measure of this character; when they shall obviously, to the 
 understanding of an ovewhehnina; majority of the people, violate the 
 constitution of the land; when they shall attempt to tear from them, their 
 dearest and most valuable rights; when, in the wantonness of power, they 
 shall undertake to plunder them of their property; in a word, when the civil 
 Caesar inflamed by ambition, shall lawlessly attempt, to put his foot upon 
 their necks; then indeed a crisis has arrived when allegiance ends, and resist- 
 ance is right. And then, the Brutus who may stab the tyrant to the 
 heart, is not the traitor, but the avenger of his country's wrongs. Such 
 «i Brutus was found in the days of the Roman Caesar; that he was found too, 
 in the times of a British Caesar: and heaven grant, that he may be found 
 here likewise, should the tyrant Caesar ever dare to raise his arm against 
 the constitution, the liberties and the union of our Country. 
 
These fellow-citizens are my political principles. T^iey are, 1 '/ram 
 it, the jrinciples of murrection — hut, t' ey aronovertlieless the ^vuicip'.er^ 
 of '. our ancestors, and the basis of your revolution — they are tlie princi- 
 ples of man (human action) by riu;/it — the princi|)le? of Koine — ol 
 Greece —of France — < f Irelmd^^ancl of Folanii: the princip'e in fact, 
 •ofi^vcr) nation under the sun, whicii st.iptof it'^ rif^hts nnd phmdered of 
 it^ property, grapples vvitli tlie tyrants irrip, and bn-aks hi-; won s'^ejitre 
 into fragments, and when a case, such as the one I have di'scribed — 
 ahall occur, then resistanre is right, and sometimes duty. But, then it 
 must he such a one as I have particul ulized — tlie con-titution must be 
 violated-— the libf^rties of the people mii.t be wrested from them — iheir 
 dearest rights nius^ be'tiampled under f:>i)t — in a \vor(\;\i>nist be a case, 
 in\ested with all thi' circun'stances whi<-h I have described — and even 
 the.!, it mu«itnot be resorted to, until every otlser means have failed; 
 until remonstrance has failerl: ui'td petition has failed; until threats have 
 failed; until, in fict, th,' cup of iiumiiiation, of wrtn'z, of oppression of 
 evt>ry kind, has been drank to the very dregs. Tiien, and then onl; is re- 
 sistance t!elen-ible, then, and then only may the peop'e rise in their 
 miglit, and like Samp^^on of old, shake the ilium's of the imhtical edifiee, 
 an ' bury their tyrants, under its ruins. But, fellow-citizens, have we as 
 yet, come to tiiis? As yet, \vive wc the case, whinh I have presented for 
 yf.nr ':'ons deration? As yet has the constitution of our land buen fliirant- 
 ly, and obv ously violated? As yet, have our citizens heen r(»bb -d of 
 the'r rights and plundered of their property? As yet, has Caisar appeared 
 amonjistus, uiththe yoke of bondage in ono hand, and the sword of usur- 
 pation in the other? On the contrary, is there even a speck ofsuci) mjus- 
 tice, such oppression, and tyranny a monies t us? By what have you been 
 governed? By what sliould you be 2;overned? H is it not been solely by 
 the law? The law, made too, aecordiui; to the letter and spirit of our so- 
 cial compact? according to the constitution, aceording to all the form and 
 substance of this very instrument? For, is there one solitary law of the 
 general government, which bears not upon its front thi^ chai*aeter. Is 
 there one tax laid upon you by the oeneral 2;overnment which you, have 
 not enacted hy vour own deputies? If there be, there is ursurpation, and 
 tyranny. If.so. the t\ rant Ca;sar has appeared amona;':! us; and if this in- 
 de d be the ra e, let the sword leap from 'ts seabb ird, let the drum beat 
 to arms, let t!>e standard ot freedom be unfurled. And let the descen- 
 dants of the heroes of seventy-six, t!ie sons of freedom rush to the battle 
 field; arid, if necessary, recover throuci^h blood and slaughter, the rights 
 which belong them. Yes, let them crush the Caesar to the earth; or 
 perish in the attempt. But, I ask you again, is this the case? The 
 question my country-men is important. It deserves your undivided at- 
 fention; and shall be the subject of our consideration, in mvnext nu-rher.. 
 
 A NATIVE OF MAUYLAND. 
 
 (No.3. ) 
 
 Tdlow- Citizens: 
 
 We will now enter upon the subject of nullification: we will consi- 
 der its real meanino; and important, we will enquire into the pretext? unon 
 which it is justified, and we will then look at, and )ionder on the conse- 
 quences to which it inevitably leads. 
 
Nullification in its tme and literal sense, meaws nothing more or leas 
 than (lestr.iction. The nullilicatit/n then of a law, mt'an'^ the a* u!- 
 hilation oft'.je law. I beg your attention, to this definition; it '3 t -e 
 true one, and I entreat you not to suffer your mincis to be ied s :;•" 
 from this, its correct meaning;, by the substleties of tlie sophist, o'.- 
 flated language of the popular decla'mer. To nullify then, 1 r< . 
 destroy, and to nullify a law, is therefore to destroy a law. No'. . ; 
 precisely the ground, which South Carolina takes. She ma'nt. v . ■. '. 
 she l:as the right of nuilincation. She maintains that when tiie ge^' ral 
 government has made a law, that ihe believes to be unconstUntional, s iS 
 has a right to resi -t, to nullify, to destroy it. This is her dctrine, and 
 this the basis on which her ordinance is grounded. Tbe genera! govern- 
 ment asserts the contrary, and of course denies t'^is right. Here ihen 
 the parties are at issue; and we are called upon to decide. Tiie qi'est on 
 as I have observed is thus fairly bef;re you: and it is one o! the ut i.ost 
 importance. It concerns the dearest interests which you possess. It n- 
 volves the constitution and union of your country, and, as you shall decde 
 will they be advanced, retarded, perhaps, destroyed. Has South Caro- 
 lina then a right to resiNt, to nullify an act of Congress? Has she, but a 
 single statejn the union, has she, with no other privileges than those wliich 
 belong to any state in the union, a right to occupy the high and no- 
 vel ground which she assumes? This fellow-citizens is the true question 
 before us. It is not the Tariff, it is not the constitutionality of this law 
 it is not state rigiits, it is not the doctrine of 98, it is not the hackneyed 
 question al)Out the power of the Judicary, it is not these, or any one of 
 these which we are called upon to decide. It is the share right of a 
 state's refusing to obey a law of the general government. Let us then 
 examine the subject with cahimess and consideration. Let us endevour 
 to divest ourselves of passion and prejudice, and give to our reason that 
 sway which the importance of the matter so imperatively requires. 
 
