** *^ ^ .1^^ .0' . . •^^ v'*' '^^<^ /^ C^ ^^^ .*'i^>(i^\^%^ ^^° <^ * o » o' "^^^ ,^^^ '^^ .^v K* v^ '^^ r^" ♦ : .^ i?o ..<^' ,0 • ^ o\.l:^'* *> ^ ^^i- V* »!• •' %.^^ /^ %. "i^ / , \'?e^// V^*/ V-^'/ °-«-' SPEECH 7 HON. E. K. SMART, OF MAINE, DEFENCE OF THE NORTH AGAINST THE CHARGE OF AGGRESSION UPON THE SOUTH. DELIVERED IN THE UOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 23, 1852. »'' WASHINGTON: PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAl. GLOBE OFFICE. 1852. SPEECH. Ti\z Hcrase tieing in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union on the Homestead Bill- Mr. SMART said: Mr. Chairman; I have obtained the floor for the purpose of defending the North against certain charges of aggression, recently made by gentlemen in both wings of the Capitol. Sir, i dislike to speak at any time of sections of the Union, by way of contrast or compariison, but I believe an in~ telligent understanding of the relations which have hitherto existed between the North and the South, will, at the present time, have a tendency to insure justice and cement the union of our country. I am, sir, a Northern Representative; but " I ask noth- ing that is not clearly right," and, as a Northern man, I will "submit to nothing that is wrong." What, sir, is the best method of preserving the Union, so far as the action of the North is con- cerned.' It is to insist on our rights, and with equal alacrity to concede, at once, all that belongs to our Southern friends. This I intend to do. The gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Jackson,] who introduced a resolution, not long since, re- quiring a pledge of non-agitation on certain sub- jects, did not, 1 presume, mean to preclude a Northern Representative from defending his con- stituents from unjust imputations. Be that as it may, I shall not acknowledge, in this respect, the " binding efiicacy"of his resolutions. In his late speech, he used the following language: " If that people who sent me here be disunionists, the inference is irresistihie, that I also have forgotten my duty to my country and am a disunionist. If there he any man lipon this floor who has drawn that inference, I feel it to be my duty, from a regard to myself, from a regard to my pos- terity, and from my respect to my countrymen and this House, to disown the fact, and to say here, as I do, before mv country and my God, that never, WITH ALL THE CAUSES WHICH, IN MY JUDGMENT, THE SOUTH- ERN PEOPLE HAVE FOR DISSATISFACTION IN A LONG COURSE OF TWENTY YEARS' LEGISLA- TION, have I felt the first desire to see this Union dis- solved." This, as I understand it, is a plainly implied reflection upon the North, and doubtless has refer- ence to the subject of slavery. It should not pass without a reply. The gentleman speaks of legislation, not non- legislation. In reply to him, I pass over the acts of the last Congress, because they appear to be supported by a majority of the Southern people; and I pass over the establishment of a Govern- ment in Oregon, because the South have always affirmed that they had no desire to propagate slavery in that hyperborean region. I also pass over the formation of Territorial Governments in Territories where slavery had been excluded by the ordinance of '87 and the Missouri compro- ntise, because a reiinactment of what was already the lav/ in relation to slavery in these Territories injured nobody; and, passing over these, I assert, that no slave-holding right has been infringed by Congressional legislation during the period desig- nated by the gentleman. With the exception of certain acts of the last Congress, and acts in rela- tion to the Territories, I find only the following legislation upon slavery for the last twenty years: Act of 18.34. E. Rrookc may remove two slaves into the District of Columbia. Act of 1841. John Carter may bring his slave into the District of Columbia. Act of 1843. Balance of indemnities, to he paid to per- sons or companies for slaves lost at Nassau, Bahamas. Act of 1844. Slaves of persons residing within the re- puted limits of Arkansas, but found to be within the limits of Texas, may be brought back. In addition to this, I believe claims for slaves have been allov/ed within the time named by the gentleman from Georgia. This is the sum of the legislation during the period mentioned by the gentleman. Now that I am si)caking upon the subject of slavery, I have a few words to say in reference to the escape of slaves. The census has been cited to show how many slaves have escaped to the North. Here is what was said by a distinguished Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Rhett,] a few weeks ago: " I see that, according to the census returns for the year ending tlie 30th of June, 1850, upwards of one thousand fugitive slaves escaped to the North from the South. That amounts to $800,000 worth of property at the market value of slaves." Now, sir, the census does not demonstrate that a solitary slave has escaped to the North. It only purports to show how many have been lost. Many have probably escaped to neighboring swamps; and it would not be strange if large niuTibers have been taken and carried away, for sale, by persons residing in the South. Witli the exception of the border slaveholding States, I do not believe that many slaves escape from the South to the North. The census pretty conclusively es- tablishes the fact, that the number alleged to have escaped to the free States is greatly exaggerated. It shows that in the New England States, there has been a small decrease in the number of its colored population. The following table of col- ored persons will be found interesting: 1850. 1840. 1830. 1820. 1790. Maine 1.313 1,355 1,177 929 N.Hampshire... 477 537 607 783 788 Vermont 710 630 881 918 271 Massachusetts.. 8,773 8,668 7,049 6.740 6.001 Rhode Island.... 3,,543 3,2.33 3.578 .3.502 4,355 Connecticut .... 7,415 8,105 8,072 8,008 5,572 22,231 22,633 91,364 20,881 16,987 In the State of New York the decrease during the j>a8t leii years lias been 2,583 in the colored Copulation. In none of the free States has there eeii any increase of conswuience, exi-ejil in Penn- Bvlvania and Ohio. Tlie entire increase in the' A'liiiille Stales is much less tlian that reported in 1840. •Now, making due allowance for births in the la.-st ten years, and for emigration of t'rei^ persons of color from slave to free State.s, it does not ap- pear that large numbers of slavt-s have gone to those States. Thev are not there. Have they gone to Canada.' I'hey are not even tliere, to the extent generally stated. It is said one tliousand slaves esc-aped for the year eiuling June, It'SO. Tliis, it will be recollected, wa.t prior to the pas- sage of llie fut:itive slave act. Without iiuiuiiiiig further whether they did or not escape to the free States, and wiilioiii !,'oins into the question of re- sponsibilty in tlie matter of their esca])e or recap- ture, I ask what was the loss incurred during the year our Southern friends siitiered the most? >Viiy, sir, it amounted, after all, to only about one thirtieth of one iier cent, on the whole num- ber of slaves in the Lniied States; and supposing the slave property in the South to be worth $l,jtlO,UOO,UUU, it amounted to about one eight- teeiith of one cent, or one half mill on a dollar! It would seem that this proi)erty, as a whole, has been held by a more reliable tenure than bank Block or shipjMUg, or almost any other property you can mention. Considering the nature of the Eroperty, 1 think it is as secure as can reasonably e e.xpected. The feeling got up upon this sub- ject by certain Xoriliern " Uiin'ii patriots," re- minds me of a story of a client who had not a very good cause of action. His lawyer, however, presented the case with great eloquence and x»ower. ; The client watched his advocate, during the argu- ment, with great attention, and at last burst into a tlood of le.us, saying that he had no idea before how badly he hail been treated. So it is in this case. Till Mr. Wel-ster made his demonstration. Southern gentlemen, 1 think, had not felt them- ! selves badly aggrieved in this particular matter. But at all events the people of the Xorili are now ' chnr^ed with having committed the most (lagrant ag::restiions upon our Soiuhern friends. I will read some of the s|iecilications: "Ith.mttei'n snid by S'nillirrii iiicii, ' tlinl llicPoutli knows Uiu I'cileral vi-riiiuciil nnly liy lib cxnctions uiiil ()|i|ires- •ioiiii, .iiiil that r-li<- liii-i never received beiietitd and ndvan- tsjci- Ironi il- power or intlMence. ' '* And again: ■■ I wihli to ^how to iliis Senate lli.il in all tlie operations III iliiiifjoveriinieni, lliere is Imi one Hory Uiruii^liuut — the NorlJi liveii — lliir ."^ouiti liullerH. " • • • * * * * «' Tliii4 (;oviTiniii-nt openly nays to uh, wo will govern you an we pli ««'■ ; we will iijnnder you l»y tarillH ; roh yon or>our li-rriiorie*. ; icfail ynur inxtilultoMH, and il' yon at- t<'iii|i| lo enrniiv our piiwer by seeesiiion, we will put you tu llic KWord." •' I,et UH now aoliaek lo tin.' fl'cal operalionsof Ihls (Jov- crnnienl. II I nii«lake nm, iliey will exliilm one ciirimsi Pill r'(iuri«< of as.'raiidi/.eineiii on tlie part ol llo; Norlli at the rjiM-ine ol till' .•litke not, I'roni the very foiindiilion of thin Gov- eriiinenl lo tliia day, III- operation oltt in ii« linancial and |ifi Hillary relalii>n«, liaf> liail lull one unil'orni lendeney ; and llinl hiui heeii in au'i'i.iiiili/.i- llie N'ortli ill llie expenxtr of tlie Suiilh. Ill nimlakeiiol, llie emirniMit iMurpniionN niili- III 'ii'il inhiv* led toilinr li Ultimate iie(|iieneeit in the meas- ure' ofaggrcMion which have been dcnuiiiiiiated tlie com- proniisp. To test the truth of this po.