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Ea.6 t UNITED STATES OP AMERICA, f =£^^? ^S^53 u^Am^M 5 3 '?^S i 3> > >r>ai 3 ^y^ > >'S'^<<. ^ >Y :33. > ^* > f3 ^ z> s>; > > J3o ..S*^ "> >^ £>. >■ ^ 39^^ 1 ■>J»:>"~~" 5 T^,,.--;-^ ^ 3 ^ %^.' ) >:i - 2» :> ^ > > > !> :> 3-" ^^ '* .J-^^ ^ • "3 " " ""^to ' O') ':> J -f^ ^> a "Z» 3^ ^^ •* 3> 3 )T) ^ "^B^ "> 0>^ ^ ^^> i-) ^rsi jRj>'T) ""^^fc :> :> - o A ^ ^3* ^^ --?^^s^ 'lii^j)' 5 ' "~*^H > ^' -i3 > "^"^ j&i^ ^^ )^ O >~3> J;Jji^ ^ ► ) 0> 3 y ~°^ 'j^iii* ) . t:> ^ ^ ■A5% s^ -^ » ':> -> '^^ -=^S^ yy> 3~5 "A^^^t ') ' Z^ ^^ ^-^-^ jmj .Cj ► .:> J >) ^ 3 ^^ J ^^ D ^ ' r> > ;d ^^^^ J J ~!^ _> ^ -^ -^ -^ 3^'' ^ "J i»> ■ Ji E> - >^ ^-^ )JJ1 .■U-..:)^)" yj}^ ^^j 3 ~~] B3 ■3. 7) J> ^ 3r^^ 5) > :> »:»)^ >^^ > 1 :> > ! :>:> :> 9 >3J) i) 3):) )iriK) d:) ^ ^^4:) 3 7?^ 11# >? :^.^>s ^:'?^^> '"^ p ~l] JJ^3?2^ 3 "> »3 ~> :> .o.>::>. 7> > >>» 2> ■> 3>» ^>-^ >:>>> :y> /j>^ '>^ ^:>>-r>j»> :> > > > VA >> ^ ^^-^ ^' '^^^'- \ ► >vo>> >:) ':>-6 ^ -^3 3 ^ ^> .^ > > :> iS ^ :> a ^ 3 i» VO -3) >3 »> >-3 ? O 3 >) 1- > X>>_3K> 3;4 >3 .:^v:>,3>'> >^ >■:> 3 > ) ■ 3 li lilk -CB M J l>> ? ?3^ ?^ - !)9 <'> J . > > ) 1 > -^ •»-» ■ / /^. FAULKNER'S HISTORY OF THE PiEVOLUTION IN THE SOUTHERN STATES; THE SPECIAL MESSAGES OP PEESIDENT BUCHANAN— THE ORDINANCES OF SECESSION OF THE SIX WITHDRAWING STATES— PRELIMINARY STEPS TAKEN THEREFOR— SEIZURE OF FORTS AND ARSENALS- MEASURES COERCIVE AND CONCILIATORY ON THE PART OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT— MESSAGES OF THE GOVERN- ORS OF STATES NORTH AND SOUTH— BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF LEADING MEN— CALHOUN'S REMARKA- BLE DREAM— PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICA- TION PROCLAMATION, ETC., ETC., ETC. NEW YORK: FOR SALE BY ALL BOOKSELLERS 1861. E440 k^acN 01- my 1 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by T. C. FAULKNER, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States lor the Southern District of New York. e- ~:7a>- JOHN F. TROW. PRINTBE, 6TKKE0TVPEE, AND ELECTROTVPIB, 63 Greene Street, New York. HISTORY OF THE SEOESSIOlSr EEYOLUTIOE". The occurrences which have led to the withdrawal of six States from the Confederation, and the threatened dismemberment of the whole Union, through civil war, will be found accurately set forth in these pages. It is the purpose of the author only to state facts— leaving the reader to form his own conclusions — the intention being merely to present, in a concise form, the history of the revolution which is now sweeping onward in the land. The close of the sixtieth year of the nineteenth century is a period that will be made memorable in the annals, not only of this, but of all na- tions, for then it was that monarchies and empires turned tlieir gaze At- lantic-ward, and watched with anxiety the effect of acts which must soon result seriously, for good or evil. We, as a nation, had just succeeded in a great commercial enterprise ; had induced the rulers of a country, hith- erto comparatively unknown to the civilized world, not only to treat with us, but to send ambassadors to ratify that treaty of commerce and amity. The people of the country, North and South, had done all in their power to produce a favorable impression upon these distinguished strangers, and had succeeded w^ell. They had been sent from our shores bearing many tokens of our friendship and good will. During that year we had also entertained the heir to one of the most powerful kingdoms in the world, and extended to hira a true American hospitality, both at the seat of government and at our own commercial metropolis. Our acts therefore during the year 1860, were such as, in many re- spects, to call the attention of foreign Powers to the rapid strides we were making towards wealth and prosperity. In this year then, of the height of our nation's prosperity, the first blow was struck which severed this band of States, that for eighty-four ears had remained united. In 1832, w^hen the people of the State of 4 THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAEOLINA. South Carolina refused to comply with the federal laws, and rebelled against the power of the general goverutnent, General Jackson, by prompt measures, quelled the rebellion, and restored that peace which, until that time aud subsequently, reigned through the country. The Primary Cause, As every thing must have its origin in something, so with this move- ment of secession. This originated from an expressed sentiment among the people of the South that, if a Republican President was elected, they would secede from the Union. In no other place was this feeling more openly expressed than in South Carolina. The Southern press reiterated the threats made by their public men, and sedulously inflamed the minds of the entire people, until at last, while all were looking towards South Carolina, each of the Soutliern States were, to a greater or less degree, preparing to follow her when she should withdraw from the Union. Thus, as the mouths rolled on, and the time approached when the people of the whole confederacy would be called upon to select a ruler for the next four years, the barrier seemed raising slowly but surely, and it needed but the declara- tion of the people on the sixth of November, to throw this demarcating wall to such a towering height as to completely darken the whole horizon, mental and social. Then commenced the strife of words so soon to reach that of war. The Secession of South Carolina. South Carolina, the pioneer of the seceding States, is about 200 miles in length and 160 iu breadth, containing 30,213 square miles, or 19,336,320 acres, bounded F. by N". Carolina ; S. E., by the Atlantic Ocean ; S. W,, by Georgia, from which it is separated by the Savannah river. The population in 1860, was 715,371, 407,185 of whom were slaves. The State is divided into 29 districts, as follows : Abbeville, Anderson, Barn- well, Beaufort, Charleston, Chester, Chesterfield, Colleton, Darlington, Edgefield, Fairfield, Georgetown, Greenville, Ilorry, Kershaw, Lancaster, Laurens, Lexington, Marion, Marlborough, Newberry, Orangeburg, Pick- ens, Richland, Spartanburg, Sumter, Union, Williamsburg, York. Colum- bia is the seat of government. The country on the sea-coast is level for 100 miles towards the interior, aft^r which is a range of sand liills, and beyond these a diversity of hill and dale which is very fertile. The climate is healthy in the interior, and sickly on the sea-coast in summer and autumn. The principal rivers are the Pedee, Santee, Cooper, Ashley, Edisto, and Savannah. The staple productions are cotton, rice, Indian corn, potatoes, wheat, peas, rye, oats, tobacco, indigo, lumber, oils, silks, tar, pitch, and turpentine. Charleston is the leading commercial port of the State. The first constitution of South Carolina was formed in 1775, the first formed in the Union. The present constitution was ratified June 3, 1790. In 1670 the first permanent settlement was made in South Carolina by a THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 6 small body of English emigrants at Port Royal Island. In 1679 they removed to Charleston, then styled Oyster Point. In 1706 the French and Spaniards made an attack on Charleston, and were defeated. In 1715 the Yemasee Indians were defeated by Governor Craven. In 1720 the government of the Crown was established. In 1775 the first military force was raised for the defence of the colony against the Crown, and the importation of British goods was prohibited. In 1776 the British attacked Fort Moultrie and were defeated. In 1780 Charleston was besieged by Sir Henry Clinton, and taken at the end of six weeks. In 1782 the British evacuated Charleston. In 1794 cotton was first exported. In 1822 an insurrection among the negroes at Charleston was defeated. In 1833 President Jackson and Gov. Haynes issued counter proclamations on the subject of nullification, originating in the tariff". The State in conven- tion adopted the constitution of the United States, May 23, 1788 — Yeas, 149; IsTays, 73. December 20, 1860, tlie State, in convention, threw off her allegiance to the Union, and was proclaimed a free and independent sovereignty. Following the general election of the sixth of November, South Caro- lina, as every one south, and very many north, expected she would, moved. Steps were taken to perfect the act of secession, and for this purpose the people were called upon to select delegates to a convention, which should seriously consider the step about to be taken, and for which there seemed such imperative necessity. The election for these delegates took place on the 6th of December. The delegates to the convention as- sembled on the 17th of December at Columbia, but, owing to the preva- lence of small-pox in that city, removed to Charleston. The legislature of the State convened at Charleston on the 17th, when Governor Pickens delivered his inaugural address, which concluded as fol- lows : — We now have no alternative left but to interpose our sovereign power as an independent State, to protect the rights and ancient privileges of the people of South Carolina. This State was one of the original parties to the federal compact of the Union. We agreed to it as a State under peculiar circumstances, wlien we were surrounded with great external pressure, for purposes of national protection, and for the general welfare of all tlie States, equally and alike ; and when it ceases to do this, it is no longer a perpetual Union. It would be an absurdity to suppose it was a perpetual Union for our ruin. The constitution is a compact between co-States, and not with the Federal Government. I think I am not assuming too much, when I say tliat her interests will lead her to open her ports to the tonnage and trade of all nations, re- serving to herself the right to discriminate only against those who may be our public enemies. She has fine harbors, accessible to foreign commerce, and she is in the centre of those extensive agricultural productions that enter so largely into the foreign trade and commerce of the world, and form the basis of those comforts, in food and clothing, so essential to the artisan and mechanic laborers in the higher latitudes, and which are also so essential to the prosperity and success of manufacturing capital in the Korth and in Europe. I therefore may safely say it is for the benefit of all who may 6 THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA. be interested in commerce, in manufactures, in the comforts of artisan and mechanic laborers everywhere, to make such speedy and peaceful ar- rangements with us as may advance the interests and happiness of all con- cerned. There is one thing certain, and I think it due to the country to say in advance, that South Carolina is resolved to assert her separate inde- pendence, and as she acceded separately to the compact of Union, so she will most assuredly secede, separately and alone, be the consequences what they may ; and I think it right to say, with no unkind feeling whatever, that on this point there can be no compromise, let it be oflered from where it may. The issues are too grave and too momentous, to admit of any counsel that looks to any thing but direct and straightforward independ- ence. In the present emergency, the most decided measures are the safest and wisest. To our sister States who are identified with us in in- terest and feeling, we will cordially and kindly look for co-operation and for a future Union ; but it must be after we have asserted and resumed our original and inalienable rights and powers of sovereignty and inde- pendence. We can then form a government with them, having a common inter- est with people of homogeneous feelings, united together by all the ties that can bind States in one common destiny. From the position we may occupy towards the Northern States, as well as from our own internal structure of society, the government may, from necessity, become strongly military in its organization. When we look back upon the inheritance, the common glories and triumphant power of this common confederacy, no language can express the feelings of the human lieart, as we turn from the contemplation, and sternly look to the great future that opens before us. It is our sincere desire to separate from the States of the North in peace, and leave them to develop their own civilization, according to their own sense of duty and of interest. But if, under the guidance of am- bition and fanaticism, they decide otherwise, then be it so. We are pre- pared for any event, and, in humble reliance upon that Providence who presides over tlie destiny of men and of nations, we will endeavor to do our duty faithfully, bravely, and honestly. Immediately following this, decisive mcasui'es were taken, and after meeting from day to day, on the 20th December the convention passed the following ordinance of secession : — ■ An Ordinance to dissolve the union hetween the State of South Carolina and other States united with her under the com])act entitled the Con- stitution of the United States of America. We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assem- bled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordinance adopted by us, in convention, on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying amendments of the said constitution, are hereby repealed, and that the union now subsisting between South Caro- lina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is liereby dissolved. The ordinance received the unanimous vote of the convention — 169 — and was ordered to be engrossed on parchment, and to be publicly signed on the following Monday. The news of this act on the part of South Carolina was received with conflicting emotions, according to the locality in which it fell. At the South it was greeted with the most rapturous DECLARATION OP THE rNDEPENDENCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 7 expressions of satisfaction and explosions of powder; at the North and "West with feelings of regret and sorrow. Many of the people at the North gave little thought that South Carolina would remain true to her intention, and felt that it would but require conciliatory steps on the part of the North to induce her to resume her relations in a short time. Still all felt the necessity for some action on the part of the Executive, and eyes were turned "Washington-ward for advice and information. The message of the President, which was delivered to Congress on the 4th of December, had already been referred to appropriate committees, and on the 6th, a committee of thirty-three was appointed by the House of Representatives to take measures for the perpetuity of the Union. Inasmuch as the events which crowd into this period, the closing month of the last year, came thick and fast ; one after another alarming note being sounded in quick succession, it may be well to glance at the immediate effects of the secession of South Carolina. After the signing of the secession ordinance at Charleston, which was accomplished on the 29th of December, the convention took measures for the government of the republic which they had raised, and issued the fol- lowing declaration of the causes which justified the secession of South Car- olina from the Federal Union, as reported by the committee to prepare an address to the people of the Southern States : Declaration of the Independence of South Carolina. " The State of South Carolina having determined to resume a separate and equal rank among nations, deems it due to herself and the remaining United States of America, and the nations of the world, that she should declare the causes which led to the act. In 1765, that portion of the British empire, embracing Great Britain, undertook to inake laws for the government of the American colonies. A struggle for the right of self- government ensued, which resulted on the 4th of July. 1776, in"a declara- tion by the colonies, that they are, and of right ouglit to be, free and independent States, and that as free and independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do such things as independent States have the right to do. They further solemnly declared, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the established right of the people to alter and abolish it, and institute a new government. Deeming that the gov- ernment of Great Britain had become destructive of these ends, they de- clared the colonies free and absolved from allegiance to the British crown, and the political connection between them and Great Britain w.as totally dissolved. The committee say the right of a State to govern itself, and the right of the people to abohsh a government when it becomes destructive of the ends for which it was instituted, were expressed when the colonies sepa- rated from the mother country, and became free and independent States. The parties amending the convention of the 17th of September, 1787, were the several sovereign States. On the 23d of May, 1788, South Carolina, by a convention of her peo- ple, assented to the amended constitution of the United States. The fail- ure of one of the contracting parties to maintain the constitutional obliga- tions released the other. Fifteen of the northern States have deliberately refused for years to fulfil their constitutional obligations. We would refer 8 DECLARATION OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. to those States for a proof of this. When the fourth article of the consti- tution was adopted, the greater number of the contracting parties held slaves. The hostility of the northern States to the institution of slavery has led them to disregard their constitutional obligations. The laws of the general government have ceased to effect the objects of the constitu- tion. Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Ehode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, "Wisconsin, and Iowa, have enacted laws either nullifying the constitution, or rendering useless all attempts to execute the act of Congress. In many of these States fugitives " held to service and to labor," have been claimed, but in none of them has the State government complied with the stipulation on this subject made in the constitution. In the formation of the federal government each State was recognized as an equal ; the right and property in slaves was recognized, by giving all free persons distinct political rights ; by giving them the right to repre- sent, and burdening them with direct taxes for three-fifths of their slaves ; by authorizing the importation of slaves for twenty years, and by stipu- lating for the rendition of fugitives from labor. The ends for which this government was instituted have been defeated, and the government itself made destructive by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those States assume the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic in- stitutions. They denied the rights of property established in fifteen States and recognized by the constitution. They have denounced sinful the institution of slavery ; have permitted an open establishment of societies whose avowal and object are, to disturb the peace and prosperity of the citizens of other States; they have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes, and those who I'emain have been incited by emissaries, by books and pictures, to servile insurrection. Twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until they have secured the power of the common government. Observing the forms of the constitution, a sectional party has found within that article, establisliing an executive department, means of subverting the constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all States north of that line have united in the elevation of a man to the high office of President of the United States, wliose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be intrusted with the administration of the common government, because it is declared tliat a government cannot endure per- manently half slave and half free, and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction. This sec- tional combination for the subversion of the constitution has been aided in the States by elevating to citizenship persons who, by the supreme law of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens, and their votes liave been used to inaugurate the new policy hostile to the South, and destructive to its peace and safety. On the 4th of March next, this party will take possession of the gov- ernment. . It has been announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory ; that the judicial tribunals will be made sectional ; that war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States. The guarantees of the constitution wiU then no longer ex- ist — equal rights of the States will be lost — the slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government or self-protection, and the fed- eral government will have become their enemy. Sectional interests and ani- mosity will deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain by the fact that the public opinion of the North has iuvested the political error with the sanction of a more erroneous religious belief. We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by our delegates in con- vention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared the union heretofore THE EFFECTS OF SECESSION. 9 existing between tliis State and the other States of North America, dis- solved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world as a free, sovereign, independent State, with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things Avhich independent States may of right do ; and for the suppoi-t of this declaration, with a firm reliance for protection on Divine Providence, we mutually pledge each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.'" The Effects of Secession. Major Anderson was, at this time, in command of the fortifications in Charleston harbor, and occupied Fort Moultrie. Previous to the passage of the ordinance of secession, the sentiment at the North was that the federal troops at this port should be reinforced ; as, in the event of South Carolina seceding, it might be deemed advisable to use compulsory meas- ures for the purpose of collecting the revenue or enforcing the laws. It was well known that there was not that unanimity of feeling in the Cabi- net, or inflexibility of purpose in the President, which should characterize the Chief Magistrate of the Republic ; but, until the resignation of Howell Cobb, of Georgia, from his position as Secretary of the Treasury, which took place on the 11th of December, and the immediately subsequent dis- covery of the bankruptcy of the Treasury, it was not really felt to what condition we had been reduced. Philip F. Thomas, of the Patent Ofiice, was appointed to the vacancy in the Treasury Department on the 12th, and on the same day, General Scott arrived in Washington, having been telegraphed for from New York. On the 14th, Hon. Lewis Cass, Secre- tary of State, resigned his seat in the Cabinet, and the complexion of affairs at Washington gave no hope to the coimtry that the crisis thus precipitating would be firmly met. So utterly despairing indeed was the President, that on the 15th, he appointed the 4th of January, 1861, to be observed as a day of fasting and prayer for the salvation of the Union. The situation of Major Anderson at Fort Moultrie now became immi- nently critical, and the press and people at the North urged upon the President his reinforcement, while the people at Charleston, with equal pertinacity, insisted that the post should not onlj- not be reinforced, but evacuated. Thus between Washington and Charleston was public atten- tion divided ; the people of the North and South, alternately, hoping and despairing, as the vacillation of the Administration became more apparent. On the 23d of December, a heavy defalcation was discovered in the Department of the Interior — $870,000 in Indian bonds, having been ab- stracted from that bureau. On the 24th, the people of Pittsburg became intensely excited at the attempt to remove seventy-eight large pieces of ordnance from the arsenal at that place, to Newport, near Galveston Island, Texas, and forty-six more to Ship Island, near Belize, at the mouth of the Mississippi lliver, the apparent object being to strip the Alleghany Arsenal, and place the guns where the secessionists could get them. The excite- ment was soon allayed, but the circumstance only tended to call attention to the movements which had taken place for some time in the removal of 10 MAJOR ANDERSON'S COUP DE ETAT. arms from Northern arsenals to Southern points. In fact, this movement Tvas not unusual, as it subsequently appeared ; the arms being distributed in accordance with orders which had been issued from the War Depart- ment during the summer. However, the public mind was ready to feed upon any thing exciting — no matter how trivial or unreasonable. Major Anderson's Coup de Etat. On the night of the 25th of December, the most successful coup de etat of Major Anderson was accomplished. An act was performed which caused intense excitement in every portion of the country, and, for a time, placed the name of that officer in every mouth. Major Anderson had dined in the city of Charleston on Christmas Day, and on returning to Fort Moul- trie waited until midnight, and then mustering his force of about seventy men, quietly and successfully removed to Fort Sumter, spiked the guns of Fort Moultrie, and set the gun carriages on fire. This movement was re- ceived in two entire different lights by the two sections. The people at the North were disposed to commend Major Anderson in the highest terms, while the people of Charleston determined to resent it. Major Anderson felt his position to be insecure at Moultrie, and therefore occu- pied Sumter, which is a stronger position, as will be seen from the follow- ing sketch : — FOET STTMTEE. This Fort is built upon an artificial island at the gate of the harbor, three and a half miles south-east of Charleston. It has been for ten years in course of construction ; the cost of the work has been over $500,000. The fortress is in the form of a demi- octagon; the truncated side being at the south, and the exterior faces presented toward all points of the main ship channel, and overlooking Charleston and Fort Moultrie. The walls are of solid brick masonry, ten feet in thickness, and in height sixty feet from the water line to the parapet. They are pierced for three tiers of guns, numbering in all a hundred and forty pieces, of all sizes. The upper tier, which is designed for mor- tars and twenty-four pounders, is unsheltered, but at such a height as to be beyond the reach of danger from balls of a naval attack. The others are be- neath bomb-proof casements, the lowest tier consisting of heavy Paixhans, carrying forty -two pound shot, and the intermediate of ten-inch Colurabiads. It is stated in the Charleston papers, that of seventy-five heavy guns now in the fort, only eleven of the Paixhans are fully mounted, nine of them being directed towards Fort Moultrie, and one towards Castle Pinckney. None of the Columbiads are in position. Four of the twenty-four pound- ers on the summit of the wall are mounted upon pivots, so as to sweep the horizon. In addition to these weightier preparations for defence, the walls are pierced everywhere for muskets, of which there are endless numbers ready and loaded. The magazine is stocked with grape, cannister, and shell. It contains seven hundred barrels of gunpowder. In his removal from RANGE OF COLUMBIAD SHELL GUNS. H Moultrie, Major Anderson carried with him all his stores and small-arms. The place is amply provisioned for a siege of six months. "Water is fur- nished by four largo cisterns. With regard to the offensive abilities ofi the fort, its guns will sweep every point of the compass. Their range averages three miles. rOKT MOULTEIE is an enclosed water-battery, having a front on the south, or water side, - of about 300 feet, and a depth of about 240 feet. It is built witli salient and re-entering angles on all sides, and is admirably adapted for defence, either from the attack of a storming party or by regular approaches. The outer and inner walls are of brick, capped with stone, and filled in with earth, making a solid wall fifteen or sixteen feet in thickness. The height of the wall, from the bottom of the ditch to the top of the parapet, is twenty feet. The ditch is from twelve to fifteen feet wide at the base, and fifteen feet deep. The nature of the soil would not seem to admit of this depth being increased, quicksand having been reached in many places. The counterscarp is substantially built of plank, and spread with turf. The glacis is also finished. It is composed of sand, and covered with lay- ers of loam and turf, all of which is kept firmly in place by the addition of sections of plank nailed to uprights sunk in the sand, and crossing each other at right angles — making squares of about ten feet each. The pur- pose of the glacis, which is an inclined plane, is to expose an attacking party to the fire of the guns — which are so placed as to sweep it from the crest of the counterscarp to the edge of the beach. On the north side, all the wooden gun cases have been placed close together on the ramparts, apparently for the purpose of securing it against an escalade, but possibly as a screen for a battery of heavy guns. Both bastionettes are armed with a small carronade, and a howitzer pointed laterally so as to command the whole intervening moat by a cross-fire. CASTLE PINCKNEY is located on the southern extremity of a narrow slip of marsh land, which extends in a northerly direction to Hog Island Channel. To the harbor side the so called castle presents a circular front. It has never been con- sidered of much consequence as a fortress, although its proximity to the city would give it importance, if properly armed and garrisoned. There are about fifteen guns mounted on the parapet ; the majority of them are eighteen and twenty-four pounders. Some '• Columbiads " are, liowever, within the walls. There are also supplies of powder, shot and shell. Range of Columbiad Shell Guns. The furthest range of a hundred-pound shell, even at an elevation of thirty-five degi-ees given to the gun, is 4,828 yards, the time of flight be- ing thirty-five seconds. Tlie great twelve-inch Columbiad, the largest gun made, loaded with twenty -five pounds of powder, a shell of 172 pounds, and the piece at an elevation of thirty -five degrees, has made a range of only 5,409 yards, the projectile occupying thirty -two seconds in its flight. By increasing the elevation to thirty-nine degrees, only one hundred yards more were gained in the range. From the same gun, with a charge of powder twenty-eight pounds, a shell of 180 pounds, and an elevation of thirty-five degrees, a range of 5,671 yards had been attained; at an eleva- tion of thirty-nine degrees, a range of 5,7G1 yards, (three and a third miles,) which is the greatest that has ever been accomplished by any gun in our service. The flight occupied thirty-sis seconds. Charleston is 12 MAJOE ANBEESON'S COUP DE ETAT. therefore perfectly safe from the guns of Fort Sumter. If it were even within the furthest range of those guns, the angle of elevation necessary to accomplish such a distance is so extreme, that to hit the city would be a matter of extreme uncertainty. The guns of Fort Sumter can only be raised to an elevation of thirty-three degrees on account of the asemates, and consequently could do no damage beyond about two miles and a half. A ten-inch Columbiad, at an elevation of thirty-three degrees, will , throw a shell about three miles. There are no such guns in barbette at Fort Sumter, and if there are any casemate guns of that calibre, no such elevation could be had. The upper surface of tlie gun would strike against the top of the embrasure at an elevation far short of thirty-three degrees. Major Anderson was censured in some quarters for this movement, but it will be seen tliat he was vested with discretionary powers. His orders from the Secretary of "War were as follows : — " Memorandum of verbal instructions to Major Anderson, 1st Artillery, Commanding Fort Moultrie, South Carolina: "You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War that a collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with reference to the mili- tary force and forts in this harbor which shall guard against such a col- lision. He has, therefore, carefully abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited state of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confi- dence he feels that South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain possession of the public works, or interfere with their occupancy. "But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possi- bly disappoint these expectations of the government, he deems it proper tliat you should be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a con- tingency. He has, therefore, directed me verbally to give you such instructions. " You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to provoke aggression, and for that reason you are not, without necessity, to take up any position which could be construed iuto the assumption of a hostile attitude ; but you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor, and if attacked, you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. " The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take pos- session of either of them, will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper, to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar steps, whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act. . " D. P. Butler, " Assistant Adjutant-General." "Fort Moulteie, S. C, December 11, 1860." This movement on the part of Major Anderson led to the almost im- mediate seizure of Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney by the Charlesto- nians. They had calculated, it seems, on taking Fort Sumter without re- sistance ; and as it commands Fort Moultrie, they would have reduced that work, and taken Major Anderson and his command prisoners when- ever they chose. However, to console themselves, the people of Charles- ton resolved to occupy Castle Pinckney. a fort of minor impoi'tance. The Charleston Mercury gives the following account of the movement : " On the 27th the rifle battalion, under command of Colonel J. J. THE ATTACK ON THE STAR OF THE WEST. 18 Pettigrew, assembled promptly upon the citadel green. They were sub- stantially equipped in winter uniform, Avith blankets, knapsacks, and re- volvers. The battalion numbered some 150 men, and consisted of detach- ments from the Meagher Guards, the Carolina liglit infantry, and the Washington light infantry. Shortly after four o'clock the word was given, and the companies advanced in double quick time, without music, toward the Cooper river. None of them, we believe, excepting the officers, were aware of their destination. They embarked on the steamer Nina^ which immediately headed for Castle Pinckncy, and the surmise soon became ^ confirmed that the destination of the command was to take possession of' that fortress. On nearing the fort, a number of men were observed on the wharf, one of whom, in advance of the others, was observed holding what appeared to be a paper in his hand. This was said to have been the riot act. As soon as the Nina touched the wharf, the storming party who had been detailed for that duty sprang ashore, and rushed round to the rear of the fortress, where the gate is situated. This was found closed, and a cry for storming ladders was soon answered by a detachment bearing a dozen or more of them. These were instantly planted, and un- der cover of the rifles of the battalion, the walls were escaladed and the gates thrown open. " On entering the fort it was found to be tenanted only by an officer of engineers and a small party of laborers — none of whom made any resist- ance. The engineer officer was informed that he was at liberty to leave, and remove his personal effects, and in a few minutes he set out in a boat belonging to the fort, accompanied by four other men. From the direc- tion in which he steered, it is supposed that he went to Fort Moultrie. " The flag of the Nina, consisting of a white star on a red ground, was then hoisted amidst loud cheers ; and Avlien our reporter left a strong guard had been mounted, and preparations for garrisoning the fortress were