 If S'luth Carolina have therig'it for whicii she contend^, it must be 
 derived either from nature, the constitution, or the law. I say from nat- 
 ture; for, these are natural rights which may not be called in question, 
 and whenever these are invaded, the right of disobedience evidently ex- 
 ists. Thus if the civil authority command you to do an act by which 
 your allegiance to God is violated, the sight of resistance clearly results. 
 Unless South Carolina then can sl)ow such a case as this, unless she can 
 show some case like those which I l)ave been speaking of unless she can 
 show the act by which her inherent rights have been invaded; unless 
 she can demonstrate that the constitution has been violated; unless 
 she can clearely prove that the usurper is in the field, and has his foot al- 
 ready raised, to place it on the necks of the people; imless, I say, she 
 can do this, she derives no right from nature to resist the enactments of the 
 general government. Now, I ask you, and I hcg you to ponrler deliber- 
 ately on the qusetion, has there been one inherent right of South Caroli- 
 na invaded by the general government? Has there been article of the 
 constitution violated in her regard? Do not her citizens enjoy unmolested, 
 the rights of conscience, and worship God according to its dictates. Do 
 they not pass their own laws, and manige their own internal concerns? 
 Is there one reserved right which she does not possess, and as freely ex- 
 ercise? Is tliere one law, I again ask you, is there one law of the gener- 
 al government, which she has not assisted to pass, and which was not en- 
 
arioii acconiing to the very spirit and terms of the social compact? I 
 ventme to assert that tl ere is not one: but Soiiih Carolina declares the 
 contrary, and cites the Tariff as the proof of the assertion. As to tfiis 
 law, I iiave no hesitation in sayintc that I am oppo-^ud to it. 1 believe it is 
 oppressive. I M^/(A: it is unconstitutional: 1 would t'lenfc^re oppose it l»y 
 €vcry constitutional means in my power. If al)le, I wou'd beat its sup- 
 porters in artruineut. If 1 li;i(l numljers, I would cou(juer them tlrouiih 
 the ballot box. This, at least, istiecouise which 1 uould j)ursue. J]ut, 
 in the sup|)Ositi()n that 1 full, wl at tlu n should be the con-equcn e? Mi st 
 I resort to resistance? Because, I belei\e the Tariff law, is unjust, am £ 
 justifiable in resistinii; it? Because J btlievc it unconstitutional, am /, tlurc- 
 thcif authorized in unsheathin;^; the sword a;^.iinst it, in unkirlin;i tl e ban- 
 ner of reljellion, and inviting you to repair to it? Adc pt this princ ipb , Juid 
 what becon)es of law? wh.it bi'C')mes of authority! what in fi't be 
 comes of every principle on which society is based? The la\' , is it not 
 prostrate before opinion? Authori(y, is it not trampled unHer foot? The 
 social principh si are they not scattered to the winds? Away tb. n my coun- 
 trymen with llie doctrine which comes to tell you, that //o» lave a rigi t to 
 resst the law, away, away with the do- trine whic'i mnkes y u jud-znien not 
 onlv the rule of the interpretation of tie law. not only the tribiind to decide 
 upon its accordance with the spirit t)f the constitution, but, your sanctir n for 
 resisting it. It has rebellion stampt upon it f, reliead. It has anarchy 
 and blood in its front, and de-olatii n and death in its rear. It is p o<iuced 
 amidst the storms and tempests of Imman pas«;ion, and like a wliirlwind, 
 shakes the pillars of every government as it sweejis through the earth, 
 "^is throwing dust into your eyes; 'tis insulting your understand in'is, 
 to p ate to you, as some do, alwut your supremacy, and your right 
 to resist the law. No man respects the sovereignty of the people, 
 more than I do, but every sovereign under heaven is limited; and 
 sovereign as you may be, you have no sovereignty to do wrong, and to 
 oppose the law when i/oa please; and to violate it when tjou please, you 
 have no sovereignty from God or man. I am as much a friend of civil 
 and religious liberty as you can be; and under whatever shape they may 
 assume, I detect tyranny and t\ rants. But, my country-uien, anarchy, is 
 not liberty, and the mad rule of passion, is not the sway of justice and 
 reason. No, my country-men, law is the offspring of reason. "Law is 
 the rule of action;" law is the cement of society; law is a principle from 
 God, and law is the only protection under heaven, against brute force. To 
 resist the law then, you have no right: and thus when a man enters into 
 the social compact, It is with the implied understanding, that he will sup- 
 port, not oppose authority, that he will obey, not resist the law. How 
 long would your government last with such a principle? How* long would 
 yom- law be respected with this wild, ibis anarchial, this infernal princi- 
 jile of action? Start with it, start with this principle, this monster of de- 
 formed reason, this im|) of rebellion, start 1 say with it, strat I repeat, with 
 this principle, that any one of yon may resist the law, the moment he be- 
 lieves it is unconstllutional, and what i)e('omes of the force of law. what 
 becomes of the obligation of law, and your own oath to support it: they 
 arc gone, they are nullities, and the whole system of legislation be- 
 gins in a farce, and ends in tragedy. From God then, and from him arc 
 derived all rights, you possess none to resist the law: and both reason and 
 experience mo^t manifestly show, that as society caimot be held together 
 
10 
 
 without law, so the principle which allows resistance to it, must be the 
 dreaiii of a mad-man ur, ihe devi e of an anarchist. We may form 
 some- i'lea oi this mousirous principle, begotten by the passions in the 
 eclipse (;f reason, by casting our eyes upon France durina; the plirenzy 
 of her first revolutionary struggle, and there we shall beholii; What? The 
 triumpu of reason and of law? The triumph of justice and order? The 
 reign of peace and hap]'ines? No, my country-men, but the triumph ol 
 the passions of the tiamued, and the wreck of the image of his God. 
 Siiail 1 draw you a picture of this revolution, this boasted emancipation of 
 reason, tiiis era of storms and factions, this glorious resurrection, as pliren- 
 zy or cunning called it, of thti rights of man? Shall 1 present to you, Pa- 
 ris, as she was, in that hei day of glory; Pans raging with the fury of hell; 
 Paris the theatre of every crime, and the suik of every abomination; Paris 
 diank witn the blood of her own citizens; Pans butchering thelovliest fe- 
 maies uluch adorned her city; Paris deaf to the voice of humanity, and 
 steeled against the cries of pity; Paris waging war against God and tramp- 
 ling; ins alia s in the dust; Paiis like a fiend doubly danmed inscribing on 
 the tom!)-st nes of her cliurch yards, tiie testimony of her dis-behef in the 
 iminoridlity of the soul, and thus waring against a religion whose tmths 
 are iht^sveetesi cordial to the towering heart? Shall I draw you a picture of 
 this i^aris, whose factions like the waves of some troubled sea wrought 
 into fur^, threatened not only the demolition of gov^ernment, of law, and 
 of orler, hut llie extinction of every thing that had been deemed grand 
 and nobl-; of every vinure which can adorn human nature, and of every 
 incentive to v rtuousaition? Weil, there it is: there you have Paris in all 
 her magnificence and gli ry; there you see the emancipation of the 
 pass" ns and the prostration o( Vie law; there you behold civil war in all 
 its ma mess, and ungovernable rage; there you behold the dagger of the 
 father red with the blood of liis own son; ti.ere you may behold the 
 daughter, perhaps the only child of a widowed mother, torn from her 
 arms, and ever and aixon the distant shrieks of violated chastity fall upon 
 your ear, there you may behold woman, — woman formed to love and to 
 soothe, — woman whose angel smile can irradiate the gloom of a prison, 
 and soften the anguish of confinement, converted into a tygress, and 
 mangling <vith a kindred ferosity, the victim of her rage. There, fellow- 
 citizens you behold the dreadful efiects of misrule, and there before your 
 eyes, rages that tempestuous ocean of anarchy which owns us lord, and 
 is contiouh d by no law. Is there a man among you who desires to be- 
 hold such a state of tilings? Is there one among you, who grasping the 
 pillers of our happy union, would tumble to the ground, the lofty donie 
 which covers and protects so many millions of happy people? Is there 
 a man, I ask who would do the last? There shonld not be: but my coun- 
 try-men, I fear, I believe, facts, compel me to believe, that there are 
 sue' ; and although I almost tremble to utter the sentiment, yet. Heel 
 that I am bound to (\o it. For these fellow-citizens, are not the times of 
 "piping peace." — When the fiend of discord is stalking through the land; 
 when the hell hounds of faction are unkennelled and scenting for their 
 pre \; when the artillery of rebellion is directed against the citadel of 
 your liberties; when in imagination you may behold the traitor with 
 match in hand, ready to apply to the murderous engine: when, in fancy, 
 you may see civil war mslaiig through your land, and like a torrent break- 
 ing down every barrier of the law, of the constitution, of religion and mo- 
 