^iiion, I propose no\r to go back and trace the iiiiancial operations of ihe Gov- eninient for many years [kmi." — S^ecc/t of Mr. Rhctl, of South Carolina, hecembcr iHtU ami IGth, 1&31. "The lionest truth is that in our secret hcart:> we alt know that jiisiiee has iir»t been done us, and we havelilllc hope thai il will be in fulnre. We have submitted to one wrong ; will we subioit to another .'" " I used in iiiy speech at home, after my return from Congress, the Croinnellian expression, which ever since has so niueh annoyed the peculiar guardians of the Union, ' Pr.iy to God and keep your powder dry.' And it was as if I had said, • Hope for the best, but be prepared for the worst.' The true meaning of this expression will be un- derstood, when I slate, that on that occasion, as now, I said appearances in my jndgnient are delusive. We have siillered much at the hands of ilie North, and we have not seen Ihe end. We are destined to snlfer niiicli more." — Speech of Hon. ^. G, Brown, of Missiisipjii, March 301A; 1B.T2, We are told by our Southern friends of exac- tions and oppressions, wrongs and aggressions; of their beit>g governed by their bitter enemies, and always excluded from the benefits and advan- tages of the Government. These are the com- plaints; and I doubt not they will be solemnly re- jieated on Monday next, at the aiiti-;iubmission Convention in South Carolina. But I hope to be able to show that they are unfounded. In justice to a portion of our Southern friends I will say, that they do not make these very grave charges against us. If any of the gentlemen who do make the charges, ]mt tiiem forth as a sutTicient cause for a dissolution of this Government, they should see to it that they are not fallacious. When our fatherasigned the Declaration of Independence, the great facts it contained were true. Nor was this all. They demonstrated to the world a magnitude of injustice on the part of Great Britain, which aljundanlly justified them in the course they pur- sued. The comjjlrtinls I have read cover the whole history of the Government. They have only known the Government by its exactions and op- pressions. If Northern men were to acfjuiesce iii the justice of these complaints, by admitting them to be well founded, or by remainnig silent under them, I should fear for the safety of the Union. The immortal Jefl'erson said, in his first Inaugural: " If there he any among us wlio would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its republican roriii, let them .stand undisturbed as monunienis of the safely with which error of opinion may be tolerated, whi:he reason is lekt FKEE TO COMDAT IT." I If, sir, we are left free to combat the errors of |i those who would dissolve the Union, all will be I well. W^e must be jiermiited to look over the books, and to take an account of stock. The dif- ferent sections of the Union entered into a partner- ■ ship more than three-fourths of a century ago. h Some of the |iartnerM, it seems, have become dis- ' satisfied with the dividends they have received. Such being the case, I think it would be an act of wisdom for the comjiiaining partners to review the ])rofits they have reali/.ed from the concern, and lo determine whether these profits have not been ample and al)undant, and whether there is any serious justification for com|ilaiiUs against the , Northern members of ihe firm. I purpose, sir, i lo take a glance at the accounts, and to speak of some of the benefits which have inured to our Southern brethren, in virtue of our great Cimfed- erai-y. I will endc'avm- to give some facts in an- swer to the complaints of Southern gentlemen, of [ oppression, and of being governed by the North. As there is no limitation as to the period covered by these complanits, I will refer, for a few mo- ments, to a time anterior to the formation of the Consiitution. I do not mean to rely, in my defense, upon the deliberalion.s and transactions of the North and South during the period to which I refer. Public men at that time were poor individually and col- lectively, and could not bestow local or personal favors to any extent. It was enough that they gave to posterity the general benefit of the freest and best Government in the world. While 1 do not rely for my answer to the charges of Northern aggression upon the period of our history ante- rior to the formation of the Constitution, I expect, by a reference to it, and by other facts in our sub- sequent history, to show that the South liave ob- tained, by the magnanimity of the North, or by the political tactics of Southern politicians, not less, but often more than their share of the benefits and advantages of the Government. In passing to the subjects I purpose to notice, some allusion to our early history is drawn from me by the recollection of a declaration made by Mr. Calhoun a short time previous to his decease. That eminent man, in his last great speech in the Senate, (read by Mr. Mason, of Virginia,) •epoke of Washington as the " illustrious South- erner;" and subsequently (March 13th, 1850) he said, in his place in the Senate: " I reiuiiidej the t>('iiate and the world, and rightly re- minded tiieiii, (l)iit Wa.sliinston was an illustrious Soutli- erner." * * "We have a liu'ht to claim him as an illustrious Southerner— for he was a Southern man, a Southern plant- er ; and we do not intend he sliall l»e taken out of our liands." Now, sir, I repudiate entirely such distinction for the memory of George Washington. He is remembered as an illustrious American, and as the property of every section of the Union; and in the opinion of the world, the best man the world could furnish to conduct the revolutionary war to its glorious termination. This was apparent soon after, if not at the time of his appointment, as Commander-in-Chief. If, indeed, he might at that tiiTie be regarded as a "Southerner," for the reason that he resided at the South, and was known personally to few of the people of the North, I claim for Northern men that they were magnanimous to him and to the South. By whom v/as he made Commander-in-Chief of the armies of the Revolution? To use the phraseol- ogy I have quoted, it was done by " illustrious Northerners." The motion was first made for the appointment of Washington, by John Adams, " the Collossua on the floor of Congret^s" in favor of the Declaration of Independence. By whom, I ask, Mr. Cliairman, was that motion seconded? By none other than Samuel Adams, of Massachu- setts, a man worthy to be placed in the category with Hampden. Northern men by this act superseded their own military commanderG for the sake of the cause. Their strongest reason for doing so was, to unite the South in the war. I mean no disparagement of the patriotism of the Southern colonies. A large portion of their citizens were early in the fight, and among the last to remain on every field. But the North had, at the commencement of the war, a stronger spirit of resistance. The Pilgrims had been the children of oppression, because they were dissenters from the eslablifihed Church. They fled for refuge from the intolerance of their coun- try. The persecutions of Britain had pursued them to the then inhospitable shores of America. " Wild was llie day ; the wintry sea Moaned sadly on New England's strand, When first the tlioui-litful and the free, Our fathers, trod the desert land." The settlement of New England was the result of persecution — that of Virginia was a matter of choice. In 1609 a charter was granted to Vir- ginia, and the grantees were incorporated by the name of "The Treasurer and company of Ad- VENTUiiERs and Planters of the city of London for the first Colony of Virginia." The early set- tlers of Virginia were generally of the established Church, and were, in some degree, the favored colonists. They were less annoyed by the acta of the British Government, aiul had fewer griev- ances to redress. Their leading spirits had made common cause with the North; but with a view to unite the Southern colonists fully in the war, the North resolved, with great magnanimity, to take the Commander-in-Chief from the most im- portant Southern colony. The military men of the North were passed by in favor of one who, in consequence of that act, become, not an " illus- trious Southerner," but an illustrious American. They were passed by in favor of one who for twenty years had not drawn a sword or mixed in public affairs. The superseded generals were brave and true men. There may be those who would detract from their merit and magnify their fi\ults. To such I would reply, in the language of a British historian, " Were the defects of the ' heroes of New England far greater, and their vir- ' tues far less, they would yet throw into the ' shade of merited oblivion the character of their ' defamers, either of the past or the present age." Sir, I am not much given to poetry, but I can feel what a New England poet has written: " Oh ! never may a son of thine. Hear, unmoved, the taunt of seorn Breathed o'er the hrave New England bom; Or mark the strang(;r's jasuar hand Disturb the ashes of thy dead. The buried glory of a land Whose soil with noble blood is red. And sanctified in every part, Nor feel resentment like a brand Unsheathing from his fiery heart!" Indeed, it was objected to the commanders of New En^'land that they had been too decided for independence-, and, therefore, the appointment of one of their numiber would be impolitic ! As I would be careful not to misstate history, I ask at- tention to the following authorities for what I have said: "Among the Southern colonies, Virginia, for numbers, wealth, and influence, stood pn^i^minent. To atladi so re- speduhle a colony to the aid of Massachusetts, by selecting a Commander-in-Chief from that quarter, vvasnot less war- ranted by the great military genius of one of her sons than dictated'hy sound jiolicy."