well advanced." The revenue-cutter William Aikin was also surrendered by her com- mander, and taken possession of by the Oharlestonians. First Lieut. Underwood, second in command of the revenue-cutter Aikin, states that Captain Coste, the commander of the cutter, was an avowed secessionist some time before South Carolina decided to go out, and agreed, when the State declared herself out of the Union, to resign, and turn the vessel over to him. Lieutenant Underwood ; but instead of doing so he visited Fort Sumter before Major Anderson took possession of it, and examined it for several hours, and finally placed the cutter in such a position as to leave her at low-water high and dry on land. While she was thus situated the secessionists took possession of her, Captain Coste being still in command, and Lieutenant Underwood, being his subordinate, was of course powerless to act. Captain Coste then informed Lieutenant Underwood that his services would not be required there any longer, and he proceeded immediately to Washington, and reported the facts to Secre tary Thomas. The Attack on the Star of the "West. While Major Anderson was in Fort Sumter, rumors were extensively circulated that he was in want of reinforcements and food. Accordingly on Saturday the 5th of January, the steamship Star of the West, Captain James McGowan, was chartered by the United States government to con- 14 THE ATTACK ON THE STAR OF THE WEST. vey two hundred and fifty troops to Fort Sumter. The oflBcial account of the passage of the vessel and incidents of the trip, may best be given in Captain McGowan's own language : Capt. McGowan's Report. Steamship Star of the "West, New Yobk, Saturday, Jan. 12, 1861. M. O. Roberts, Esq. — Sm : After leaving the wharf on the 5th inst., at 5 o'clock P. M., we proceeded down the Bay, where we hove_ to, and took on board four officers and two hundred soldiers, with their arms, ammunition, &c., and then proceeded to sea, crossing the bar at Sandy Hook at 9 P. M. Nothing unusual took place during the passage, which was a pleasant one for this season of the year. We arrived at Charleston Bar at 1:30 A. M. on the 9th inst., but could find no guiding marks for the Bar, as the lights were all out. We pro- ceeded with caution, running very slow, and sounding, until about 4 A. M., being then in 4i fathoms water, when we discovered a light through the haze^hich at that time covered the horizon. Concluding that the lights were on Fort Sumter, after getting the bearings of it, we steered to the S. W, for the main ship-channel, where we hove to, to await daylight, our lio-hts having all been put out since 12 o'clock, to avoid being seen. " As the day began to break, we discovered a steamer just in shore of us, who, as soon as she saw us, burned one blue light and two red lights as'signals, and shortly after steamed over the bar and into the ship-chan- nel. The soldiers were now all put below, and no one allowed on deck except our own crew. As soon as there was light enough to see, we crossed the bar and proceeded on up the channel, (the outer bar buoy having been taken away,) the steamer ahead of us sending off rockets, and burning lights until after broad daylight, continuing on her course up nearly two miles ahead of us. When we arrived about two miles fi-om Fort Moultrie, Fort Sumter being about the same distance, a masked bat- tery on Morris Island, where there was a red Palmetto flag flying, opened fire upon us— distance, about five-eightbs of a mile. We had the Ameri- can flag flying at our flag-staff at the time, and soon after the first shot, hoisted a large American Ensign at the fore. We continued on under the fire of the batteiy for over ten minutes, several of the shots going clear over us. One shot passed just clear of the pilot-house, another passed between the smoke-stack and walking-beams of the engine, another struck the ship just abaft the fore-rigging and stove in the planking, while an- other came within an ace of carrying away the rudder. At the same time there was a movement of two steamers from near Fort Moultrie, one of them towing a schooner, (I presume an armed schooner,) withthe inten- tion of cutting us oft'. Our position now became rather critical, as we had to approach Fort Moultrie to within three-quarters of a mile before we could keep away for Fort Sumter. A steamer approaching us with an armed schooner in tow, and the battery on the island firing at us all the time, and having no cannon to defend ourselves from the attack of the vessels, we concluded that, to avoid certain capture or destruction, we would endeavor to get to sea. Consequently we wore round and steered down the channel, the battery firing upon us until the shot fell short. As it Avas now strong ebb tide, and the water having fallen some three feet_, we proceeded with caution, and crossed the bar safely at 8:50 A. M., and continued on our course for this port, where we arrived this morning after a boisterous passage. A steamer from Charleston followed us for about three hours, watching our movements. i • t In justice to the oflicers and crews of each department of the ship, I must add that their behavior, while under the fire of the battery, reflected great credit on them. THE ATTACK ON THE STAR OF THE WEST. 15 Mr. Brewer, the New York pilot, was of very great assistance to mo in helping to pilot the ship over Charlestom Bar. and up and down the channel. Yery respectfully, your obedient servant, John McGowan, Captain. In consequence of the firing upon this vessel, Major Anderson de- spatched a flag of truce ashore, when the following correspondence took place : — To his Excellency the Governor of South Carolina : Sir — Two of your batteries fired this morning on an unarmed vessel, bearing the flagof my government. As I have not been notified that war has been declared by South Carolina against the United States, I cannot but think this a hostile act committed without your sanction or authority. Under that hope I refrain from opening a fire on your batteries. I have the honor, therefore, respectfully to ask whether the above-mentioned act — one which, I believe, is without parallel in the history of our country, or any other civilized government — was committed in obedience to your instructions, and notify you, if it is not disclaimed, that I regard it as an act of war. And I shall not, after reasonable time for the return of my messenger, permit any vessel to pass within the range of the guns of my fort. In order to save, as far as it is in my power, the shedding of blood, I beg you will take due notification of my decision for the good of all con- cerned. Hoping, however, your answer may justify a further continuance of forbearance on my part, I remain, respectfully, Robert Anderson. Governor Pickens, after stating the position of South Carolina to the United States, says, that any attempt to send United States troops into Charleston harbor to reinforce the forts, would be regarded as an act of of hostility ; and in conclusion adds, that any attempt to reinforce the troops at Fort Sumter, or to retake and I'esume possession of the forts within the waters of South Carolina — which Major Anderson abandoned after spiking the cannon and doing other damage — cannot be regarded by the authorities of the State as indicative of any other purpose than the coercion of the State by the armed force of the government. Special agents, therefore, have been off the bar to warn approaching vessels, armed and unarmed, having troops to reinforce Fort Sumter aboard, not to enter the harbor. Special orders have been given the commanders at the forts not to fire on such vessels until a shot across their bows should warn them of the prohibition of the State. Under these circumstances, the Star of the West, it is understood, this morning attempted to enter the harbor with troops, after having been notified she could not enter, and consequently she Avas fired into. The act is perfectly justified by me. In regard to your threat about vessels in the harbor, it is only necessary for me to say you must be the judge of your responsibility. Your position in the harbor has been tolerated by the authorities of the State ; and while the act of which you complain is in perfect consistency with the rights and duties of the State, it is not per- ceived how far the conduct you propose to adopt can find a parallel in the history of any country, or be reconciled with any other purpose than that of your government imposing on the State the condition of a conquered province. F. W. Pickens. SECOND COMMUNICATION FROM MAJOR ANDERSON. To his Excellency Gov. Pichens : Sir — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communica- tion, and say, that under the circumstances, I have deemed it proper to 16 THE NATIONAL FLAG. refer the whole matter to my government, and intend deferring the course I indicated in my note this morning until the arrival from Washington of such instructions as I may receive. I have the honor also to express the hope that no obstructions will be placed in the way, and that you will do me the favor of giving every facility for the departure and return of the bearer, Lieut. T. Talbott, who is directed to make the journey. ROBEET Al^TDEESOiSr. Gov. Pickens immediately granted the permission desired, and directed Lieut. Talbott to have every facility and courtesy extended to him as bearer of despatches to the United States government, both in going and returning. The steamer Marion was seized on the 11th of January, but subse- quently returned to her owners. South Carolina has necessarily occupied much of the space in this work, as the events which led to the secession of the other seceding States, could best be chronicled in their regular order. The following war tax will show the expense incurred on the part of South Carolina in carrying out this war with the Union. Here are some of the items : 385,689 negroes, at $1.60 |617,102 3,421 free negroes, at $3,25 11,118 Sales of goods $20,000,000, at 28 cents (tliis item is reduced $6,388,881) 56,000 Professions. 2,000,000, at |1 20,000 Town lots and houses, $31,383,873, at 27 cents 84,601 Lands valued at $10,199,446, at $2 203,988 Capital of banks, $13,278,225, at 35 cents 50,457 Insurance premiunas, $466,944, at 1| 7,004 Gas stock, $706,700, at 45 cents 3,180 Total $1,053,450 To which add proposed taxation : Carriages at $2.50, supposed $100,000 $25,000 Buggies, etc., at $1.25, supposed $100,000 13,500 Salaries and wages, at least $500,000, at $1 5,000 Interest on bonds, $1,000,000, at 1^,) , ^ ^^^ Charleston returns, $300,000, f ^ ' Watches, estimated $20,000 20,000 Interest on stocks owned by State and the bond of tax col- lector of Union 13,460 Shipping, $700,000 at 35c : 2,450— $93,410 gate $1,146,860 The National Flag. In the South Carolina Legislature, on the 22d, Mr. Rhett offered a resolution which was adopted : That, from and after the passage of the resolution, the national flag or ensign of South Carolina shall be blue, with a white Palmetto tree upright thereon, and a white crescent in the corner. On the 29th of December, Secretary Floyd, of the War Department, resigned his position. He stated as a reason that the movement of Major Anderson in evacuating Fort Moultrie, and occupying Fort Sumter, was directly contrary to the spirit of assurances which had been given by him (Floyd) to the authorities of South Carolinn, that no change should be made in the disposition of the Government forces in the fortifications in Charleston harbor, until the State Commissioners could arrive in Wash- THE SECESSION OF GEORGIA. 17 ington and have a hearing. As soon as the action of Major Anderson be- came known, the Commissioners called upon Secretary Floyd for explana- tions. Mr. Floj-d disavowed the act, but the Commissioners woidd not be satisfied with any thing short of the withdrawal of the troops from Fort Sumter. This, it appears, Secretary Floyd was_ willing to agree to, and he accordingly asked the permission of the President to issue the ne- cessary order. The cabinet had a very long discussion on the subject ; but, finally, the weight of the Cabinet being against complying with the demand of the Commissioners, Secretary Floyd felt himself called upon to resign. On the 30th the Charlestonians seized the arsenal and ai-ms therein, and raised over that building and the post-ofiice the Palmetto flag. Governor Pickens had at that time appomted Hon. A. G. M'Grath Secretary of State, Hon. D. F. Jamison Secretary of War, C. G. Mem- minger Secretary of the Treasury, W. H. Harlee to regulate the Postal department and the light-bouses, and A. C. Garlington Secretary of the Interior. The Secession of Georgia. Geoegia, the fifth in the list of States seceding from the Union, has a population of 1,082,797 ; the proportion of slaves being 467,461. It ex- tends 300 miles from North to South, and about 240 from East to West, containing 58,000 square miles. Georgia is bounded North by North Caro- lina and Tennessee ; East by South Carolina (from which it is separated by Savannah river) and the Atlantic ; South by Florida ; and West by Alabama. The face of the country on the sea-coast is level and marshy. and intersected by numerous rivers and creeks. The sea-coast is also bor- dered with islands, producing sea-island cotton and rice. The pine barrens extend about 70 miles in the interior, beyond which the country is diver- sified with hill, dale, and mountain. The soil in the interior is generally good, and well adapted to the cultivation of cotton, which is the staple production. Rice and tobacco of excellent quality are raised in abundance. Indian corn is also raised in all parts of the State. The principal fruits are oranges, limes, figs, melons, citrons, and peaches. Of minei-als found in the State, the most important is gold. The climate is mild and pleasant in winter, but the sea-coast is subject to fevers in summer and autumn. The forests abound with excellent timber — in the South, pine, and in the North, oak. The principal cities are Savannah, Augusta, Macon, Colnm- bus, Athens, and Milledgeville, the seat of government. Georgia was the latest settled of the original 13 States. In 1732 the country was granted by George II. to James Oglethorpe and others, who founded Savannah, Feb. 1, 1733. In 1742 the Spaniards in Florida invaded the colony unsuccessfully. In 1752 the Trustees surrendered the province to the King, by whom Governors were appointed. In 1775 Georgia acceded to the Union of the colonies. In 1777 the first State Constitution was adopted. In 1778 Savannah was captured by the British, who held it until July 1783. Constitution of the United States adopted Jan. 2, 1788. On the 19th of January, 1861, Georgia threw oflf her allegiance to the American Union, and by a vote of 208 to 89 was declared free and inde- pendent. 18 CAPTURE OF THE AUGUSTA ARSENAL. On the 2d of January, Forts Pulaski and Jackson, and the United States arsenal at Savannah, were seized by the State troops, under the direction of the Governor of the State. THE SECESSION ORDINANCE. An Oedinanoe to dissolve the Union hetween the State of Georgia and other States united with her under the compact of Government entitled the Constitution of the United States. "We, the people of the State of Georgia, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the or- dinance adopted by the people of tiie State of Georgia in Convention in 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States was assented to, rati- fied and adopted, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assem- bly ratifying and adopting amendments to the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded and abrogated. And we do further declare and ordain that the Union now subsisting between the State of Georgia and other States, under the name of the United States, is hereby dissolved, and that the State of Georgia is in full possession and exercise of all those rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent State. Capture of the Augiista Arsenal. The arsenal at Augusta, Georgia, surrendered to the State troops, was until October last under the sole charge of Dr. J. M. Gait, who has been twelve years in the service, and a guard of nine men. On account of the impending troubles, Mayor Blodgett, of Augusta, with the advice of the City Council, wrote to the then Secretary of War, Gen. Floyd, and stated that the local authorities would not be held responsible for the govern- ment property there unless there was a reinforcement of United States troops. Accordingly, Company E, Captain Arnold Elzy, then stationed at Fort Smith, was ordered to repair to the arsenal, which was occupied by that corps in the latter part of October, who held it until the surrender. The property is one of the best held by the Government in the interior of any Southern State. The grounds comprise some seventy acres of the most eligible and valuable land in the vicinity of Augusta. The buildings are mostly of brick, large and commodious, and the barracks are in fine order for the accommodation of troops. The parade ground is only equalled on this continent by the Champ de Mars at Montreal, and is flanked by fine groves of trees. There were on the premises in October a full battery of four pieces, six and twelve pounders, which, in 1850, was part of Major Eonald's command. Company L, of the artillery. There were also twenty thousand muskets and two thousand rifles. The muskets were made in 1822, flint locks, and altered in 1840 to percussion. The rifles are designed for the Minie ball, and are in good order. The place was bought for the United States in 1824, by Captain Payne. It was then the property of Col. Henry Walker, a gentleman distinguished for political and military service in Georgia. THE SECESSION OY ALABAMA. 19 The Secession of Alabama. ' Alabama, the third in the list of States who liave dissolved their connection with the Federal Government, contains a population of 955,- 917, of whom 435,473 are slaves. It is bounded N. by Tennessee, E. by Georgia, S. by Florida and the Gulf of Mexico, and W. by Mississippi. Its area is 4G,000 square miles, or 28,100,000 acres. Mobile is the ])rinci- pal commercial port, and Tuscaloosa the capital; ^Montgomery is also a thriving place. Near the Gulf the country is low and swampy. Pine is the principal timber growth. The centre is an elevated table land, the soil rich and productive, the climate mild and healthy. The country is hilly and moun- tainous toward the North. Cotton is the chief production of the State. Wheat, Indian corn, tobacco, rice, oats, and potatoes are also largely pro- duced. This State was originally included in the territorial limits of Georgia, except the part which belonged to Florida. In 1802 Georgia ceded all her territory west of Chattahooche river to the Mississippi river, to the United States. In 1817 it was constituted the Mississippi Territory, and Alabama continued a part of this territory until 1820, when it was admit- ted into the Union. On the 3d of January, 1861, Fort Morgan and the (Mount Yernon) United States arsenal at Mobile, were seized by the State troops. On the 11th of January, the delegates to the State Convention passed the following ordinance of secession — yeas 61, nays 39 : OEDINANOE OF SECESSION". An" Ordixa^tce to dissolve the Union ietween the State of Alabama and other States under the compact and style of the tfnited States of America. Whereas, The election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to the office of President and Vice-President of the United States of America, by a sectional party, avowedly hostile to the domestic institutions and peace and security of the people of the State of Alabama, following upon the heels of many and dangerous infractions of the Constitution of the United States by many of the States and people of the Northern section, is a political wrong of so insulting and menacing a character, as to justify the people of the State of Alabama in the adoption of prompt and decided measures for their future peace and security. Therefore, be it declared and ordained by the people of the State of Alabama, in Cimveiition assembled, that the State of Alabama now with- draws from the Union known as the United States of America, and hence- forth ceases to be one of tlie said United States, and is, and of right ought to be, a sovereign, independent State. Sectiox 2. And be it furtlier declared by the people of the State of Alabama, in Convention assembled, that all jiowers over the territories of said State, and over the people tliereof, heretofore delegated to the Gov- ernment of the United States of America, be, and they are hereby with- drawn from the said Government, and arc hereby resumed and vested in the people of the State of Alabama. And as it is the desire and purpose of the people of Alabama to meet 20 THE DEFEXCES OF MOBILE, the slaveholding States of the South who approve of such purpose, in order to frame a provisional or a permanent government upon the principles of the Government of the United States, be it also resolved by the people of Alabama, in Convention assembled, that the people of the States of Dela- ware, Maryland, Virginia, Is orth Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri, be, and they are hereby invited to meet the people of the State of Alabama, by' their Delegates in Convention, on the 4th day of February next, in Montgomery, in tlie State of Alabama, for the purpose of consultation \yith each other as to the most effectual mode of securing connected, harmonious action, in whatever measures may be deemed most desirable for the com- mon peace and security. And be it further resolved, That the President of this Convention be, and he is hereby instructed to transmit forthwith a copy of the foregoing preamble, ordinance, and resolutions to the Governors of the several States named in the said resolutions. Done by the people of Alabama, in Convention assembled, at Mont- gomery, this eleventh day of January, eighteen hundred and sixty-one. The Defences of Mobile. FOET MORGAN AXD MOUNT VERNON ARSENAL. At the time Louisiana was purchased, from France, in 1S03, Mobile was claimed and held as a Spanish possession. The French claimed terri- tory to the Perdido river flowing into the Gulf of Mexico and Pensacola. When we came into possession of Louisiana, we also claimed to tlie same boundary, while the Spanish Government claimed to a line considerably west of Mobile. The war of 1812 coming, the Spaniards continuedin possession until 1813, when the Fort Conde, the principal work in Mobile, was surrendered to a force under Gen. Wilkinson, and our claim made good to the Perdido. The Americans, on taking possession, not only strengthened Fort Conde, but also manned the imperfect works at Mobile Point, vrhich measurably commanded the entrance to the harbor. These were attacked in the autumn of 1814 by some British vessels of war. On this locality has since been constructed Fort Morgan — one of the strongest defensive works on the Gulf of Mexico. Fort Morgan alone commands the chief entrance to the bay. Vessels of large draft cannot pass over Dog Island bar, some miles below the city. The arsenal taken possession of by Alabama militia is known as the Mount Vernon Arsenal, and is situated thirty miles in the interior, north of Mobile. It stands on a high hill, which rises some 400 or 500 feet above the surrounding country. From the base of this hill to the city, and, in fact, to the Gulf of Mexico, is almost a dead level. _ The soil is sandy, and covered Avith an almost unbroken pitch pine forest, interspersed with alluvial creeks, small farms, and with glades and swamps, bearing magnolia trees, live oaks, and tangled tliickets of undergrowth. The present Mobile and Tennessee Railroad passes near Mount Vernon. The view from the arsenal is magnificent, overlooking towards the Gulf an ap- parently interminable carpet of green, which is lost in dimness as it dis- appears at its junction with the distant horizon. The site was well chosen as a safe depository of arms and other munitions of war for the defence of New Orleans, Mobile, Pensacola, and the contiguous Gulf coast, and it is probably the strongest and best built arsenal to be found in the United States. It contains a vast store of army equipments of all kinds. SECESSION OF FLORIDA. 21 Secession of Florida. Florida, the fourth of the retiring States, is about 400 miles in length, by an average breadth of 140, containing 50,000 square miles. It is bounded IST. by Alabama and Georgia ; E. by the Atlantic Ocean ; S. and "W. by the Gulf of Mexico. The population in 1860 was 145,094, of whom 63,809 were slaves. The face of the country on the sea-coast is flat, sandy and barren ; in the interior it is in many places fertile, with natural meadows, well adapted to the culture of the sugar-cane. The leading productions are cotton, rice, sugar, oranges, and many other fruits. The forests abound with excellent timber, particularly live oak. The climate is in general healthy and delightful. St. Augustiue, on the Atlantic coast, is a favorite resort in the winter for invalids from the Northern States. The princii)al towns are Pensacola, St. Augustine, and Tallahassee. Florida was discovered in 1512, by Ponce de Leon, a Spaniard, and was under the Spanish government until 1763, when it was ceded to Great Britain. It was re-ceded to Spain by the treaty of Paris, in 1783 ; and in 1821 the United States obtained a cession from Spain of the whole territory called East and West Florida, in consideration of claims for spo- liations upon the commerce of the former by the latter nation. On the 11th of January, 1861, in convention assembled, ^y a vote of 62 to 7, Florida was declared a sovereign and independent nahon. The Appalachicola arsenal, in the Chattaprochus, was seized by the Florida troops on the 6th of January, Fort McRae, at Pensacola, on the 10th, and Fort Barrancas and the navy yard at Pensacola on the 12th. Captain Armstrong, in command of the navy yard, surrendered without the sliglitest resistance. The following is a list of the forts on the coast of Florida, with the number of men that each requires for a war garrison ; also the number of guns that each should have when completed : — Men. Guns. Fort Marion, St. Augustine 100 25 Fort Taylor, Key West 1,000 185 Fort Jefferson, Tortugas 1,500 298 Fort Barrancas, Pensacola 550 49 Redoubt, Pensacola 26 Fort Pickens, Pensacola 1,200 212 Fort McRea, Pensacola 650 151 The forts at Key West and Tortugas are said to be the strongest in the world. They are the keys to the Gulf — every vessel ci'ossing it passing within sight of both. Fort Taylor has at present about sixty heavy guns mounted. Fort Jefferson has not yet received its armament. The Convention of delegates met at Tallahassee on the 8d of January, to the number of 67. On the 7th, the followiug preamble aud resolution was passed, by 62 ayes ; 5 nays : — Whereas, all hope of preserving the Union upon terms consistent with the safety and honor of the slaveholding States has been finally dissipated 22 FLORIDA FORTS. «l by the recent indications of the strength of tlie anti-slavery sentiment of the free States ; therefore, Be it resolved hy thefeoiiile of Florida in Convention msemhled, That it is undoubtedly the right of the several States of the Union to witlulraw from the said Union at such time and for such cause, as in the opinion of the people of each State, acting in their sovereign capacity, may be just and proper; and, in the opinion of this Convention, the existing causes are such as to compel Florida to proceed to exercise that right. OUDINANCB OF SECESSION. "We, the people of the State of Florida, in Convention assembled, do solemnly ordain, publish and declare, that the State of Florida hereby withdraws herself from the confederacy of the States existing under the name of the United States of America, and from the existing government of the said States ; and tliat all political connection between her and the government of said States ought to be, and the same is hereby totally an- nulled, and said union of States dissolved ; and the State of Florida is hereby declared a sovereign and independent nation ; and that all ordi- nances heretofore adopted, in so far as they create or reorganize said Union, are rescinded ; and all laws, or parts of laws in force in this State, in so far as they recognized or assent to said Union, be and they are hereby repealed. FORT MARION Is situated at the extreme Southeastern part of Fernandina, while the soldiers are garrisoned at the barracks, situated in tlie opposite portion, and which was once the Convent of St. Francis. It is probably the old- est fortress in the United States, and is interesting as a relic of the style of ancient fortification, and for its association with events in the old Span- ish, English and Indian wars. The precise year of its construction is not definitely known. It may liave been commenced by the Spaniards in 1665, or not until many years later. It was named by them the Castle of St. Mark, and was completed in 1756. It was situated at the Northern extremity of the town. It is built of stone; its walls are about twenty- one feet high, terminating in four bastioned angles, at the several cor- ners, each of which is surmounted with towers corresponding. It is casemated and bomb proof. The work is enclosed by a wide, deep ditch, with perpendicular walls of masonry over which is thrown a bridge, whicli was originally protected by a draw. The fort has a sea wall a mile in length, built for the main purpose of a breakwater. The interior of this old fortress is said to be full of dark gloomy retreats, and subter- ranean passages. Within the bastion of the Northeast angle, far under ground, is a dark, dungeon like recess, constructed of solid mason work. Tins place was accidentally discovered soon after the work fell into the hands of the American army. It was then walled up. As to the history of the place — whether it was once an inquisitorial chamber, or the scene of vengeance, there is silence. KEY WEST FORT. Fort Taylor is a large, first-class fortification, commanding the harbor Key-West and its entrance. It is complete except the barracks and a few platforms for the mounting of barbette ordnance. The officer in command of this fort is Captain John Brannan, of the First artillery, United States army, and he, with the force under his command, now constitute the garrison. The fortress forms an irregular quadrangle, having three channel curtains. It is 300 yards oif the beach, and on the south- west point of the Island, and stands in a depth of seven or twelve feet of THE SECESSION OP MISSISSIPPI. 23 ■water. The foundation is granite, and the upper works are of brick. The scarp walls have a solidity of eight feet, rising forty feet above the water level. It is provided with three tiers — two of casement and one for barbette — and mounts 120 eiglit and ten-inch Columbiad guns on the seaward front, and 45 heavy pieces towards the beach. The armament is mostly mounted and prepared to stand a siege. The garrison are abundantly supplied with ammunition, provisions, fuel, water and all other important stores. With the assistance of the navy this fort can be defended against any force that inay be rash enough to assail it. It is regarded as the key of the Gulf. Its only vulnerable point is from the land side, and to breach this shore front would require a force which would take weeks in preparation, a navy to transport, use up half a million of treasure, and sacrifice hun- dreds of lives. The officer in command will, like Major Anderson, act strictly on the defensive, and hold his position until ordered by the fede- ral authorities to deliver up to the demand of the State, or the Southern confederacy. The officers at Fort Taylor are : — Capt, John M, Brannan, commander ; Capt. E. B. Hunt, engineer ; 1st Lieut, Alvan C. Gilhelm ; 2d Lieut. Chas. H. Webber. Capt. E. B. Hunt, engineer corps, in charge of the construction and completion of the castle, has a force of 100 mechanics and laborers in his employment. Capt. Meigs has chartered the Whitney to transport a portion of the 8-inch Oolumbiads from Fort Taylor to Fort Jefferson. Three guns will be lightered to the ship, and the necessary ordnance will be supplied from Fort Taylor magazines. The Secession of Mississippi. Mississippi, the second State in the order of secession, is 338 miles in length, and 135 in breadth, containing 45,Y60 square miles, or 29,286,400 acres. The population in 1800 was 887,158, of whom 479,607 were slaves. Bounded N. by Tennessee, E. by Alabama, S. by the Gulf of Mexico and Louisiana, W. by Pearl and Mississippi rivers, which sepa- rate it from Louisiana and Arkansas, it has a sea-coast of about 70 miles, with no harbor in this distance which admits large vessels. The State is divided into 56 counties. The face of the country exhibits a diversified surface of hills and valleys. The soil is generally fertile, producing cot- ton of a superior quality, rice, tobacco, Indian corn, wheat, rye, barley, oats, potatoes, wool, wax, lumber, tar, pitch, turpentine, peaches, mel- ons, grapes, and a great variety of fruits and vegetables. The palma Christi, which produces castor-oil, is also cultivated. The climate is mild but variable. From October to June it is bland and delightful. During part of the summer and autumn the people are subject to fevers, but gen- erally they enjoy good health. The southern part of the State, for about 100 miles from the Gulf of Mexico, is a level country, covered with fine forests, cypress swamps, open prairies or inundated marshes. Advancing North, the soil, in its natural condition, is covered with oak, hickory,* mag- nolia, sweet gum, ash, maple, pojdar, pine and holly, with a variety of underwood, grape vines, spice wood, &c. Jackson is the capital of the 24 THE SECESSION OF MISSISSIPPI. State. Natchez is the principal commercial city, 300 miles above New Orleans. Vicksburg, 106 miles above Natchez, is also a flourishing city. In 1716 the French formed a settlement where Natchez now stands, and laid claim to the country in the name of Louisiana. This colony was massacred in 1729 by the Indians. In 1763 it was ceded to the British. North of the 31st deg. of N. lat. was in the chartered limits of Georgia. South of that it belonged to W. Florida, which was ceded to the United States in 1798 by Spain. In 1800 this State, with Alabama, was consti- tuted a territory, under the name of the Mississippi Territory. In 1817, Mississippi was separated from Alabama, and was admitted to the Union as a sovereign State. The Constitution of the State was then adopted, and amended in 1832. January 9, 1861, Mississippi, in convention by a vote of 84 to 15, declared its independence, and dissolved its connection with the Union, The first step taken by the people of Mississippi towards secession was on the 29th of December, when the State Senate passed the following resolutions : — Resolved, That the Governor be requested to appoint as many commis- sioners as in his judgment may be necessary, to visit each of the slave- holding States, and designate the State or States to which each commis- sioner shall be commissioned ; whose duty it shall be to inform them that this Legislature has passed an act calling a convention of tlie people of this State to consider the present threatening relations of the Northern and Southern sections of the confederacy, aggravated by the recent elec- tion of a President upon principles of liostility to the States of the South, and to express the earnest hope of Mississippi, that those States will co- operate with her in the adoption of efBcient measures for their common defence and safety. Hesohed, That should any Southern State not have convened its Legis- lature, the commissioner to such State shall appeal to the Governor thereof to call the Legislature together, in order that its co-operation be imme- diately secured. In accordance with these resolutions, commissioners were appointed, and performed their duty. On the 9th of January the ordinance of- secession was passed by the Convention, by a vote of 84 to 15. An OedinajStce to dissolve the Union hetween the State of Mississippi and other States united with her under the com23act entitled, " The Con- stitution of the United States of America.'''' The people of Mississippi, in Convention assembled, do ordain and de- clare, and it is hereby ordained and declared, as follows, to wit : Section 1. That all the laws and ordinances by which the said