11 
 
 rality; when you may every day hear advanced, and advanced too by men 
 of tiie rarest talents, priiicipica so wild and aiiaicinral, 50 novel and ciisor- 
 ganjzing as to be utterly subversive 01 all governments; wlien you are 
 gravely told, that there is no sovereigntv in your government, no|>o\\er 
 intlie law, no tbrcf; to compel obedienee to aut. oritj . 1 say, when lan- 
 guage of this kind is addressed to youi eais and doctrines su |)estiUrous 
 are recumineiuled to your adoption; but abtne all, when you are standing 
 upon tlie very precipice of a civil war, and may behoKi belo.eyoui eyestne 
 daring Catahne waving over your land the bloo.;y Hag of rebellion, he is 
 an enemy to your country, to your dearest interest: or me basest uf cow- 
 ards, who amidst such impending dangers, wnen the t.;under is bursting 
 over your heids, and the lightning 01 civil discoid is gleaiuing in \our 
 eyes, stands like the troache.oiiscentinei at his post, an! cries 'ab's well." 
 JNo, my country -men this is not a moment Jor su,' ness and aj.att y,bui for 
 vigilance and circumspection. It is a moment for prom|)tness and actipu, 
 anil this is the time when you should treat as your most deadly enemy, 
 the man, be he who he may, that dares to recommend iesi.-,tance to l!ie 
 law. Resistance to the law! Resistance to the law of your own repre- 
 sentatives! Resistance to the law which you authorized tjiCm to ( n tct! 
 Resistance to the law which so many of you have even sw>rn to sup- 
 port! Gracious God! is it come to ibis? VVny, my cuunt''\rnen, what are 
 you without law? what riglit can you enjoy, what propert) [losscss, what, 
 privilege exer ise without law? None. Tuey are all gone, all utteilv de- 
 molished. Distrust then the man who i-ecommends to you resistance to 
 the law. I care not what talents he may possess, what eloquence may 
 fall from his lips, what [irofessions of patriotism he may make, he is an 
 enemy to your union, and your social com[)act. He is a monster, he is 
 a Cataline undi^r the mantle of nullification, — he is a Cassius who carres a 
 dagger under his cloak. He would destroy your union. He would over- 
 throw your liberties. He would wrap your cities in Hames, he woul ' red- 
 den your heart s with your own blood. His jiassion is the ambition of a ' 
 fiend; his object the possession of a throne; his mean=:, whatever v\ ill 
 enable him to obtain it. What to him are the annihilation of lau , and t!ie 
 prostration of authority? What to him are the w<ld uproar and confusion 
 of anarchy? What to him in a word, is the carnage and fury of civil war? 
 Like the inhuman tyrant who feeds upon blood, he views the surrounding 
 desolation with a tearless eye, and with the malice of a fiend, he exults 
 in it, as the work of his own hand, Yes, I repeat it, all this havoc and 
 desolation, this wide spread min and misery are nothing to him. He 
 grasps the sceptre, though steeped in tears, and mounts the t!iroue,tiough 
 its steps be still slippery with a brother's blood. And you, my country- 
 men, you the descendants of t!;e heroes of '76; you the friinds of the 
 constitution, of the law, and the union; you\v\,o iiave lived so free, so inde- 
 pendent, and happy, yow are to become, — are you not indi'^nani at the 
 bare idea, — yon are to become his subjects, his slaves! For him, the proud 
 edifice of our liberties is to be tumbled to the ground. For him the law is 
 to be prostrated, and authority to be trampled under foot. For him our 
 union, that union which '^ve the peo|)le" entered into, is to be broken ir.to 
 fragments, and for him, for this Cataline in disgnise; for this disturber of 
 public peace, for this rebel who essays to steal into the conridence by the 
 assumption of the dortnnes of ninety-eight," we as a nation, are t(>c\l<5r 
 no more. Such is the prospect belbre us. Such are the principles avowed 
 
by the ordinance of South Carolina; and such must be the consequeTict^ 
 if youi- government do not rise in its might, and crush the insolent rebel to 
 the eartli. And, will you not unite with your government? Will you not 
 lend your aid, cheerfully lend your aid, to crush rebellion and punish its 
 authority? VVil! you stand by, and calmly behold your government insul- 
 ted, its authority braved, its laws trampled under foot? Will you behold a 
 portion oi South Carolina, her gallant sons, the friends of the law and 
 the union, butchered by the lawless tyrant which already threatens tlieir 
 distruciion, and will you not rush to their assistance? Will you, when the 
 colours of your country are unfurled, and placed, in the language of the 
 eloquent Webster, "upon the ramparts of the constitution," will you not 
 fly to it, and swear to defend the union, or perish in the attempt? I trust, 
 1 believe, nay I am sure, my country-men, that you will. For, you must 
 be fools if you do not love the union, you must be base if you v ould at- 
 tempt to destroy it, and must be cowards if you are not willing to risque 
 your lives in its defence. But it is time to draw this number to a close. 
 It has been more prolix than 1 intended, but I trust that in the importance 
 of the subject you will see a sufficient apology. 
 
 A NATIVE OF MARYLAND. 
 
 ( ^'o. 4. ) 
 
 Felloiv- Citizens: 
 
 Let us pursue the subject, and let us do so, as I have already said, 
 without prejudice or passion; and for this purpose, let us look to iacts, 
 and reason calmly upon them. Is South Carolina then I would ask you, 
 an integral part of the union? Does she, or does she not comprise a part 
 of that family compact, called the people of the United States of Ameri- 
 ca? If she do not, the General Government have no control over her. 
 Ifshe be sovereign, free, and independent, then its laws do not reach her, 
 the very altempi to inforce them, would be an act of tyrany, and would 
 justify, nay more, would call for their resistance. But, is this the fact} 
 You know tiiat it is not — she knows that it is not. You know, that she 
 forms a part of our social compact: and she knows, as well as you do, 
 that she freely entered into it. I say freely, for she was at liberty to ac- 
 cept or reject the terms of admission, to enter into the union, or to remain 
 out of it. She was sovereign, free, and independent, she might there- 
 fore have gone back U: England; she might have established a separate 
 and independent government; she might have made war or peace with 
 any potentutes on earth. She had a right to do this, for, she was inde- 
 pendent. But, the n)oment she adoi)ted the Constitution, she was bound 
 by the Constitution. The moment she became a partner of our social 
 compact, she was bound by the termsof this compact, no proposition can 
 be more true; no principle more correct, no conclusion more logical than 
 this. Can you doubt it? Will any man, save a sophist or a fool caH it 
 in question? No, fellow citizens, the thing is self evident. If one man 
 be boimd by contract, individuals are equally bound by theirs. The 
 principle is the same, and numbers cannot make any difference. South 
 Carolina is not therefore, sovereign, and independent; and much, of what 
 has been addressed to you upon this subject is contemptible sophristry, 
 