— Ramsey, vol. 1, p. 216. " It was questionable, however, in what light an attempt to supersede General Ward would be viewed. This ditft- culty, however, was overcome by the magxanimitv of the New England delegation. John A „<• i\/r \/t >;"wwii, ujtriini)ni1- Ih- y would be reeoiielled to a eoiuiiinnder I'roiii the South, \\..h \tlioMi no one nniont; iJieni had a |>er.-onnl arifuaint- Bn.e, and would not be r.ni>i«>!ird to lnlder^•alld their haliit.<, I'e- ins*, and preixi-isossions. General Ward, who hndhilli- erio been at the head of the Army, by the appointment ol" MaMaeluiretts, was theerlully ac(|uiesced in by the other New Kn);lnnd colonies, was an oilieerof experience and abdity, and it was (pie-.iionable in what li^iht an alteiiipt to supersede hiin ini;;lil lie viewed. It should be ."aid, to the lo read : " The nomination came with particular grace from Penn- sylvania, as I)o<-tor Franklin alone could have been thought of as a competitor. The Doctor was himself to have made the nomination of General VVanliiiiijlon; but the state of llie weather and his health confined him to his hoose." Now, sir, if Northern gentlemen had been dis- posed to overlook the great claims of Washing- credit of the Ne>v Knglaiid iVdeirales. that they were ^^n, they might have done 30 by the selection of amoii'! the t'oreniivsi to propose, and the most zealous to J a native of New England, whom Jeflerson de- !!^TTi1'^" "I'P"""''"-''"" ^"';"""^^' "'"^''"'.SJ>o";. , '^« H'e I dared to be, " at the age of eighty years theorna- conte>t bad bejuii in AJa-sachiiselts, the inhahtlants of' ,„„. , , ,■ i . >> i i ' "^ •■"* ' -i.i' meiit ol iiuman nature, and who was worthy to vhich had heeu tht chief aiifferrrs, and as the existing army wa-s mostly raised there, it would not have been thonghtan extravagant axsumplion, had that colony aspired to the honor of furnishing a Conimanderin-Chief.—i/iurAs's u-ri- tinii of jraiUin^loii, \iil. I, p. HO. '' Ciencral Washinglon was placed on all those cominit- tccii whose duty it was to make arrangements for defense; and when it became necessary to appoint aC^oiiimander-in preside over any deliberative body in tiie world. " The name of Benjamin Franklin will be immortal in the records of freedom and phiIoso|.hy. XVu hope they (the people of .America) will learn wiih'interejt tlie funeral homnge which we have rendered to tin; Xestor of America." Thus wrote the President of the National As- Chief, his miliiary eharaett-r, the solidity of his judgment, , sembly of France, in 1790. tlie steady lirmness of his temper, the dignity of his person and deportment. Die confidence inspired by his patriotism and integrity, and the independence of his circumstances, comhined u-ilh that jiotUy tihkh actuated New England, and indeed a wishtoema^eihc Soulherncolo7iies inthe irar, to designate him, in the opinion of all, as the person to whom ! hiscountry should be confided.'" — Marshall's Life of H-'ash- ington, vol. II, p. -^36. | " But we were embarrassed with more than one ditfi- I make, Mr. Chairman, no meritof this matter. But 1 say, we were not unjust to the man whom the great Carolinian designated as the "illustrious Southerner." Ill connection with these revolutionary incidents, I will remark here that I have heard coiri]ilaint3 recently by a distinguished Senator, in the other culty; not only the parly in favor of ihe petition to the : end of the Capitol, that large sums of money have King, and the party who were jealous of independence, but |; been received by the North in revolutionar'v pen- l^tl^'^.:^^:i^:^^S^V^!:i^t:S^^::^^ t-- This is i^t a new alleged grieva,^e. ^Lre under the eonimand of a .\'e\v England general. Wliethe'r "'^" twenty years ago, the talented Hayne in- jealousy was sincere, or whether it was pride and haughty ' vested this "grievance" with sufficient di<'nity to ambition of funii>hing a Southern general to command a I; be introduced' into one of his elociuent speeches in IVortuernarmv I cannot sav. ! .i tt •. j o. . o . rn i • t , ' . " Several gentlemen ded.ired themselves against the ap- I ^"® United btates Senate. To this I have a short pointiiieiit of Mr. Washington, not on account of any per- | answer. The laws granting pensions apply to all ... ..... . , ■ ... .. .... --^|.jj^ the expected to desire at that lime. The following statement of troops (continental "Mr. I'endleion, of Virginia, and .Mr. Sherman, of Con- and militia) furnished by the respective States, ncclieut, were very explicit in declaring this opinion. Mr. '1 durilio- the revoliilionnrv wnr fi-mii ITt-i ir, 1 7>^1 Cush.ng and several others more faintl/expressed their op ; V '^ f olutionai y war, tl om 1 < ,a to 1 ,b3, position, and their tears of discontent inthe army and In I'lc'us'^e, is from the collection of the New Hamp- Neiv England. .Mr. Taine exnressed a i>re:it noininn of ii shire Historical Societv: eiv England. .Mr. Taine expressed a great opinion of jj shire Historical Society; General Ward, and a strong friendship for him, having been hi.« classmate at college, or at least his cotemporary ; but gave no opinion on that (juestion. This subject was post- I poned to a future day; in (be mean time, pains were taken ! out of doors to obtain a iinaiiiniiiv, and the voices were ' generally so clear in favor of Washington, that the dissen- tient members were piirsiiaded to withdraw their opposi- ' tion."— lfor*i of John Jldams. vol. II, p. 416. I Let me not be mi.sunder.stood. The concession was, indeed, as forHiiiaie as it was generous. Wa-shiiigtoii, I rejieat, the world has decided,! proved to be a belter man for the crisis than the By the North. Nev/ IIari>|>shire iXIassachusett-s niiode Island Connecticut New York By the South 14,580 Delaware 83,16-2 Marvland 10,19-2 Virginia 39,8;n North Candina ai,!).'?.") South Carolina New Jersey 10,781 Georgia Q,679 Penn.sylvaiiia 3-2,96.5 ■2,693 i8,o;« 3-2,288 7,263 6.417 Total Total 09,379 149,7 world could furni.sh. It is true, also, that the [[ It appears, by this .statement, that theNorlh fur- North had gnevanceMto be redressed, and views to H nished, during the war of the Revolution, 14!), 776 accomplish in his appointment. i}ut what I wish more soldiers than the South. These figures, Mr. lo».«HertiN,tliat " illustriou.s Northerners," never- Chairman, will. 1 think, explain any ineriualiiy aa theleKH.pertoriTied an a.-t of great magnaiiimiiv at [' to the amount of pensions allowed to the dillerent that {>erif>d, in brii.-iug forward CJeorge Washing- 'j sections of the country. to/1. ThiH no one am deny. Mr.MEADE. I wish to correct the gentleman 1 ho[ie, «ir, It iH imdersiond that I do not make aa to a matter of history. The gentleman does any comj.laintH for the .North in thi.-i discussion, not mean to say that all those persons from the hev have gnevniices, I am not now aiiout to ' North were actually engaged in the war. The e them. I mean, before I sit down, to make' Slate of .M.issachusetis, ^uid other Stales, made If the mat out, ifl can, n defense against thechar^re of injiis tice to our Southern friends. As I am speakii all their n\iliiia soldiers, soldiers of the revolution- - , r, ii '""v war. That accounts for the dillerence. for thiH purpose, I may notice a smaller incident. ] Mr. S.M ART. I understand all that, and I said Ueneral Waahmglon , in 17ii7, wua unaniinoualy ]; conlineiUals and militiii. The difference is uot, I think the gentleman will find, accounted for in that way. The North, it is well known, furnished by far the largest number of active soldiers who served in the field. But I ask gentlemen, resjiect- fully, not to interrupt me. I say to you, " hear rae for my cause, and be silent that you may hear;" and, by the way, I have a belter cause than Brutus had. [Laughter.] I now come to a consideration of some of the more important acts of Government under the Constitution. I purpose to notice some of the important provisions of the Constitution, and the manner in which those jirovisions have been carried out. We find the power given to Congress to establish the seat of Government. I had not the pleasure of being in the last Congress — and I have no doubt it was a pleasure — but 1 recollect of read- ing a speech of the gentleman over the way, [Mr. CuNGMAN,] in which he said, " I tell gentlemen that this is our slave-holding territory." But the gentleman did not tell us that the Federal Gov- ernment, established its seat here, when it was nearly an unbroken wilderness! and that the splen- did wealth and cultivated appearance of this city is to be ascribed to Northern votes, and, to a great extent, to Northern treasure. At the time of Gen- eral Washington's inauguration, the temporary seat of Government was located in the city of New York. But at the first session of the first Con- gress, the subject of a removal, and permanent establishment of the seat of Government was agi- tated; and at the second session, a bill actually passed, transferring the seat of Government, after 1800, to some place on the Potomac, between the mouth of the Eastern Branch and Comiogochegue, and it was transferred accordingly. The North- ern States had a majority of four in the Senate, upon the passage of the bill, and yet it was carried by two majority. They also liad a majority of five in the House, and yet were defeated by a ma- jority of three. Messrs. Elmer, of New Jersey, "Langdon, of New Hampshire, and Morris and McClay, of Pennsylvania, of the Senate, voted for the Southern location; and Messrs. Sinickson, of New Jersey, and Clymer, Fitzsimmon, Hart- ley, Heister, Muhlenburg, Scott, and Wynkoop, of Pennsylvania, of the House, voted for the same location. It is worthy of notice, that at the first session of the first Congress, both Houses voted for a "Northern position" for tlie seat of Gov- ernment, and still the North were defeated. The House of Representatives, September 7, 1789, passed the following resolution: "Resolved, That tlie periiianent feat of Government of the Uiiited States ought to be at some