State of Mississippi became a member of the Federal Union of the United States of America be, and the same are hereby repealed, and that all obligations on the part of said State or the people thereof, to observe the same, be withdrawn, and that the said State shall hereby resume the rights, func- tions and powers which, by any of said laws and ordinances were conveyed to the Govenimeiit of the said United States, and is absolved from all the obligations, restraints and duties incurred to the said Federal Union, and shall henceforth be a free, sovereign, and independent State. Seo. 2. That so much of the first section of the seventh article of the constitution of this State as requires members of the Legislature, and all THE SECESSION OF LOUISIANA. ^ 25 officers, legislative and judicial, to take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, he and the same is lierehy ahrogated and annulled. Sec. 3. That all rights acquired and vested under the Constitution of the United States, or under any act of Congress passed in pursuance tliereof, or under any law of this State, and not incompatible with this ordinance, shall remain in force, and have the same effect as if this ordi- nance had not been passed. Seo. 4. That the people of the State of Mississippi hereby consent to form a Federal Union with such of the States as have seceded or may secede from the Union of tlie United States of America, upon the basis of the present Constitution of the said United States, except such parts thereof as embrace other portions than such seceding States. Immediately steps were taken by Governor Pettus to fortify points on the river, and compel all vessels coming from above to approach the cities and pay wharfage. On the 20th of January the fort at Ship Island, twelve miles from Biloxi, was seized by the State troops. The Secession of Louisiana. Louisiana, the sixth of the Southern States in the order of secession, is 250 miles from north to south, and varies in width from 100 to 300 miles in breadth. It is bounded N. by Arkansas and^ Mississippi ; E. by Mississippi ; S. E. and E. by the Gulf of Mexico, and W. by Texas. The area is 48,.S20 square miles, or 30,924,800 acres. The population in 1860 was 666,431, of whom 312,186 were slaves. The State is divided into 38 parishes. The southern border consists either of sea marsh or vast prairies, covering one-fifth of the surface of the State. Timbered lands cover the border of the streams. For 30 miles about the mouths of the Mississippi is a continued swamp covered with reeds. A sea marsh extends inland for 20 or 30 miles along the border of the Gulf of Mexico. Back of this the land rises and constitutes the prairies. Many portions of the country are annually overflowed by the Mississippi and its outlets ; 5,000,000 acres are thus rendered unfit for cultivation. Large quantities of earth are deposited in this manner on the margin of the river, and there the land is higher than in the rear of its banks. To prevent the river from inundating the rear country, artificial embankments are raised on the margin, styled the " Levee," extending from 140 to 180 miles. The southern portion of the country is generally level, and is highly productive in cotton, sugar, rice, Indian corn and indigo. The northern portion is undulating, and has a heavy growth of white, red, and yellow oak, hickory, black walnut, sassafras, poplar, and magnolia; 250,000 acres of the soil are adapted to the growth of sugar; 250,000 to rice, and 2,400,000 to cotton. The climate is generally mild. In summer, the wet and marshy parts are unhealthy, and New Orleans, the chief city, is often visited by the yellow fever. In 1082 this country was explored by La Salle, and named Louisiana, in honor of Louis XIV. In 1699 a French settlement was begun at Ibber- ville. M. Crozat, a man of wealth, monopolized the trade of the country 26 THE LOUISIANA FORTS. for several years. In 1717 be transferred liis interest to a chartered com- pany, who^ia 1731 resigned it to the crown, who in turn, in 1762, ceded the country to Spain. In 1800 Spain reconveyed the province to the French, of whom it was purchased in 1803 by the United States for $15,000,000, including all the territory of the United States west of the Mississippi. In 1812 Louisiana was admitted to the Union as a state. In 1814 the British attacked New Orleans, and were defeated January 8, 1815, by the Americans under Gen. Jackson, with a loss of near 3000 in killed, wounded, etc., on the side of the British, and half a dozen on the part of the Americans. The Secession Convention met January 23, 1861, and on the 25th, by a vote of 113 to 17, declared Louisiana a free and sovereign republic. On the 11th of January the United States Arsenal, at Baton Rouge, and Forts Pike, St. Phillip, and Jackson, were seized by the State troops. The following is the ordinance of secession : An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Lonisiana and the other States tinited with her, under the compact entitled, " The Constitution of the United States of AmeHca.'''' "We, the people of the State of Louisiana,, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordi- nance passed by the State of 22d of November, 1807, whereby the Con- stitution of the United States of America, and the amendments of said Constitution were adopted, and all the laws and ordinances by which Louisiana became a member of the Federal Union, be, and the same are hereby repealed and abrogated, and the Union now subsisting between Louisiana and the other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved. "We further declare and ordain, that the State of Louisiana hereby re- sumes the rights and powers heretofore delegated to the Government of the United States of America, and its citizens are absolved from allegiance to the said Government, and she is in full possession of all the rights and sovereignty that appertain to a free and independent State. ^Q further declare and ordain, that all rights acquired and vested un- der the Constitution of the United States, or any act of Congress, or ti'eaty, or under laws of this State not incompatible with this ordinance, shall re- main in force, and have the same eftect as though this ordinance had not passed. A resolution was reported to the Convention that the following be added to the ordinance : "We, the people of Louisiana, recognize the right of free navigation of the Mississippi River and tributaries, by all friendly States bordering \ thereon ; we also recognize the right of the ingress and egress of the I mouths of the Mississippi by all friendly States and Powers, and hereby 1 declare our willingness to enter into stipulations to guarantee the exercise V of those rights. THE LOUISIANA FOKTS. The forts seized are Fort St. Phillip, Fort Jackson, Fort Pike, and Fort Macomb, besides the arsenal at Baton Rouge. All the forts which pro- tect the State from invasion are in the hands of the State troops, except Fort Livingston, situated on an island at the entrance of Barataria bay. But this fortification is still in an unfinished state, although nearly $400,000 THE ACTION OF VIRGINIA. 27 have been expended upon it. It was, a year ago, without an armament, and an expenditure of $()0,000 was necessary to complete it. The approach to New Orleans from the Gulf is coiDmanded by the four forts which we know have been seized by the State troops. Fort St. Phillip and Fort Jackson are both on the Mississippi, a few miles above the moutli, and nearly ojjposite to each other. They require about 600 men eacli when completely garrisoned, and are capable, no doubt, of preventing a most formidable force from ascending the river. Fort St.Pliillip mounts 124 guns, and Fort Jackson 150. The federal government has expended upon the latter $837,608, and upon the former $258,734. The approach to New Orleans, and therefore to the Mississippi by the way of Lake Pontchartrain, is defended by Fort Pike and Fort Macomb. The first, which is at the east end of the lake, commanding the entrance . from Mississippi Sound, Avas officially reported, a year ago, as in fine order nnd in a good defensive condition. It was then intended to substi- tute four 8-inch Columbiads and seven 8-inch sea-coast howitzers for as many 2-i-pounder guns. It mounts altogether 49 guns, and has cost the government $473,000. Fort Macomb is a little South of Fort Pike, at the Clief-Menteur pass, which connects Lake Pontchartrain with Lake Borgne, the head of Mis- sissippi Sound. This also mounts 49 guns, and the same change was to have been made last year in its armament as that proposed at Fort Pike. Its cost has been $465,991. The full complement of men for both these forts is 300 each. The Action of "Virgmia, On the 7th of January Governor Letcher, of Virginia, delivered his message to the Legislature. He renews his proposition in his last mes- sage for a convention of all the States, and says : It is monstrous to see a government like ours destroyed, merely because men cannot agree about a domestic institution. It becomes our State to be mindful of her own interests. Disruption is inevitable, and if confederations are to be formed, we must have the best guarantees before we can attach Virginia to either. He condemns the hasty action of South Carolina, Avhich has taken her Southern sisters by surprise. He would make no special re- ference to her course had he not been invited to do so by her late execu- tive, in uncalled for references to Virginia. The non-slaveholding States are chargeable for the present condition of affairs ; and if the Union is dis- rupted, upon them rests the solemn responsibility. He alludes at length to their aggressions, and says they have the power to end the strife and restore confidence. Will they do it ? lie awaits their response, not without apprehension. The New Year. The year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one opened under un- favorable auspices for the safety of the country; and the "Happy New Year," tliough fervently wished, it was feared w-ould prove unhappy to too many. The Legislatures of several of the States convened by law at this time, and from the messages of the governors there was generally breathed a spirit of concession and kindly feeling North towards the South ; and South, a feeling of stubborn resistance to all entreaties for peace. The question at issue was the supposed aggression on the part of the North toward the South ; the latter believing that a republican admin- ?8 THE COMPEOMISES. istration would interfere by force Avith tlie " peculiar institution " of slavery. The Compromises. With a view of restoring confidence to the country and making peace, Mr. Crittenden, on the 3d of January, offered his compromise to the com- mittee of thirty-three. This plan is presented in connection with the well-known Missouri compromise and tlie Bigler resolutions. Missouri Compromise, 1820. Crittenden Compromise, 1861. Sec. 8. That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louis- iana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the parties shall have been duly con- victed, shall be, and is hereby for- ever prohibited. Provided always, that any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service lawfully claimed, in any State or territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claim- ing his or her labor, or service, as aforesaid. 1. In all the territories now or hereafter acquired north of latitude thirty-six degrees and thirty min- utes, slavery or involuntary servi- tude, except for the puuisliment of crime, is prohibited; while in all the territory south of that latitude, slavery is here recognized as exist- ing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress, but shall be protected as property by all departments of the territorial government during its continuance. All the territory north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, when it contains a popu- lation necessary for a member of Congress, with a republican form of government, shall be admitted into the Union on an equality with the original States, with or without slavery, as the Constitution of the state shall prescribe. 2. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in the States per- mitting slavery. 3. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia while it exists in Virginia and Maryland, or either ; nor shall Congress at any time prohibit the officers of the government or mem- bers of Congress, whose duties re- quire them to live in the District of Columbia, bringing slaves there, and holding them as such. 4. Congress shall have no power to hinder the transportation of slaves from one State to another, whether by land, navigable rivers, or sea. 5. Congress shall have power by law to pay an owner who shall ap- ply, the full value for a fugitive SPECIAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. 29 slave in all cases when the marshal is prevented from discharging his dnty by force or rescue made after arrest. In all sucli cases the owner shall have power to sue the county in which such violence or rescue was made, and the county shall have the right to sue the individ- uals who committed the wrong, in the same manner as the owner could sue. G. No further amendment or amendments shall affect the preced- ing articles, and Congress shall never have power to interfere with slavery in the States where it is now permitted. The last resolution declares that the Southern States have a right to the faithfid execution of the laws for the recovery of slaves, and such laws ought not to be repealed or modified so as to impair their efficiency. All laws in conflict with the fugitive slave law it shall not bo deemed improper for Congress to ask the repeal of. The fugitive slave law ought to be so altered as to make the fee of the commissioner equal, whether he decides for or against the claimant, and the clause authorizhig the person holding the warrant to summon a posse comitatus to be so as to restrict it to cases where violence or rescue is attempted. The laws for the suppression of the African slave-trade ought to be effectually executed. The following is the corresponding portion of Mr. Bigler's proposition: Aeticle 1. That territory held, or that may hereafter be acquired by the United States, shall be divided by a line from east to west, on the parallel of 30 degrees 80 minutes north latitude. Art. 2. That in all the territory north of said line of latitude, involun- tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited ; and in all territory south of said line, involuntary servitude, as it now exists in the States south of Mason and Dixon's line, is hereby recognized, and shall be sustained and protected by all the departments of the territorial govern- ments ; and when any territory north and south of said line, v>'ithin such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requi- site for a member of Congress, according to the then federal ratio of rep- resentation of the people of the United States, it shall then be the duty of Congress to admit such territory into the Union on terms of equality with the original States. Special Message of the President. On the 8th of January, tlie following Special Message was sent to Congress by President Buchanan : To the Senate and House of Eepresentatives : At the opening of your present session, I called your attention to the dangers which threatened the existence of the Union. I expressed my opinion freely concerning the original causes of these dangers, and recom- luended such measures as I believed would have the effect of tranquillizing the country, saving it from the peril in which it had been needlessly and most unfortunately thrown. Those opinions and recommendations I do not propose now to repeat. My own convictions upon the whole subject remain unchanged. The 30 SPECIAL MESSAGK OF THE PRESIDENT. fact that a gi-eat calamity was impending over the nation, was even at that time acknowleged by every intelligent citizen. It had already made itself felt throughout the length and breadth of the land. The necessary consequences of the alarm thus produced were most deplorable. Tlie im- ports fell off with a rapidity never known before, except in the time of war, in the history of our foreign commerce. The treasury was un- expectedly left without means which it had reasonably counted upon to meet its public engagements. Trade was paralyzed, manufactures were stopped, the best public securities suddenly sunk in the market, every species of property depre- ciated more or less, and thousands of poor men who depended upon their labor for their daily bread were turned out of employment. I deeply regret that I am not able to give you information upon the state of the Union which is more satisfactory than what I was then obliged to com- municate. On the contrary, matters are still worse at present than they then were. When Congress met, a strong hope pervaded the whole pub- lic mind that some amicable adjustment of the subject would be speedily made by the Representatives of the States, which might restore peace between the conflicting sections of the country. That hope has been diminished by every hour of delay, and, as the prospect of a bloodless set- tlement fades away, the public distress becomes more and more aggravated. As an evidence of this, it is only necessary to say that the Treasury notes authorized by the act of the 17th of December last were advertised ac- cording to law, and that no responsible bidder offered to take any con- siderable sum at par at a lower rate of interest than 12 per cent. From these facts, it appears that in a government organized like ours, domestic strife, or even a well-grounded fear of civil hostilities, is more destructive of public and private interests than the most formidable foreign war. In my annual message I expressed the conviction, Avhich I have long deliberately held, and which recent reflection has only tended to deepen and confirm, tliat no State has the right by its own act to secede from the Union, or to throw oft" its federal obligation at pleasure. I also declared my opinion to be that even if that right existed, and should be exercised by any State of the confederacy, the Executive Department of this Gov- ernment had no authority under the constitution to recognize its validity by acknowledging the independence of such State. This left me no alterna- tive as the chief executive officer under the Constitution of the United States, but to collect the public revenue and protect the public property so far as this might bo practicable under existing laws. This is still my pur- pose. My province is to execute, not to make the laws. It belongs to Congress exclusively to repeal, modify, or enlarge their provisions to meet exigencies as they may occur. I possess no dispensing power. I cer- tainly had no right to make aggressive war upon any State, and I am per- fectly satisfied that the Constitution has wisely withheld that power even from Congress. The right and tlie duty to use military force defensively against those who resist the Federal officers in the execution of tlieir legal func- tions, and against those who assail the property of the Federal Govern- ment, is clear and undeniable. But the dangerous and hostile attitude of the States toward each other has already far transcended and cast into the shade the ordinary executive duties already provided for by law, and has assumed such vast and alarming proportions as to place tlie subject entirely above and beyond executive control. The fact cannot be disguised that we are in the midst of a great revolution. Therefore, I commend the question to Congress as the only human tribunal, under Providence, pos- sessing the power to meet the existing emergency. To them exclusively belongs the power to declare war, or to authorize the employment of military force in all cases contemplated by the Constitution, and they alone SPECIAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. 31 possess the power to remove all the grievances which might lead to war, and to secure peace and union to this distracted country. On them, and on them alone, rests the responsibility. The Union is a sacred trust left by our Revolutionary fathers for their descendants, and never did any other people inherit so rich a legacy. It has rendered us prosperous in peace, and triumphant in war. The national flag has floated in glory over every sea, and under its shadow American citizens have found protection and respect in all lauds beneath tlie sun. If we descend to considerations of purely material interest, when, in the history of all time, has a confederacy been bound together by such strong ties of mutual interest ? Each portion of it is dependent upon all, and all upon each portion, for prosperity and domestic security. Free trade throughout the world supplies the wants of one portion from the produc- tions of another, and scatters wealth everywhere. The great planting and farming States require the aid of the commercial and navigating States to send their productions to domestic and foreign markets, and furnish the naval power to render their transportation secure against all hostile attacks. Should the Union perish in the midst of the present excitement, we have already had a sad foretaste of the universal sutfering which would result from its destruction. The calamity would be severe in every por- tion of the Union, and would be quite as great, to say the least, in the Southern as in the Northern States. The greatest aggravation of the evil, and that which would place us in the most unfavorable light, both before the world and posterity, is, as I am firmly convinced, that the secession movement has been chiefly based upon misaiiprehension at the South of the sentiment of the majority in several of the Northern States. Let the question be transfei-ed from the political assemblages to the ballot-box, and the people theh.ielves would speedily redress the serious grievances which the South have suft'ered. But, in Heaven's name, let the trial be made before we pluuoe into an armed conflict, upon the mere assumption that there is no other alterna- tive. Time is a great conservative power. Let us i)anse at the moment- ous point, and afford the people, both at the North and South, an oppor- tunity f.jr reflection. Would that South Carolina had been convinced of this truth before her precipitate action. I therefore appeal through you to the people of the country to declare in their might that tiie Union must and shall be ])reserved by all constitutional means. I most earnestly recommend that you devote yourselves to the question how this can be accomplished in peace. All other questions, when com- pared witli this, sink into insignificance. The present is no time for palli- atives. Prompt action is required. A delay in Congress to prescribe or recommend a distinct and practical proposition for conciliation, may drive us to a point from which it will be almost impossible to recede, A com- mon ground on which conciliation and harmony may be produced is surely not unattainable. The proposition to compromise by letting the North have exclusive control of the territory above a certain line, and to give Southern institutions protection below that line, ought to receive universal approbation. In itself, indeed, it may not be entirely satisfactory, but when the alternative is between reasonable concession on both sides and the destruction of tije Union, it is an imputation on tlie patriotism of Con- gress to_ assert that its members will hesitate a mument. Even now the danger is upon us. In several States which have not yet seceded, the forts, arsenals, and magazines of the United States have been seized. This is bv far tlie most serious step which has been taken since the connuencement o'f the troubles. This public property has long been left without garrisons and troops for its protection, because no person doubted its security under the flag of the 32 SPECIAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. country in any State of the TJnion. Besides, our small army has scarcely been sufficient to guard our remote frontiers against Indian incursions. The seizure of this property, from all appearances, has been purely aggres- sive, and not in resistance to any attempt to coerce a State or States to remain in the Union. At the beginning of these unhappy troubles, I de- termined that no act of mine should increase the excitement in either section of the country. If the political conflict were to end in civil war, it was mj determined purpose not to commence it, nor to furnish an excuse for it in any act of this government. My opinion remains unchanged, that justice as well as sound policy requires us still to seek a peaceful solution of the questions at issue between the North and the South. Entertaining this conviction, I refrained even from sending reinforcements to Major Anderson, who commanded the forts of Charleston harbor, until an absolute necessity for doing so should make itself apparent, lest it might be regarded as a menace of military coercion, and thus furnish a provocation, or, at least, a pretext, for an outbreak on the part of South Carolina. No necessity for these re- inforcements seemed to exist. I was assured by distinguished, upright gentlemen of South Carolina, that no attack on Major Anderson was intended, but that, on the contrary, it was the desire of the State authorities as much as it was my own, to avoid the fatal consequences which must eventually follow a military col- lision. And here I deem it proper to submit for your information copies of a communication dated 28th December, 1860, addressed to me by E. W. Barnwell, J. H. Adams, and James L. Orr, commissioners of South Carolina, with the accompanying documents, and copies of my answer thereto, dated December 31. In further explanation of Major Anderson's removal from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, it is proper to state that after my answer to the South Carolina Commissioners, the War Department received a letter from that gallant officer, dated December 27, 1860, the day after his movement, from whicli the following is an extract : " I will add as my opinion that many things convinced me that the authorities of the State designed to proceed to a hostile act, (evidently re- ferring to the order dated December 11, of the late Secretary of War.) Under this impression, I could not hesitate that it was my solemn duty to move my command from a fort which we could not probably have held longer than 48 or 60 hours, to this one, where my power of resistance is increased to a very great degree." It will be recollected that the concluding part of the order was in the following words : — " The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take pos- session of either one of tliem, Avill be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them, which you may deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also au- thorized to take similar defensive steps whenever you have tangible evi- dence of a design to proceed to a hostile act." It is said that serious apprehensions are to some extent entertained, in which I do not share, that the peace of this District may be disturbed be- fore the 4th of March next. In any event, it will be my duty to preserve it, and this duty shall be performed. In conclusion, it may be permitted to me to remark, that I have often warned ray countrymen of the dangers which now surround us. This may be the last time I shall refer to the subject officially. I feel that my duty has been faithfully, though it may be imperfectly performed ; and whatever the result may be, I shall carry to my grave the consciousness that I at least meant well for my country. (Signed) James Buchanan. Washington City, Jan. 8, 1S61. THE MESSAGE OF GOVEKNOE MORGAN. 33 Upon the reception of this message by the House of Representatives, Mr. Howard, of Michigan, moved that it be referred to a special com- mittee of five, with instructions to inquire whether any executive officers of the United States have been or are now treating or holding communi- cation with any person or persons for the transfer of forts and other prop- erty ; whether any demand for their surrender has been made, and by whom, and what answer has been given ; whether any oflficer or officers have entered into any pledge not to send reinforcements of trooi-s to the harbor of Charleston, and if so, when, where, and by whom, and on what considerations. Whether the custom-house, post-office, and arsenal at Charleston have been seized, by whom held in possession ; whether any revenue cutter has been seized ; and whether any efforts have been made to recover it. The committee have power to send for persons and papers, and report from time to time such facts as may be required by the na- tional honor, &c. This was adopted by 133 ayes to 62 nays. Message of G-overnor Morgan. Governor Morgan, in his Message to the Legislature on the 2d of January, made use of the following language with reference to the exist- ing troubles : — What is especially wanted, both at the North and at the South, is not only a cessation of hostile words and acts, but a complete restoration of all those amicable and fraternal relations, which formerly existed in every portion of the confederacy, and without which the Union ceased to con- fer its highest advantages, isTo apprehension, however, need be entertained that the people of this law-abiding State would, in any case, suffer their authorities or agents in the States or Federal Government, to invade or impair any constitu- tional right or privilege of the slave States ; on the contrary, they stand always as ready to guarantee those rights as to defend their own, and I think it would be well for the Legislature to give such new and solemn utterances to these convictions, as shall afford to the people of all the Southern States the assurance that all the rights, under the Constitution and the laws, are recognized, and will, on the part of the people of this State, be respected and maintained inviolate. I fully believe that if justice and moderation shall mark the conduct of the loyal States, we shall safely pass the present crisis, as we have passed many others, without loss of substantial rights or self-respect ; for I am unwilling to admit that there are madmen, either at the North or South, sufficiently formidable in power or in numbers to destroy the Union of the States ; a Union which has been productive of inestimable good; a Union in which all sections and parts have contributed, in di- verse though harmonious modes, to that common result of strength, sta- bility and happiness, manifest to every eye, in every direction, through- out the length and breadth of this extended land. Every State can do something, and ought to do all that it can to avert the threatened danger. Let New York set the example in this respect. Let her oppose no barrier; but on the contrary, let her representatives in the Federal Legislature give their ready support to any settlement that shall be just and honorable to all, a settlement due alike to the cherished memories of the past, the mighty interests of the present, and the myriads of the future. Let her stand in an attitude of hostility to none ; but ex- tending the hand of fellowship to all, and living up to the strict letter of that great fundamental law, the living and the inunortal bond of the 3 34 governors' messages." union of the States, cordially unite with other members of the Confede- racy in proclaiming and enforcing the determination that the Constitution shall be honored, and the union of the States shall be preserved. Message of the G-overnor of Ohio. Governor Dennison, of Ohio, in his message suggested the repeal of the obnoxious features of the fugitive slave lavr, and the repeal of any per- sonal liberty bills subversive of the fugitive law would thus be secured ; at the same time the Southern States should repeal their laws in contra- vention of the constitutional right of citizens of free States, who cannot be satisfied with less, and who will insist upon their constitutional rights in every State and territory of this confederacy. These they cheerfully accord to citizens of Southern States. Determined to do no wrong, they will not contentedly submit to any wrong, and are unawed by their threats. They demand the employment of the constitutional powers of the federal government to maintain and preserve the Union. He rejected the whole theory of State secession as a palpable violation of the constitution, and could not consent to the exercise of any power unless under its sanc- tion. — The integrity of this Union — its oneness and individuality, must be preserved. ' Message of the Governor of Illinois. Governor "Wood, of Illinois, in his message, said: — " If grievances to any portion of our confederation have arisen within the Union, let them be redressed within the Union. If unconstitutional laws, trenching upon the guaranteed rights of any of our sister States, have found place upon our statute books, let them be removed. If prejudice and alienation toward any of our fellow-countrymen has fastened upon our minds, let it be dismissed and forgotten. Let us be just to ourselves and each other, allowing neither threats to drive us from what we deem to be our duty, nor pride of opinion prevent us from correcting wherein Ave may have erred. He recommends that if lUinois has passed any laws tending to obstruct the operation of federal authority, or conflicting with the constitutional rights of others, they may at once be repealed." Views of the Governor of Maryland. Governor Hicks, of Maryland, in reply to Judge Handy, commissioner from Mississippi, said : — The sentiments of the people are almost unanimous in_ favor of upholding and maintaining their rights under the Constitution. They believe that their rights will yet be admitted and secured, and not until it is certain they will be respected no longer — not until every honorable, constitutional, and lawful effort to secure them is exhausted— will they consent to any efforts for a dissolution of the Union. The people of Maryland are anxious that time should be given and opportunity afforded for a fair and honorable adjustment of the difficulties and grievances of which they, more than the people of any other State, have a right to complain. He believes that a large majority of the people of the Union desire an adjustment, and he thinks it will be promptly effected. Until the effort is found vain, he cannot consent to any precipitate revolutionary action to aid in the dismemberment of the Union. When he is satisfied that there is no hope of adjustment, and not until then, will he exercise any power with which he is vested to afford even an opportunity for such a GOVERNOBS' MESSAGES.' 35 proceeding. Whatever powers he may have he will use only after full consultation with the other border States, since we and they, in the event of any dismenaberment of the Union, will suffer more than all the others combined. Message of the Governor of Massachusetts. Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, after suggesting a repeal of the Personal Liberty Bill, concluded as foUows: — Come what may, I believe that Massachusetts wiU do her duty. She will stand by the incoming national Administration, as she has stood by the past ones; because her people will forever stand by their country. The recoi-ds of her revolutionary history declare her capacity and her will to expend money, sympathy and men to sustain the common cause. Until we complete the work of rolling back this wave of rebellion which threatens to ingulf the government, overthrow democratic institu- tions, subject the people to the rule of a minority, if not of mere military despotism, and in some communities to endanger the very existence of civilized society, we cannot turn aside, and we will not turn back. It is to those of our brethren in the disaffected States whose mouths are closed by a temporary reign of terror, not less than to ourselves, that we owe this labor, which, with the help of Providence, it is our duty to perform. Message of the G-overnor of Wisconsin. Governor Randall, of Wisconsin, in his message, said : — Should the Legislature think the Personal Liberty Bill of Wisconsin in conflict with the United States constitution, then it should be made to conform therewith, but no fear and no hope of a reward should induce a free people to break down the walls of their protection. We will make a sacrifice of our feelings to conciliate, but no sacrifice of our principles. The right of a State to secede can never be admitted. Once in the Union, a State must remain until the Union is destroyed. Message of the Governor of Missouri. Governor Jackson, of Missouri, in his message, says: — The destiny of the slaveholding States are identical, and that Mis- souri will best consult her own interests and the interests of the whole country, by a timely declaration of her determination to stand by her sister slaveholding States, in whose wrongs she participates, and with whose institutions and people she sympathizes. Missouri will remain in the Union so long as there is a hope of maintaining the guarantees of the con- stitution. The Governor opposes coercion, and says that the project of maintnin- ing the government by force, may lead to a consolidated despotism, but never to a Union. The Governor has not abandoned all hope for the preservation of the Union, but believes that by prudence and well-directed efforts an adjust- ment alike honorable to both sections may be effected. He opposes Con- gressional compromises, and says that the South can rely only upon consti- tutional guarantees, and to effect this end, he advises the calling of a South- ern convention, to agree upon such amendments to the constitution as will secure the just rights of the South, and to submit them to the Northern States also for their action. The Governor advises the calling of a State convention, to ascertain the wiU of the people on the subject. 