1 
 
 and empty declamation. I.<ook for a moment at tliis boasted sovereign '^'. 
 and w; ere will )0U lind it? South Carolina is sovt-reiiin, and sisecan 
 neither make war or peace! South Carolina is sovereign, and she lias 
 no rij^iit to coin money! South CaroHna is sovereign, and she swea rs 
 alleiuince to the United States! South Carolina is sovereign, and sh? 
 swe.ir-; to su|ipori the luus of Congre-^s! South Canilina sovereign, an(3 
 has not one solitary riglit, but that which the people, "wc, the people,"'^ 
 fellow citizens, have mutually ai^reed she sh;ill po'-sess. In the most un- 
 bouutied e\ciu"sions of fancy, in the wildest range of imagination, wa.s 
 ithere ever conceived an idea more absurd, more unfounded than this? 
 Why my countiy men, the very men who are now advocating the right of 
 resistance to the law, swore l)ut yesterday to support it. The very men 
 w o now sound in your ear the doctrine of nullilicatitm, asserted by tl'.eir 
 oaths the co.itrary. The very men who now declaim so loudly about the 
 srvcr ignty of ilic st ues; the sovereignty which may nidlify an act of 
 Congress, or secede from the union; know that they hold language (>f 
 uii ruth, of frothy declamation, witiout fact, without reason, and without 
 argument. Yes, they know this feliow citizens. But it suits their pur- 
 pose to deal in sophisms, and to inHame youi passi(>n. Their ordinance 
 calls foi ih s course. Hatched in the hot bed of reliellion, it'^ success de- 
 pends upon the excitement of jour passions, and the obscuration of your 
 reason. Heme theii continual appeals to them: h.ence their inflamatory 
 har<m:;nes auaiu'^t the general government; and their pompous declama- 
 tion about state lights and state sovereiiinties! What nonsense; what 
 cunning; what traitoroious designs, lurk under these imposing wcrds. 
 Slate sovereignty! The sovereign state of South Carolina! Why, my 
 countrymen, where is her soverei^inty? Where is her right to resist the 
 law ol Comires-;; to insult the maje-ty of the authority of tie general 
 government, to disturb order; to war against the Constitution, and to in- 
 troduce anarchy and confusion? Where 1 ask, is her right to do this? 
 N ) stite ha> it; no state can have it, under our social compact. The thing 
 is impossible; it is inconsistent with our constitution; it is subversive of 
 la'.v : it is destructive to society. The moment an individual sm-ienders 
 one of his attrihutcs to another, he ceases to be sovereign. The moment 
 therefore South Carolina entered into the union, and surrendered one 
 particle of her sovereignty, she ceased to be sovereign. Can you doubt 
 this? It is the conclusion of reason, it is the deduction of fact. 1 know 
 very well fellow citizens, that this is not, according to the language in 
 which you are sometimes addressed. It smacks not, I admit, of the spirit 
 of tbe ordinance of South Carolina. It recommends not 1 allow, th(^ 
 principles, ol that insiiument of rebellion: No my countrymen, it does not; 
 put it IS th.e language of reason and common sense; of the constitution, 
 and the fundamental piincii)les of the social compact. With this view 
 then of the subject, 1 ask you, has South Carolina a rig/it to resist a 
 law of Congress? I answer no. Look at the compact which rvc formed, 
 look at the Constitution which w( adopted, look at the principles by which 
 we have beer heretofore governed, look at the unifonn practice of the 
 people, look at these, and i/ou too, must answer no. Yes, this must be your 
 response. No unprejudiced mind can come to a difrerent conclusion, no 
 independent one will fear to avow it. What then is the attitude of South 
 Carolina? Is it not that of rebellion? What is her languaL^e? Is it not 
 that of an insurgent? What is the ground on which she stands? Is it. 
 
14 
 
 riot of defiance? Yes fellow citizens, this is her position: she declaref 
 that she will not obey the law, she proclaims ttiai sue \mL le^isi iu evftt 
 'unto blood. Already, has she passed an act lor tins purpose. Ahea jy 
 rloes siie beat the drum of rebelhon: already has siie uniurle*! the nag of 
 civd war, and invited her citizens to rally round it; already does sne stand 
 with the sword in her iiand, and the bold declaraiion on her hps, i .at 
 nuihiication is her doctrine, and ihatslie wil, if necessary, die to support 
 It. One step more, and she passes trie luuicon; one siep more, anu :^ne 
 may plunge the country into all t le horrors of civil war. VVdai now my 
 countrymen, should be dune by your j^overnment? And what shuL.ld D« 
 done by you? As to that, it is its duty to execute law. Fur tins ii v\as 
 created; for this you delegated to it power; fur this alone it exist.^; anU if 
 it fail in this respect it is without auihoritv, without lorce, without one 
 one single quality of respect or esteem. I trust tnen tnat it wiii nA be 
 wanting in its duty, and I persuade myself, that you wih not Uith- 
 hold from it the means to perform it. If tiiere he a people on tne lace 
 of the earth who have reason to confide in tlieir govi-mmiint, it is your- 
 selves. You framed it, you adopted it. It is therefore essentially ^ our 
 own. Your President; is he not elected by yourselves? Your ivp.Lbcnt- 
 atives in Congress; did you not elect them also? The laws w..'icn ihey 
 passed; did you not give tiiem the power to enact tiieiu? And i.ave 
 you not bound yourselves to be governed by them? Upon vvuat principle 
 then is it that South Carolina can lawfully resist an act ot tne geneial go- 
 vernment? Is it on the ground of her sovereignty? She has noiic. Is it 
 upon that of reserved rights? She has none in this respect Is ittiiatihe 
 Tariff law is unconstitutional? But, what evidence have we of tins lact? 
 an' again what right has she to deteniiine it? I know, that a comraiy 
 doctrine is asserted by some of the advocates of nullification, but is it not 
 novel, it is false, it is unconstitutional. Your fore-fatuers did not Know it. 
 The heroes who achieved your freedom, the sages who framed your con- 
 stitution, and "we the people" who adopted it, were sti angers to this uoc- 
 trine. Admit it, and your government is a nulhty. Adnht it, and yuur 
 laws are without force, and your union is without value. Bui,sucij is not 
 the theory of our government. It was the work ol' the peopie; and ihey 
 made it sovereign. Now, the people of South Carolina were parties ui 
 this compact. They with the rest of the people adopted our constitu. ion, 
 and in vain will you search for one title in that instrument winch sav<..urs 
 the monstrous doctrine, that South Carolina has the right of judging of tiie 
 constitutionality of a law of the general government. She a jutige! We 
 might smile at the absurdity of this doctrine, and laugh at the vissiouaiy 
 sophist who attempts to support it. But, these are not times lor nnrth 
 and laughter. A state in arms, a state threatening resistance to the law, 
 a state upon the very pricipice of rebellion, is a spectacle well calculated 
 to make the most thoughtless consider, and the most rash to pause, i' if- 
 ty-four years have rolled over our heads, and, such an exhibition as this, 
 was never before presented. We have lived like neighbours, like iriends, 
 like brothers. Distance seemed to be conquered by the inventions oi ge- 
 nius. The north, the south, the east and the west, seemed alniust to 
 touch; and the continual intercourse, and kind offices, whicii bughtuned 
 the chain which bound us together, appeared to add encreased sirengtu to 
 the links which composed it. The desert was cleared; and where but a ht- 
 tle while before, the panther prowled for his prey, and the war whoop 
 