convenient place on the banks of the river !Susf|uchannati, in the State of Pennsyl- vania, and tiiat until the necessary buildinffs lie erected, the seat of Governnient ought to continue in New York." An additional resolution was passed, authoriz- ing the appointment of commissioners to carry out the spirit of this resolution. On the 25th of Sep- tetnber, 1789, the resolution of the House was stricken out by the Senate, and the following amendment inserted: " ^ind he it further enacted, That the President of the United States be authorized to appoint three commissioners, who are under his direction, to locate a district, not exceed- ing ten miles square, in the said counties, [in Pennsylvania,] and including therein the said Northern Liberties and town of Germantown, and to purchase such quantity of land witliin the same, as may be necessary, and to accept grants of land for the use of the United States, and to erect thereon, witliin four years, suitable buildings for the accommodation ollbe Congress, and the officers of the United States." On the 2Gth of September, this amendment was sent to the House. It was now apparent that tlie House would adopt the amendment of the Senate; but Mr. Madison, who was warmly and ably the advocate of the " Southern location," on tiie 28th of September oflered an unimportant amendment, and the Northern men were entrapped into its adoption. This carried the bill back to the Senate for action upon this additional amendment. It was immediately returned to the Senate, and post- poned to the next session. This gave the friends of a "Southern location" what they desired, to wit, time to gain over additional strength. They afterwards obtained the entire vote of Pennsyl- vania, in both Houses, which State got in return, the trifling equivalent of the temporary location of the seat of Government till the year 1800. If the seat of Government could be established in a Southern position, certain Southern members were willing to give to the North an additional equiva- lent; they were ripe for "compromise." And what was the equivalent? I answer, the assump- tion of the State debts. There were not wanting men who thought the North gained as much as the South by this "compromise." But how miser- ably fallacious was this equivalent. These debts were contracted for services and supplies in the war of the Revolution, and the obli- gation to pay them rested equally on the Southern as upon the Northern men. Nor is this nil. This very assumption gave to the South 'i^ll ,200,000, and to the North, only §10,300,000. This, and the seat of Govermnent at Philadelphia for ten years, make up the equivalent to the North for trucking off the capital to the South, to remain forever. Another idea was also kept up, that the nation was to incur no cost for the erection of pub- lic buildings, &c. This proved to be equally fal- lacious. Here was no aggression of the North, certainly; but a mastery, by the aid of political tactics, on the part of the South. I have looked into the discussion upon the sub- ject, and I must say that some of the speeches are as fresh and natural as if made but yesterday. Men, eminent for their patriotism and character, brandished in debate the saine weapons we often witness in this and the other Hall. I am incapa- ble, Mr. Chairman, of intending any disrespect to the memory of those who have passed away; and the instances I give, are offered as illustrations merely of the language of certain localities towards other localities. I take the liberty to read a few extracts. Mr. Lee, of Virginia, (in the House of Repre- sentatives, September 3d, 1789,) "Asked whether ' this Govermnent was intended for a tetnporary, ' or a lasting one.' Whether it was to be a fleeing 'vision, or continue for ages? He hoped the ' result would proclaim that the Govenmient was ' calculated for perpetuity. If that was done, the ' Government would be removed to the Potomac; 'if not, we should stop short of it. He said he ' was averse to sound alarms, or to introduce ter- ' rors into the House; but if they were well ' founded, he thought it his duty. The same gentleman (in the House of Repre- sentatives, July (ith, 1790,) observed that — " While the present position continued to be the scat of Government, the agriculture of the States cast is invij,'ora- ted, while that to the south is lanL'uishing and expiring. He then showed the fatal tendency to this i)reponderft:- tiag eacoiirageiuent to those parts of tlic country, already 8 consiilerrd ns ilic sirongst parts of ihc I'nion, and fnnii tlie natural opfnitioii or" tlie principles he iiilVrreil llmt the i»- tertul of iJie Southern Stales must be eventually swallowed lip. The decision of llie Senate (in favor oi' the South) anbrds a most lavorable opportunity to ninnifcst that inaR- naiiiniily of soul which lihall enibrace, upon an extensive, liberal system, the best interests of the great whole. He Uicn drew an alarmiso i-hti'rk of the consequences to be apprehended from disimon, ambition, and rivalship. He then pave a pleasing sketch of the happy ellecl to be derived from a national, generous, and equal attention to Southern and Xorthern interests. ^Vill gentlemen, said he, blast this prospect by rejecting lliis bill.' I trust lliey will not." These speeches were delivered more llian sixty years nijo. But, sir, the hmgunge of this eminent man sounds as fresh and natural as a speech of yesterday. lie hoped the result would [iroclaim that the Government was calculated for perpetuity. If that was done, the Government would be re- moved to the Potomac. He then showed the fatal tendency of giving preponderating encouragement to the North; therefore he said the preponderating encouragement of the capital must go South. Then comes the fearful ap]irehension that the South will be swallowed up; tjien an alarming ])icture of the consequences of disunion; then a pleasing sketch of happy efTects to l>e derived from an equal attention to Southern and Northern interests; then an appeal to Northern gentlemen not to blast this beautiful state of things by rejecting thi.«i bill — yes, by reject- ing this bill. This is the grand finale. It seems that the attention to Southern ami Northern inter- ests was to give the South the seat of Government, in view of" alarming pictures," and of impending terrors. This was the spirit of the language ad- dressed to Northern gentlemen then, and the same in spirit is addressed to them now. These speeches, it is true, did not have a great effect, for tlie South got but few more votes than ap- pear to have been stipulated for. There was indeed rivalry of feeling between Pennsylvania and New York, which powerfully contributed to the defeat of a northern location. The South were in a sim- ilar danger of dividing between Baltiinore and the Potomac; Init that able statesman, Mr. Madison, saw the danger and sounded the note of alarm. He made an appeal, which appears to have called the Southern members together like the blast of a trumpet. He said: " We tiavi- it now in our power to procure a Southern position. The opportunity may not acain speedily present Itself, lie knew the various and jealous interests that exist on this subject. ^Ve should hazard nothing. If the Potomac is struck out, are you sure of petting Raltimore .' May no other places be proposed .' Instead of naltimore, is it not probable we may have Susquehanna inserted, per- haps the Delaware. " Make any amendments, sir, and the bill will go hark to the Senate. Are we sure that it will come back into our [Mssession again ? " By amending we give iipacorlninty foran uncertainty. In my opinion, we shall act wisely if we accept the hill as it now stands ; and I beg leave to press it on gentlemen, ' not to consent to any alteration lest it he wholly defeated, and the prospect of obtainiii); a Southern position vanish forever." Thus we Hee, air, the South controlled the de- ciiiion. They cnntrolled it without much regard to the nrgiimenlK on the other side. Upon this flubject one Southern gentleman [Mr. Rourke of Souili Carolina] Raid, in the House of Represent- ' atives, July fi, 17'JO: ( " It |H uiijii-l to ilie peopli! of this city (New Vork) to remove from ibis place until the expense they have in- curred i» rejiaid them. It is a breach of honesty and of iUdtiee. It IS inju»tice to the State— to the whidc nation. I Je entered into u considurulion of their saertriceu and scr- ' vices. He thought it a ver)' extraordinary measure, ii»- deed." ]\Ir. Gerry, of Massachusetts, said: '• When llie Constitution was a(|oj)ted, Congress deter- mined that the first meeting should be in New Vork ; and, from this determination, it became necessary that acconi- inodations should be provided. " Had not New York done this, they would have been charged with parsimony, or disafleetioii, or with both. It I would have been said that this city, having been a Rritisli I garrison, was careless andinditi'erentin respect to the Gov- ernment. [ " These considerations and their attachment to the Con- stitution produced the eh'gant buildiie; in which the ses- sions of Congress have Ixjen held ; in addition to this, they ! have incurred other heavy e.xpenses to beautify and render more convenient the seat of Government. These expenses the city has incurred to do honor to the new Government, and they have not been reimbursed." Such is the history of this transaction. Having thus described the manner in which the seat of Government was established in this Dis- ' trict, I luisten to consider the advantages and ben- efits derived by a Southern community in conse- auence of its permanent location. During the iscussion upon this subject, to which I have alluded, Mr. Madison said: " The scat of Oovernment is of great importance, if you consider the diffusion of wealth that proceeds from "this source. I presume the expenditures wliich will take place when the Government will boesial)lislie(l, by those immedi- ately concerned in its admiiiistralion, and by others who iii.iy resort to it, will not be less than .