36 RESOLUTIONS. Message of the G-overnor of New Jersey. Governor Olden, of New Jersey, in his message, said : — It does not appear that the Legislature of New Jersey is at present called on to do any thing beyond what has been proposed, unless it may be to give some expression to her views. The people of this State beyond all question stand as a unit in favor of the Union, and are prepared to defend it, and to make all reasonable and proper concessions to insure its per- petuity. They also believe that the constitution as it is, affords protec- tion to the rights of all. Cherishing the most friendly spirit towards their brethren of the South, they would be the last to interfere with their rights. We remember that they are burdened with the anxieties and deep responsibilities of an institution for the introduction of which they are not accountable, but which was entailed upon them, and for the abolition of which, the wisdom of man has failed to suggest a humane and feasible plan, and which God, in his own good time and way, will bring about: and also that they have been irritated by a continued system of inter- ference with their aflairs, for the management of which they only are responsible. That they have done and said much that was unwise and uncalled for, and that serious counter charges could be readily made, is certain ; but they have enough of perplexity connected with their pecu- liar institution, to induce those not so burdened, to refrain from aggravat- ing their troubles. Unwilling to abandon the cause, and clinging to the hope that the committee of Congress, appointed for that purpose, will agree on measures of compromise, we anxiously await the result. If it should appear that their views cannot be harmonized, then I earnestly recommend (unless some more approved plan is proposed) without delay you adopt a resolu- tion inviting all the States to appoint delegates, in such manner as can be most speedily and satisfactorily done, who shall meet and endeavor to agree upon terms by which our Union may be saved. We cannot believe it possible that such a convention would fail to agree on terms acceptable to a majority in all sections of the country, and these terms could be presented to Congress as the united wish of the people of the States, It is not for our own State that we plead ; with a genial climate, pro- ductive soil, and favorable location, her people moral, industrious and enterprising. New Jersey, whether alone or connected with others, can take care of herself; but it is for that glorious Union, of which she is a part, for the illustrious past, the hopeful future, the cause of freedom everywhere, the claims of our children to the right of citizenship in the noblest republic the world has ever seen, and for the example we afford the nations of the earth. In the hand of God, who we confidently believe will order all things according as we do put our trust in Him, we leave the issue, praying that in mercy He would save us from ourselves. Resolutions. The following resolutions, presented in Congress and in the Legisla- ture of New York, are deemed of sufficient interest to be compiled with this history : Mr. Horace F. Clark, on the 9th of January, not Clark, Eep. N H., offered the following as an amendment to the Crittenden resolu- tions : Hesohed, That the provisions of the constitution are ample for the preservation of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the country ; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended, and an RESOLUTIONS. 37 extrication from our present difficulties is to be looked for in strenuous effbrts to preserve and protect the public property, and enforce the laws, rather than in new guarantees for particular interests, or compromises, or concessions to unreasonable demands. Resolved^ That all attempts to dissolve the Union, or overthrow the constitution, with the expectation of constructing it anew, are dangerous and illusory, and in the opinion of the Senate no reconstruction is practi- cable ; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union and Con- stitution should be directed all the energies of the government. In the New York State Legislature, on the 2d of January, Mr. Robin- son offered the following : — Whereas, The government of the Territories has long been a disturb- ing element in our national councils, and has of late given rise to political divisions that appear to admit of no compromise, and to threaten the integrity of the Union — one party insisting that the General Government shall protect slavery in the Territories, and another that it shall prohibit it, and still another'that it shall not interfere one way or the other. And rohereas, All parties loyal to the Constitution and Union, agree that each State has the sole and exclusive power of determining its own domestic institutions. Therefore, To the end that this impediment to our National harmony be forever removed, Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That our Senators and Representatives in Congress be requested to use tlieir influence, after the admission of Kansas as a State on her present application, to divide all the remaining territory so as to form two States, to be admitted as States of this Union, so soon as the inhabitants thereof shall adopt State constitutions. Repub- lican in form. Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That these resolutions with the vote of this Legislature thereon, be forthwith transmitted to the Governor of this State, to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to the Governors of the several States of this Union, On the 2d of January Mr. Spinola offered the following in the New York Senate : — Whereas, Treason, as defined by the Constitution of the United States, exists in one of the States of the confederacy, and whereas it is the re- ligious as well as the patriotic duty of each State in its sovereign capacity, as well as that of each citizen, to make every necessary sacrifice for the preservation of this union of States, as Lhey were united by Washing- ton and his associates; and whereas the State of New York is now, as it ever has been, and ever will be, unalterably and uncompromisingly in favor of the Union as it is ; therefore Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That the Governor be and hereby is directed, in the name of the people of the State of New York, to tender to the President of the United States the services of the militia of the State ; to be used in such manner and at such time as the President may deem best, to preserve the Union and enforce the constitution and laws of the country. Resolved, That the committee on military affiiirs be, and are hereby di- rected to inquire into the condition, efficiency, and available strength of the military force of the State, and to report to the Senate at the earliest practicable day what legislation, if any, is necessary to render that branch of government fully effective for any emergency that may arise ; and if requisite, that the said conmiittee report a bill to raise $10,000,000 to properly arm the State. On Thursday, January 3, the following resolutions were adopted as ex- 38 RESOLUTIONS. pressive of the views and feelings of the committee of thirty-three, by Mr. Beistow, of Kentucky : — Resolved, That we recognize slavery, as now existing in fifteen of the United States by the usages and laws of those States, and we recognize no authority, legally or otherwise, outside of a State where it so exists, to in- terfere with slaves or slavery in such States, in disregard of the rights of their owners, or the peace of society. Resolved^ That we recognize the justice and propriety of a faithful exe- cution of the constitution and "all" laws made in pursuance thereof, in- cluding those on the subject of fugitive slaves, or fugitives from service or labor, and discountenance all mobs or hindrances to the execution of such laws, and that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privi- leges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. Resolved, That we recognize no such conflicting elements in its com- position, or sufficient cause from any source for a dissolution of this gov- ernment ; that we were not sent here to destroy, but to sustain and har- monize the institutions of the country, and to see that equal justice is done to all parts of the same, and finally to perpetuate its existence on terms of equality and justice to all the States. In the United States Senate, on the 2d January, Mr. Davis asked leave to present a preamble and resolutions, which was granted. They are as follows : — Whereas^ By the 2d and 8d Articles of the Constitution, it is provided that the militia shall be the security of the States, and also indirectly provided that a State may, in time of peace, keep troops and ships of war; and by the lYth clause of the 1st Article, that the jurisdiction of the Fed- eral Government is limited ; therefore Resolved, That upon the application of a State, either through a Con- vention or the Legislature, the Federal forces may be withdrawn, and that the President of the United States shall order the withdrawal of the Federal garrison, and take needful security for the safety of the public property remaining. Resolved, further, "Whenever a State in Convention, lawfully assem- bled, shall enact that the safety of the State requires the keeping of troops and ships of war, the President of the United States is hereby directed to recognize the power of the State to do so, and by his proclamation give information to all tlie parties concerned. Laid on the table and ordered to be printed. The following resolutions were adopted by the New York Legisla- ture on the 11th of January, and copies thereof transmitted to the Pres- ident, and to the Governors of the several States : — Whereas, The insurgent State of South Carolina, after seizing the post- oflSce, custom house, money and fortifications of the Federal Government, has, by firing into a vessel ordered by the Government to convey troops and provision to Fort Sumter, virtually declared war ; And ichereas, The forts and property of the United States government in Georgia, Alabama and Louisiana, have been unlawfully seized with hostile intentions ; And whereas. Their Senators in Congress avow and maintain their treasonable acts ; therefore Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That the Legislature of New York is profoundly impressed with the value of the Union, and determined to preserve it unimpaired ; that it greets with joy the recent firm, dignified and patriotic special message of the President of the United States, and that we tender to him, through the Chief Magistrate of our own State, whatever aid in men and money may be required to enable him to en- Alf OTHER MESSAGE FROM! TUH PRESIDENT. 39 force the laws, and uphold the authority of the Federal Government, and that ill the defence of the Union, which has conferred prosperity and happiness upon the American people, renewing the pledge given and re- deemed by our fathers, we are ready to devote our fortunes, our lives, and our sacred honor. s-^'v- ■ Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That the Union-loving citizens and representatives of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Ken- tucky, Missouri and Tennessee, who labor with devoted courage and patriotism to withhold their States from tlie vortex of secession, are enti- tled to the gratitude and admiration of the whole people. Ecsoloed, (if the Senate concur,) Tliat the Governor be respectfully re- quested to forward forthwith, copies of the foregoing resolutions to the President of the nation, and the Governors of all the States of the Union. Another Message from the President. On the 28th of January, the President communicated the following Message to Congress : — To t?ie Senate and House of Rej^resentatives of the United States : I deem it ray duty to submit to Congress a series of resolutions adopted by the Legislature of Virginia on the 19th inst., having in view the peace- ful settlement of the existing questions which now threaten the Union. They were delivered to me on Thursday, the 24th inst., by Ex-President Tyler, who has left his dignified and honored retirement in the hope that he may render service to his country in this its hour of peril. These resolutions, it will be perceived, extend an invitation to all States, whether slaveholding or non-slaveholding, as are willing to unite with Virginia iii an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution was originally formed, and consistently with its principles, so as to afford to the people of the slaveholding States ade- quate security for their rights, to appoint commissioners to meet on the 4th day of February next, in the city of Washington, similar commis- sioners appointed by Virginia, to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon some suitable adjustment. I confess, I hail this movement on the part of Virginia Avith great satisfaction. From the past history of this ancient and renowned commonwealth, we have the fullest assurance that what she has undertaken she will accomplish, if it can be done by able, en- lightened and persevering efforts. It is highly gratifying to know that other patriotic States have appointed and are appointing Commissioners to meet those of Virginia in council. When assembled they will consti- tute a body entitled, in an eminent degree, to the confidence of the coun- try. The General Assembly of Virginia have also resolved " that Ex- President John Tyler is hereby appointed by the concurrent vote of each branch of the General Assembly, a Commissioner to the President of the United States, and Judge John Robertson is hereby appointed, by a like vote, a Commissioner to the State of South Carolina, and the other States that have seceded, or shall secede, with instructions respectfully to request the President of the United States and the authorities of such States, to agree to abstain, pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of this General Assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a col- lision of arms between the States and the government of the United States." However strong may be my desire to enter into such an agree- ment, I am convinced that I do not possess the power. Congress, and Congress alone, under the war-making power, can exercise the discretion of agreeing to abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a colli- sion of arms between this and any other government. It would therefore be a usurpation for the Executive to attempt to restrain their hands by 40 CHAEGES OF TREASON. an agreement in regard to matters over -which he has no constitutional control. If he were thus to act they might pass laws which he should be bound to obey, though in conflict with his agreement. Under existing circumstances my present actual power is confined within narrow limits. It is my duty at all times to defend and protect the public property within the seceding States so far as may be practicable, and especially to employ the constitutional means to protect the property of the United States, and to preserve the public peace at this, the seat of the Federal Government. If tlie seceding States abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms, then the danger so much to be deprecated will no longer exist. Defence and not aggression has been the policy of the ad- ministration from the beginning; but whilst I can enter into no engage- ment such as that proposed, I cordially commend it to Congress, with much confidence, that it will meet their approbation to abstain from passing any law calculated to produce a collision of arms, pending the proceedings contemplated by the General Assembly of Virginia. I am one of those who will never despair of the Kepublic. I yet cherish the belief that the American people will perpetuate the Union of the States on some terms just and honorable for all sections of the country. I trust that the media- tion of Virginia may be the destined means, under the providence of God, of accomplishing this inestimable benefit. Glorious as are the memories of her past history, such an achievement both in relation to her own fame and the welfare of the whole country, would surpass them all. (Signed) James Buchais'an. Washington City, Jan. 28, 1861. Charges of Treason. On the 19th of January F. C. Treadwell, of :N'ew York, filed in the United States Supreme Court at Washington, an affidavit, charging certain persons with treason. The writ asked for was denied by Chief Justice Taney. The complaint sets forth the following : — That divers citizens, hereinafter named, of South Carolina and other States of this Union, and other persons to the affirmant unknown, owing allegiance to the United States of America, have conspired against the Constitution and government thereof, and have committed the crimes of misprision of treason, treason, and other high crimes and misdemeanors against the peace, welfare and dignity of the said United States, and the people thereof, and the Constitution and laws of the United States in such case made and provided ; to wit: James H. Hammond, J. W". Hayne, W. Porcher Miles, Milledge M, Bonham, William W. Boyce, James Chesnut, John McQueen, Lawrence M. Keitt, John D. Ashmore, James L. Orr, all of the State of South Carolina ; also, Jeflierson Davis, Albert G. Brown, William Barksdale, John J. McRea, Jacob Thompson, Reuben Davis, Otho E. Singleton, all of the State of Mississippi ; also, Judah P. Benjamin, Miles Taylor, John Slidell, Thomas G. Davidson, John M. Landrum, all of the State of Louisiana ; also, Robert Toombs, Peter E. Love, Thomas Hardeman, jr., J. W. H. Underwood, John J. Jones, A. Iverson, Martin J. Crawford, Lucius J. Gartrell, James Jackson, Howell Cobb, all of the State of Georgia; also, Benjamin Fitzpatrick, James A. Stallworth, David Clop- ton, George S. Houston, C. C. Clay, jr., James L. Pugh, Sydenham Moore, W. R. W. Cobb, Jabez L. M. Curry, all of the State of Alabama ; also, D. L. Yulee, S. R. Mallory, George "S. Hawkins, all of the State of Florida; also, Lewis T. AVigfall, John R. Reagan, all of the State of Texas ; also, Joseph Lane, of Oregon ; also, James M. Mason, Henry A. Wise, Roger A. Pry or, Robert M. T. Hunter, John B. Floyd, all of the State of Virginia. THE VALEDICTORY OP GOVERNOR GIST. 41 The Valedictory of Governor Gist. On the 7tb of December, 1860, Governor Gist, of South Carolina, deliv- ered the following Valedictory Message to the Legislature at Columbia : Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Repeesentatives : — Allow me in this, my last ofllcial communication, a parting word. South Carolina, after many long years of earnest but fruitless efforts to arrest the progress of fanaticism, and stay the hand of aggression upon her rights by the Northern States of the confederacy ; after vain remon- strances, and the solemn assurance that a free people could never submit to inequality and degradation, has at last determined, with unparalleled unanimity, \o sever the bonds that bind her to those States, and part com- pany with those that treat her citizens as aliens and enemies, rather than as friends and brethren. The comparatively small star which represents her on the national banner, and which has hitherto illumined the path of the traveller in search of constitutional liberty, must henceforth quit its appointed place, and shine only on a banner consecrated to equality and justice and Southern rights. To permit it to remain longer in its present association would only dim its lustre and ultimately quench its light. We were told by our great statesman that the cords of the Union were snap- ping, one by one, and now the last is broken. Could he have lived to wit- ness our regeneration, he would feel himself amply rewarded for all his toils and sacrifices, and would say, like Simeon of old, " Lord, now let- test thou thy servant depart in peace." A few more days, and the act of secession will be consummated by the solemn ordinance of a Convention of the people, and the glad tidings will go forth with lightning speed to every Southern State, to rejoice the hearts and cheer the drooping spirits of millions anxiously awaiting the signal for a general deliverance. We have progressed thus far with firm and even tread, with cahnness and de- liberation, but with a constancy of purpose not to be shaken by danger or suffering. A single pause, or the least vacillation, and all will be lost. How- ever anxious we may be for co-operation, or however certain we may be of obtaining it, let us first move ourselves as the best means o,f effecting that object, and, having forever closed the door from which we have passed out of the Union, so that no insidious devices of the enemy or false promises of pretended friends can avail to open it, then, and not until then, may we safely seek co-operation, and unite with other States who have resumed their sovereignty, and are prepared to form a more perfect union, and sliare with us a common destiny. Every sentinel should re- main at his post, and not relax a fibre until the great work is complete, the great battle fought, and a glorious victory achieved. The delay of the Convention for a single week to pass the ordinance of secession will have a blighting and chilling influence upon the action of the other Southern States, and the opponents of the movement everywhere will be encour- aged to make another effort to rally their now disorganized and scattered forces, to defeat our action and to stay our onward march. Fabius con- quered by delay ; and there are those of his school, though with a more unwortliy purpose, who, shriidcing from an open and manly attack, use this veil to hide tlieir deformity, and from a masked battery discharge their missiles. But I trust they will strike the 'armor of truth, and fall harmless at our feet, and that "by the 25lh of December no flag but the Palmetto will float over an}" part of South Carolina. It only remains for me to reque^^t the appointment of a committee to ex- amine the accounts of the Executive DojcuLment, and to inform you that I have no further communication to make. Wm. H. Gist. 42 GENERAL WINTIELD SCOTT. Clinching the Nail. On the 28th of January the Legislature of South Carolina adopted the following : — Resolved, tmanimoushj, That the General Assembly of South Carolina tender to the Legislature of the State of Virginia their acknowledgments of the friendly motives which inspired the mission intrusted to the Hon. Judge Eobertson, her commissioner. Adopted unanimously. Resolved, imanimously. That candor, which is due to the long-continued sympathy and respect which has subsisted between Virginia and South Carolina, induces this Assembly to declare with frankness, that they do not deem it advisable to initiate negotiations when they have no desire or in- tention to promote the ultimate object in view — that object being, as declared in the resolution of the Virginia Legislature, the procurement of amendments or new guarantees to the Constitution of the United States. Adopted unanimously. Resolved, iinanimously, That the separation of South Carolina from the Federal Union is final, fand that she has no further interests in the Con- stitution of the United States, and that the only appropriate negotiations between her and the Federal Government are as to their mutual relations as foreign states. Adopted unanimously. Resolved, unanimously, That this Assembly further owe it to the friendly relations with the State of Virginia, to declare that they have no confidence in the Federal Government of the United States ; that the most solemn pledges of that Government have been disregarded ; that, under the pretence of preserving property, hostile troops have been attempted to be introduced into one of the fortresses of this State, concealed in the hold of a vessel of commerce, with a view to subjugate the people of South Carolina, and that even since the authorities at Washington have been informed of tlie present mediation of Virginia, a vessel-of-war has been sent to the South with troops and munitions of war concentrated on the soil of Virginia. Adopted unanimously. Resolved, unanimously, That in these circumstances this Assembly,^ with renewed assurance of cordial respect and esteem for the people of Virginia, and high consideration for her commissioner, decline entering into the negotiations proposed by both branches of the Virginia Legisla- ture. Adopted unanimously. General Winfield Scott. Every American heart beats proudly at the name of General Winfield Scott, so brave in the field, so wise in council, so true a patriot, and so loyal to the Constitution and the Union. An unbribeable, honest soldier, who is quick to see, and prompt to act, and with the courage of a lion in him. We trust that his military services may never be required in defence of the Union, against any foe. But if it should ever be necessary to defend the country against an enemy, here is the man— American to the backbone of him, who will do it or die. Winfield Scott was born the 18th June, 1786, near Petersburg, in Virginia. His descent may be traced from a Scottish gentleman of the Lowlands, who, with his elder brother, was engaged in the Kebellion of 1745. General Scott's history is well known, and the part he played in the great drama of 1812, and in the Mexican war, was only equalled by the greatest generals of ancient and modern times. Dr. Channing thus speaks of his Indian mission to the Cherokees, in KESIGNATION OF SECRETARY THOMPSON. 43 1838: "To tliis distingnisbed man belongs tlic rare honor of uniting with military energy and daring, the spirit of a philanthropist. His exploits in the field, -which have placed him in the first rank of our soldiers, have been obscured by the purer and more lasting glory of a pacificator, and of a friend of mankind. In the whole history of the intercourse of civilized with barbarous or half-civilized communities, we doubt whether a brighter page can be found than that w^hich records his agency in the removal of the Cherokees. In his recent mission to the disturbed borders of our country, he has succeeded, not so much by policy as by the nobleness and generosity of his character, by moral influences, by the earnest conviction with which he has enforced on all with whom he had to do, the obliga- tions of patriotism, justice, liumanity and religion. It would not be easy to find among us a man who has won a purer fame. And I am happy to ofier this tribute because I would do something, no matter how little, to hasten the time when the spirit of Christian humanity shall be accounted an essential attribute and the brightest ornament of a public man." In November, 1846, he sailed for Brazos San Jago, to superintend the expedition against Vera Cruz. The object of obtaining Vera Cruz was the establishment of a shorter route to the City of Mexico. His modesty and unpresuming disposition made him refuse the oflTer of the Secretaryship of War, after the ratification of peace in 1815. He accepted, however, a diplomatic mission to Europe, in the service of his country, and received for his admirable execution of it the thanks of the President. On his return, he took the seaboard command, making his headquarters in New York. In March, 1817, he married Miss Maria Mayo, daughter of John Mayo, Esq., of Richmond, Va. During the last twenty years he has lived in comparative seclusion, although as Com- mander-in-Chief of the American forces, he has had plenty of employ- ment. His activity at the present time, and his anxiety to prevent a bloody war between the North and South, the firm resolve to be pre- pared for it, and to devote his last days as well as his early years to his country's service, to maintain its honor and dignity both at home and abroad, have met with the approval and gratitude of every American citizen, who cares more for his country than for his party. Resignation of Secretary Thompson. On the 8th of January Jai^s Thoinpson, Secretary of the Interior, tendered his resignation to the President accompanied by the following note : — Washington, Jan, 8. Sir : It it with extreme regret I have just learned that additional troops have been ordered to Charleston. This subject lias been fre- quently discussed in cabinet councils ; and when on Monday night, Dec. 31, ult., the orders for reinforcements to Fort Sumter were countermand- ed, I distinctly understood from you that no order of the kind would be made without being previously considei-ed and decided in cabinet. It is true that on Wednesday, Jan. 2, this subject Avas again discussed in cabinet ; but certainly no conclusion was reached, and the War Depart- ment was not justified in ordering reinforcements without something more than was then said. I learn, however, this morning, for the first time, that the steamer Star of the West sailed from New York last Satur- day night with 250 men, under Lieut. Bartlett, bound for Fort Sumter. Under these circumstances I feel myself bound to resign my commission, as one of your constitutional advisers, into your hands. With high respect, your obedient servant, J, Thompson. His Exceilenoy James Buchanan, President of the United States. 44 SKETCH OF MAJOR ANDERSON. Sketch of Major Anderson. Major Robert Anderson was born in Kentucky, in September, 1805, and is now in liis 56th year. He is about five feet nine inches in height; his figure is well set and soldierly ; his hair is thin and turning to iron gray; his complexion swarthy; his eye dark and intelligent; his nose prominent and well formed. A stranger would read in his air and ap- pearance determination, and an exaction of what was due to him. He is always agreeable and gentlemanly, firm and dignified. On the 1st of July, 1821, he entered the Military Academy at West Point, whence he gradu- ated July 1, 1825, taking a high position in a large class, composed of such men as Alexander Dallas Bache, Col, Benjamin Huger, Col. Francis Taylor, Col. Charles F. Smith, and others who have been distinguished as well in civil life as in the line of their profession. His first commission was that of brevet Second Lieut, of the Second Artillery, July 1, 1825, and he was subsequently promoted Second Lieut, in the Tliird regiment, dating from the same day. From May to October, 1832, he was acting Inspector General of the Illinois Volunteers, in the Black Hawk war; and it is here worthy of note that our President elect, Mr. Lincoln, was one of the cap- tains of those troops. In June, 1S33, he was promoted First Lieut., and between 1835 and 1837 was Assistant Instructor and Inspector at the U. S. Military Academy. In 1838 he became Aid-de-camp to Major-Gen- eral Scott, and in the following year published " Instruction for Field Ar- tillery, Horse and Foot, arranged for the service of the United States," which has been highly approved of. For gallantry and successful conduct in the war against the Florida Indians, he received the brevet of Captain, bearing date April 2, 1838. July 7, 1838, he became Assistant Adjutant General, with the rank of Captain, which he relinquished subsequently to being promoted to a captaincy in his regiment, October, 1841. In March, 1847, he was with the Third regiment of artillery in the army of General Scott, and took part in the siege of Vera Cruz — being one of the officers to whom was entrusted, by General Bankhead, the command of the bat- teries. This duty he performed with signal skill and gallantry, and he continued with the array until its triumphal entry into the city of Mexico, in September following. During the operations in the valley of Mexico, he was attached to the brigade of (s^i^itel Garland, which formed a part of General Worth's division. In the atta'ck on El Molino del Key, on the 8th of September, where he was wounded very severely, his conduct was the theme of especial praise on the part of his superior officers. Captain Burke, his immediate commander, in his despatch of September 9, says: — " Captain Robert Anderson (acting field oflScer) behaved with great he- roism on this occasion. Even after receiving a severe and painful wound, he continued at the head of the column, regardless of pain and self-preser- vation, and setting a handsome example to his men, of coolness, energy, and courage." General Garland speaks of him as being, with " some few others, the very first to enter the strong position of El Molino," and adds that " Brevet Major Buchanan, Fourth infantry ; Captain Anderson, Third artillery, and Lieut. Sedgwick, Second artillery, appear to have been par- ticularly distinguished for their gallant defence of the captured works." In addition to this testimony to his bearing on that occasion we have that of General Worth, who particularly directed the attention of the Com- mander-in-Chief to the part he had taken in the action. "For gallant and meritorious conduct in the battle of Molino del Rey " he was promot- ed to the brevet rank of Major, dating from September 8, 1847. October 5, 1857, he was promoted to the position of Major of the First artillery, which he now holds. FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 45 Gov. Pickens, of South Carolina. Governor Pickens comes of good revolutioDary stock. His grand- father, General Pickens, commanded the American forces at the battle of the Oowpens. His father, Colonel Pickens, held a military command in the war of 1812, though it is not known that he was ever engaged in ac- tive service. The present Governor, Francis W. Pickens, was horn in South Carolina about fifty years ago, and lias been some twenty years in public life. He took an active part in the nullification movement in 1832, and was one of the most ardent champions of actual resistance by arms. In 1835 he was sent to Congress, where he represented one of the South Carolina districts for ten years. He was offered the mission to England by Presi- dent Polk, and the mission to France by President Tyler: he_ declined these, but accepted from President Buclianan the mission to Eussia, which he filled until recently. On his return home he was elected, as the world knows, first Governor of the independent State of South Carolina. Fortifications in the Southern States. Subjoined is a list of fortifications, taken from Col. Totten's report made to Congress a few years ago, giving the cost of each, and the num- ber of guns they severally mount: Table of Navy Yards and Principal Forts South of Hasan and Dixon's Line, showing the position, cost, and strength of each. Where located. Fort McHenry, Baltimore *Fort Carroll, Baltimore Fort Delaware, Delaware river, Del Fort Madison, Annapolis, Md Fort Severn, Maryland Fort Washington, Potomac river Fort Monroe, Old Point Comfort, Va Fort Callioun, Hampton Roads, Norfolk Fort Macon, Beaufort, N. C Fort Johnson, Cape Fear, Wilmington, N. C Fort Caswell, Oak Island, N. C Fort Sumter, Charleston, S. C Castle Pinckney, Charleston, S. C Fort Moultrie, Charleston, S. C Fort Pulaski, Savannah, Ga Fort Jackson, Savannah, Ga Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Fla Fort