15 
 
 of the savage was heard, cities were established, and the arts, com- 
 lorts, anti enilJe'i'^hnient^ of civilized life were introduced and cultivaied. 
 Such was our situation; and during ail this lime, no ^uie stood in rebellion 
 to the general govemment. no state broached the doctrine of nulliticj- 
 tion; no state dared to assert her rii:ht of resisting the law. No, my coun- 
 try-iuen, this bold and unfonstitutional stand, — this stand a<jain3t law, 
 ai:,ainst authority, and reason, has been reserved for South Carolina. Slie 
 has taken it: and she prochdnis lier determination to abide by the consc- 
 quenes. But, has slie a right to do so? Confederated with people of (or 
 in) V others states, have the;/ not said, and has site not said, that con- 
 gress .nav pass laws, and of course, that they shall be biniling upon us? 
 T, i: is one of the first principles of our government. This is the bases 
 on wiii(;h it is erected, and this obliges all to obey the la\^•. What folly, 
 what madness then it is to talk of the rights of South Carolina to resist 
 the la \! an:l if in spite of the constitution and jiovernmentslie will do this, 
 how indispensible is the necessity on the part of the government to put 
 her down. Yes fellow-citizens, to put her down, cost what it may, to 
 put her down by the sword. F'or think of the act as you may, an 
 armed resi-^tance to the laws of the United States is rebellion; and' 
 be the authors of this what they may in public or private life, be tb.ey 
 gifted with the \\ isdom of a Solomon or the strength of a Sampson, they 
 are rebels. I am aware that this may be called strong language. It is. 
 and 1 wish it to be such. The times require it. The case demands it. 
 For, it is no con )mon case, upon which I am now addressing you. It is 
 not a western insurrection: it is not a handful of ignorant men and mad en- 
 thusiasts: No, It is a state, once the glory of the confederation: it is men, 
 once the pride of t'eir country: it is talents of the first order: it is genius 
 of the mo^t dazzling lusture: it is a daring which scorns intimidif.tion, that 
 asserts the right of resistance. The case then is no common one, and of 
 course it rejects a common remedy. The Congress, depend upon it, will 
 perform its functions; and your president will do his duty. He is not the man 
 to omit this;not the man to be staggered at ilidlculties, or dismayed at dangei-s. 
 If t 'cn the whirlwind of war must come, let it come, and be upon its au- 
 thors, its disastrous consequences. They alone will be the cause of them: 
 and if the monster of rebellion cannot be cnished without a resort to 
 arms, let the sword determine the issue. A few words more fellow- 
 citizens, and I will brina; this number to a close. You have been 
 told. It has been asserted in the public prints, — it is often avowed in 
 conversation, that our''s is not a government of force; and that the union 
 of the states cannot be preserved on this principle. One does not know 
 which most to admire, the cunning which conceived, or the impudence 
 which avows this idea. Ours not a government of force! Not a government 
 ot force, wlien the very word implies it: not a government of force, when as 
 you know, it enacts laws, and coerces obedience: not a goveniment of force, 
 when, if it had not this principle, it would be no government at all. Fel- 
 low-citizens, let us not be deceived by the artifices of the friends of nullifica- 
 tion by pompous declamation, or the subtleties of the sophist. There are prin- 
 ciples m government which lead to despotism. There are principles also 
 which terminate in anarchy. The extreme of power may be oppression. 
 The extreme of libertv must be licentiousness. View the subject of civil 
 government in any light you plea.se: view it in all the variety of shapes 
 which it has assumed from its first existence: recall all that vou have read 
 
16 
 
 or heard on this subject; ruminate upon it, in all the seriousness of your 
 mind, you must at last come to this conclusion: that a government with 
 too much force is a despotism, — a government witliout sutiicieni Jbrce is 
 a nullity. When therelore it is said t'lat oars is not a despotic govern- 
 ment, the assertion is strictly tiue, because no one man's will, is t'oe law: 
 but, when it is added that it wants the power of coercing obedience to 
 the law, the assertion is false, and is an insult to your'understanding. 
 For, when piracy is commited, is not the offender arrested by the 
 law; tried by the law; found guilty by the law; condeiriued by the law, 
 and executed by the law. The cannon wnich compels him tu low- 
 er his bloody flag and surrender. Wlat is this I ask you but ihe thun- 
 der and force of the law? The jury wliich tries hau: the judges wliich 
 sentence him; the governor which signs his death warrant, nay, tl.e\ery 
 jack-ketch which fixes the rope about his neck; what are all these but 
 the ministers of the law? creatives of the la>v? and the forre of the huv? 
 When in 1813 we declared war aiiainst England, what ^vas this but 
 a measure of the law? When previous to this, a sp;irk of insurrection 
 appearing in the west, twenty thousand armed men were raised. What 
 was this but a measure of the law? And was there then no force 
 in the government to execute the law; no force then to repel the 
 invaders of our coimtry; no force to sustain authority ; no force to 
 extinguish the spark of insurrection, and to crush the monster of re- 
 bellion. You know fellow-citizens, that there was, — and it was the 
 force of moral principle among the people: that moral pi inciple vvl ich 
 reverances and supports authority; that moial principle without \^hlch 
 government is a farce and law is a nullity: that moral principle which, 
 when it shall be banished from the land, diss Ives the elements of 
 society, breaks down the barriers against crime, tramples authoiity 
 under foot, puts the dagger into the hands of every man, to use it 
 as he may, and licences the commission of every act by which virtue 
 shall be oppressed and turpitude shall tiiumph. It is untrue then to 
 assert that our's is not a government of force. It is a slander upon your 
 character to suppose that you will not co-operate in the execution of the 
 law. It is a calumny upon your principles to presume that you will not sup- 
 port the union. In the name of heaven, what is our government, — what 
 is any government on earth if it possess not this character? What is it but 
 the toy of a fool, the scorn of the wise, the contempt of all? 1 know 
 very well, that there is an essential difference in the forms of govern- 
 ment, and that therefore the force of one differs materially from the force 
 of another. In despotism, it is the force of the bayonete. The desjjot 
 wills, and the sword compels obedience. In limited monarchies, it is the 
 force of the aristocracy. The king proposes, and the purse ensures acqui- 
 escence. In our government the case is different. Here, it is not the 
 force of a standing army — not the force of merceiraries ready to obey their 
 commander. No it is not such a force as this; but it is the force of public 
 opinion; the force of moral principle; the force of necessity, of reason, 
 and common consent. This is the force of your government; this is the 
 power which compels obedience and which punishes the daring wretch 
 who raises his hand against your constitution; your freedom and union; 
 without it, your government is but a shaddow, your constitution but the 
 airy fabrick of a vision; and your union but a rope of sand. In fact, not 
 a government, not a corporation, not a club, not a society of men, for any 
 
n 
 
 purposesever existed, but acknowledges and adopts this principle. Univer- 
 sal as heat, you fiiiil It iu every pari of the liabitabie giobc. Oii.nijie- 
 sent as its autlior, it is the soul of every government, and the adiicsivo 
 principle that keeps society together. The pirates on the sea, and the 
 banditti on the land — yes, even these monsters who live by blood and 
 plunder, acknowledge authority, and bow uith submission to him whom 
 they have appointed their leader. Such is the character of law, such 
 its majesty; such its necessity, and force. Derived iron) Gon, obedi- 
 ence to it is as much the instinct ot nature, as the conviction of its justice is 
 the deduction of reason: nor, can it ever be resisted, except when, b\ sub- 
 verting the very end of its existence, man becomes ab.solved from his 
 allegiance to it. Tliat such a case has occurred, 1, who advocate our 
 revolution of '76 freely admit; and that such a case may again occur, 
 is certainly within the hmits of possibility. But, that it has occurred; that 
 at any period since the estahlishment of our government, the constitution 
 has been violated to the unuerstanding of an overwhelming maj-rity of our 
 people; that at any p(?riod since, we have been robbed ot our rights, and 
 'plundered of our property: this I deny, and this I contidently assert 
 cannot be proved. For, take the taritF law — this law so much com- 
 plained of by South Carolina; this law declared by so many of her 
 citizens to be unconstitutional; take even this law, and what after all are the 
 facts in the case? That the law is oppressive and unjust? This is (latly 
 denied. That the law is unconstitutional? This too meets with a posi- 
 rive contradiction. In the South; Mr. Calhoun, in 1816 was amongst its 
 warmest advocates and most energetic supporters: and then it was in his 
 estimation according to the letter and spirit of the constitution. In 1832, 
 he discovers it not only to be unjust, but a most flagrant violation of the 
 constitution. How strange! But, let us goon. In the west; Mr. Clay, — 
 a man ranked certainly among our most distinguished politicians, asserts its 
 constitutionality, and supports it. In the east; the gigantic and logical mind 
 of Daniel Webster decides in its favor; and in the centre of your union, 
 your own President gives to it his sanction. Well then may we doubt the 
 correctness of that judgment which pronounces the tariff unconstitutional. 
 It may be; but that it is so, palpably znA obviously; that it is so, in such a 
 manner as to leave no doubt upon tlie subject, is an assertion which rests 
 solely upon the boldness which makes it. But it is time to bring this 
 number to a close. 
 