^jOtJjOOO a year." If, sir, Mr. Madison had been correct in this prediction, there would have been ex]iended among our Southern friends, for the benefit of tliis city and tlie agriculturists in this neighborhood, up- wards of $25 ,000,000; but he did not approach the reality. I now go to show the amount ex- pended in this District since the permanent estab- lishment of the seat of Government. Why, sir, here is a great and thriving city grown up upon Government patronage, and the agricul- turists of Virginia and Maryland are constantly deriving large revenues from the expenditures of Government in this loi\ality. I have a statement of the money expended for local objects in the Dis- trict of Columbia from 1790 to 184!)- '50, prepared byTosvnsend Ilaines, Esq., Register of the Treas- ury, in compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of July 26, 1850. The total amount thus expended, as a))pears by this state- ment, is put down at *ilO,09U,3H7 23. The civil list of expenditures, aliout three fourths of which are expended in the city, from 1791 to and including 1832, amounts to i..'}7,15S,(l47 00 From 183210 and including 1850 to 46,019,302 00 Touil $83,177..349 00 Three fourths of this sum is 62,383,012 00 Add the amount expended in the District for local objects, as al- ready stated 10,090,387 23 And you have a total of. ^72,473,399 23 It is proper to state that the report of the Secre- tary of the Trea.'-'iiry for several years inrhuled in the civil list the expenses of foreign intercourse. The amount for those years I have tiierefore esti- mated. If, then, we take into account the expenditures of the foreign legations and others who resort to 9 the capital, the immense amounts lavished in print- ing contracts, &c., I think it will not be extrava- gant to say that one hundred millions of dollars have been exjiended in this city in consequence of the establishment of the seat of Government here, on the banks of the Potomac. The figures I have given are sufficient to justify me in this declar- ation. These are some of the " benefits and advan- tages" that our Southern friends have received from the Government. Instead of half a million, as predicted by Mr. Madison, there have been expended in this District about two millions per annum, without serious molestation by the " un- complaining North;" for no serious attemjit has ever been made to remove the seat of Government. I will not now add more under this head. I pro- ceed to my next point. The Federal Government has power, under the Constitution, to bestow office and emoluments upon the citizen. What share have the South had in the administration of Government, and in the execution of the laws? Have they, in this respect, been the victims of Northern domination and oppression ? From what sections have the Chief Magistrates of the nation been taken ? At the close of Mr. Fillmore's term the presidential chair will have been filled — From the South 49 years. From the North 15 " Let it be remembered that, from the first form- ation of the Government, to the present moment, the North have had a decided preponderance of numerical strength; and yet they have forborne, with few exce]itions, to use that strength for the elevation of their sons to the first place in the na- tion. There have been sixteen elections of Pres- ident; and how many times do you suppose, sir, a majority of tlie North have voted for a man of Southern birth ? They have done so eleven times. And how many times have a majority of tha 7 )uth voted for a native of the North ? Let mK nswer. But once; — only once in sixty-four V ai i. In the sixteen Presidential elections, 3,456 -lect iral votes have been cast; 790 votes have been give by the North for Northern candidates; 1,190 by the South for Southern candidates; 1,155 by the North for Southern candidates, and 321 by the South for Northern candidates. The South have stood with their serried ranks for their own men, generally asking, and seldom yielding; and now some of their citizens are com- plaining of " Northern domination and aggres- sion." Men sometimes complain to obtain more than their rights. Sir, I am reluctant to bring my- self to believe that our Southern friends are actu- ated by a similar policy. Several of the important places have been filled as follows, up to March 4th, 1849: From the North. From the South. Presidents 12 years. 48 years. Cliief Justices U " 48 " Secretaries of State.. 20 " 40 " Attorneys General 20 " 39 " Speakers of tlie House 23 " 37 " With about one half the white population, the slaveholding States have had, if 1 am not in error, a majority of the Cabinet, of the members of the Judiciary, of the Foreign Legations, and of the officers of the Army and Navy. They have now tlie President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House, the Commanding General of the Army, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and a majority of the Cabinet officers. There have been from the South twenty-one President.s jyro tempore of the Senate, and from the North thirteen. These are the facts, and this is the answer to the charge of Northern aggression, that is forever sounding in our ears. I ask attention to liiese facts, and ask gentlemen to remember that there are 13,U0U,000 of white people at the North, and only about 6,000,000 at the South. I have alluded, sir, to the first jilaces under the Government. I have not mentioned second and subordinate offices. Now, I ask, what justification can there be for the complaints of a distinguished Senator, made in the late convention, of Southern-Rights Association, held at Charleston .' Hear him: '• The Southern States can no longer be tlie nurse of great statesmen. The anihiiion of the eagle's flight will he no longer seen — we may have crows and ducklings who will be ready to be sati^fied with the crumbs and garbage of office. There are those who will be willinir U> make an easy transition to degradation by being candidates liir the secondary and subordinate offices. Supiiosc Ilir-rc were a provision in the Constitution that no man from the South Atlantic States should be eligible to the Presidency ; it would not change the pr(^sent state of things. Such a clause might as well be in the Constitution for all practical pur- poses. " The youns; men of the South, throwing; off the tia of trained politicians, should look to their own destiny. They need look to no Federal preferments that are worthy of their amhition. Third and fourth places they mi^ht attain, when they would he entitled to the first if they were in their right- ful position.'^ These extracts were cut from the newspapers, and I suppose them to be correct. This able and ardent champion of what I regard as factitious grievances, motiestly claims that the rightful positions of the young men of the South, are the " first positions " under the Goveriuuent. But, sir, I cannot understand how they have any exclusive right to be first on the list of important places. They have a right to an equality of con- dition under the Government, and nothing more. But admitting what seems to be the modest claim of the distinguished Senator, and the facts show that their names have remained on the first pages of the Blue Book, first, last, and all the time. Why, sir, they have not only had the " first places," but their " crows and ducklin£:s" have been well cared for. Here is a list taken from official tables: " From these tables it appears that of fifty one principal officers of Government, heads of Departments, bureaus, chief clerks, &c., there were 24 born in free States, and 25 in slave States, nine of the former being born in Pennsyl- vania, and eleven of the latter in Virginia. Two are for- eigners, namely, the Commissioner of the Patent Office, and one of tlie Assistant Postmaster Generals. " Of 1,698 clerks and other officers, (not including cus- tom-houses,) 1,442 were natives of the United States, 136 foreigners, and 120 whose place of birth was- unknown. Of the ] ,442 Ainericans, 632 were born in free States, and 810 in slave States ; 275 were born in Virginia, which is 79 more than from any other State. Maryland has 196 ; Pennsylva- nia 177; New York 144 ; District of Columliia 128; Massa- chusetts 83 ; Kentucky 47 ; North Carolina 44 ; Maine 42 ; New Jersey 41 ; Connecticut 39. &c. " Of the 136 foreigners, 34 were born in Ireland ; 31 in Eng- land ; 21 in Germany ; 8 in Franco : 7 in Scotland ; 3 in Spain; 2 in Canada; 1 in Wales, and 29 in other foreign countries. '■ In the table showinsr the number appointed from each State, we have excluded the custom-houses, as those em- ployed in them are always appointed from the States in which they are located. This table shows that of 1,698 persons, 631 were appointed from the free, and 930 tVoin the slave States, the dillerence in favor of the latter being 299. Of these, 1,177 were employed in the city of Wash- ington. 369 being from free, and 729 from slave Slates, showing that in that city there are 360 more Government officers from slaveliolding States, than from tlie free. The 10 iiuiiiIjit ciiipliiyi'd ill Wasliliiglon city a|)|)oiiileil from each Stale, is as I'uliuivs : From .Maine 26, New Hampshire 10, Veri It 10, .Massachusetts 30, Rhode Island 5, Coniiecti- cul K), .New Vork SI, Xew Jersey 15, I'eiiiisylvania 100, (Jhio 10, Indiana I j, Illinois !■>, .Michigan 8, Iowa -1, Wis- consin .'i, Caliibrnia 1_; total from tree t>tates 631. Ap pointed from Delaware 6, .Maryland 96, District of Colum- bia '.f-X, Virginia IH3, Xortli t.'arolina '2,'), South Carolina 10, (Jeoruia 16, .'Maliania 12, Mississippi II, Loui.