Taylor, Key West Fort Jefferson, Tortugas Fort Barrancas, Pensacola Redoubt, Pensacola Fort Pickens, Pensacola Fort McRee, Pensacola Fort Morgan, Mobile Fort St. Phillip, mouth of Mississippi river Fort Jackson, mouth of Mississippi river Fort Pike, Rigolets, La Fort Macomb, Chef Menteur, La Fort Livingston, Barrataria Bay, La * Incomplete Cost. Men. •" Guns. $146,000 350 74 135,000 800 159 539,000 750 151 15,000 150 31 6,000 60 14 575,000 400 88 2,400,000 2,450 371 1,664,000 1,120 224 460,000 300 61 5,000 60 10 571,000 400 81 677,000 650 146 43,000 100 25 75,000 300 54 923,000 800 1.50 80,000 70 14 51,000 100 25 1,000 1,500 250 185 298 315,000 49 109,000 26 759,000 1,260 212 384,000 650 151 1,212,000 700 132 143,000 600 124 817,000 600 150 472,000 300 49 447,000 300 49 342,000 300 52 46 FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. In addition to these are incomplete works at Ship Island, Mississippi River; Georgetown, S. C. ; Port Royal Roads, S. C. ; Tybee Islands, Savannah ; Galveston, Brazos, Santiago and Matagorda Bay, Texas. The guns which were lately stopped at Pittsburg were designed for those at Galveston and Ship Island. Hampton Roads is the great naval depot station and rendezvous of the Southern coasts, Pensacola is very strong, and the only good harbor for vessels of war, and the only naval depot on the Gulf. The fortresses of Key West and Tortugas, on the southern point of Florida, are among the most powerful in the world ; and every vessel that crosses the Gulf passes within sight of both. The North Carolina forts seized on the 8th of January were subse- quently restored by the Governor. The following table shows the location, cost, war garrison, and the number of guns in the forts seized : — Where located. Fort Macon, Beaufort, N. C Fort Jolmson, Wilmington, N. C... Fort Caswell, Oak Island, N. C Castle Pinckney, Charleston, S. C. Fort Moultrie, Charleston, S. C Fort Pulaski, Savannah, Ga Fort Jackson, Savannah, Ga , Fort Barrancas, Pensacola Fort McRee, Pensacola Fort Morgan, Mobile Fort St. Philip, mouth Mississippi. Fort Jackson, mouth Mississippi... Fort Pike, Rigolets, La Fort Macomb, Chef Monteur, La... Totals $5,947,000 Cost. Men. Guns. $460,000 300 51 5,000 60 10 571,000 400 81 43,000 100 25 75,000 30 54 923,000 800 150 80,000 70 14 315,000 250 49 384,000 650 151 1,212,000 700 132 143,000 600 124 817,000 600 150 472,000 300 49 447,000 300 49 $5,947,000 5,430 1,099 The fort at Smith's Island, Mississippi, is incomplete, and has no armament. THE FORTIFICATIONS AT PENSACOLA. Pensacola Bay has rare properties as a harbor. It is now accessible to frigates. The bar is near the coast, and the channel across it short and easily passed. The harbor is perfectly land-locked, and the roadstead very capacious. There are excellent positions within for repairing, build- ing and launching vessels, and for docks and dock-yards in healthy situa- tions. The supply of good water is abundant. These properties, in connection with the position of the harbor, as regards the coast, have in- duced the Government to select it as a Naval station, and a place of rendezvous and repair. The upper arms of Pensacola Bay receive the Yellow Water of Pea River, Middle River, and Escambia River, eleven miles from the Gulf. SANTA ROSA ISLAND. Santa Rosa Island is situated east by north-west by south fourteen leagues, and completely shuts out Pensacola from the sea. It is so low that the sea in a gale washes its top. It is not more than one-fourth of a mile wide. The west point of this island is at the mouth of Pensacola Bay. The latter is not over one and' a quarter miles wide. FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. |^47 FOET PIOKENS. The principal means of defence to the mouth of Pensacola Bay and the Naval station is Fort Pickens. This fort is a first-chiss bastioned fort, built of New York granite, and situated on low ground on the east point of Santa Rosa Island. Its walls are forty-five feet in height by twelve feet in thickness; it is embrasured for two tiers of guns, which are placed under bomb-proof casemates, besides having one tier of guns en barbette. The guns from this fort radiate to every point of the horizon, with flank and enfilading lire at every angle of approach. The work was commenced in 1828 and finished in 1853. It cost the Federal Government nearly one million of dollars. When on a war footing its garrison consists of 1,260 soldiers. Its armament, only a portion of which is within its walls, con- sists of: Guns. 42-pounder iron guns 63 32-pounder iron guns 17 34-pounder iron guns 49 16-pouiider iron guns 5 12-pounder iron guns 13 Brass field pieces 6 Brass flank howitzers 20 Heavy 8-inch howitzers 13 13-inch mortar 1 Heavy 10-inch mortars 4 Light 8-inch mortars 4 16-inch stone mortars 4 Cohorn mortars 5 Total armament 210 The fire from this work completely covers the navy yard, and in case the latter is held by the Federal authorities, it would not hold out long against Fort Pickens. The bar on the exterior of the Bay is three miles distant, and beyond that there are no facilities for a hostile fleet to lie in safety. All the forts in Pensacola Bay are ere this garrisoned by Alabama troops, who were invited there by the Governor of Florida. FORT MCKAE. This fortification is situated on Foster's Bank, and guards the west side of the mouth of Pensacola Bay. It is a bastioned fort, built of brick masonry, with walls 12 feet in thickness. It is embrasured for two tiers of guns, under bomb-proof casemates, and has one tier eji barbette. Its armament consists of 150 guns, and in time of war requires a garrison of 650 men. The work cost the Government about $400,000. Its guns radiate at every point of the horizon. It is a very effective work. The full armament of the fort is not complete, but a suflacieut number of guns are in battery to make a very good defence in conjunction with Fort Pickens. Below this fort is a water battery, which mounts some eight or ten guns. The interior of Fort McPtae is provided with the necessary ahot furnaces, officers' and soldiers' quarters, magazines, &c. FORT BARRANCAS is on the north of Pensacola Bay, and directly fronting the entrance to its mouth. The work is erected on the site of an old Spanish fort. The fort is a bastioned work, built of heavy masonry, and mounts 49 guns, and in time of war requires a garrison of 250 naen. Armament of the work is fully mounted, and its magazines are in good order. In the rear of the fort is a redoubt, which is auxiliary to Fort Barrancas. Some extensive 48 FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. repairs have recently been completed on this redoubt, and the flanking howitzers of scarp and counterscarp can be mounted with very little labor. THE EEINFOROEMENT OF THE TOETUGAS FOET. The steamship Joseph Whitney, Loveland, arrived at Fort Jeft'erson, Tortugas, the 18th Jan., with Major Arnold's company of artillery from Fort Winthrop, Boston harbor. Major A.'s command will garrison Fort •Jefferson. Captain M, Meigs, engineer corps, has charge of the construc- tion of the fortifications, while Major Arnold is the military commander only. Captain Meigs will now be able to hold the work against any but a regular besieging force. Fort Jefferson covers the entire surface of Gar- den Key, and has an area of thirteen and a half acres. Although not armed, it is completely closed, and cannot be surprised by an escalading party. The first and second tiers (casemated) are pierced for over three hundred and fifty guns. A wide ditch, communicating with the sea, surrounds the entire work, and this is protected by a counterscrap of gi'eat strength. The guns of the fort command the inner harbor. The outer anchorage is beyond the reach of the heaviest guns. Fort Jefferson, when completed, will mount four hundred and fifty guns, and will require a garrison of one thousand men. The Commandant at Fort Pickens. Lieutenant Adam J. Slemmer comes of good revolutionary stock. Both his grandfathers were soldiers in the Revolution, and did good ser- vice in New Jersey. They were natives of Philadelphia. Lieut. Slemmer is a native of Montgomery County, Penn. He graduated at West Point in 1850, and was assigned to duty in the First Artillery, and ordered to Florida to hold the Seminole Lidians in check ; was there promoted, and ordered to San^Diego, California, and from thence sent to Fort Yuma, a sandy, barren, and one of the most undesirable posts in the country. Being again promoted, he was ordered to Fort Moultrie, Charleston harbor. After being there a short time he was invited by Mr. Bache, Superintend- ent of the Coast Survey, to enter that service, which was accepted, and duty assigned. His name was, therefore, sent by the Superintendent to the {)roper bureau, the Secretary of which being absent at the time, it was laid upon the desk. Before his return, liowever, the Superintendent of the West Point Academy made application to the Secretary of War for the appointment of Lieut. Slemmer as a teacher in that institution, which duty was assigned him. Having served the regular term (four years) in that capacity, the greater part of the time as Teacher of Mathematics, he was again o/dered to Fort Moultrie, and subsequently transferred to the Pensacola station, and put in command of that post, which consists of the barracks, Fort Barrancas, Fort McRae and Fort Pickens. At the com- mencement of the diflBculties he occupied the barracks, and taking the same precaution as Major Andei-son, he sought the strongest fort, and re- moved his command to Fort Pickens. Il^TEEESTIJ^G SKETCHES, i STATISTICS, ETC. The Dream of John C. Calhoun. It laay not be considered inappropriate by some — althongli it may by others — to produce at this time the narrative of a vision, which it is said Mr. John C. Calhoun had some years ago :— it was written by Mr. James A. Scoville, f(;r many years the private secretary of that distinguished statesman : The other morning, at the breakfast table, our friend, the Hon. John C. Calhoun, seemed very much troubled and out of sj)irits. You know he is altogether a venerable man, with a hard Scotch-Irish face, softened in its expression, around the moutli, by a sort of sad smile, which won the hearts of all Avho conversed with him. His hair is now snow white. He is tall, slim, and angular. He reminds you very much of Old Hickory. That he is honest, no one doubts ; he has sacriticed to his fatnlism his brightest hopes of political advancement — has otfered upon the shrine of that necessity which he worships all that can excite ambition — even the Presidency of the United States. But to my story : The other morning at the breakfast table, when I, an unobserved spectator, happened to be present, Calhoun was observed to gaze frequently at his right hand, and brush his left in a hurried and excited manner. He did it so often that it excited attention. At length one of the ])ersons composing the breakfast party — his name, I think, is Toombs, and he is a member of Congress from Gefirgia — took upon him- self to ask the occasion of Mr. Calhoun's inquietude. " Does your hand pain you ? " he asked of Mr. Calhoun. To this Mr. Calhoun replied, in rather a flurried manner. " Pshaw, it is nothing. Only a dream I had last night, and which makes me see, per- petually, a large black spot, like an ink blotch, upon the back of my right hand. An optical illusion, I suppose." Of course, these words excited the curiosity of the company, but no one ventured to beg the details of this singular dream, until Mr. Toombs asked quietly : — " "What is your dream like ? I am not very superstitious about dreams, but sometimes th.ey have a great deal of trutii about them." "But this was such a peculiarly absurd dream," said Mr. Calhoun, again brushing the back of his right hand ; " hov/evcr, if it does not in- trude too much on the time of our friends, I will relate it to you." Of course the company were profuse in their expressions of anxiety 4 50 THE DEEAM OF JOHN C. CALHOUN. to know all about the dream. In his singularly sweet voice Mr. Calhoun related it. _At a late hour last night, as I was sitting in my room, engaged in writing, I was astonished at the entrance of a visitor who entered, and, without a word, took a seat opposite me at the tahle. This surprised me, as I had given particular orders to the servant that I should, on no ac- count, be disturbed. The manner in w^hich the intruder entered, so per- fectly self-possessed, taking his seat opposite me without a word, as though my room and all within it belonged to him, excited in me as much sur- prise as indignation. As I raised my head to look at his features, over the top of my shaded lamp, I discovered that he was wrapped in a thin cloak, which effectually concealed both his face and features from view ; and, as I raised my head, he spoke — " Wiiat are you writing, Senator from South Carolina ? " I did not think of his impertinence at iirst, but answered him volun- tarily : " I am writing a plan for the dissolution of the American Union." (You all know, gentlemen, that I am expected to produce a plan in the event of certain contingencies.) To this the intruder replied, in the coolest manner possible : " Senator from South Carolina, will you allow me to look at your right band ? " He arose, the cloak fell, and I beheld his face. Gentlemen, the sight of that face struck me like a clap of thunder. It was the face of a dead man, whom extraordinary events had called back to life. The features were those of General George Washington! — yes, gentlemen, the intruder was none other than General George 'Washington. He was dressed in the Revolutionary costume, such as you see in tlie Patent Office. Hon. Mr. Calhoun paused, apparently much agitated. His agitation, I need not tell you, was shared by the company. At length Mr. Toombs broke the embarrassing pause: " Well, what was the issue of this scene? " Mr. Calhoun resumed : The intruder, as I have said, rose and asked to look at my right hand. As though I had no power to refuse, I extended it. The truth is I felt a strange thrill pervade me at his touch ; he grasped it and held it near the light, thus giving me time to examine every feature. It was the face of Washington. Gentlemen, I shuddered as I beheld the horrible dead-olive of that visage. After holding my hand a moment, he looked at me stead- fastly and said in a quiet way : "And with this right hand you would sign your name to a paper de- claring the Union dissolved ? " I answered in the affirmative, " Yes, if a certain contingency arises, I will sign my name to the declaration of dissolution." But that moment a black blotch appeared upon tlie back of my hand — an inky blotch, which I seem to see now — "What is that?" said I, alarmed, -I know not why, at the blotch upon my hand. " That," said he, dropping my hand, " is the mark by which Benedict Arnold is known in the next world." He said no more, gentlemen, but drew from beneath his cloak an ob- ject which he laid upon the table ; laid it upon the very paper upon whicli X was writing; the object, gentlemen, was a skeleton. "There," said he, "there are the bones of Isaac Ilayne, who was hung at Charleston by the British. He gave his life to establish this Union. When you put your name to the declaration of a dissolution, why, you may as well have the bones of Isaac Hayne before you. He was a South Carolinian ; so are you. But there was no blotch on his hand! " With these words the intruder left the room. I started back with the THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. 61 contact with the dead man's bones, and awoke. Overworn witli labor, I had fallen asleep and been dreaming. "Was it not a singular dream ? All the company answered in the affirmative, and Toombs muttered " singular — very singular," and, at the same time, looking curiously at the back bf his right hand, while Mr. Calhoun placed his head between his hands, and seemed buried in thought. The Navy of the United States. THE HOME SQUADRON. The following list of these and other vessels of the Navy now in active service, will be interesting : — BrooUyn, first-class steam-sloop, 25 guns, Capt. W. S. Walker, now at Hampton Roads. Crusailer, third-class screw-steamer, 8 guns, Lieut.-comraanding J. N. Maffit, at Mobile Bay, Jan. 6. Falmouth, store sailing ship, Lieut.-comraanding Charles Thomas, moored at Aspinwall. Mohawlc, third-class screw-steamer, 5 guns, Lieut.-commanding T. A. M. Craven, cruising off Cuba and Key "West. Macedonian, first-class sailing-sloop, 22 guns, Capt. James Glynn, sailed from Portsmouth Jan. 13, probably for the Gulf. Pawnee, third-class screw-steamer, 4 gims. Com. S. C. Eowan, at Phil- adelphia, repairing engines. Pocahontas, second-class screw-sloop, 5 guns. Com. S. H. Hazzard, at Vera Cruz, Dec. 23. Poichatan, first-class steam-sloop (paddles), 11 guns, Capt. Samuel Mercer, Vera Cruz, Dec. 23. Sahine, sailing-frigate, 50 guns, Capt. H. A. Adams, at Sacrificios, V. C, Dec. 23. St. Louis, first-class sailing- sloop, 20 guns. Com. Charles H. Poor, Sac- rificios, V. C, Dec. 23. Supply, store-ship, 4 guns, Com. Henry Walker, sailed from Pensacola Jan. 12, for Vera Cruz. Wt/andotte, third-class screw-steamer, Lieut.-commanding 0. H. Berry- man, otf Pensacola, Jan. 10. The other vessels are distributed as follows : — Mediterkaneax SqtvAdrox. — The Iroquois, Release, Richmond, and Susquehanna. Brazil Squadron. — Congress, PulasM, and Seminole. African Squadron. — Constellation, Mohican, Mystic, Portsmouth, Re- lief., San Jacinto, Sumter, and Saratoga. Pacific Squadron. — Cyane, Frcdonia, Lancaster, Levant (missing), Narraganset, St. Marys, Saranac, Wyoming, and Warren. East India Squadron. — Dacotah^ Hartford, John Adams, Saginaw, and Vandalia. On Special Service.— The Constitution at Annapolis, the Niagara last at Hong Kong, and Pensacola fitting out at Washington Navy Yard. recent resignations from the navy. Captain. — Victor M. Eandolph, Virginia. Commanders.— U. C. Hartstene, South Carolina ; T. W. Brent, Florida ; E. Farrand, New Jersey. Lieutenants. — T. P. "Pelot, South Carolina; James H. North, South Car- olina; John M. Stribling, South Carolina; R. T. Chapman, Alabama; Francis B. Renshaw, Tennessee; J. R. Eggleston, Mississippi ; George E. 52 HIS FIRST SURRENDER. Law, Indiana; J. R. Hamilton, South Carolina ; Robert Selden, Virginia; A. F. Worsley, South Carolina; Thomas B. linger, South Carolina. Surgeon. — "W. A. "W. Scotewood, Virginia. Passed Assistcmt Surgeon. — A. M. Lynach, South Carolina. Assistant Surgeon. — C. E. Lining, South Carolina. Paymaster. — W. \Y. J. Kelly, Florida. Masters.—ZoXvn Pearson, Florida; T. B. Mill?, Alabama. Midsliipmen. — John T. Walker, South Carolina; S. S. Gregory, North Carolina; John Gemball, South Carolina; W. W. Wilkinson, South Caro- lina; E. C.-Merriuian, iSTew Yoi"k ; J. E. Holconibe, Georgia; H. L. Hill; Robert Flourney. Georgia; William E. Yancey, Alabama; John R. Price, Alabama; S. G. Stone, Alabama; J. G. Baldwin; Kapoleou J. Smith, Alabama ; F. M. Roby, Mississippi ; Wm. F. Robinson, Alabama ; Robert E. Fonte, Tennessee ; R. H. Bacot, South Carolina. Engineer. — E. S. Boynton, Connecticut. Naxy Agent. — B. D. Heriot, South Carolina. Naml Store Keeper. — S. C. Gonzales. Florida. His First Surrender. A Tallahassee correspondent of the Jacksonville Southern Confederacy gives the following account of the capture of a United States .arsenal : "About seven o'clock on the morning of the 6th inst., the arsenal at Appalachicola, at the mouth of the Chattahoochee river, was besieged by the troops of the State of Florida. In consequence of the weakness of the command an entrance was gained. Mr. Powell, who has been in the service of the United States since 1840, and had command of the place, acted in a gallant manner. After the troops had entered, he faced the line and thus addressed them : " ' Officeks and Soldiers : Five minutes ago I was the commander of this arsenal; but, in consequence of the weakness of my command, I am obliged to surrender, an act wliicli I have hitherto never had to do dnring my whole military career. If I had a force equal to or even half the strength of your own, I'll be damned if you would ever had entered that gate until you walked over my dead body. You see that I have but three men. These are laborers, and cannot contend against you. Take my sword, Captain Jones! ' "Cai)tain Jones of the Young Guard of Quincy received Jlr. Powell's sword, and then returned it to him and addressed him as follows: "'My dear Sir! Take your sword! You are too brave a man to disarm ! ' " The whole command then gave three clieers for the gallant Powell." Captain Abner Donbleday, second in command at Fort Sumter, was born at Balston Spa, ISTew York, in 1819, entered West Point in 1833, and graduated in 1842. He served gallantly in Mexico and Florida till 1858, when he was sent to Fort Moultrie. Capt. "Wm. S. Walker, of the Brooklyn. The United States sloop-of-war, Brooklyn, is commanded by Captain Wm. S. Walker, who is a native of N^ew Hampshire. He entered the navy as a midshipman at twenty years of age,, and has reached his pi-eseut posf- tion by regular promotion. He commanded the Saratoga in the Japan expedition, and during the war with Mexico commanded a gun-beat, but was not called into active service. He is about sixty years of a^ie, and is highly esteemed by those Avho know him. He is a brave and gallant DISTRIBUTION OF ARMS AMONG THE SLAVE STATES. 53 officer, and one of the best disciplinarians in the navy. Two of his chil- dren live iu Boston. The Duties on Sugar. Tlie amount of duties paid on sugars imported into this conntry, to protect the interests of Louisiana, has averaged more than seven millions per annum for the last five years, and during tiie decade closed have amounted fully to fifty-seven millions of dollars. In 18fi0 tlie value of sugar imported was $28,931,100, the duty on which (twenty-four per cent.) amounted to 16,943,664. Of the total consumption of sugar in this country, it is estimated that forty per cent, is the productof the Lcuiisiana plantations. Tlie capital invested iu these is probably not less than thirty millions of dollars, and may exceed that figure considerably. During the last quarter of a century the sugar product of that State must have reach- ed the sum of $250,000,000. Distribiition of Arms among the Slave States. On the 30th of December, 1859, an order was received from the War Department, directing the transfer of 115,000 muskets from the Spring- field, Mass., and Watervliet, iST. Y., arsenals, to different arsenals at the South. Orders ^vere given, in obedience to these instructions, on the 30th of May, 18G0, and the arras were removed during tlie past spring, from and to the i)!aces as follows : From Springfield Armory, 65,000 percussion muskets, caliber 69-lOQths of an inch. From Watertowft^ Arsenal, 6,000 percussion rifles, caliber 54-lOOths of an inch. From "VYr.tervliet Arsenal, 4,000 percussion rifles, caliber 5 '-lOOths of an inch. Of which there were sent as follows: Charleston. (S. C.) arsenal. North Carolina arsenal Augusta (Ga.) arsenal Mount Vernon, Ala , Baton Rouge, La Percussion Muskets. 9,280 15,408 12,380 9,280 18,520 Altorrd Muskets. 5,720 9,520 7,620 5,720 11,420 I'ercus Rule 2,000 2,000 2,000 2,000 2,000 The arms thus transferred which were at the Charleston Arsenal, the Mount A^ernon Arsenal, and the Baton Rouge Arsenal, have been seized by the authorities of the several States of South Carolina, Alabama, and Louisiana, and are no longer in possession of the Ordnnnce Department. Those stored at the Augusta Arsenal and at North Carolina are still in charge of the officers of this Department. In addition to the foregoing, there have been transfers fi-om the armo- ries to different arsenals, as the exigencies of the service demanded, for immediate issues to the army and to tiie States, under the act of April, ^31,808, and which I infer are not intended to be embraced in the call of the House of Representatives. Thirty-six Thirty. The reader who is curious to know exactly where runs this oft-men- tioned line, will get a clear idea of it. by taking the m.ap and tracing it as follows: It connnences at the point on the Atlantic coast, where the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina commences; passes along tlie line dividing those States; ahmg the line between Tennessee and Kentucky; ah)ng the line between the States of Missouri and Arkan- 54 POPULATION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES. sas, thence through the Territory of the Cherokee nation, through New Mexico, striking the Eastern boundary of the State of California, a short distiince south of the Middle, striking the Pacific a short distance south of Monterey Bay. On the south of that line there are about 300,000 square miles, including Indian reservations, while on the north there are about 1,300,000 square miles. Of the 300,000 square miles south of 36° 30' there is not the slightest probability that there could be carved out more than one slave State. All New Mexico, comprising about 210,000 square miles, would never become slave territory, from the fact that it is not adapted to slave labor. It produces neitlier cotton nor cane. Population of the SoTithern States. Free. Total. South Carolina. Mississippi Florida Alabama Georgia Louisiana Texas Arkansas North Carolina. Missouri , Kentucky Tennessee Virginia 308,186 407,551 81,885 520,444 615,336 354.245 415,099 331,710 679,065 1,085,590 933,707 859,528 1,097,373 Total of thirteen states 7,691,519 407,185 479,607 63,809 435,473 467,461 312,186 184,956 109,065 328,477 115,619 225,902 4287,012 '495,826 715,371 887; 158 145,694 955,917 1,082,797 666,431 600,955 440,775 1,088,342 1,201,209 1,1.59,609 1,146,540 1,593,199 3,912,478 11,603,997 The Debts of the Seceding States. The following is a statement of the debt of the states which have at the present time withdrawn from the Union : South Carolina $6,192,743 Florida 158,000 Georgia 3,354,750 Alabama 5,098,000 Mississippi 7,271,707 Louisiana 10,701,642 A New Fugitive Slave I^aw. In the Senate, on Saturday, January 26, Mr. Douglas introduced the following bill, amendatory of and supplemental to the acts of the 12th of Februar}^, 1793, and the 12th of September, 1850, in respect to the rendi- tion of fugitives from justice and service : — Sec. 1 provides that the demand by a Governor of a State or territory for the surrender of a fugitive from justice shall be made upon a judge of any federal court in the State or territory where the fugitive has^ taken refuge, instead of being made on the Governor, as by the act of 1793, which was rendered nugatory by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania. It is also pro- vided that the words "treason, felony, and other crimes" shall be con- strued to include all offences committed within and against the State or territory making the demand, whether the act cliarged were criminal or not in the State where the fugitive was found. Sec. 2. provides for giving the fugitive slave a jury trial in the State o r territory from which he lied. BENJAMIN FEANKLIN ON THE CRISIS. 55 Sec. 3 provides tliat when, through violence or intimidation, n. fugitive slave shall not be recovered, the owner may bring suit for and recover the value in the Court of Claims, the amount to be paid from the United States Treasury, the solicitor thereof to bring suit, in the name of the United States, against the county, city, or municipality, where the re- covery was prevented, for the amount paid for such fugitive. Sec. 4 repeals all offensive parts of the act of 1850 in respect to the harboring and protecting fugitives, and to the fees paid in case of rendi- tion, and other obnoxious features. Sec. 5 repeals all laws inconsistent with this enactment. The bill was read twice, by unanimous consent, and referred to the judiciary committee. The above bill was submitted to Mr. Crittenden and other distinguished Senators, all of whom concur in its provisions. Benjamin Franklin on the Crisis of 1787. The following curious letter from Benjamin Franklin forms part of the correspoudence which passed between Franklin, Dr. Hartley, Charles James Fox and the Earl of Shelburne, known as the Hartley correspond- ence: " Passy, September, 6th, 1783. " My dear Friend : Enclosed is my letter to Mr. Fox. I beg you would assure him that my expressions of esteem for him are not mere professions ; I really think him a great man, and I could not think so if I did not be- lieve he was at bottom and would- prove himself a good one. Guard him against mistaken notions of the American people. Yon have deceived yourselves too long with vain expectations of reaping advantage from our little discontents. We are more thoroughly an enlightened people with respect to our political interests, than, perhaps, any other under heaven. Every man among us reads, and is so easy in his circumstance as to have leisure for conversations of improvement and for acquiring information. Our domestic misunderstandings, when we have them, are of small extent, though monstrously magnified by your microscopic newspapers. He who judges from them that we are at the point of falling into anarchy, or re- turning to the obedience of Britain, is like one who, being shown some spots on the sun, should fancy that the whole disc would soon be over- spread by them, and that there would be an end of daylight. The great body of intelligence among our people surrounds and overpowers our petty dissensions, as the sun's great mass of fire diminishes and destroys his spots. Do not, therefore, any longer delay the evacuation of New York in the vain hope of a new revolution in your favor, if such a hope has indeed had any effect in causing that delay. It is now nine months since that evacuation was promised. You expect, with reason, that the people of New York should do your merchants justice in the payment of their old debts. Consider the injustice you do them in keeping them so long out of their habitations, and out of their business, by which they might have been enabled to make payment. There is no truth more clear to me than this, that the great interest of our two countries is a thorough reconciliation. Restraints on the freedom of commerce and intercourse between us can Word no advantage equivalent to the n)iscliief they will do by keeping up ill-humor, and promoting a total alicmition. Let you and I, my dear friend, do our I'cst towards securing and advancing tliat reconciliation. We can do nothing^that in a dying hour will afibrd us more solid satisfaction. '• I wish you a prosperous journey and a happ^ sight of your frieuds. Believe me ever, with sincere and great esteem, yours affectionately, " To D. Hartley, Esq. B. Fkanklin." 56 PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. President Ja-ckson's Nullification Proclamation. We present that portion of this important state paper, which discusses the subject of secession as understood by President Jackson at the time of the nullification troubles in South Carolina in 1832 :— This right to secede is deduced from the nature of the Constitution, which they say is a compact between sovereign States, who have pre- served their wliole sovereignty, and therefore are subject to no superior; that because they made the compact, they can break it when in their opinion it has been departed from by the other States. Tallacious as this course of reasoning is, it enlists State pride, and finds advocates in the honest prejudices of those who have not studied the nature of our govern- ment sufliiciently to see the radical error on which it rests. The people of the United States formed the Constitution, acting through tlie State legislatures, in making the compact, to meet and discuss its provisions, and acting in separate conventions wlien they ratified those provisions ; but the terms used in its construction, show it to be a govern- ment in which the people of all the States collectively are represented. We are oxe pkople in the choice of tlie President and Vice-President. Here the States have no other agency than to direct the mode in which the votes shall be given. The candidates having the majority of aUthe votes are chosen. The electors of a majority of States may have given their votes for one candidate, and yet another may be chosen. The people, then, and not the States, are represented in the Executive branch. In the House ofPiCpresentatives there is this ditference, that the people of one State do not, as in tlie case of President and Vice-President, all vote for all the members, each State electing only its own representatives. But this creates no material distinction. When chosen, they are all repre- sentatives of the United States, not representatives of the particular Slate fropi Avhich they come. They are paid by the United States, not by the State ; nor are they accountable to it for any act done in performance of their legislative functions ; and however they may in practice, as it is their duty to do. consult and prefer tlie interests of their particular con- stituents when they come in conflict with any other partial or local inter- est, yet it is their first and highest duty, as representatives of the United States, to promote the general good. The Constitution of 'the United States then forms a government, not a league ; and whether it be formed by compact between tlie States, or in any other manner, its character is the same. It is a government in which all the people are represented, which operates directly on the people indi- vidually, not upon the States ; they retained all the power they did not grant. " But each State having expressly parted with so many powers as to constitute jointly with the other States a single nation, cannot from that period possess any right to secede, because such secession does not break a league, but destroys the unity of a nation, and any injury to that unity is not only a breach which would result from the contravention of a com- pact, but it is an offence against tlie whole Union. To say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say tliat the United States are not a nation ; because it would be a solecism to contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connection with the other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing any offence. -Secession, like any other revo- lutionary act, may be morally'justified by the extremity of oppression ; but to call it a constitutional right, is confounding the meaning of terms, and can only be done through gross error, or to deceive those wlio are willing to assert a right, but would pause before they made a revolution, or incur the penalties consequent upon a failure. PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 57 Because the Union was formed by compact, it is said that the parties to that compact may, when thoy feel tlicmselves airgrieved, depart from it; but it is precisely because it is a compact, that they cannot. A com- pact is an agreement, or binding obligation. It may by its terms have a sanction or jjcnalty for its breach, or it may not. • If it contains no sanc- tion, it may be broken with no other consequence than moral guilt ; if it have a sanction, then tiie breach incurs the designated or implied penalty. A league between independent nations, general!