 A NATIVE OF MARYLAND. 
 
 (No. 5.) 
 
 h\llow- Citizens: 
 
 I have endeavored in my last number to expose the doctrine of 
 nullification. I have endeavored to show you, that it is false in theory, 
 and dangerous in practice. I have endeavored to prove that it derives its 
 origin in rebellion, and that it leads to war and to anarchy. I might offer 
 to you some other arguments on this subject, but I trust that they are un- 
 necessary. Indeed, if we may believe the rumours of t e day, the 
 nuUifiers themselves begin to suspect the soandness of their own doctrine, 
 3 
 
18 
 
 and baU in the mad career of resistance to the law. For, it appears that 
 the ordmance of the South CaroUna convention is suspended 'till after 
 the rising of Congress. That ordinance which produced so much tur- 
 moil and agitation among her own citizens; tliat ordinance so full of au- 
 da ity and rebellion; that ordinance which bad enlisted in its fa- 
 vor so man} of the strong men of the south; turns out, after all its va- 
 Douring to be a niere thing of "sound and lury, and signifying nothing." 
 Well, I am glad of it; but, let us not after all, suffer ourselves to be delu- 
 ded by this act of condescension; for, it may be to lull us into false 
 security, and prevent the legislature of our union from giving to our chief 
 magistrate that power which is necessary to support authority, and to com- 
 pell obedience to the law. A calm often precedes a storm, and the 
 Tyger crouches before he leaps upon his prey. So it is with agi- 
 tators, and men inflamed by ambition, and maddened by blasted hopes. 
 T'ley too can assume the arts of peace when they intend war, and Tyger 
 like, crouch ere they spring upon the object which they have marked for 
 their vctim. There is however in all this business one thing very extra- 
 ordinary, and equally suspicious. T' e ordinance it seems, is to be with- 
 drawn on account of the late message of the President. When the 
 Prr^cliimation came out, the nullifiers were in a blaze. Each man became 
 a Herculies in strength, and a Decius in patriotism. Nothing was talked 
 of but thunder and lightning, powder and ball, and aying in a ditch. 
 And next, when the message makes its appearance; the message which 
 contains every principle that is declared in the Proclamation; the mes- 
 sage which calls for force to execute the law; the tone of our nullifiers is 
 changed, and we are no longer disgusted with a long parade about the 
 rights, of the sovereign state of S uth Carolina. No my countrymen 
 all this is droped: and while t!ie nullifiers here are waring against the 
 message, their friends in S. Carolina even praise it to the skies. While the 
 first, regard it as little less than a declaration of war against a soverign 
 state, the second, look upon it as a measure of great mildness, and a re- 
 cognition of their just rights. Strange this difference should exist; but 
 the Experiment had arrived; and the cannon of authority frowned upon 
 their citadel. Besides, the unionists we have been told, were in good 
 heart, as they have much reason to be; for their principles are sound, and 
 tlieir cause is just. Both these combined may have had the good effect 
 of bringing the nullifiers to their senses, and have saved the government from 
 that tremendous battery with which they threatened it. But, be this as 
 it may, I repeat that our vigilance should not sleep. The principles of 
 nullification are not yet disavowed, and the ordinance of the sovereign 
 state of South Carolina against its subject, the General Government — of the 
 creator agaimt the creature, still hangs over its head, and may, on the 4th 
 of next March be carried into vigorous execution. In the mean while 
 however, as we have got a breathing spell let us avail ourselves of it, and 
 go on with our reflections upon the subject on which I have the honor to 
 address you. Next in order then comes Cecession, and you have been 
 asked, whether a state of this union has not a right to secede from it? 
 Thirty years ago, such a question would not have been asked: but this 
 is an age of wonders; and we live and learn; but, let us meet the question 
 at once. I have already shown you that no state in this union is sove- 
 reign. It cannot be: it has yielled to the general government a portion of 
 its rights; and therefore so far as these are yielded, it is not sovereign. 
 
19 
 
 Now, has it not surrendered to the general government t}ie right of taxing 
 it? andiltliisbe the factas most certainty it is, whence is deii\ed \ls rigl,tot" 
 separating from tlie union? Suppose a case. Suppose the United Stutes 
 go to war, and incur a debt of ^••-^0,000,000. Tins debt shou d be paid. 
 The contract declaies it, and justice requires it. Now we ah know that 
 to nifet an exigency of this liind, we must resort to taxation. A tax is 
 the;elorc laid, and South Carolina is included in tliC levy. Ouiiht siie 
 to be exempted from the operation of this tax? The constitution expressly 
 declares the confary. But she, in the councils of her wisdom, takes a 
 different view of the subject; and asserts tlat for the purpose of avoiding 
 the j)ayiiient of her portion of it, she will separate from the union. 
 Has she a rij^ht to dothis? Is there a man of sense and honesty amon^}ou, 
 that can behove it? and do you think that the general government, forn edby 
 tl.e people of the United States for the protection olall,\\ouhl permit it? 
 Be as-ured it wouli in A. In considering this subject, we must bear in mind 
 the motive which induced the peoj)k in the se\eral statis to unite ;md fo;m a 
 union. This motive was protection. Divided, they v\ ere subject to many 
 evils, which united they would avoid. Evils at home, evils from abroad tl reat- 
 €ned them. At home, the danger of internal war stared ih.em in the face; 
 abroad, the |)ro=pect of fere sjn usurpation was obvious and equally alarm- 
 ing. Hence the people in the several states of the United States uni;ed, 
 and fonned a general government. It was policy then, it was self preser- 
 \nJ, — , it ivas down right necessity which produced the union: and as this 
 was its basis, I maintain, th.at until such a n-iajority as entered into the 
 union; shall projiose a separation, no state has a right to secede; and 
 the moment she attempts it, she must be prevented, if asked how 
 this is to be done, 1 answer by the adoption of such means as arc 
 necessary to produce this effect. You will perceive my country- 
 man, that 1 am not, as the word is sometimes understood, an advo- 
 cate of state rights doctrine: I am not, I assure you. Absurd in 
 theory, it is false in fact. No state is sovereign, which has not the at- 
 tributes of sovereignty; but no state in our union can exercise these pre- 
 roj^atives, therefore no state which composes it, is sovereign. Hence she 
 lias no right to withdraw herself from the rest; and they have none to 
 withdraw themselves from her. The obligation is mutual and the right 
 of violation exists in neither. But, times change, and we change with 
 them; yes, every day furnishes us with the nvost evident proofs of 
 this; lor upon this very subject, what was the creed even of our nullifiers 
 and cccession men about 30 years ago? You know that about that time, 
 we had " the embargo law.'' It was amongst the most foolish and de- 
 structive schemes that was ever haiclied in the hot bed of a visionary 
 projector, for, it wanted the gallantry of war, and the security of peace. 
 It promised to avert war, it did not. It was to have starved England, 
 and she laughed at us. It was to have compelled her to surrender the 
 right of impressing her own subjects in time of war, and it did not. 
 Such was the operation of the embargo abroad: but its effect at home was 
 of a very dilierent character. Heie its potency was pretty severely felt; 
 but it was in the east more than any other part of the union, that the 
 most abundant harvest of its blessings was reapt. Massachusetts the cra- 
 dle of American liberty; Massachusetts who, from Bunker Hill had heard 
 the shouts of her sons battling for the rights of man, was peculiarly 
 alFccted by this modern scheme of starvation. Her's is essentially u 
 