-ortant for a thinking people. Thus much for direct taxation. A word of indirect taxation. The expense of collection of duties u)ion imports and tonnage in the North, has been exhibited as an instance of North- ern op|ircssion ! This view of the subject has been taken without any regard to theamount of revenue collected in the free States. Let us see how the matter stands. I hold in my hand a statement allowing the total amount of revenue derived from customs, and the expenses of collection, from 1791 to 1850, as appears by M'Grcirnr's l'ro;;ress of America, and from a statement kindly furnished 11 me by the Secretary of the Treasury. I respect- fully ask for it the attention of the House: Wliole amount of revenue $1,169,299,265 Expense of collection 54,2,^7,320 Amount of revenue in free States 932,222,911 Amount of revenue in slave States 237,076, :35-l Expense of collection in free States 36.894,926 Expense of collection in slave States 17,362,393 It will be seen by tliese figures that the South have collected only about one fourth of the whole duties on imports and tonnage. In fine, sir, the expense of collecting one hundred dollars in the South has been nearly double that of collecting the same sum in the North. These facts, when thus presented, without any sophistry, really fur- nish our Southern friends, they being judges, with no just cause of complaint. But to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, is one of the most important acts of sovereignty. If the power of taxation has been abused, and generally wielded against the inter- ests and wishes of our Southern friends, I admit it may be a just cause of complaint on their part. It is impossible, Mr. Chairman, for me to go into the effects of all the taritTacts upon all sections of the Union. I do not propose to do that. But there are some facts going to show that in this matter the North have ))ot committed substantial aggressions against the South. I know, sir, it is believed by many in the South, that they have been always injured in the exercise of the power of taxation; and, I dare say, it is supposed by many that a majority of the South have scarcely ever voted for the revenue laws under wliich we have lived; but if it be found, upon investigation, that a majority of the Southern members of this House have voted for a majority of all the tariff acts passed since 1789, 1 think they are estopped frorn presenting a bill of indictment against the Government or the North in this matter. In the House Journal may be found the yeas and nays upon twenty-one tariflTacts, and of these a majority of the Southern members have voted for twelve, and against only nine. I hold in my hand the votes of Southern members upon these acts. They are as follows : Yeas. Nays. Tariff of August 10, 1790 22 3 " March 3,1791 7 16 " Mav 2,1792 II 15 « March 3,1797 27 11 " July 8,1797 14 31 " March 26,1804 47 00 '■ March 27,1804 27 20 " July 1,1812 41 15 " Julv 29,1813 44 21 " April 27,1816 25 38 " April 20,1818 19 33 " May 22,1824 19 70 " May 19,1828 17 62 " May 24,1828 44 24 " May 29,1830 65 12 " July 14,1832 .54 31 " 1833 84 4 " 1842 17 73 " 1846 62 22 Such is the vote given in the Journals of the House; and lam confident an investii^ation of the Journals, will show that no tariff, distasteful to the South, has remained long on the statute book. It is a little striking, sir, that the first tariff, upon which sufficient interest was felt to take the yeas and na^/s, and the last tariff — the one now on the statute book — received an overwhelming majority of the Southern vote. It is easy to talk of North- ern aggression; but here are facts, and I commend gentlemen tea critical examination of them. Since 1833, a jieriod of about nineteen years, we have lived under a tariff, voted for by the South, with the exception of some four years. But I am aware it is often aflirmed by our Southern friends, that they pay more than their just proportion of the revenues of the country. Since 1833, the tariff acts being, to a great extent, the work of the South, with the exc^eption of four years, have not, I am bound to believe, coiUained unjust discriminations against that section. The statements generally made, of the benefit of the tariff to the North, of the amount of money that it throws into their hands, at the expense of the South, I know are, in a great degree, fallacious, and had I time, I could demonstrate it to any one. Our tariff system is a tax on consumption. Our people are taxed mainly according to their neces- sities, according to what they may need to eat, drink, or wear. Such being the fact, I think it can be demonstrated that the North bears even more than their share of the burdens of taxation, in proportion to their ability to acquire. Let me give an illustration. In 1850, the receipts from customs amounted to about $40,000,000. IVlaine and South Carolina, if assessed with a direct tax, agreeably to the Con- stitution, in a revenue of $40,000,000, would pay about $1,000,000. Now, let us assume for a mo- ment that the slaves of South Carolina consume no articles paying duty. The white population of that State being a fair average of that of all the other States, would consume enough to ]tay of the $40,000,000 revenue, $560,000, and Maine would pay, upon the same principle, $1,100,000 ! I have assumed that the slaves consume no articles pay- ing duty. This is not true, I coiffess; but it is not very far from the fact, as I will endeavor to demonstrate. In the Patent Oflice Report f(n' 1849, is an account of the management of one of the best plantations in South Carolina. There are upon this planta- tion two hundred and fifty-fottr slaves, upon which the following cash expenses were incurred in one year: Two hundred pairs of shoes .$175, annual supply of hats .5100 S'^"") 00 Bill of cotton and woolen cloth 810 00 One hundred cotton comforters in lieu of bed blan- kets 125 00 One hundred oilcloth capotes 87 00 Twenty small woolen blankets for infants 25 00 Calico dress and handkerchief for each woman and gi rl 82 00 Christinas presents in lieu of negro crop 175 00 Fifty sacks of salt 80 00 Four hundred gallons of molasses 100 00 Total .*1,9.59 00 The above articles are given as the whole con- sumption of two hundred and fifty-four slaves, exclusive of what is produced on the plantation. I leave gentlemen to examine these items at their leisure, and to ascertain the amount of duties ac- tually paid upon them. I will not pursue this matter further; but I think it is evident from this illustration, that if our system of taxation is an aggression, it will be found like the aggression of winter, somewhat more searching and rigorous as you go North. I come now to the power — TO ESTABLISH POST OFFICES AND POST ROADS. Let us see if there are Soutliern grievances upon 12 this point. I find, by exanuiiation, that there is one post iiffice in tlie Nortli, to eleven hundred free population; and one in the S'luth, to about ei^lu hundred free pojiulation. Such are the accom- modations furnished. And who pays tlie bills for this branch of the public service.' Why, sir, the men, women, and children of the North pay an immense sum for transi)ortinj the mails for the benelii of ourcomplaiainu; friends of the South. I ask attention to the following tables, which I have condensed from a statement politely furnished me by the Post Office Department. Statement siiowins: the cost of transportation in each free State and Territory, for ten years, from 1st Jidy, 1841, to 3Uih of June, 1851; also the amount of net revenue for the same time: Cost of Trans. Net Rercnuc. Maine i;.i48,6U3 (JO ij68-l,-2i).j 42 New n;uii|i>liire.... 3i:...V..) OJ •146,3.W 87 Vermont 398.t;i:j 00 421,67176 Massacliuselts 1 .•2Jl).43;i 00 2,598,010 64 Rhode Island H)-2,l&2 00 308,ia"> 64 Connt-cticut o.tl ,559 00 781,572 ai New York 3,0G1,-189 00 6,745,76124 New Jersev 5B4,G80 00 479,244 59 Pennsylvania 1,684,953 HO 3,187,982 61 Ohio 1,784,936 00 2,007,657 15 Miehi^-an 509,885 00 430,.=)97 47 Indiana 690,994 OJ 543,486 90 Illinois 1, 239,3 -io 00 6.')9,909 17 Iowa 1-28,578 00 12G,3:e 08 Wisconsin 199,604 00 299^114 44 MinncsotaTerritory. 1,578 00 3,936 18 $13,039,187 00 $19,723,940 37 13,039,187 00 Net revenue .SG,684,753 37 Statement, showing the cost of transportation of the United States mails in each slave State, for ten years, from 1st July, 1841, to .3()th June, 1851; also the net revenue from the Post Office during the same period, in said States: Cost of Trans. Net Revenue. Delaware .$89,813 00 .*101,632 69 Maryland 1,366,.536 00 1>67,798 48 Viriiinia 1,842.927 00 1.236,203 13 Norlli Carolina 1,600,270 00 '409,518 10 SouthCarolina 1,!54,147 00 693,2fi3 97 Georgia 1,514,537 00 812,576 70 Florida 374,135 00 128,132 90 Missouri 697.538 00 586,405 42 Kentucky 1.15:. 13100 699,297 05 Tennessee 7'.»-.;i>G 00 515,932 84 Alahaina l,s:().