}', has no sanction other than a moral one ; or if it sliould contain a penalty, as there is no common superior, it cannot be enforced. A government, on the contrary, always has a sanction, express or implied; and, in our case, it is both necessarily implied and expressly given. An attempt by force of arms to destroy a government is an offence, by whatever means the constitutional compact may have been formed; and such government has the right, by the law of self-defence, to pass acts for punishing the offender, unless that right is modified, restrained, or resumed by the constitutional act. la our system, although it is modified in the case of treason, yet authority is expressly given to pass all laws necessary to carry its powers into effect, and under this grant provision has been made for punishing acts which obstruct the due administration of the laws. It would seem superfluous to add any thing to show the nature of that ^ union which connects us; but as erroneous opinions on this subject are the foundation of doctrines the most destructive to our peace, I must give some further development to my views on this subject. No one, fellow-citi- zens, has a higher reverence for the reserved rights of the States, than the magistrate who now addresses you. No one would make greater personal sacrifices, or official exertions, to defend them from violation ; but equal care must be taken to prevent on their part an improper interference with, or resumption of, the rights they have vested in the nation. The line has not been so distinctly drawn as to avoid doubts in some cases of the exer- cise of power. Men of the best intentions and soundest views may differ in their construction of some parts of the Constitution; but there are others on which dispassionate reflection can leave no doubt. Of this na- ture appears to be the assumed right of secession. It rests, as we have seen, on the alleged undivided sovereignty of the States,_and of their hav- ing formed in this sovereign capacity a compact, which is called the Con- stitution, from which, because they made it, they have the right to secede. Both of these positions are erroneous, and some of the arguments to prove them so have been anticipated. The States severally have not retained their entire sovereignty. It has been shown that in becoming parts of a nation, not members of a league, they surrendered many of their essential parts of sovereignty. The right to make treaties, "declare war, levy taxes, exercise exclusive judicial and legislative powers, were all functions of sovereign power. The States, "then, for all these important purposes, were no longer sovereign. The allegiance of their citizens was transferred in the first instance to the government of the United States; tliey became American citizens, and owed obedience to the Constitution of the United States, and to laws made in conformity with the powers vested in Congress. This last po- sition has not been and cannot be denied. How, then, can that State be said to be sovereign and independent whose citizens owe obedience to lavrs not made by it, and wliose magistrates are sworn to disregard those laws, when they come in conflict with those passed by another? What shows conclusively that the States cannot be said to have reserved an undivided sovereigntj', is, that they expressly ceded tlie right to punish treason, not treason against their separate power, but treason against the United States. Treason is an offence against sovereujnty , and sovereignty mast reside with the power to punish it. But the reserved rights of 58 PBESiDENT Jackson's nullification peoclamation. the States are not less saered because they have, for their common in- terest, made the general government the depository of these powers. The unity of our political character (as has been shown for another purpose) commenced with its very existence. Under the royal govern- ment we had no separate character, our opposition to its oppression be- gan as iraiTED COLONIES. We v/ere the United States under the confed- eration, and the name was perpetuated and the Union rendered more perfect by the Federal Constitution. In none of these stages did we consider ourselves in any other light than as forming one nation. Trea- ties and alliances were made in the name of all. Troops were raised for the joint defence. How then, with all these proofs, that under all changes of our position we Jjad, for designated purposes and with defined powers, created national governments— how is it, that the most perfect of these several modes of union should now be considered as a mere league, that inay be dissolved at pleasure ? It is from an abuse of terms. Compact is used as synonymous with league, although the true term is not em- ployed, because it would at once show the fallacy of the reasoning. It would not do to say that our Constitution was only a league, but, it is labored to prove it a compact, (which, in one sense it is,) and then to argue that as a league is a compact, every compact between nations must of course be a league, and that from such an engagement everj sovereign power has a right to secede. But it has been shown, that in this sense the States are not sovereign, and that even if they were, and the national Constitution had been formed by compact, there would be no right in any one State to exonerate itself from the obligation. So obvious are the reasons which forbid this secession, that it is necessary only to allude to them. The Union was formed for the beneiit of all. It was produced by mutual sacrifice of interest and opinions. Can those sacrifices be recalled ? Can the States, who nnignanimously surrendered their title to the territories of the West, recalf the grant? Will the inhabitants of the inland States agree to pay tlie duties that may be imposed witliout their assent by those on the Atlantic or the Gulf, for their own benefit? Shall there be a free port in one State, and enormous duties in another ? No one believes that any right exists in a single State to involve all the others in tliese and countless other evils, contrary to engagements solemnly made. Every one must see that the other States, in self-defence, must oppose it at all hazards. These are the alternatives that are presented by the convention: A repeal of all the acts for raising revenue, leaving the government without the means of support ; or an acquiescence in the dissolution of our Union by the secession of one of its members. When the first was pi-oposed, it was known that it could not be listened to for a moment. It was known if force was applied to oppose the execution of tlie laws, that it must be re- pelled by force — that Congress could not, without involving itself in dis- grace and the country in ruin, accede to the proposition ; and yet if this is not done in a given day, or if any attempt is made to execute the laws, the State is, by the ordinance, declared to be out of the Union. The majority of a convention assembled for the purpose, have dictated these terms, or rather this rejection of all terms, in the name of the people of South Carolina. It is true that the governor of the State speaks of the submission of t]|ieir grievances to a convention of all the States ; which he says they "sincerely and anxiously seek and desire." Yet this obvious and constitutional mode of obtaining the sense of the other States on the construction of the federal compact, and amending it, if necessary, has never been attempted by those who have urged the State on to this destructive measure. Tlje State might have proposed the call for a gene- ral convention to the other States; and Congress, if a sufficient number of them concurred, must have called it. But the first magistrate of South PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 69 Carolina, when he expressed a hope that, " on a review by Congress and the functionaries of the general government of tlic merits of the con- troversy," such a convention will be accorded to them, must have known that neither Congress nor any functionary in the general government has authority to call such a convention, unless it be demanded b};/wo-third3 of the States. This suggestion, then, is another instance of tb.e reckless inattention to the provisions of the Constitution with which this crisis has been madly hurried on ; or of the attempt to ])ersuacle the people that a constitutional remedy has been sought and refused. If the legislature of South Carolina " anxiously desire "■ a general convention to consider their complaints, why have they not made application for it in the way the Constitution points out ? The assertion that they " earnestly seek " it is completely negatived by the omission. This, then, is the position in which we stand. A small majority of the citizens of one State in the Union have elected delegates to a State con- vention : that convention has ordained that all the revenue laws of tbe United States must be repealed, or that they are no longer a Jnember of the Union. The governor of that State has recommended to the legisla- ture the raising of an army to carry the secession into effect, and tliat he may be empowered to give clearances to vessels in the name of the State. Ko act of violent opposition to the laws has yet been committed, but such a state of things is hourly apprehended, and it is the intent of this instru- ment to PROCLAIM, not only that the duty imposed on me by the Constitu- tion " to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," shall be per- formed to the extent of the powers already vested in me by law, or of such others as the wisdom of Congress sliall devise and intrust to me for that purpose ; but to warn the citizens of South Carolina, who have been deluded into an opposition to the laws, of the danger they will incur by obedience to the illegal and disorganizing ordinance of the convention — to exhort those who have refused to support it, to persevere in their de- termination to uphold the Constitution and laws of their country, and to point out to all the perilous situation into v.^hich the good people of that State have been led, and that the course they are urged to pursue is one of ruin and disgrace to the very State whose rights they affect to support. Fellow-citizens of my native State ! — let me not only admonish you, as the first magistrate of our common country, not to incur the penalty of its laws, but use the influence that a father would over his children whom he saw rushing to a certain ruin. In that paternal language, with that paternal feeling, let me tell you, my countrymen, that you are deluded by men who are eitlier deceived themselves or wish to deceive you. Mark under what pretences you have been led on to the brink of insurrection and treason on which you stand. First a diminution of the value of your staple commodity, lowered by over production in other quarters, and the consequent diminution in the value of your lands, were tlie sole effect of the tariff laws. The effect of those laws was confessedly injurious, but the evil was greatly exaggerated by the unfounded theory you were taught to believe, that its burthens were in proportion to your exports, not to your consumption of imported articles. Your pride v»^as roused by the assertions that a submission to these laws was a state of vassalage, and that resistance to them was equal, in patriotic merit, to the opposi- tion our fathers offered to the oppressive laws of C4reat Britain. You were told that this opposition might be peaceable — might be constitution- ally made— that you might enjoy all the advantages of the Union and bear none of its burthens. Eloquent appeals to your passions, to your State pride, to your native courage, to your sense of real injury, were used to prepare you for the period when the mask which concealed the hideous features of disunion should be taken off. It fell, and you were made to look with complacency on objects which not long since you 60 PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION would have regarded with horror. Look back to the arts which have brought you to this state — look forward to the consequences to which it must inevitable' lead ! Look back to what was first told you as an in- ducement to euter into this dangerous course. The great political truth was repeated to you, that you had the revolutionary right of resisting all laws that were palpably unconstitutional and intolerably oppressive — it was added that the right to iiullify a law rested on the same principle, but that it was a peaceable remedy ! This character which was given to it, made you receive with too much confidence the assertions that were made of the unconstitutionality of the law, and its oppressive effects. Mark, my fellow-citizens, that by the admission of your leaders the un- constitutionality must be palpable, or it will justify neither resistance nor nullification ! What is the meaning of the word ^xtZ^a&Ze in the sense in which it is here used ? — that which is apparent to every one, that which no man of ordinary intellect will fail to perceive. Is the unconstitution- ality of tliese laws of that description ? Let those among your leaders wlio once approved and advocated the principles of protective duties, answer the question ; and let them choose whether they will be considered as incapable, then, of perceiving that which must have been apparent to every man of common understanding, or as imposing upon our confidence and endeavoring to mislead you now. Li either case, they are unsafe guides in the perilous path they urge you to tread. Ponder well on this circumstance, and you will know how to appreciate the exaggerated lan- guage they address to you. They are not champions of liberty emulating the fame of our Revolutionary fathers, nor arc you an oppressed people, contending, as they repeat to you, against worse than colonial vassalage. You are free members of a flourishing and happy Union. There is no settled design to oppress you. You have, indeed, felt the unequal opera- tion of laws which may have been unwisely, not unconstitutionally passed; but that inequality must necessarily be removed. At the very moment when you were madly urged on to the unfortunate course you have begun, a change in public opinion lias commenced. The nearly approaching pay- ment of the public debt, and the consequent necessity of a diminution of duties, had already caused a considerable reduction, and that, too, on some articles of general consumption in your State. The importance of this change was underrated, and you were authoritatively told that no further alleviation of your burthens was to be expected, at the very time when the condition of tlie country imperiously demanded such a modification of the duties as should reduce them to a just and equitable scale. But, as apprehensive of the efi:ect of this change in allaying your discontents, you were precipitated into a fearful state in which you now find yourselves. I have urged you to look back to the means that were used to hurry you on to the position you have now assumed, and forward to the conse- quences it will produce. Something more is necessary. Contemplate the condition of that country of which you still form an important part ; consider its government uniting in one bond of common interest and general protection so many diflerent States^giving to all their inhabit- ants the proud title of Amekican citizen — protecting their commerce — securing their literature and arts — facilitating their intercommunication — defending their frontiers — and making their name respected in the re- motest parts of the earth! Consider the extent of its territory, its in- creasing and happy population, its advance in arts, which render life agreeable, and the sciences which elevate the mind ! See education spreading the lights of religion, morality, and general information into every cottage in this wide extent of our territories and States ! Behold it as tlie asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and ' support! Look on this picture of happiness and honor, and say, we, too, ABE CITIZENS OF Ameeioa — Carolina is one of those proud States her PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 61 arms have defended — her best hlood has cemented this liappy Union! And then add, if yon can, without horror and remorse, this happy Union we will dissolve — this picture of peace and prosperity we ■will deface — this free intercourse we will interrupt — tliese fertile fields we will deluge with blood — the protection of that glorious flag we renounce — the very name of Americans we discard. And for what, mistaken men ! for what do you throw away these inestimable blessings — for what would you exchange your share in the advantnges and honor of the Union ? For the dream of a separate independence — a dream interrupted by bloody conflicts with your neighbors, and a vile depentlence on a foreign power. If your leaders could succeed in establishing a separation, what would be your situation? Are yon united at home — are you free from the appre- hension of civil discord, with all its fearful consequences? Do our neigh- boring republics, every day suffering some new revolution or contending with some new insurrection — do they excite your envy ? But the dictates of a high duty oblige me solenmly to announce that you cannot succeed. The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary power on the subject — my duty is emphatically pronounced in the con- stitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution, deceived you — they could not have been deceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their object is disunion ; but be not deceived by names; disunion, by armed force, is treason. Are you really ready to incur its guilt ? If yon are, on the head of the instigators of the act be the dreadful consequences— on their heads be the dishonor, but on yours may fall the punishment — on your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force upon the government of your country. It cannot accede to the mad project of disunion of which you would be the first victims — its first magistrate cannot, if he would, avoid the performance of his duty — the consequence must be fearful for you, distressing to j^our fellow-citizens here, and to the friends of good government throughout the world. Its enemies have beheld our prosperity w-ith a vexation they could not conceal — it was a standing refutation of their slavish doctrines, and they will point to our diicord with the triumph of malignant joy. It is yet in your power to disappoint them. There is yet time to show that the descendants of the Pinckneys, the vSumters, the Rut- ledges, and of the thousand other names which adorn tlie i):iges of your revolutionary history, will not abandon that Union to support which so many of them fought and bled and died. I adjure you, as you honor their memory — as you love the cause of freedom, to Avhich they dedicated their lives — as you prize the peace of your country, the lives of its best citizens, and your own foir fame, to retrace your steps. Snatcli from the archives of your State the disorganizing edict of its convention — bid its members to re-assemble and promulgate the de- cided expressions of your will to remain in the path which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity and honor — tell tliem that compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an ac- cumulation of all — declare that you will never tnke the field unless the star-s[)angled banner of ,your country shall float over you — that you will not be stigmatized when de;id, and dishonored and scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the Constitution of your country! — its destroyers you cannot be. You may disturb its peace — you may interrupt the course of its ))rosperity — you may cloud its reputation for stability — but its tranquillity will be restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its national character will be trjinsferred and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder. 62 A REMINISCENCE. Fellow-citizens of the United States! the threat of unhallowed dis- union — the names of those, once respected, by whom it is uttered — the arraj' of military force to support it — denote the approach of a crisis in our affairs on which the continuance of our unexampled prosperity, our political existence, and perhaps that of all free government, may depend. The conjuncture demanded a free, a full and explicit enunciation, not only of my intentions, but of ray principles of action ; and as the claim was as- serted of a right by a State to annul the laws of the Union, and even to secede from it at pleasure, a frank exposition of ray opinions in relation to the origin and form of our government, and the construction I give to the instrument by which it was created, seemed to be proper. Having the fullest confidence in the justness of tlie legal and constitutional opinion of my duties which has been expressed, I rely with equal confidence on your undivided support in my determination to execute the laws — to pre- serve the Union by all constitutional means — to arrest, if possible, by moderate but firm measures, the necessity of a recourse to force; and, if it be the will of Heaven that the recurrence of its primeval curse on man for the shedding of a brother's blood should fall upon our land, tliat it be not called down by any offensive act on the part of the United States. Fellow-citizens ! the momentous case is before you. On your undi- vided support of your government depends the decision of the great ques- tion it involves, whether your sacred Union will be preserved, and the blessing it secures to us as one people shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt that tiie unanimity with which that decision will be expressed, will be such as to inspire new confidence in republican institutions, and tliat the prudence, the wisdom, and the courage which it will bring to their defence, will transmit thera unimpaired and invigorated to our children. May the Great Ruler of nations grant that the signal blessings with which lie has favored ours, may not, by the madness of party, or personal ambition, be disregarded and lost, and may His wise providence bring those who have produced this crisis, to see the folly, before they feel the misery, of civil strife, and inspire a returning veneration for that Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs. He has chosen as the onJy means of attaining the high destinies to which we may reasonably aspire. In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, having signed the same with mj hand. Done at the city of Washington, this 10th day of December, in the yeai of our Lord, one tliousand eight hundred and tliirty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the fifty-seventh. Andeew Jackson. A Reminiscence. The following able editoral article is selected from the New York Commercial Advertiser of January 30th : — The attempt to indoctrinate the Southern mind with the belief that the Government of Great Britain ha^ latent sympathies with the disunion- ists of the South, and will be prompt to rdtognize tlie independence of either the separate seceding States or a Southern Confederacy, should the seceding States be able to form one, brings up a reminiscence of interest. A little more than two years ago, a letter was copied into the Commercial Advertiser from the Boston Daily Advertiser^ the editor of that highly reliable journal endorsing the writer thereof as a gentleman who was in a position to know that of which he "wrote. The letter in question referred to the sudden recall of Lord Napier, the British Minister at Washington, A REillJaSCENCE. 63 and was dated " London, December 10th, 1858." It showed very clearly that the reason for tliat recall was Lord Napier's own sympathy with slavery and slaveholders, and particularly the offensive manner in which he made himself an advocate of the Lecompton Constitution fraud. In establishing the fact that this was the real cause of Lord Napier's recall, the writer of the letter made the following statements: — " It is necessary, in order to understand the position of things, to go back some fourteen years, to the days of Mr. Calhoun. At that time the plan of dissolution of the Union, and the formation of a great slave- holding power, was presented here by friends of Mr. Calhoun, and some words then attributed to Lord Aberdeen — perhaps incautiously uttered by him — are supposed to have given rise to the hopes of British sym- pathy, in which Southern politicians have so frequently indulged. " At various times these projects have heen broached to members of the British Government, and especially in 1851, when a strong d^j^utation of Southern disunionists teas in London, seeking for aid and comfort from Great Britain. At that time Mr. Abbot Lawrence was American Minister, and enjoyed to an unusual degree the confidence of the British Ministers. The projects of the disunionists, presented to Lord Palmerston, then Secre- tary for Foreign Aftairs, were by him brought to the knowledge of Mr. Lawrence, and the Southern embassy, disheai'tened by the coolness which its disunion scheme encountered — and also by the fate of the Lopez expe- dition to Cuba — returned discomfited, to the United States. " These schemes were not however abandoned, and various attempts have been made here to win favor for them ; while the men interested in them have sought to produce the belief in the United States that the sen- timent of hostility to the extension of slavery, so dear to the popular heart of Great Britain, was not shared by the government. During the last winter, Mr. Mason of Virginia, on the floor of the Senate, stated as a fact, that the British Government had changed its opinion on this great ques- tion. Any thing said in so grave a body as the United States Senate at- tracts attention, though probably not much importance would have been attaclied to the declarations of Mr. Mason, had it not been for the known intimacy between him and Lord Napier. An early occasion was tahen, by the British Government to contradict tlie assertions of Mr. Mason ; the Duke of Ar gyle declaring that he was instructed by Her Majesty''s Minis- ters so to do. ******** " The recall of Lord Napier will, it is believed, show that the British Government has no part with those icho are seeking to break up the American- Union — that it wishes, as the British people do, to see that Union pros- perous and happy, and that its sympathies are with the men of pure character and noble views, who are laboring to revive the sound doctrines of "Washington, Jeiferson and Franklin, upon the question of slavery, and to emancipate their country from the slave-holding minority which lias so long exclusively controlled its policy." There is not a shadow of reason to suppose that the views of the British Government on the subject of the Union of these States have un- dergone any change since the time referred to in the above quotation, when the Duke of Argyle, in the name of Her Majesty's Ministers, pub- licly declared that they had no sympathy with the disunionists, and would listen to no proposals from them ; or if there is any change, the occupant of the throne in England is likely to entertain more than ever the most friendly sentiments towards the United States. Nor would it surprise us, (since so wide a currency has been given to the report that England and France stand ready to recognize the independence of the seceding States, whether the Government at Washington docs or does not.) if some mem- ber of the Cabinet as soon as Parliament assembles, or the Queen licrself, 64 TRADE AND SHIPPING OF SODTHEEN POETS. in the royd speech, should give an emphatic denial of any such uncon- ditional purpose. Were it supposable that the seceding States should ul- timately and practically assert and demonstrate their independent sover- eignty, and that sovereignty ^Yere recognized by the tJnited States, probably France and England, out of national courtesy, vs'ould add their recognition ; but that either would hold out the hand of fellowship to provinces or States still in revolt against the United States, is one ol the wildest and silliest dreams ever indulged in. Upon the revelations made in this letter wo thus commented at the time of its publication : " Some of these [allegations of treason] are too general to be tangible, but one at least is specilic enough to be received without dispute if the writer of the letter is truthful, and is capable of being disproved if it is untrue. It is distinctly said that in 1851 a strong deputation of Southern disunionists were in London, presented their projects to Lord Palmerston, who, being on very friendly terms with the American Minister, Mr. Abbott Lawrence, laid the matter before him, and the disunion embassy, discouraged, returned home. If Mr. Lawrence received such information from Lord^Palmerston, he doubtless communicated it to the State Depart- ment at Washington, with the names of the Southern deputation, &c. It might be well that the country should know who these men were. Will no member of Congress call for the documents? " If some member of Congress had then acted upon our suggestion, the treason that lias now borne such fatal fruit might probably have been nipped in the bud. We should imagine, however, that it cannot raise the secessionists in the estimation of any American citizen to learn that, as far back as two j-ears ago, they were treasonably and secretly endeavoring to obtain aid and comfort from the co-operation of a foreign power, whoso rule on this continent it cost our fathers so much suffering and blood and treasure to overthrow. Trade and Shipping of the Ports in Southern States for the Year Ending June 30, 1859. Charleston, S. C. .. Georgetown, S. C. Savannah, Ga BzTinswick, Ga St. Mary's, Ga Pensacola, Fla St. Marks, Fla St. Johns, Fla Apalacliicola, Flu. Key West, Fla Fernandina, Fla. .. Mobile, Ala Pearl River, Miss.. New Orleans, La. . Teche, La Eepistered Enrolled Tonnage. Tonnage. 3G,496 25,087 487 496 25,086 12,757 1,478 — 966 320 2,545 2,704 306 612 914 2,450 1,479 1,213 6,885 1,756 335 — 22,935 22,886 3,194 128,435 86,982 359 4,204 Total Tonnage. 61,583 984 37,843 1,478 1,356 5,249 918 3,364 2,693 7,641 335 52,821 3,934 215,417 4,563 During the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1858, the American and foreign tonnage aiid number of vessels which entered the above ports, including those of Texas, were as follows:-.— TRADE AND SHIPPING OF SOUTHEKX PORTS. 65 Cotton States. Vessels. Tonnage. Crews. Alabama 227 200 1,129 290 288 89 395 2,567 149,415 99,156 758,371 58,038 42,735 17,728 153,834 8,726 3 111 Georgia Louisiana 20,679 2,346 9,418 1,392 5 400 Florida North Carolina Texas South Carolina Total 1,254,882 40,086 Of the above, the folio-wing statement gives the proportion of American vessels, tonnage, and crews, in the States named below: — Cotton States. Vessels. Tonnage. Crews. Alabama 179 175 798 244 220 32 225 1,873 114,937 71,831 583,340 50,887 39,141 14.252 106,693 1,070,220 2,750 2,029 15,485 1 879 Georgia Louisiana Florida North Carolina 1 542 Texas ^81 South Carolina 3,538 Total 31,064 The value of exports and imports at the ports in the above States was as follows for the vears named : — E.xports. 1858 $141,267,372 1859 171,618,814 Total $312,886,186 Imports. 1858 $23,165,457 1S59 29,124,638 Total $52,230,096 The ports most prominent for their value of exports were New Orleans, Mobile, Savannah, and Charleston. For the year ending June 30, 1859, they stood as follows : — Exports Dom. Prod. New Orleans $100,890,689 Mobile 28,933.652 Savannah 15,372,696 Charleston 17,902,194 imports. 18,349,516 788,164 624,599 1,438,535 Total $163,099,031 21,200,814 21,200,814 Excess of exports over imports $141,898,217 The total value of exports from the United States for the year ending June 30, 1859, of all kinds of foreign and domestic produce, with bullion and specie, amounted to $338,768,130 Value of domestic produce from the four ports above 163,099,031 Balance $175,669,109 It is proper to remark that the enrolled tonnage of the United States embraces coasting liners, river and other craft, and hence can clear from the above ports under the mere formal State or United States clearances. A large portion of the registered tonnage of those ports embraces foreign vessels, which can also leave without diflSculty, as the flag protects the property, which cannot be molested except in case of actual war and t!io 6 66 DOES NOT VICTORIA OWN SOUTH CAKOLINA? embargo or closing of the ports, of which due notice must bo served on neutral governments. The only trouble which can be apprehended, will be with American vessels departing to foreign ports, and which it is claimed by some per- sons cannot leave without a United States clearance. The Sentiment in Baltimore. At a largely attended Union meeting in Baltimore, on January 10, the following resolutions were passed : — Resolved^ That the present condition of our country demands of all who love her, a spirit of fairness, candor, conciliation, concession, and self- sacrifice, and that we hail with thankful and hopeful hearts the patriotic efforts now being made in Congress for a settlement, as v.-e trust, forever, of the dangerous questions at issue, on some constitutional, just and equit- able principle, and that such of our statesmen and States, whether of the North or of the South, as may contribute most to this holy end, will chal- lenge the highest place in the aifections of the counti-y ; and those who may refuse to lend their aid to this holy purposemay justly expect, as they will be sure to receive, the condemnation and reprobation of the present as well as future ages. Eesohed^ That various Northern States have passed laws, usually call- ed "personal liberty laws," which we believe to be in violation of the Constitution of the United States, of acts of Congress passed pursuant thereto, and of the sacred obligations which those States owe to the com- mon country; and that we ap]jeal to the constitutional duty, patriotism, honor, justice, and the brotherhood of the people of those States respect- ively, to repeal those laws, and by every way and means in their power, to put down the aggressions of their people on the peculiar institutions of tlie Southern States, as the only way to remove the well-founded dis- content and complaints of their brethren of the Southern States, and which, if not removed, may prove fatal to our Union, as well as to all those vital interests which ought to bind us together as one people. Does not Victoria own South Carolina ? The Toronto Daily Globe raises a new issue in the discussion of the locus standi of the seceding State of South Carolina : Suppose tliat this (a dissolution of the Union) is consummated, some curious questions will arise with regard to the national standing of the receding States, Great Britain has recognized the national independence of the United States. But does that necessarily involve the recognition of tiie nationality of South Carolina, for example, when she ceases to form a part of the Union? Her colonial relations to Great Britain only ceased in virtue of her being merged in the United States, whose inde- pendent nationality was recognized by the mother country. When she ceases, then, to form part of that nationality, does she not, by the law of nations, revert to her former position of colonial dependence on Great Britain ? In the year 1729 the British government, for the sum of £17,500, purchased the Carolinas fi-om a company of merchants. "When no longer under the cegis of the American flag, will they not again in the nature of things become the property of Great Britain? England may find it Avorth her while to produce her old title-deeds to the cotton producing territories in the South. Her manufactures form so important an element to the well-being of her people, that it is not convenient for her to be dependent on foreigners for her cotton supplies. Moreover, in the interests of humanity, it would be well that the Southern as well as the Northern THE NEW ORI-EANS MAEINE HOSPITAL. 