20 
 
 commercial state, and hence she was smarting severely under a systenjj 
 which while it drew forth even the pity of the sarcas'ic Canning, Cr;U ed 
 Aer to groan and weep. Hence too she was considerably exciiea, and 
 sometimes her language was strong upon this subject: but, when one of 
 her statesmen talked of separation; when he used the words, " peaceably 
 if we can, forcibly if we must:" what was then said upon this subject? 
 Did the party which supports secession now, justify secession then} It 
 did not: a.nd you knoto it did not. But, what then? Was Massachusetts 
 wronji,, and is South Carolina right? Was it treason to talk of a separa- 
 tion then} and is it hainiless to assert the right now. Was it treason 
 for Massachusetts to draw the sword and cut the cord which unites 
 us together; and is it less so now, for South Carolina to do the same? 
 But Massachusetts never did threaten to annul a law of Congress; she 
 never did threaten to dissolve the union, she never did threaten to seperate 
 from the union. South Carolina does this, and sAe has advocates; but 1 
 trust, they are but few. 
 
 A NATIVE OF MARYLAND. 
 
 (No. 6.) 
 
 Fellow- Citizens: 
 
 Let us pursue our discussion on the subject of cecessiou. Recona- 
 mended by a few men of considerable talents, and supported by inflama- 
 tory addresses to your passions, it procured adherents; nevertheless it is 
 not even plausable when examined by the eye of reason, and combatted 
 by the force of sound argument. For,what after all, is its true charac- 
 ter. Precisely that of nullification. And what, is its effect? Exactly 
 the same, as that novel and rebelhous doctrine, which, when reduced 
 to jractice, must produce. The cecession of a state, is disunion. Now, I 
 ask you, is it your belief tliat the parties which formed our confede- 
 racy, everdreampt that any one state of this confederacy, might withdraw 
 fro.n it, whenever she pleased? It is absurd to suppose it. For, as the 
 union of the states was for their preservation, the principle which 
 allows anyone state to jeopardise the safety of the rest, must be excluded 
 jfroin the contract. In truth, its very novelty renders it suspicious; and 
 the consequences which its adoption must produce, make it detestable. 
 Put the case of war. We are engaged in one with a foreign nation, and 
 at the moment when she has invaded our country and, is overrunning it 
 with a powerful army, Massachusetts, pleases to withdraw from the union. 
 Do you think that she would have the right to do so? I am persuaded — nay 
 I am sure that you do not: but then if you adopt the principles of nullifi- 
 cation — if you admit those of the cecession, what can you oppose to 
 this course? Massachusetts, according to these, is a sovereign and indepen- 
 dent state. As such, she has a right to judge of the constitutionality 
 anH policy of a law of Congress, and if she conceives it to be either unconsti- 
 tutional or unjust, she may cecede from the union. This is the doctrine 
 of cecession — This is the right with wliich its advocates, invest a state; 
 and altho in the exercise of it, the most essential injury may be done to 
 the union — nay altho it may even be dissolved on this account, and become 
 a conquest to t':e invading army; still the state, thus ceceding has a right to 
 do so: and it is ursurpation — tis tyranny — it is injustice of the rankest 
 
'21 
 
 kind, to attemp to restmln or punish; for, 1 do not hold to the doctrine 
 thdi mi xht IS r is: ht. No my countrymen, right >.oe- not 'iepmu u.-on 
 power, but upon principle: and therefore when an indiviuuai — a state — u 
 nation has a riglit to do a certain thing, all the power of the universe 
 cannot alfect the right. It may restrain their physical force — it may 
 bind them in chains, it may hold them in servitude, but t!ie right remains, 
 uninjured. It is the gift of God; and tho' tyrants may punisii us for thcex- 
 erc.se of it, they cannot affect the gift itself Thus as ti)e civil authoiity 
 has no right to frame a religion for man — man, therefore has the right to 
 reject it: and altho power may bring him to the stake, or the block for 
 his exercise of it, and his life may he the forfeit, yet tlie riglit is the same. 
 Hence might is not right; and hence — 1 repeal it, if the doctrine of ceces- 
 sion be true, a state, whether the country be engaged in wai or peace, has 
 the right, whenever she believes tb.at shr has been unjustly dealt by, 
 to leave the union, and set up for herself Such is the doctrine of cecessiou 
 such the consequences of its admission. Does not its novelty astonish 
 you? Do not its consequences alarm you? My countrymen; your ances- 
 tors did not know this doctrine; the frainers of the constitution did not en- 
 graft it in that instrument, and those who administered your Government, 
 never recognized it No, they know nothing about it. It was reserved 
 for modern times to witness it. It was reserved for nullifiers, anarchists 
 an<J rebels; for men inflamed by ambition; and blasted hopes, for men inflated 
 with vanity and drunk with pride, to introduce a doctrine very well cal- 
 culated indeed to support insurrection, but subversive of order, of gov- 
 ernment, and the social compact. You cannot find one tittle in the 
 eonsitution to sanction it. You cannot support it without opening the 
 door to anarchy, to disunion, and depotism. But it is time to diaw 
 these numbei-s to a close 
 
 We have arrived fellow-citizens at an awful crisis in our affairs. If 
 we look to the west, the east, and the north, we behind every thing to 
 gratify the eye and to gladden the heart. A soil fertile as Egypt's after 
 its irrigation of the Nile; climates as lovely and genial as those which bless 
 any portion of the globe; an abundance of every thing to support and 
 embelish human life, and a population swelling like, the majestic rivers of 
 the west into an im})ortance, unprecedented in the history of the world; 
 free, independent and happy. Such is the cheering prospect which 
 meets our eye, alien it turns its gaze upon there sections of the union. 
 But, here it terminates; and here the bright visions of its erection, 
 dissolve into airy nothing; for, when we then turn our looks to the south, 
 there we behold every thing to alarm and sadden the heart of the patriot. 
 Already does the thunder of rebellion burst over our heads; already d<;es 
 the language of defiance fall upon our ear: already is its horizon 
 Kghted up with the fires of civil war; and already, in imagination, wc 
 may behold the demon of anarchy sweepine; through the land, witli the 
 trumpet of discord sounding the harsh notes of faction, and inviting its citizens 
 to the clash of arms. Such is the spectacle upon which our eyes are compell- 
 ed to light when we turn themtothe south; and such the awful consequen- 
 ces which lie beyond resistance to the law .An important, a most important 
 crisis, then has arrived in our affairs. The ambition of some: the delu- 
 sion of others; the madness of more, threaten us with evils, which we had 
 hoped, I trust not vainly, would long, very long be averted from our 
 land: and they may still be averted. Divine providence, has been to us 
 
22 
 
 kind beyond our deserts; and almost without a parallel. Whilst the vari- 
 ous rcvoiutions ol our neigliuours, beyont' the seas, lor the Lst :ii"iy years 
 have not as yet attained tiieir objeoi; whilst man, denied his nghis, stUl 
 gioans unders the oppressun ol ius rulers; wnilst Poland bleciimg to 
 avenge tiiO wrongs whicli Si.e had so long endured, hue feds the niL-re se- 
 verely the tierce gap ol her tyrant; whilst France criuisoueU wiin tiie 
 blood ol her revoiudoiiary wars, sinks into ttiearins of mouaiciiy, as her 
 oniy secunt^y against tae violence of fliction, and the stronis of anarciiy; 
 whilst Ireland, — Jreland the land of the saint anu tlie hero. Ireland 
 fumed lor iier eioquence, and tiie loftiest conceptions of ti»e human soul, 
 groans under ilie ueL-potism ol a Hiercny Ibunded on usurpation; sustain- 
 ed by pluuuer, audtlsteringwith corruption; whilst EagLnd v it! bei co- 
 lossal ueut. Wages a war oi laiuine against millions ol lier subjects; wh.ist 
 the whole world is exliibitiiig lo us tins picture of human lurp tude and 
 misery, we are presenthig to tuem a spectacle, the like of whicli had not 
 been seen belore. 1^ or, in many respects, who is like us? Wiiat nation 
 has a goveiiiineiit so free, and independent as ours? What people 
 wiiose rights are so clealy defined, and so amply protected? Wiiat na- 
 tion, winch like ours, is upon the point of paying every cent of iis nation- 
 al debt? What land, which like ours, overflows with its super-abundance 
 of the necessary and comforts of human lile? Tiiere is not one. ^o 
 my country-men, there is not one. 
 