-)2G 00 711,422 02 Mississippi 8t5C,4*5 00 462,3.57 99 Louisiana ,029,103 00 965,403 04 Arkaiisa.i 55G,:r)2 00 120,066 29 Texas .334,336 00 88,015 45 $14,716,761 00 $8,601,026 09 8,601,026 09 Deficit $f.,l 15,734 91 It will be seen by this statement, that in a period of ten years, §0,000,000 have been paid by the citizens of the North — by the men, women, and children of that section of our country, to trans- port the Soutliern mails. From this data 1 leave penllemen to calculate the amount paid during the last sixty years. IJut, sir, I have not time to dwell upon thiH point. AC(iI'ISITION- OF TKnUITonV. I ask tlie attention of gentlemen to the action of the Government under the power to acquire and relin'piish territory. This power is not expressly granted by tlie Constitution; but we have on sev- eral occasions exercised the right of making terri- torial acquisitions and relinquishments. These acquisitions have been highly favorable to South- ern domination and prosperity. In 1S0"3 we pur- chased the Territory of Louisiana, and paid for the same the sum of ^15,000,000. In 1819 we pur- chased Florida, ami advanced in cash $5,000,000. In 184-i, from three to five millions of acres of Northern territory were surrendered to Great Brit- ain by the treaty establishing the Northeastern boundary. In 1845 we annexed Texas to the United States. In 1847 we surrendered our claim to about one half of Oregon, extending five degi-ees on the Pacific. Here are three great acquisitions, and two grand relinquishments. The acquisitions were all slave territory, and relinquishments free territory. So far, all the acquisitions were for the use of the South, and all the relinquishments at the expense of the North. For these acquisitions our Government paid from the common Treasury of the nation — To Franco $15,000,000 To Snain 5,0'HLOOO To Te.xas 10,000,000 Total $30.01)0,000 It is true that a part of the Louisiana purchase is now free, but by far the larger part of this is waste territory, and of no value. To give a just idea of the benefits derived l)y the free and slave- holding States relatively, in consequence of our acquisitions, I ask gentlemen to consider the value of real and personal ]iroperty, according to the late census, in the States accpiired from foreign countries. I hold in my hand an authentic state- ment, which I will read: Free StiUes. Slave States. Cilifornia $22,131,914 Louisiana.... .$-227,029,092 Iowa 21,43(5,138 Texas 51.II4.4S8 Florida 22.033.6.37 Total $43,568,052 Missouri 99.129,712 Arkansas 3(;,:tG8,765 Total $435,675,694 I ask honorable members, who seem to grudge even California, to look at this statement, and then decide for themselves, who have realized the ben- efit of foreign acquisitions under this Government. But I have not done. Much complaint has been made by some of our Southern friends, at the dis- position of our " Mexican acquisition." But how is this? Texas is a slaveholding State. Cal- ifornia is free. Utah and New Mexico are open to slavery. This, I believe, is not denied by any one. Henry Clay has stated such to be the fact, and so, I think, Senator Downs has very recently affirmed. Our whole acquisition of Mexican territory amounts to 8.34,000 square miles, and is appropri- ated as follows: Territory ojicn to Slavery. Texas 237,321 sipiari' miles. New Mexico 219.774 l.'lah 187,923 '• Total 64,5,018 Not OjicH to Stiivery. ( 'alilornia '188,982 .square miles. It is not an answer to this statement to say that Utah and New iMexico will remain free. Accord- ing to the jirovisions of their territorial govern- ment, they are to be admitted with slavery, if adjacent States will have it so; for, from their con- 13 tigiious position, they have tiie power to settle it. Pour fiftlis of this acquisition is, in truth, open to slavery propagaiidism. Even California was not made free by Northern votes, against the votes of the South. She made herself tVee. But this is not all. The Missouri compromise line has been altered to give territory to the State of Missouri. Hear Colonel Benton, upon the annexation of the Platte country. In a speech delivered in the United States Senate, he uses the following language: " By that act of annexation a part of tlii' Missouri com- promise line, one liundreU niilosof it on a straiglit line, was abolished and a new line substituted, nearly three hundred miles long on its two sides, cutting deep into free soil, and converting it into slave soil. The six beautiful counties of the Platte country were gained to JMissouri by this operation — gained to a slave State, and carved out of free territory, made free by the compromise of 1820, and all by the help of Northern votes." Sir, if complaints are to be made in the prem- ises, Southern gentlemen are the last persons to prefer them. It may be proper in this connection to say a word in relation to the Northwest Territory. We are often told by Soutliern gentlemen that Virginia fi^ave up this Territory for the exclusive use of the North. In reply to this, I ask gentlemen to recol- lect that Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New York claimed tlie same Territory, and thoseStates, together with Virginia, ceded their rights to this tract of country. It may be said further, that even if Virginia had the best claim, her cession was a voluntary act of her ov/n, and not a North- ern aggression. But has the South been deprived of the use of this tract of country in consequence of the cession ? Not at all. The sons of the South have enjoyed it in common with those of the North. There are at this moment, I am confi- dent, as many citizens from the South as from the North upon this Territory, in pro]iortion to the population of each section of the Union. I am now naturally brought to quote again from the Constitution: " The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting, the territory of the United States." Under this provision it is contended that we are authorized to make regulations concerning the public lands. How have we exercised this author- ity? Has any injustice been done to the South- ern States in the action of the Government, or in the conduct of the North upon this matter .' How does the case stand ? The lands have been held, among other purposes, as a source of revenue to the Government. The receipts for public lands have been as fol- lows: Free States. Slave States. Ohio f20,853,694 33 Missouri .•$13,674,958 62 Indiana 21,870,25.5 57 Alabama 17,722,124 74 Illinois 20,491,177 17 Mississippi... 13,353,247 49 Michigan.... 11,704,8)7 76 Louisiana.... 4.405,389 31 Iowa 3,402,878 88 Arkansas 4,071.12173 Wisconsin.. 6,243,32113 Florida 1,294,893 52 Total $84,-565,934 84 Total i5,'54,521 ,035 41 54,521,035 41 $30,044,899 43 Showing that there have been received for the sale of public lands from the free States, $30,044,899 43 more than from the slave States, up to the 30th of September, 1851. I obtain this information from a statement furnished me by the Commissioner of the General Land Office. Thus much for the rev- enue from the .sales of public lands, and the men who have furnislied that revenue. Sir, I .shrink from nothing in this investigation; and I now usk the attention of the House to an ai)stract from a statement famished by the Commissioner of the General Land Office, showing the donations, grants, and reservations of land to the several States for all purjioses whatever; up to 30th Sep- tember, 1851: Free States. Jicres. Ohio 11,1.52,,523 Indiana 3,.56(i.fi67 Illinois 3,515;:MI Michigan 6.310,317 Iowa 1,997,445 Slave States. Jlcrcs. Missouri 3.310,094 Alabama 4,4.53,233 Mississippi 3,895,468 Louisiana 10.218,534 Arkansas 6^4.38.3.57 Wisconsin 3,318,476 Florida 2;096,564 California 500,000 . Total 30,412,850 Total 30,300,729 30,300,729 52,121 By v/hich it appears that the slave States have re- ceived 52,121 acres more than the free States. The donation for the Illinois and Mobile Central Rail- road is not included in this calculation, it being of a charac;er of the Cumberland road, for the ben- efit of several slaveholding and non-slaveholding States. These donations, grants, and reservations have been made to six slaveholding and six free States. If there is any propriety in making them, they should be made according to population. This proposition is, I think, apparent. If one State has 500,000 children to be taught in schools and colleges, and another has 1,000,000, lands should be given to each State, if given for educational purposes, in the same ratio. So, if they are given for any other purpose. I ask, then, the attention of gentlemen to the population of States to which lands have been given. It is as follows: Free States. Slave States. Ohio 1,980,408 Missouri 683,043 Indiana 988,416 Alabama 771,671 Illinois 851,470 Mississippi 606„555 Michigan 397,6.54 Louisiana 511,974 Wisconsin 305,191 Arkansas 209,639 Iowa 192,214 Florida 87,401 Total . 4,715,353 Total 2,869,283 Here is a population, in round numbers, of 4,700,000 in six free States, and 2,800,000 in the same number of slaveholding States. The six slaveholding States have one half aa much population as the six free States, and have re- ceived, not one half, but more of the public domain. If, indeed, a citizen in a free State is equal to a cit- izen in a slaveholding State, then the land Stjites of the South have little reason to complain. But what of the future? I ask a moment's attention to the donations of land, prepared in the United States Senate at the present session: Free States. Slave States. Michigan 341,760 acres. Mi.ssouri.. 890,880 acres. Wisconsin... 599,040 Iowa 3,107,417 Ohio 302,195 Illinois 35,000 Arkansas.. 1,673,920 Alabama... 1,205,760 " Florida.... 5,882,880 « Louisiana. 13,508,359 " Total 4,385,412 23,361,699 « This is the programme of legislation for the present session. Let gentlemen study these fig- 1 ures, and remember that even Js''orlkern men can 14 be found to talk of aggressive legislation upon the South ! So imich for donations, grants, and reservations of lands. Bui 1 have not yet explained the whole connec- tion of the Government with land matters. Our Government has been a land jnirchaser from the nbori^inees of the country. It is pertinent to this disiirs.sion to make a brief examination of the ex- tinguishment of Indian titles. To whom have the liencfits and advantages of this Government accrued in the extinguishment of Indian titles.' The number of acres of land purchased from the Indians since the establishment of the Fed- , ei-al Government, according to a statement kindly furnished me by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, amounts to 481,044,448 acres. The In- dian title has been extinguished, by purchase, to 293,8&9,1)91 acres of Southern territory, and to 187,759,351 acres of Northern territory. Tlie excess of Southern territory, to which the Indian title has been extinguished, is ]U(),125,746 acres. At §1 25 per acre, the excess of land in the South thus disincumbered, would amount to 'ji;132,C57,- 182. Its extent is more than twice as large as all New England. I do not, however, profess that this statement is precisely accurate; as in two or three instances Indian tribes were located in what is now partly the slaveholding, and partly tiie non-slaveholding section of the Union. 