67 portion of this continent should bo British. Slavery would not lon^;; exist under British rule, and with a free republic in the centre of the continent, bounded North and South by free Britisli colonies, the future of North America miglit be looked to by the friends of human progress with th« most cheering anticipations. The New Orleans Marine Hospital. The following is the correspondence between the Collector of the Port of New Orleans and Secretary of the Treasury Dix : — ■ Collector Hatch writes, Jan. 14 : — " I have the honor to inform yoa that the United States barracks below the city have been taken possession of in tlie name of the State of Louisiana, as will appear by the enclosed communication from C. M. Bradford, a captain in the Louisiana infantry, I shall take steps to remove the invalids, if necessary, at an early date, and with due reference to economy." Secretary Dix replied by telegraph on the 27th : — " Ajjply to the Governor of Louisiana to revoke Capt. Bradford's order, and remonstrate with the Governor against the inhumanity of turning the sick out of the hospitah If he refuses to interfere, have them removed under the care of the resident surgeon, and do all in your power to provide for their comfort." The following is Secretary Dix's letter to the Collector of New Orleans, dated 28th :— Sir: — I did not receive until the 26th inst., yours of the 14th, inform- ing me that tlie United States barracks below the city of New Orleans, which have for several months been occupied as a marine hospital, have been taken possession of in the name of the State of Louisiana. I found enclosed a copy of the letter by Capt. Bradfoi-d, of the 1st Louisiana in- fantry, advising you that he had taken possession of the barracks; that they would "be required for the Louisiana troops now being enlisted," and requesting you to immediately remove those patients who are con- valescent, and, as soon as in the opinion of the resident surgeon it may be practicable and humane, those also who are now confined to their beds. He also states that the barracks contained 216 invalid and convalescent patients. On this transaction as an outrage to the public authority, I have no comment to make, but I cannot believe that a proceeding so dis- cordant with the character of the people of the United States, and so re- volting to the civilization of the age, has had the sanction of the Governor of Louisiana. I sent a telegraph despatch to you yesterday, desiring yon to remonstrate with him against the inhumanity of Captain Bradford's order, and to ask him to revoke it. But if he should decline to interfere, I in- Btruct you in regard to tlie removal and treatment of the sick, .and in that I trust you will carry out my direction ; not merely with " economy," but with a careful regard to their helpless condition. The barracks, it seems, were taken possession of on the 11th inst. Captain Bradford's letter is dated the 13th, and yours tlie 14th, though I had no information on the subject until the 26th. I infer from the newspaper paragraph yon enclosed, which telegraph advices in regard to the subject-matter show to be of a later date than your letter, that the letter was not despatched until the 21st or 23d inst. I hope I am mistaken, and that tlie cause of the delay is to be found in some uTiexplained interruption of the mail. I should otherwise have -great reason to be dissatisfied that the infor- mation was not more promptly comnumicatod. From the tone of the newspaper paragraph you enclosed, and from the seizure of the barracks in violation of the usage of humanity, which in open war between con- 68 A NATIONAL LITANY. tending nations, and even in the most revengeful civil conflicts between kindred races, have always been held sacred from disturbance, as edifices dedicated to the care and comfort of the sick, I fear that no public prop- erty is likely to be respected. You will therefore have no more money expended on the revenue cutter Washington, now hauled up for repairs, until I can have assurance that she will not be seized as soon as she is refitted, and taken into the service of those who are seeking to break up the Union and overthrow the authority of the Federal Goveniment." Secretary Dix, in reply to his telegraphic despatch, received the fol- lowing reply from Collector Hatch : " New Orleans, Monday, January 2S, 1S61. ) "Maeine Hospital. J "AflEair satisfactorily arranged. Barracks retained. See my letter of 21st." Secretary Holt and Governor Ellis. Gov. Ellis, of North Carolina, in a letter to the President, informing him of the surrender of the United States forts in that State, says : — Your Excellency will pardon me for asking whether the United States forts will be garrisoned with United States troops during your adminis- tration ? To this letter Secretary Holt responded as follows : — In reply to your inquiry, whether it is the purpose of the President to garrison the forts of North Carolina during his administration, I am di- rected to say that they, in common with the other forts, arsenals, and public property of the United States, are in the charge of the President, and that if assailed, no matter from what quarter or under what pretext, it is his duty to protect them by all the means which the law has placed at his disposal. It is not his purpose to garrison the forts to which you refer at present, because he considers them entirely safe, as heretofore, under the shelter of the law-abiding sentiment for which the people of North Carolina have ever been distinguished. Should they, liowever, be attacked or menaced, with danger of being seized and taken from the possession of the United States, he could not escape from his constitu- tional obligation to defend and preserve them. The very satisfactory and patriotic assurances given by your excellency, justify him, however,^ in entertaining the confident expectation that no such contingency will arise. A National Litany. From men of perverse minds and corrupt principles : Good Lord de- liver us. From fanatical and malignant agitators : Good Lord deliver lis. From the rash and reckless, whose purposes are incendiary : Good Lord deliver lis. From men who trade in politics from motives of self-aggrandizement: Good Lord deliver its. From all wily, subtle, and mischievous counsels: Good Lord de- liver us. From all mal-administration of government : Good Lord deliver us. From proud, boastful and ungodly leaders : Good Lord deliver ws. From the disruption and destruction of our Republic : Good Lord de- liver us. From all who thoughtlessly excite discord and feud : Good Lord de- liver us. From insurrection, rebellion and treason : Good deliver us. A FORT RETAKEN. 69 From fratricidal war and bloodshed : Good Lord deliver m From the ^loom which overspreads our once fair and happv country Good Lord deliver its. ' ' " ^""""'J • From anarchy, and unlawful uprisings of the people : Good Lord de- i/v%Ci IIS, From alienations of brethren, and bitter hate : Good Lord deliver us ± rom indiscretion, precipitation and madness : Good Lord deliver us .broni a transition from high prosperity to deep adversity : Good Lord wCtZtCt 1/St ood^LorT ™^*^''^ ^^'^ ^^'" ^"^"^ '" the meekness of wisdom: Rear us, ^^Defeat the counsels of all unprincipled Ahithophels : Eear us, good ^^Counteract the devices of those who fear thee not: Hear vs, good Lay bare and expose the plans of ambitious and deceitful men • Rear us, good Lord. ^ Contemn the hypocritical, who work mischief under the garb of reli- gion : Hear its, good Lord. Restore peace to our country, and brotherly concord: Rear us good Lord. ' ^^May the prayers of the righteous prevail with thee : Rear us, good quiet the minds of the people, and dispose them to trust to thy guid- ance : Rear us, good Lord. j b '^ Amidst the perplexities of the wise, and the ravings of the foolish- Appear for us, good Lord. Deliver us from worldliness, ingratitude, and hardness of heart : Rear us, good Lord. Cement the bonds of national union, and restore amity : Rear us good Lord. "^ ' LoJr^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^''^^ ^"^^'^^^ the national upheavings: Rear us, good old'urd'''' ^''"'^ "^^"^^ ^^^ ^"^'^^^ ^^'" go forth to all peoples : Rear us, May joy come back to our tabernacles and sacred altars : Rear us good Lord. ' Though undeserving of thy mercy, may thy mercy be nevertheless continued : Rear us, good Lord. no.'^^^^i^'^''^ ^^ no longer a dominance to passion, prejudice and obsti- nacy : Rear us, good Lord. ^ .Then will we praise thee ^for deliverance, and trust in thee as our guide : We xcill j)raise and trust thee, good Lord. And then when the storm has been huslied. and peace and plenty shaU ^oT^rT^^ ^""^'^ ^'''"'''"' ""^ '''''" '^^""^'■^' • ^'^ «'^'^^ «'^«'«« hallelujah to thee, A Fort Retaken. The "Washington (N. C.) Dispatch says :— Fort Neale, a Revolutionary earthwork, near this town, was taken possession of on Saturday night last, the 19th, and on Sunday mornina'>'ty. The controversy between the two parties in South Carolina was even more excited than that between the State and tlje General Government. This was the condition of things v>'heu, in October, 1832, the Legislature passed an act providing for the "calling of a convention of the people" of that State. The object of this convention in tlie terms of the act, was "to take into consideration the several acts of the Congress of the United States, imposing duties on foreign imports for the protection of domestic manufactures, or for other unauthorized objects; to determine on the character thereof, and to devise the means of redress." The convention elected according to this statute, assembled at Colum- bia, the seat of government, on the 19th of JS^ovember, 1832. The con- vention being assembled, enacted an "ordinance," whose title was "to prt)vide for arresting the operation of certain acts of the Congress of the United States, purporting to be taxes laying duties and imposts on the im- portation of foreign commodities." On tl)e final passage of the ordinance the word '■ nullify" was sub- stituted for " arresting." This ordinance assumed to nullify the laws of the United States, to prevent the operation of tiie courts, and finnlly, to place all officers under oath to obey oidy the ordinance, and the laws made to give it efi:ect. The 2d section pronounced the tariti acts of 1828 and 1832 " null, void, and no law, nor binding upon the State, its officers, or citizens." The 3d section declared it nnlawfnl " for any of the constituted authorities, whether of the State or the United States, to enforce payment of the duties imposed by said acts, within tiie limits of the State." The 4th section ordered that no case of law or equity decided in that State, wherein was drawn in question the validity of that ordinance, or of any net of the Legislature passed to give it etfect, should be appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, or regarded if appealed. Section 5th required that every (»ne who held an office of honor, trust, or profit, civil or military, should take an oath to obey only this ordinance, and the laws of the Legislature passed in consequence of it. The Gth section declared that if the General Government should employ force to carry into eftect its laws, or endeavor to coerce the State, by shutting u[) its ports, tliat South Carolina would ccmsider the Union dis- solved, and would " proceed to organize a separate government." This was the state of things in South Carolina, and in tlie Union, when, on the 10th of December, 1832, General Jackson issued his proclamation, exhorting all persons to obey the laws, denouncing thp ordinance of South Carolina, and giving a very clear exposition of the j)rinciples and powers of the General Government. Tliis proclamation was written with great ability, and coming from the most popular man in the United States, ex- ercising the functions of chief magistrate, and t;iking part with that i.ovE OF UNION wliich, in all times and all circumstances, has been an element SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. V3 in American character, tlie proclamation was universally read, and almost universally received with approbation and applause. The Legislature of South Carolina answered in an appeal to the people of that State. Just before this point in history, General Scott had boon called, in the exercise of his military functions, to perform a part, not very conspicuous to the public eye, but most iinjiortant in its consequences to the Union and the future welfare of the Eepublic. What part that was will be shown by the unimpeachable testimony of authentic facts. On the ISth of November, 1832, a confidential order was issued from the "War Department to General Scott. The order, after expressing the President's solicitude as to affairs in South Carolina, a hope from the intelligence of the people, and a fear lest some rash attempt should be made against the forts of the United States in the harbor of Charleston, proceeds to say : — '' The possibility of such a measure furnishes sufficient reason for guard- ing against it, and the President is therefore anxious that the situation and means of defence of these fortifications should be inspected by an officer of experience, who could also estimate and provide for any dangers to which they may be exposed. He has full confidence in your judgment and discretion, and it is his wish that you repair immediately to Cinirleston, and examine every thing connected with the fortifications. You are at liberty to take such measures, either by strengtbening these defences, or by reinforcing these garrisons with troops drawn from any other posts, as you may think prudence and a just precaution require. " Your duty will be one of great importance, and of great delicacy. You will consult fully and freely with the Collector of the port of Charles- ton, and with the District Attorney of South Carolina, and you will take no step, except what relates to the immediate defence and security of the posts, without their order and concurrence. The execution of the laws will be enforced through the civil authority, and by the mode pointed out by tlie acts of Congress. Should, unfortunately, a crisis arise, when the ordinary power in the hands of the civil officers shall not be sufficient for this purpose, the President shall determine the course to be taken, and the measures to be adopted. Till, therefore, you are otherwise instructed, you will act in obedience to the legal requisitions of the proper civil officers of the United States. " I will thank you to communicate to me, freely and confidentially, upon every topic on which you may deem it iniportant for the Government to receive information. " Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Lewis Cass." "iTajor General Winfield Scott." General Scott arrived in Charleston on the 28th of Kovember, just two days after the passage of the ordinance. All was excitement. He found the people of Charleston divided into two parties, nearly equal in point of numbers, and each exas[)erated towards the other. It was as important that he should not, by his presence or liis acts, increase the excitement of the pubhc mind, already too much inflamed, thus precipitating rash measures on the part of South Carolina, as it was that, in the last resort, he should maintain the supremacy of the laws held to be constitutional by every department of the Federal Government, and alike biiiding on all the States. This duty he was resolved to execute at every hazard to himself, but with all possible courtesy and kindness com- patible with that paramount object. In this his heart's warm feeling was, that the disafiected might be soothed, and South Carolina held in alfec- tionate harmony with her sister States. 74 SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SCPPEESSmG NULLIFICATION. If history be not silent on the events which then occurred, or on the part taken by distinguished citizens of South Carolina, still less should it omit a just tesiniony to the forbearance and prudence of the geneial and troops of the United States employed on so delicate and dangerous a service. The officers and men of the army and navy bore themselves Vvith the meekness and solemnity proper to so grave and unusual a duty. In no instance did thev indulge in any display, except on the 22d of February. Then rockets blazing througli the skies, and guns sounding over the waters told that, as Americans, they remembered and blessed the anni- versary of that day, which gave birth to the father of the country AND THE UxioN. cin Other occasions, every individual in that service, though lirm in his allegiance, and resolved to do his duty, evinced by his deportment how painful that duty might become, Scott gave both the pre- cept and the example. Many officers, like himself, had frequent occasion to visit the city. Boats' crews were constantly passing and repassing. It was agreed among the officers, and enjoined on the men, to give way to everybody, and not even to resent an indignity, should one be offered ; but to look on C.irolinians as their fellow-countrymen, whom all were anxious to reclaim from an unhappy delusion. Tliese rules of forbearance were absi)lutely necessary, because any soldier or sailor, in a drunken en- counter, might have brought on nil the evils of a bloody affray. Just at the period of the utmost anxiety, when all hearts were anxious lest tlie morrow should bring forth civil conflict, a fire was seen from Fort Moultrie, at twiliglit, rising from Charleston, rapidly spreading and tlireat- ening the city with destruction. General Scott happened to be the first who^perceived the contlagration, and with great promptness called for vol- unteers to hasten to the assistance of the inhabitants. All the officers and men were eager for the service, and with tlie exception of a mere guard, all were dispatched in boats, and without arms, to subdue the new and dreadful enemy. Each detachment was directed to report itself to some city officer, and to ask for employment. A detached officer preceded to explain the object of this sudden intrusion. Captain Einggold, of the army, since pronioled, and subsequently slain on the battle-tield of Palo Alto, who conmianded a detachment, rushed up to the iutendant, (Mayor,) and begged to be put to work. A citizen standing by at once claimed his assistance to save a sugar-refinery, then in imminent danger. " Do you hear that ? " said Captain Ringgold to ids men : " ice will go to the death for the sugar!'''' This was an allusion to the famous threat of Governor Hamilton, in respect to his importation of that article, before the boxes had arrived, that " they would go to the death for the sugar." It may be added, that the detachment instantly repaired to the spot, and the refinery was saved. Nor was the good-humored quotation lost on the hundreds who heard it. The navy was not behind the army in this act of neighborly kindness. Both were early at the scene of distress. And all, after di^^tinguishing themselves for zeal and energy, returned as sober and as orderly as they went, notwithstanding refreshments had been profusely handed round by the citizens. It is not extravagant to say, that this timely movement, so well con- ceived and so handsomely executed, overcame much of the excitement and prejudice existing against the United States, here represented by their soldiers and sailors. These men threw themselves, unexpected and un- armed, in the midst of a population strongly excited against them, and by saving a city from fire, powerfully contributed to save the Union from the greater horrors of civil war. The effect was immediate on the spot, and was soon spread to other parts of the State. It was one of those acts bet- SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. Y5 ter adapted to sootho the asperities of feeling, than would have been nnj degree of courage, or success, in tlie forcible maiiitenanco of the law. At t!iis distance of time, the part performed by Scott may not seem of great importance. But he Avho thinks so should recollect, that history i3 obliged to trace tlie greatest events oftentimes to very small causes; and that such a part as Scott's at Charleston, though having neitlier tlie crim- son glare of battle, nor the extraordinary skill of some artful act of diplo- macy, may nevertheless have been the hinge of a crisis, and therefore more important tlian many battles. It is the handling of a delicate sub- ject whicli makes it difficult, far more than the settlement of a question of exact right or wrong. Of tlie ]iart which Scott box-e in the pacification of the South, we shall here give the words of Mr. Watkins Leigh, of Virginia, who stood high in the confidence of all parties, whose evidence is nnimpeachable, and who had ample opportunities of observing all that was done. lie says: — "I was at Charleston when he (Scott) arrived and assumed the com- mand, wliicli he did without any parade or fuss. Fo one Avho had not an opportunity of observing on the spot the excitement that existed, can have an adequate conception of the delicacy of the trust. General Scott had a large acquaintance with the people of Charleston ; he was their fnend ; but his situation was such that many, the great majority of them, looked upon him as a public enemy. What his orders were, I cannot undertake to tell you, nor have I any means of knowing but from his conduct, which, I take it for granted, conformed with them. He thought, as I thought, that the first drop of blood shed in civil war, — in civil war between tlio United States and one of the States, would prove an immedicable wound, which would end in a change of our institutions. He was resolved, if it was possible, to prevent a resort to arms; and nothing could have been more judicious than his conduct. Far from being prone to take offence, he kept his temper under the strictest guard, and was most careful to avoid giving occasion for offence ; yet he held himself ready to act, if it should become necessary, and he let that be distinctly understood. Ho sought the society of the leading nullifiers, and was in their society as much as they would let him be, but he took care never to say a word to them on the subject of political differences; he treated them as a friend. From the beginning to the end, his conduct was as conciliatory as it was firm and sincere, evincing that he knew his duty, and was resolved to perform it, and yet that his principal object and purpose was peace. He was perfectly successful, when the least imprudence might have resulted in a serious collision." We subjoin extracts from a letter from Major-Gene:"al Scott to a dis- tinguished leader and friend, a member of the South Carolina Legislature, then in session at Columbia, in order to show the spirit and temper in which he discharged the delicate duties assigned him. "Savannah, Dec. Ulh, 1&83. "Mt Dear Sir, — You have an excellent memory to remind me, after so long an interval, of my promise to visit you when next on a tour to the South, and I owe you an apology for not earlier acknowledging your kind letter. It was handed to me just as I was about to leave Charleston, and I have been since too constantly in motion (to Augusta, and back here) to allow me to write. "As to the 'speculations' at Columbia relative to 'the object of my visit to Charleston at this moment,' I can only say, that I am on that very tour, and about the very time, mentioned by me when I last had the pleasure of seeing you. On what evil days have we fallen, my good friend, when so common-place an event gives rise to conjecture or speculation j I can truly assure you, that no one has felt more wretched than your 76 SCOTX'S AGEKCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. humble correspondent, since an nnhappy controversy began to assume a serious aspect. I liave always entertained a high admiration for the his- tory and character of South Carolina, and accident or good fortune has thrown me into intimacy, and even friendship, with almost every leader of the two parties which now divide and agitate the State. Would to God they were again united, as during the late war, wlien her federalists vied with her republicans in the career of patriotism and glory, and when her Legislature came powerfully to the aid of the Union. Well, the ma- jority among you Iiave taken a stand, and those days of general harmony may never return. What an awful position for South Carolina, as well as for the other States ! ****** " I cannot follow out the long, dai'k shades of the picture tliat presents itself to my fears. I will hope, nevertheless, for the best. But I turn my eyes back, and, good God! what do I behold? Impatient South Carolina could not wait — she has taken a leap, and is already a foreign nation; and the great names of Washington, Franklin, Jeflterson, and Greene, no longer compatriot with yours, or those of Laurens, Moultrie, Pinckuey, and Marion with mine! " But the evil, supposing the separation to have been peaceahle^ would not stop there. When one member shall withdraw, the whole arch of the Union will tumble in. Out of the broken fragments new combina- tions will arise. We should probably have, instead of one^ three confede- racies — a northern, southern, and western reunion ; and transmontane Virginia, your native country, not belonging to the South, but torn oflF by the general West. I turn with horror from the picture I have only sketclied. I have said it is dark ; let but one drop of blood be spilt upon the canvas, and it becomes ' one red.' " ' Lands intersected by a narrow frith Abhor each other. Mountains interposed Make enemies of nations, which had else, Like kindred drops, been mingled into one.' " But you and ray other South Carolina friends have taken your re- spective sides, and I must follow out mine. "You have probably heard of the arrival of two or three companies at Charleston in the last six weeks, and you may hear that as many more have foUowed. There is nothing inconsistent with the President's mes- sage in these movements. The intention simply is, that the forts in the harbor shall not be wrested from the United States. I believe it is not apprehended that the State authorities contemplate any attack, at least in the present condition of things, on these posts ; but I know it has been feared that somo unauthorized multitude, under sudden excitement, might attempt to seize tliem. The President, I presume, will stand on tlie de- fensive—thinking it better to discourage than to invite an attack — better to prevent than to repel one, in (^rder to gain time for wisdom and mod- eration to exert themselves in the capitol at Wasliington, and in the state-house at Columbia. From humane considerations like these, the posts in question have been, and probably will be slightly reinforced. I state what I partly know, and what I partly conjecture, in order that the case which I see is provided for in one of your bills, may not be sup- posed to have actually occurred. If I were possessed of an important secret of the Government, my honor certainly would not allow me to dis- close it; but there is in the foregoing neither secrecy nor deception. My ruling wish is, that neither party take a rash step, that might put all heal- ing powers at defiance. It is, doubtless, merely intended to hold the posts for the present. A few companies are incapable of ejecting any farther object. The engineer, also, is going on, steadily, but slowly, in erecting THE LAW 01? TEEASON. 77 the new work on the site of Fort Johnson, (long since projected for the defence of the harbor,) the foundation of which is but just laid. "When finished, some years hence, I trust it may long be regarded, both by South Carolina and the other States, as one of the bulwarks of our common coast, " There is nothing in this letter intended to be confidential, nor intended for the public press. When I commenced it I only designed giving utter- ance to private sentiments, unconnected with public events; but my heart being filled with grief on account of the latter, my pen has run a little in- to that distress. Let ns, however, hope for more cheering times. Yet, be this as it may, and whetber our duties be several or common, I shall al- ways have a place in my bosom for the private affections, and tliat I may ever stand in the old relation to you, is the sincere wish of your friend, "WiKFiELD Scott." The Lav7 of Treason. On tlie 14th of January Judge Smalley, of the IT. S. Circuit Court for the southern district of New York, delivered the following important charge to the Grand Jury : Gentlemex of the Grand Jury — The Court has requested your at- tendance this morning in order to call your attention, and give you some instructions in relation to crimes which have long been unknown in our hitherto peaceful and happy country, which for more than fifty years the federal Courts have not been called upon to investigate, and which are therefore very imperfectly understood in the community. Yet one of them is the highest crime known to the law in any civilized country. It is that of high treason, Eecent painful events make it the duty of the Court to define to you what constitutes the offence, and also Avhat consti- tutes the lesser crime of misprison of treason, that you may inquire whether either have been committed by any person or persons within the jurisdiction of this Court, and if you are satisfied that either have, that they may be presented to the Court to be dealt with according to law. And also that those who desire to be good and true citizens may be forewarned, and not ignorantly and unwittingly be led into the commis- sion of any acts in violation of the laws of their country, which would make them guilty of either of those offences. It is unnecessary at this time to enter into an elaborate disquisition of the law of treason. The Constitution of the United States clearly defines in what it consists. The third section of the third article provides, " that treason against the United States shall consist only in levying -war aginst them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfoi't." Again, the same section provides that " the Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason." In pursuance of the power thus conferred. Congress passed an act, which was approved April 30, 1790, which provided in section one, "that if any person or persons owing allegiance to the United States of America, shall levy war against them, or shall adhere to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort within the United States or elsewhere, and sliall be thereof convicted, on confession in open court or on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act of treason, whereof he or they shall stand indicted, such person or persons shall be adjudged guilty of treason against the United States, and shall suffer death." Sec. 2. That if any person or persons having knowledge of the com- mission of any of the treasons aforesaid, shall conceal, and not, as soon aa may be, disclose and make known the same to the " President of the V8 THE LAW OP TREASON. United States, or some one of the Judges thereof, or to the President or Governor of a particular State, or some one of the Judges or Justices thereof, such person or persons, on convictit)n, shall be adjudged guilty of misprision of treason, and shall he imprisoned not exceeding seven years, and fined not exceeding one thousand dollars." It is said that war — civil war — exists in portions of the Union. That persons owing allegiance to the United States have confederated to- gether, and with arms, by force and intimidation, have prevented the execution of the constitutional acts of Oimgress, have forcibly seized upon and hold a custom-house and post-office, forts, arsenals, vessels, and other property belonging to the United States, and have actually fired upon ves- sels bearing the United States flag, and carrying United States troops. This is a usurpation of the authority of tlie Federal Government; it is high treason by levying war. Either one of these acts will constitute high treason. There can be no doubt of it. The fact that any or all engaged in the commission of these outrageous acts, acted under the pretended authority of the Legislature, or a conven- tion of the people of any State, or of the officers appointed thereby, or act- ing thereunder, does not change nor aflfect the criminal character of the act. No man or hody of men can throw off their allegiance to their Govern- ment in that way. Nor can any State, or the people of any State, acting in any capacity whatever, absolve any person therefrom. Neither South Carolina nor any other State can authorize, or legally protect citizens of the other States in levying war against their Govern- ment, any more than can the Queen of Great Britain or the Emperor of France. If any such power is assumed, it is without right, and the deluded in- dividual who acts under it, is none the less guilty of treason, and liable to be punished therefor. That the slaveholding States have just cause of coraphiints against some of their sister States, is lamentably too true; that the Legislatures of several States have passed acts which are in direct conflict with one of the plainest provisions of the Constitution of tho United States, which acts were intended to deprive the slaveholding States of riglits expressly guaranteed to, and important to them, is well known. This is greatly to be regretted; and it is hoped and believed that the soher second thought of the people of those States will induce them to do justice to themselves as well as to their Southern bretliren, and evince their loyalty to the Constitution and Union, by wiping all such acts from their statute books. But the fact tliat some of the States have passed unconstitutional acts, can afi:ord no justification for rebellion and civil war, or a breaking up of our Federal Union, which was formed' by the patriotism and wisdom, con- ciliation and compromise of our fathers, in which our pi'ospcrity as a peo- ple has been unparalleled in the history of nations. Such legislative act^^, however, are not laws. Being in violation of tho Constitution of the United States, they are mere nnllities, and all who at- tempt to enforce them are themselves violators of the law, and can be, and in some instances, have been punished as such. What overt acts, then, constitute treason? A mere conspiracy to sub- vert by force the Government, however flagitious the crime may be, is not treason. To conspire to levy war, and actually levying war, are distinct oflfences. If a body of people conspire and meditate an insurrection to resist or oppose the laws of the United States by force, they are only guilty of a high misdemeanor; but if they proceed to carry such intention into exe- cution by force, they are guilty of treason by levying war. THE LATV OF TREASON. 