 It seems to me fellow-ciiizens, as if God says to tw, what he once 
 said to a nadon of old — ''What more could I have done for you,'' than I 
 have done? Like that nation, he i as dealt with us in a most wonaertul 
 manner. Like ii, he nas"led us out of the land of Egypt, and tiu- house 
 of bondage." Like it, lie has conducted us through the perils of a seven 
 years, \\ ar and crow n jd our arms with success. Like it, he raised up a Wasn- 
 mgLon to be our guide, who more lortunate than the ancient law-giver of 
 the Jews, conducted us over the red sea of our difticulties and dangers, 
 and established usintiie land of promise. Like it, he showers down up- 
 on us, with an unparalelied abuudanje, the greatest profusion ol tempo- 
 ral blessings, and aads to these, in their fullest i-aJiance, the truths of eter- 
 nal life. Do we ask for liberty? We possess it. Do we cesire self- 
 government? We enjoy it: for, our laws^, are matle by ourselves. 
 With more liberty, we should pmnge into licentiousness. With less, we 
 might groan under a tyrants sway. Do we desire independence or char- 
 acter? We feel the first as we pronounce it, and the universe willingly 
 accords to us the last, Happy then at home, and respected abroad; with 
 a constitution tiie wonder ol the world; with a population augmenting 
 without paiailel not only in numbers, but in science, in civilization, in the 
 arts, and morals. Wlmt more should we even desire to render us happy and 
 contented? Ah! my country-men, let us not provoke the divine author of 
 our being; hcjli-om whose munificent hand, all these blessings flow, to ask 
 us, as he asked the Jews, "wiiat more can 1 do for my people, than I 
 have done?" Old no, but, let us be contented, and we shall be happy. 
 Differences of opinion we shall have, and of course our policy will con- 
 form to these. This is the result of our form of government. But be these 
 difilirences wiiat they ma_^ ; be our constructions of the constitution ever so 
 conflicting; there is one principle, in which we should agree, and this is obe- 
 dience to the law, and the supremacy of lawful authority. This is a principle 
 of common sense and reason. It is our own a? declared by the constitution; 
 
23 
 
 aur ou-n, made such, by its adoption; our own, as expressly inprafted, in our 
 s<)cial comp'Ct. W th it, <'Ur 'nstltutions are pre^-erved, an' our Ibtiti' s se- 
 cujed. Without il,auti ority is but a name, and lav. is but a farce. Let us 
 then rally around tlie governinenl. and let us fly to the standard of our 
 un'oii. This is not the moinent to waste our time in anij^ry disputations 
 ab>ut the Tariff. Ii is not the Tariff; it is not its iniustic(;; it is not its op- 
 pres'<ion; it is noi its alledi{;ed violation of the constitution; it is not these 
 to which we si oul-i now look; for, it is nor for these simply that are at- 
 tacked. Mo; it is the law: it is authority; it is government it is the consti- 
 tution; it is ihe union; it is against every thing which we deem valuable, and 
 hold dear, that war is threatened. And if for the preservation of these 
 it 1x3 necessary for the governinent to draw the sword, let us give energy 
 to iisann, and ctrt^iinty to its blow. 
 
 Fcliow-citizen-^, the attention of Europe is upon us. The oppros- 
 3oA suiiiects of despotic sway, cast their eyes acrc^^s the wide ocean which 
 3C;)erates ihi-m from us, and sigh to establish tiiemselves in a land where 
 in lep nJence has taken her abode, and the eagle of liberty in its majes- 
 ti>/iig:it over our country, beholds not one spot of earth, which is not 
 ess -niially free, and covered with the ai^is of the law. Amidst all their 
 pr'vuio s and sufferings; amidst the miseries of want, and the terrors of 
 0))pio&sion; amidst that gloom of desolation ol every thing around them; in 
 th-' very mom.^nf, when perhaps maternal affection is dividing the last 
 loai of bread among her starvmg children; yes, even in this moment of in- 
 expre'J-ibie agony, there is still left one hope, to cheer and comfort her 
 sorrowing heart. It is the hope of emigration; the hope of one day 
 abaiidouMig the r-hoeiless desert of the old world, and of enjoying the 
 *bimdance and independence of the new: And animated by this, she 
 dashes the tear from her eye, and makes a holyday for her heart in the 
 contcnplation other deliverance. Yes, my country-men, such is the 
 prospect which suffering humanity has had dcfore them. Tliey look on 
 you with an eye of the most intense intercut, and they implore you by 
 all tlul you hold sacred and dear; by the blood which your ancestors have 
 ihe'l in thecau-e of independence; by the constitution which your sages 
 framed, and which you adopted; by the rights which you possess, and un- 
 niolested enjoy; by the maje-'ty of the law, by the dignity of the authority; 
 by the principles of every government under heaven, not to mar the 
 sp'endid prospect you have had before you; not to cloud the bright day of 
 your glory; not to grieve, if grieved they can be, the spirits of your fore- 
 fathers; not to tear into fragments, the constitution of our own choice; not 
 to strike from the proud flag of your country, one star which brightens and 
 adorns it; but to obey the law; to reverence authority, and to preserve 
 the union. Yes, letus do this. Let union be the watch-word. Let us ral- 
 ly to support it; let us pour out our blood in its defence. But, if this 
 prove unavailing; if our government have no power to compel obedience 
 to the law; if it be the weak and contemptible thing which some represent 
 it to he; if this indeed be the case, why let it fall; and let us who dread the 
 turbulence of mobs as little better than the anarchy of hell, implore the 
 Almighty ruler of the universe, to send us some Caesar, who will cause the 
 law to tnumph, and authority to reign. But no. my country-men, let us 
 hope for better thing. True; the prospect is gloomy enough. The mut- 
 ter'ng tliunder breaks upon the ear, and ever and anon, we may hear in 
 ftincy, the war-cry as it is borne along by the southern blast. But, 
 
24 I 
 
 amidst all the perplexities anduncertdnlies of human life; amidst the 
 awful gloom which hangs over a portion of the south, a light shines forth 
 to dispel the darkness, and to cheer our spirits with a ray of hope, It is 
 the star of union. We saw it but yesterday just rising above the horizon.; 
 and behold, already it culminates to the meridian, obfiiscating by its splen- 
 dor the baleful meteors which shed their sickly lights, as they shot through 
 the dense atmosphere of their own creation. Let us trust tliat its 
 radiance will not be shed in vain: but, that like the star of Bethlehem 
 which conducted the shepherds and the sages to the "infant's crib, it will 
 lead our brethren to the temple of liberty, of the constitution, of law, and 
 of union. Yes, let us trust that this will be the case; let us hope that 
 passion will yield to reason, and that resentment will give place to frater- 
 nal affection. Let the sentiment be universal, "the Federal Union, 
 it must be preserved." 
 
 A NATIVE OF MARYLAND, 
 

 
 
 
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