1 think the statement is, if anything, most favorable to our Southern friends. But I have not time to say more relative to the purchase of lands from the Indians. Before I cori- ; elude, I shall allude to other expenses immedi- ; ately connected with this subject, and in conse- quence of wiiich the whole Southern country was freed from the jiresence of hostile Indians. i GOVERN'.MENT EXPEKDITURES NORTH AND SOUTH. But I must pass along. There are many mat- ters of less importance which illustrate the unfor- tunate character of this charge of aggression. Among the grants of power we are authorized to coin money. Now, there are three establishments for this purpose at the South — one in North Caro- lina, one in Georgia, and one in Louisiana, and but one at the North, in Philadelphia. It will be recollected, that Congress has been petitioned year after year for a branch at New York, and the petitioners have been denied their reasonable request. The Southern establishments have been brouirht into existence by Northern votes — and if this may be called a Northern aggression, I may as well say that the business men of New York and New England would be very glad to be visited with a Southern a^'Sression of a similar character. It cannot be said that the i)UsineRs of coining will not be done as rheajily at the North. Upon that point I will not detain gentlemen lonir. I will briefly refer to the mint operations for 1851. An ollicial document sent into Congress from the Treasury Department shows the mint operations of tiie United States, during the year 1851, to have been as follows: General Rfcapitulation. No. ot'rii'ccH. Viiliic riiil;i(l.l|iliin ai.'JH,:>,7:t6 ^.Vi.f.Htl.HTS -13 N.-w ( »rl Georgia 250 Florida 1,943 Alabama 240 Mississippi 155 Louisiana 1,247 Texas 940 Total 7,032 By the facts here presented it will be seen that the shore line of the slaveholding States is more than one thousand miles less than that of the free States and Territories; and yet they in the slave- holding States have received two thirds of the national expenditures for purposes of coast de- fense. There are many other matters upon which I might dwell. I have not noticed all the expenditures of Government, nor is it possible for me to do so on the present occasion. It is fair to state that in the construction ofnaval vessels, &c., the largeramount has been expended at the North; but with very good reasons. The cost of construction at the North has been much less. This is no aggression, but the exercise of a wise economy. Put this and whatever other items of a similar character that may appear upon the record down to tlie North- ern account, and still, I affirm, that, taking into consideration the expenditures of every de.-jcrip- tion, they are very for from furnishing our South- ern friends any decent reason for complaint. Before concluding, I must briefly allude to one other cause of uneasiness. It has been .said that the people of the North make money out of the commerce of the country. This is put down among the list of grievances. But are the North to bhune for that? The question is briefly an- swered by a writer in De Bow's Commercial Re- view, a work of high authority and standing at the South. Hear him: " The ships of the North come to our shores laden with rich stores from all quarters of the globe— silks and teas of China, cofTee from Hrazil, the manufactures of England, France, the spice of Sumatra, the gold of California. For almost every article of necessity and luxury we use from foreign countries we are indebted to Northern enterprise, to which we annually pay a large tribute, Uie immense 16 prcifil.-i orwiiicli iiiiglit.iccrue to oiirsi-lvcsliad we llii'enler- prisi' and fiu'rpy to enter tlie tielil. Will any man of sense jirctend 111 say tlial tln-re is any action ol" the CJeneral Uov- eniinent to prevent a inereliant orciiarleston, iSavannall, or New I »rleans, I'roni riltins out ships lor the wlialin:; husi- ness. iniporlin,!; teas from Canton, or cotiee from Brazil? Are tli<- duties on foreign goods any higher in Charleston tliuii III New York ? Sir, the case is well put, and I have only to add that, for the "tribute" they pay, they receive from the North a valuable consideration, in the services described in this extract. And if they do not think so, they have the panieri'i:ht enjoyed by the citizens of my own State, to become car- riers for themselves and the world, to enter into both foreij^ii and coastwise trade. And the re- mark will apply with ecjual force to every branch of business known to civilization. Mr. Chairman, the remarks I have submitted have been prompted by my regard for the Union, and by a re.spect for the principles of equity and justice. I have often thought that a fair and can- did investigation of the benefits and advantages of this Goverinnent, enjoyed by the South, would disarm the spirit of disunion; that our Southern friends, by an examination of the facts, would be induced to demand less of the North. It seems to me, tdo, that the Northern volunteers in behalf of Southern grievances, by looking into the action of the Government, instead of acquiescing in the charge of aggression, will see that we have rights — fair, just rights, which we have seldom assert- ed. Tliey have made, in some instances, conces- sions that I am frank to say I would not have yielded, because a submission to unreasonable deinands never makes for peace. If the people of the North desire a perpetuation of the Union they should ask what is right. They should ask, it is true, nothing more. They should, I repeat, sub- mit to nothing wrong. They should not consent to be put under bonds to keep the peace, or to keep any law, because, doubtless, without any intention of those who wish to impose the bonds to do so, it puts those who consent to be bound, "wrongfully on the record as criminals by their own confession ! No man is called upon to get bonds that he will not violate a law, unless he is suspected of criminal intentions. Asa member of the Democratic party, I hope no such bond will be demanded at the Baltimore Convention. I hope there will be no interpolation of new obliga- tions into the Baltimore platform. It is, however, fair to warn our Democratic friends at the North that they have been notified that they must be " bound to keep the peace." Are these the terms to offer to the proud spirit of freeinen ? Will they be submitted to ? We shall see. The Democracy of Maine have repudiated all such offensive tests. In their late leirislative State Convention they adopted the old Baltimore resolutions without ad- j ditions or interpolations. Such is the overwhelm- ing voice of the Democracy of the State I Imvethe honor in part to represent, sustained, as it is, with unparalleled unanimity by our Democratic press. !" Bonds to keep the peace," indeed! Without : intending disrespect to anyone, I must be allowed 1 to remark that these are terms fit only for slaves. i>Neither should the people of the North on any occasion quietly submit to unjust attacks from men in their own ranks, or from tiiose who understand little of their character or intentions. It is often the case, that extreme men charge the North with aggression, and the idea is caught up by a certain class of men from the free States, who stand ready to do swift and willing injustice to their own section. Sir, Northern jioliticians, who, to advance their own political fortunes, brand the North with injustice to the Southern people, and thus create, at the South, causeless dissatis- faction, do not, in my judgment, exhibit a very sincere patriotism. They are the swift witnesses, who come voluntarily to the stand to blacken, by their testimony, the land of their birth. They will do more: they will advocate unworthy con- cessions, and, if successful in their work, the younff men of the North may finally become impressed that they have no rights to be defended; that they are not the equals of those residing in other sec- tions of the country; that they are not as great or good. But I trust they are not to succeed in dwarfing the position of our young men, or in creating a servile spirit that dares not defend our interests and honor when assailed. I trust the time is not near at hand when an American citizen will not dare to utter his honest opinions. Such a spirit of political bondage, fastened upon the minds of men, would wither the land like the blight of mildew. It would be a species of bondage that would turn the fairest country on earth into a moral desert. With such a condition of things fixed upon us, it would be no longer delightful to look upon the green fields and the busy towns of our country. " Even the croaking of frogs in the 'uncultivated fen, or the howling of wild beasts ' on the mountain-top, where liberty dwells, would ' be preferable to the nightingale's song in the ' vales of slavery, or the melting notes of Correlli ' in cities clanking their chains!" What is thus characterized is not more galling than the intolerant s|iirit which would stifle the thoughts and crush the voice of freemen ! One word more, and I have done. The North have faults, though not grievous ones, I think; but that we have been visited with unjust denun- ciation and intolerance by some, and often be- trayed by others, must be apparent to all. As it has not lu-en the object of these remarks to make complaints, I only state this now as due to the truth of history. 146 ■^•\- ^ %.^ ^/^ 4C 4- Jo "oo •^oV^ W-'. V ,0' « -0 •^.<^^ .v^-^^ WfRT BOOKBINDING Cranl.lle. Pi Jan F=b 1989 ,0 ^ V