79 In the language of Chief Justice Marshall — "It is not tlie intention of the Court to say that no individual can be guilty of this crime who has not ajjpeared in arms against his country. " On the contrary, if war be actually levied — that is, if a body of men be actually assembled for the purpose of effecting, by force, a treasonable purpose, all those who perform any part, however minute, or however re- mote from the scene of action, and who are actually leagued in the gen- eral conspiracy, are to be considered as traitors." As the Court have already said to you, the combination and assem- blage of a body of men with the design of seizing, .and the actual seizing of the forts and other public property in and near Charleston, South Caro- lina, and in some other States, is a levying of war against the United States. Consequently, any and every person who engages therein, is by the law regarded as levying war against the United States ; and all tcho ad- here to them are to be regarded as enemies, and all who give them aid and comfort in South Carolina or New York\ or in any other portion of the United States or elsewhere, come within the express provisions of the 1st section of the act of 30th April, 1790, and are guilty of treason. What amounts to adhering to, and giving aid and comfort to our ene- mies, it is somewhat ditiicult in all cases to define ; but certain it is, that furnishing them with arras, or munitions of war, vessels, or other means of transportation, or any materials which will aid the traitors in carrying out their traitorous purpose?, with a knowledge that they are intended for such purposes, or inciting and encouraging others to engage in or aid the traitors in any way, does come within the provisions of tlie act. And it is immaterial whether such acts are induced by sympathy with the rebel- lion, hostility to the government, or a desire for gain. Under the second section of the act of 1790, all who have any knowl- edge of any such acts of treason, and do not, as soon as possible, make it known in the manner therein prescribed, are guilty of misprision of trea- son, and subject to the punishment therefor. Your inquiries must be confined to ofi'euces committed within the ju- risdiction of this Court — that is, within the southern district of New York, and upon the high seas. Although there may be a question, whether the jurisdiction of the Court, in such cases, is not more extended, you will, for the present, confine your investigations to the limits prescribed. "Within this limit, it is your right and your duty to inquire whether any person or persons have been, according to the jirinciples of law laid down by the Court, guilty of treason or misprision of treason; and if you are satisfied that either of these offences have been committed, to faithfully and fear- lessly present the offenders, that they may be punished. It is the duty, and it will unquestionably be the desire of all good and true citizens, to do, in their respective spheres, every thing in their power to suppress rebellion, expose treason, and bring traitors to justice. "When the Grand Jury were in the other day, one of tlie members of your body submitted certain questions to the Court, which I shall now proceed to answer. " First. Whether it is the duty of the Grand Jury to inquire into violations of the law Avhich may be incidentally brought to their knowledge, and which have not been presented by the District At- torney, and which he had i:o knowledge of." In reply to that, the Court would tay, gentlemen, that you are not necessarily confined to offences to which your attention may be called by the prosecuting officer. If any one of you have reason to believe that any of the laws of tho Federal Government have been violated, you are at hberty to inquire into the matter, whether or not your attention has been called to it by the District Attorney. Unquestionably you have a right to make the investi- 80 THE VIRGINIA COMMISSIONERS. gation. The second inquiry is, " Whether it is expected of the Jury to examine into the detention of felons and witnesses as to their safety, treat- ment, and comfort, and as to whether any persons are kept an unwarrant- able time before trial." The tiiird inquiry is, " Whether it is expected tbat the Grand Jury would present such defects in the practice in the Custom House as render it easy for the clearance of vessels for tLe slave trade." With respectto that, "gentlemen, it may be well to consider for a moment what is the ju- risdiction of the federal courts. First, then, they can only inquire into the violations of the federal laws. The federal courts have no common law criminal jurisdiction, and they therefore have no jurisdiction over otiences that are not created by the Constitution, or some act of Congress under the Constitution. I understand that it is the duty of the Grand Jury to inquire into all matters that are brought before their notice by the prosecuting officer. That is well understood. It is well known that Enghsh Grand Jurors liave oftentimes, and probably it is a part of the common law of England, in- quired into such matters ; but the Court is not aware of any statute of the Constitution, or of any practice in federal courts which would make it the duty of Grand Juries to inquire into and investigate matters embodied in either of these questions. The Court does not intend to say that you may not make such inquiry, but then it is outside of your judicial duties, and if you make a report to the Court, I have no power to act, and can do notliing more than file it with tlie records of the Court ; and therefore it cannot be regardrd as the duty of Grand Juries in federal courts to make these inquiries. You will now retire, gentlemen, and proceed with the business before you. The Virginia Commissioners. Eminent men whom Virginia has appointed to meet Commissioners from the States at Washington. EX-PEESIDENT JOHX TYLEK Was born in Charles City county, Virginia, in 1790 ; was elected to the legislature at the age of twenty-one, and subsequently was sent to Con- gress from liis distri'ct. In 1826 he was chosen Governor of the State ; was then elected to the United States Senate. In 1840 he was elected Vice- President of the United States. The death of General Harrison raised him to the chief magistracy of the Kepublic. His term of ofiice expired in 1845, since which time he has been living in retirement on his estate in Charles City county. HON. WILLIAM O. EIYES Was born in Nelson county, Virginia, 1793 ; was aide-de-camp in 1814 and 1815 with a body of militia and volunteers called out for the defence of Virginia; was several times elected to the legislature from his native county, Albemarle ; served for three successive terms as representative in Congress, commencing in 1823. In 1829 he was appointed by President Jackson Minister to France. On his return in 1832, he was elected Sen- ator in Congress, and resigned in 1834; was re-elected in 1835, and served until 1845. In 1849 he was a second time appointed Minister to France, and returned in 1853, when he finally retired from political life. He resides in the county of Albemarle. HON. D. F. JAMIESON. 81 JUDGE JOHN TV. BEOCKENBHOTTGn Was born in RicLmond, Virginia, about tlie year 1804, and reinoved to EockbridgG county in 1836. lie is an accomplisbed lawyer, and was ap- pointed Judge of the United States Court for tbe Western District of Virginia, by President Polk, in 1846, ■which office he still holds. HON. GEOEGE W. 8UMMEE8 Was born in Fairfax county, Virginia. He represented Kanawha county in the Legislature several years, and served two terms in Congress, com- mencing in 1841. He was a member of the convention of 1850, which framed the present constitution of Virginia. In 1851 he was the Whig candidate for Governor. In May, 1852, he was elected Judge of the 18th Circuit, and having served in that capacity for six years, he resigned his office July 1st, 185'8. nON. JAMES A. 6EDD0N Is a Virginian of acknowledged abilities, whose public career has been confined to a service of two terms in Congress, as representative from the Metropolitan district, viz. : in 1845-'47 and 1849-'51. He is about fifty years of age. Hon. D. F. Jamieson Was born some fifty-two years ago in Orangeburg district, South Carolina. His ancestors, a few generations back, were Scotch and German. Some of them acquired a local distinction as partisan leaders in the Revolution. Mr. Jamieson inherited from his parents a handsome property, enough for independence. He is a graduate of South Carolina College. Shortly after leaving college he was admitted to the bar, but soon retired from practice. He was then elected to the State Legislature, and continued to be returned to his seat, year after year. He for many years held the commission of Brigadier-General in the State service, and had command of a splendid brigade of cavalry, in which branch of the military service he took delight. In literature Mr. Jamieson has an honestly earned, though necessarily limited reputation. For the past three years his attention has been en- gaged upon a work, entitled " A History of the Life and Times of Bertrand de Guesclin," the well-known hero of France, and in his day the best representative of its chivalry. In 1860 Mr. Jamieson removed from Orangeburg to Barnwell district, and became the next-door neighbor of the distinguished Southern poet, historian, and novelist, W. Gilmore Simms. On the 6th day of December last the people of Barnwell elected him to be their representative in the sovereign convention of South Carolina. Mr. Jamieson was chosen presi- dent of that memorable body, and now holds the position of Secretary of War to the Palmetto Republic. Mr., or, as he is more commonly called, General Jamieson, is a cotton planter, and has a fine estate of two thousand acres, worked by some seventy negroes. As a man he is gentle, unaffected, and earnest. From an extensive course of reading he possesses resources Avhich make him quite at home in all topics of literature, politics, and sociology. He has a clear, vigorous, and comprehensive mind; but, lacking in brilliancy, his logic seldom calls for aid to the faculties of fancy and imagination. With morals unstained by reproach, with a character guiltless of blemish, no man is more highly esteemed by all who know liira than General D. F. Jamieson. 6 82 COMPROMISE MEASURES. Compromise Measures. THE BORDER STATE PLAN. The plan of settlement proposed by Mr. Etheridge, of Tennessee, is known as the " Border State Plan." It is as follows : First. — Congress shall have no power to regulate or control, within the States, the relations established or recognized by the law of any State i"e- specting persons held to service or labor. • Second. — Congress shall have no power to interfere with or abolish Slavery in the navy yards, arsenals, forts or other places ceded to the United States ; nor the relations recognized by the laws of any State within which such places are situated, respecting persons held to service or labor. Third. — Congress shall have no power to interfere with or abolish the relations recognized by the laws of the District of Columbia respecting persons held to service or labor, without the consent of the States of Maryland and Virginia, and also the consent of the inhabitants of said District, and without making just compensation in the premises. Fourth. — Congress shall have no power to prohibit the removal or transportation from one State to another of persons held to service or labor. Fifth. — The immigration or importation from abroad of persons held to service or labor, for life or for a term of years, or of persons intended to be so held and carried to any of the States or Territories belonging to the United States, is perpetually prohibited, and Congress shall pass all laws necessary to make said prohibition effective. Sixth. — No territory beyond the present limits of the Territories of the United States shall hereafter be acquired or annexed to the United States, unless the same be done by the concurrent vote of two-thirds of both Houses of Congress, or the same be acquired by treaty by a vote of two- thirds of the Senate. Seventh. — The second section of the fourth article of the Constitution shall be so amended as to read as follows : Persons charged with any State offence, felony, or particular crime against any of the said States, who shall escape from justice, and who shall be found in another State, shall, on demand of the Executive authority of the State from which he tied, be delivered up or be returned to the State having jurisdiction of the crime of which he is charged. Eighth. — The first section of the second article of the Constitution shall be so amended as to provide as follows: Each State shall appoint by its Legislature two electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, and an additional number of such electors, equal to the whole number of members from each State in the House of Representatives, shall be respectively chosen by the voters of each Congressional district into which the State is divided. MR. CORWIX'S PLAN. The plan of settlement proposed by Mr. Oorvvin, chairman of the committee of thirty-three, is the immediate admission of New Mexico as a State, Mr. C. assuming that, as Slavery is already established in the ter- ritory, it will be recognized in the Constitution of the new State. It is also proposed to amend the fugitive slave law, so as to relieve citizens from service in capturing fugitive slaves, &c. It is also recommended that States pass laws to suppress publications intended to promote slave insurrec- tions, &o, MR. EOBINSOn's plan. Whereas, The government of the Territories has long been a disturbing MAJOR ANDERSON'S EXPLANATION. 83 element in our national councils, and has of late given rise to political di- visions that appear to admit of no compromise, and to threaten the integ- rity of the Union — one party insisting that the General Government shall protect Slavery in the Territories, another that it shall prohibit, and still another that it shall not interfere in any way or the other ; and whereas all parties loyal to the Constitution and Union, agree that each State has the sole and exclusive power of determining its own domestic institutions ; therefore, to the end that this impediment to our national harmony be forever removed ; Sesolced, (if the Senate concur,) That our Senators and Representa- tives in Congress be requested to use their influence, after the admission of Kansas as a State on her present application, to divide all the remain- ing territory so as to form two States, to be admitted as States of this Union, as soon as the inhabitants thereof shall adopt State Constitutions, Republican in form. Resolved^ (if the Senate concur,) That these resolutions, with the voice of the Legislature thereon, be forthwith transmitted by the Governor of this State to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to the Governors of the several States of this Union. A Game of Euchre. South Carolina and James Buchaman against Major Anderson and General Scott. South Carolina deals and turns up the Ten of Spades (niggers) — Gen. Scott passes — James Buchanan, having the best Bower, assists South Carolina. They play, and the old General, having a good hand, draws James Buchanan's best Bower, and takes three tricks. He euchres him. Major Anderson now deals and turns up Hearts — James Buchanan passes — Major Anderson turns down Hearts, reluctantly — Buchanan passes again — Gen. Scott passes again — South Carolina passes — Major Anderson makes Cluls trumps and plays it alone. The hand is played — the Major makes a march, and James Buchanan and South Carolina are skunked. Programme of the Southern Congress. The programme laid down for the Southern Congress is this : — First, a provisional government ; second, treaties with the United States and " other foreign" countries ; third, decisive legislation in regard to the negro ; and fourthly, decision as to what States shall constitute the Confederacy. In this latter subject all concur that no free State shall be admitted, and if any State shall afterwards abolish slavery she shall be excluded from the Confederacy. Major Anderson's Explanation. The following letter from Major Anderson, explains the circumstances that prevented the succor of the Star of the West when she attempted to enter the harbor of Charleston : FoET SuMTEE, Jan. 11, 1861. "Whether a bloodless separation can now be effected after her (South Carolina) foolishly firing upon a vessel bearing our flag, the other day, I think very doubtful. I teas sorely tempted to open my battery, but, per- haps fortunately for the chance of having matters settled without blood- shed, I could not have touched the battery that opened upon her, and my defences were just then in such, a condition that I could not have opened the war. I am now nearly ready. The people have supposed that this work 84 CAPTUEED FORTS. "was ready to be defended wlieu I came in. It was far from it, and it would take me, even now one week's hard work to have it in a complete state. My command is only about one-eighth of what it should be in time of war — but, though small in number, I feel strong in the confidence that Providence will guard and guide me safely through any danger that may threaten. Yours, sincerely, Robert Anderson. Captured Forts, Thus far seized by order of the Governors of the States in which they are respectively located : Fortifications— Location. Guns. Cost, Fort Pulaski, Savannah 150 $923,859 Fort Jackson, " 14 125,000 Fort Morgan, Mobile 132 1,212,556 Fort Gaines " 89 20,000 Fort Macon, Beaufort, N. C 51 460,000 Fort Caswell, Oak Island, N. C 87 671,231 Fort Moultrie, Charleston 54 75,301 Castle Pinckney, Charleston 25 43, 809 Fort St. Philip, Louisiana 124 203,734 Fort Jackson, Louisiana 150 817,608 Fort Pike, " 49 472,901 FortMcComV " 49 477,000 Fort Livingston " 52 842,000 Fort McRea, ilorida 151 384,000 Fort Barrancas, " 49 315,000 Redoubt, " 26 100,000 Total 1262 $6,512,089 The following are still in the hands of the "Washington authorities : — Fort McHenry, Baltimore, Md. ; Fort Washington on the Potomac, Md. ; Fort Monroe, at Old Point Comfort, Va. ; Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, S. 0. ; Key West Barracks, Key West, Fla. ; Fort Pickens, Pensacola, Fla. ; Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Fla. CONSTITUTION UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Feamed by Convention of Delegates from New nAMPsniRE, Massa- chusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Geor- gia, at Philadelphia, September ITth, 1787. We, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect uuion, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- mon defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of lib- erty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitu- tion for the United States of America. ARTICLE I. Section 1. 1. All Legislative j)owers herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Eep- resentatives. Section 2. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. 2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the wliole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first nieeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subse- quent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for everj^ thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative ; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plan- tations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylva- nia eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten. North Carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacan- cies. 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other ofiicers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 86 constitution of the united states of america. Section 3. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years ; and each Senator shall have one vote. 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and the third class at the expiration of the sixth year; so that one- third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President j^ro tempore^ in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. "When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or aflirmation. AVhen the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside ; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 7. Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit, under the United States ; but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. Section 4. 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature there- of; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regula- tions, except as to the places of choosing Senators. 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a diflPerent day. Section 5. 1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifi- cations of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendauce of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide. 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. 3 Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and, from time to time, publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, require secrecy ; and the ygas and nays of the members of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. constitution of the united states of america. 87 Section 6. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained hj law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the ses- sion of their respective Houses, and in going to, and returning from, the same ; and for any speech or debate, in either House, they shall not be ques- tioned in any other place. 2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. Section 7. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Represen- tatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. 2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States. If he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to tlie other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and, if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the per- sons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sunday excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Sen- ate and House of Representatives may be necessary, (except on a question of adjournment,) shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be re passed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Section 8. The Congress shall have power — 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare, of the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States : 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States : 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes : 4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the United States : 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures : 88 CONSTITUTION OP THE UJSTrED STATES OF AMEBICA, 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States : 7. To establish post offices and post roads: 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to; authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their re- spective writings and discoveries : 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court : 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations : 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water : 12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years : 13. To provide and maintain a navy : 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces : 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions : 16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of "the officers, and the authority of training the militia, according to the discipline prescribed by Congress : 17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock -yards, and other need- ful buildings : And 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any depart- ment or officer thereof. Section 9. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dol- lars for each person. 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may re- quire it. 3. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. 4. N"o capitation or other direct tax shall be laid unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another, 6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. conititution of the united states op america. 89 Section 10. ' 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. 2. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the con- sent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. Section 1. » 1. The Executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. lie shall hold his olfice duiiiig the term of four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the snmc term, be elect- ed as follows: 2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature tliereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector. 3. [Annulled. See Amendments, Art. 12.] 4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes, which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 5. No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President : neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. 6. In case of the removal of the President £i'om office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said of- fice, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the dis- ability be removed, or a President elected. 7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a com- pensation, which shall be neither increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States or any of them. 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the touowing oath or affirmation: — 9. " I do solemnly swear (or affirin) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United Str'. ." r.rd will, to the best of my abil- ity, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." 90 constitution of the united states of america, Section 2. 1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States ; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officers in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present con- cur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors,other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen, during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next session. * Section 3. 1. He sliall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such meas- ures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordi- nary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, witli respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall re- ceive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Section 4. 1. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes or misdemeanors. ARTICLE HI. Section 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Su- preme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges both of the Supreme and in- ferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. Section 2. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and trea- ties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassadors, either public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more States, between a State and citizens of another State, between citizens of different States, between citizens of the same State claiming lauds CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 91 under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens there, and foreign States, citizens, or subjects. 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and con- suls, and those in -which a State shall bo a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations, as the Congress shall make. 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shaU be at such place, or places, as the Congress may by law have directed. Section 3. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 1^0 person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of trea- son, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or for- feiture, except during the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Section 1. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Section 2. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on de- mand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be de- livered up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regula- tion therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be deliv- ered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. Section 3. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union, but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislature of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress. 2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular State. Section 4. 1. The United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a re- publican form of govci'iiment. and sIimII protect c;ich of thorn against 92 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. invasion, and, on application of the Legislature, or of the executive, (when the Legislature cannot be convened,) against domestic violence. AETICLE V. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it neces- sary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a conven» tion for proposing amendments, which in either case shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. 1. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution as under the confederation. 2. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby ; any thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the contrary notwith- standing. 3. The Senators and Eepresentatives before mentioned, and the mem- bers of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial oflS- cers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support tins Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. ARTICLE VII. The ratifications of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. ARTICLE I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 93 ARTICLE 11. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. ARTICLE TIL No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner ; nor, in time of war, but in a manner to bo prescribed by law. ARTICLE IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, i)apers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be vio- lated; and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or afBrmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. ARTICLE V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war, or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject, for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. ARTICLE VI. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law ; and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; and to liave the assistance of counsel for his defence. ARTICLE VIL In suits at common law, where the value in controversy exceeds twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact, tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. ARTICLE VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. ARTICLE IX. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be con- strued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. ARTICLE X. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. 94 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. ARTICLE XI. The judicial power of the United States shall not be coDstrued to ex- tend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. ARTICLE XIL 1. The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by bal- lot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State witb themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice- President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign, and certifj', and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having tlie greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then, from the persons having the higliest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted fur as President, tlie House of Representatives shall choose im- mediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or mem- bers from two- thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President sliall act as President, as in case of the death, or other constitutional dis- ability, of the President. 2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. ARTICLE XIII. If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim, receive, or re- tain any title of nobility or honor, or shall without the consent of Con- gress, accept or retain any present, pension, office, or emolument of any kind whatever, from any emperor, king, prince, or foreign power, such person shall cease to be a citizen of the United States, and shall be in- capable of holding any office of trust or profit under them, or either of them. ONTENTS. PAGE Introduction, .... 3 The Primary Cause, . . .4 .,-' Secession of South Carolina, . . 4 Ordinance of Secession of S. C, . 6 Declaration of Independence of S. C, 7 Effects' of Secession, . . .9 Major Anderson's Coup de Etat, . 10 Forts of South Carolina, . . .10 Range of Columbiad Shell Guns, . 11 Major Anderson's Instructions, . 12 Attack on the Star of the West, . 14 Correspondence between Anderson and Gov. Pickens, . . .15 South Carohna War Tax, . . 16 Resignation of Secretary Floyd, . 16 V Secession of Georgia, . . .17 ^.Capture of the Augusta Arsenal, . 18 V Secession of Alabama, . . .19 Defences of Mobile, . . .20 '•Secession of Florida, . . .21 Fortifications of Florida, . . 22 Secession of Mississippi, . . .23 ■ / Secession of Louisiana, . . .25 Fortifications of Louisiana, . . 26 The action of Virginia, . . .27 The New Year 27 Crittenden, Missouri, aud Bigler Compromises, . . . .28 Special Message of President Bu- chanan, . , . . .29 Message of Governor Morgan, . 33 Miscellaneous Messages, . . .34 Congressional and State Resolutions, 36 President Buchanan's second Special Message, . . . .39 Charges of Treason, . . .40 Valedictory of Governor Gist, . , 41 Clinching the Nail, . . . .42 Sketch of General Scott, . . 42 Resignation of Secretary Thompson, 43 Sketch of Major Anderson, . . 44 Sketch of Gov. Pickens of S. C. . 45 Fortifications in the Southern States, 45 Sketch of Lieut. A. J. Slemmer, . 48 Dream of John C. Calhoun, . . 49 Navy of the United States, . . 51 Resignations from the U. S. Navy, . 51 Sketch of Captain Walker of the Brooklyn, . . . .52 Louisiana Sugar Duties, . . .53 Distribution of Arms among the Slave States, . . , .53 " Thirty-Six Thirty," . . .53 Population of the Southern States, . 54 Debts of the Seceding States, . . 54 New Fugitive Slave Law, . . 54 Benjamin Franklin on the Crisis of 1783, 55 President Jackson's Nullification Pro- clamation, . . . .56 The British Government on Seces- sion, 62 Trade and Shipping of Southern Ports, 64 The Sentiment in Baltimore, . . 66 Does not Victoria own S. Carolina ? 66 The New Orleans Marine Hospital, 67 Secretary Holt and Gov. Ellis, . 68 A National Litany, . . .68 A Fort Retaken, . . . .69 Gen. Scott's Agency in Suppressing Nullification in South Carolina in 1832, 70 The Law of Treason, . . .77 The Virginia Commissioners, . . 80 Hon. D. F. Jamieson, . . .81 Compromise Measures, . . .82 A Game of Euchre, . . .83 Programme of the Southern Con- gress, 83 Major Anderson's Explanation, . 83 Captured Forts, . . . .84 Constitution of the United States, . 85 Amendments to the Constitution, . 92 } Ci- cr Cr rt- d ~ #vun r. TAVw, m>r«i.JiXbf w vnmta,c\at a& / ~m -~f^, ^^ j'cy:^. . . . .z ^^ *'*' ^'' -^ // Iwo^ rv- #vxscr r. tbvw, mimazb, «a/ vn&anc j/'ayz/z^ (t/. ^. yt^^^^, 67,- V J-^6t/?^ erf ^>fut l^y^dZ- cx^ttcx^Cy^ CTK. . , ^S T ST.A.TE OF THE "V^EST. THE ILLINOIS CENTBAL EAILROAD CO., HAVE FOE SALE 1,200,000 ACRES OF RICH FARMING LANDS, IN TRACTS OF FOETY ACRES AND UPWARD, ON LONG CREDIT AND AT LOW PRICES. rpHE attention of the enterprising and industrious portion -L of the community is directed to the following statements and liberal inducements offered them by the ILLINOIS ^JR&L RAILROAD COMPANY. which, as they wm perceive, will enable them, by proper energy, perseverance and industry, to provide comfortable homes for themselves and families, with, comparatively speaking, very little capital. LANDS OF ILLINOIS. Ko Stale in the Valley of the Mississippi offers so great an inducement to the settler as the State of Illinois , There is no portion of the world where all the conditions of climate and soil so admirably combine to produce those two great staples, Corn and Wheat, as the Prairies of niinois. EASTERN AND SOUTHERN MARKETS. These lands are contiguous to a railroad 700 miles in ■length, which connects with other roads and navigable lakes and rivers, thus affording an unbroken communication with the Eastern and Southern markets. RAILROAD SYSTEM OF ILLINOIS. Over $100,000,000 of private capital have been expended on the railroad system of Illinois. Inasmuch as part of the income from several of these works, with a valuable public fund in lands, go to diminish the State expenses ; the taxes ARE UGHT, and must consequently every day decrease. THE STATE DEBT. . The State dtbt is only $10,106,398 14, and vnthin the last three years has been reduced $2,959,746 80, and we may rea- sonaMy expect that in ten years it luill become extinct. PRESENT POPULATION. The State is rapidly fiiUng up with population ; 868,025 persons having been added since 1850, making the present population 1,723,663, a ratio of 102 per cent, in ten years. AGRICITLTIIRAL PRODUCTS. The Agricultural Products of Illinois are greater than those of any other State. The products sent out during the past year exceeded 1 ,500,000 tons. The wheat crop of 1860 approaches 35,000,000 bushels, while the corn crop yields not less th 140,000,000 bushels. FERTILITY OF THE SOIL. Nowhere can the industrious farmer secure such Imme ate results for his labor as upon these prairie soils, they I ing composed of a deep rich loam, the fertility of which unsurpassed by any on the globe. TO ACTUAL CULTIVATORS. Since 1854 the Company have sold 1,300,000 acres. Th sell only to actual cultivators, and every contract contains < agreement to cultivate. The road has been constructed throu these lands at an expense of $30,000,000. In 1850 thepopidati of forty -nine counties, throughwhich itpasses, was only 335,5 since which 479,293 have been added ; making the whole pop lotion 814,891, a (/aiw of 143 per cent. EVIDENCES OF PROSPERITY. As an cvidcnco of the thrift of the people, it may be stat that 600,000 tons of freight, including 8,600,000 bushels grain, and 250,000 barrels of flour were forwarded over tl line last year. PRICES AND TERMS OF PAYMENT. The prices of those lands vary from $6 to $25 per acre, a cording to location, quality, &c. First class farming lam sell for about $10 to $12 per acre ; and the relative expen of subduing prairie land as compared with wood land is the ratio of 1 to 10 in favor of the former. The terms of sa for the bulk of these lands will bo ONE YEAR'S INTEREST IN ADVANCE, at six per cent per annum, and six interest notes at six pi cent. , payable respectively in one, two, three, four, five ar six years from date of sale ; and four notes for principa payable in four, five, six and seven years from date of sal the Contract stipulating thatone-tenth of the tract purchasf shall bo fenced and cultivated, each and every year, for fi\ years from date of sale, so that at the end of five years oni half shall bo fenced and under cultivation. TWENTY PER CENT. WILL BE DEDUCTED from the valuation for cash, except the same should be at si dollars per acre, when the cash price will be five dollars. Pamphlets descriptive of the lands, soil, climate, productions, prices, and terms of payment, can be had on appUca tion to or. -W". EOSTEI^, Mjand fotmntiaaioner , Mllinois Central Sailroady , CHICAGO, ILLINOIS. 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