Glass. Es^ Book J_S_§L JUDD vs. TRUMBULL; «C OS PLAIN TRUTHS. ADDRESSED ft / ,;^, .* To tVie Tfeal TxienAs oi t\\fe ^tate oi Con- necticut, of e\cT^ ^cct, Dcnoniina- tion, and Paxt^, ^vliateycTc. BY JUDD. " The basis of our political system, is tlie right of the people, to make and alter their constitution of Government." " This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced andun- awed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, coHipletely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with ' energy, and containing within itself, a provision for its own amendment, has ■ a just claim to your confidence and your support." JVashingtoii's Farewell Mdress. KSW-HAVEN — PRINTED BY J, BABBBP. 1820. -^'^^A-^ ^>>N!¥%4lKS'V> 7?f TO THE READER. The writer o/* the following sheets, commen- ced their^publication in numbers, in tJie Colum- bian liegister, in answer to a pamphlet signed Trumbull. His friends have advised the publi- cation of the numbers in a pamphlet form, which he has consented to, and has coupled them with a review of the measures of the Republican ad- ministration. If he has taken a correct view of the subjects discussed, it is thought that what he has Written will not be wholly unacceptable to his fellow citizens. His interest in the politi- cal questions of the day, is in common with that of every other private citizen. He is neither an office holder under the general or state govern- ment ; and his only aim is, to place the meas- ures of the former, and the present administra- tion, side by side, before his fellow citizens, that men who are not misled by party feelings, oi* blinded by prejudices, can form an opinion of theu' merits for themselves. /<■ miBW vs. 'ismwmmMj^ WiTHjN a (ew raaptlis past a pamphlet has issued from the press of Messrs. George Goodwin and Sons, of Hartford, entitled, " The Mischiefs of Legislative Caucuses exposed, in an address to the people of Connecticut, by Trumbull." This production has been distributed with great industry by the Federal runners; and what is somewhat extraordinary, the gentleman who has been most active in its distribution, is the author of Si7non Holdfast — a man, who, in his da^' and generation, has made more caucus harangues, and scribbled more-caucus addresses, than any ten men in Connecticut. Although this iittle work is evidently arranged by a more mischievous hand, aiid worded with a more nervous pen, than has latterly descended to manufacture political rockets, yet a careful examination of its con- tents, is alone necessary to convince any unbiassed mind, that, what- ever may be said of the writer's conclusions, his premises are unequi- vocally false, hypocritical, and hollow. And although his falsehoods are many of them artfully frosted over with an affectation of candour and fairness, yet, on penetrating the surface, we shall, if I mistake not, find the body of the work but little else than another specimen pf the political trash with which men, of daring ambition and disap- pointed hopes, when thrown from an elevated situation into a mi- nority, endeavour to poison the public mind. There, probably, never was a government on earth which has been assailed by such incessant slanders, as has that of Connecticut, since its administration was entrusted to Republican hands. Instead of exposing the measures of the administration to the public, if ex- posure they require, the Federalists have preferred to misrepresent the proceedings of the Legislature, and to libel both the political and private characters of its members. For this purpose, individuals have been employed to seat themselves in the gallery of the Assem- bly, session after session, to distort, caricature, and then dissect the proceedings of that body. So far, indeed, has this shameful business been carried, that in one instance at least, an individual, a stranger to our state, our laws, and our habits, who not long since was driven in disgrace from the gallery of the Legislature of a neigh- bouring state, has been imported into Connecticut, and made use of by his employers as a Reporter of Legislative proceedings for the Federal newspapers ! Facts like these, are too notorious to be de- nied, and too disgusting to require comment. It was hoped, how- ever, th*, and the Ellsworths, of former times. But who, for the ten or fifteen years past, have " uniformly" filled the seats which were once occuj)ied by those venerable men ? Shall we find " the first talents" of the State embodied in the persons of Ebenezer Huntington or Uriel Holmes — of Epaphroditus Champion,. or John Davenport, jun. — of Lewis B. Sturges or Benjamin Tall- madge ? Several of these gentlemen, before they went to Congress, were in practice as lawyers : were they ever esteemed by their fel- low citizens as men, I will not say of ihe^rst, but of decent talents? Fostered as they have been from childhood, by the favours of the former government, and bolstered up by powerful patronage, where have they distinguished themselves in their professions ? But let us look at them seated in the hall of Legislation. On what subject have these gentlemen, or either of them, elicited " the first talents," as representatives of Connecticut in Congress ? I appeal to the re- ports of Congressional proceedings as published for fifteen years past in the newspapers, when I assert that foe of the gentlemen above named, were never hardly known to open their lips in the hall of Congress, except to move for the postponement of a bill, or, per- advenluro, to second a n)otion for .^n adjournment. Indeed it is r-aid, that the Jifl/i gentleman was, for several sessions in succession, rtired as a reporter, by the editors of newspapers, and, instead of en- tering into the debates himself, was thus gaining double pay, by taking down for the press the speeches of others : a humble employ- ment indeed for " the first talents" of the State! ! If the sixth gen- :leman was, during his Congressional career, more distinguished than his compeers, it was in an unfeeling attempt to wither the well earned laurels of three revolutionary patriots, who, while some of their officers were amassing fortunes by an illicit communication with ';hc enemy, were honest enough to spurn at the bribes which their captive offered them. Is there a man of the present delegation, who would not feel himself dishonoured by being likened to even the most conspicuous of these gentlemen of '•' the first talents?" Trumbull has, indeed, informed us, that t'le late delegation were the " safest ',aiard-.nn3 of the public trc.-asure;" but did our Senators and Repre- sentatives prove themselves the safest guardians of the public trea- sure, by unanimously voting for the odious Comjjensation Law ? But TrurjbuU objects to our present delegation, because, he says, they never were in public life before ; '•^ public ciiaructers lliey Jiavr not sustained," is his hmguage : and this objection comes from a man who knows that such has been the iron system of Connecticut aristociacy, that, until within the two years past, no man could sus- tain a '•' public character" here, unless he would servilely bow the knee to the creed of federalism. Trumbuirs theory is this ; if a man never wfls m public life, for that very reason he never should be. In other words, men must be born into public life ; they must come into the world full grown Congress men ! But let us see how facts will agree with TrumbuH's theory. Many of the most eminent states- men in the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of other states, and not a small portion of the representatives in the Senate and House of Representatives of Congress, from the states south and west of us, have been native Republicans of Connecticut, who were driven from the land of their forefathers, by the persecutions of the Federal administrations. And have these gentleujen been less con- spicuous in their respective stations, than they otherwise would have been, because the}' never sustained " public characters" in Connec- ticut ? Would the Meigs', the Barlows, the Baldwins, the Ruggles'. the Skinners, the Huntingtons, the Kirbys, the Porters, and others who were exiled from Connecticut on account of their political tenets, shi ink in comparison with Trimibull's '''• Congressmen born ?" Would their characters be unable to stand a trial with the Davenports, the Huntingtons, the Holmes', the Champions, and the Pitkins they left behind them ? If Connecticut Democrats have proved ornaments to their country, when representing the States which they have adopted, shall we presume that men of the same stamp are incapabte oi re- presenting the interests of their own State, and this too before we have tried them ? Shall we condemn them for no other or better reason than that they never were in Congress before ? If an indi- vidual whose reputation was as circumscribed as was Timothy Pit- kin's, of Farmington, when, in the course of steady habits, it became- his turn to be sent to Washington, was enabled to bear the blushing honours which his friends awarded him, surely Trumbull need not yet despair of the republic. I may indeed be told, that if Federalism were again reinstated in power, we should have better men tiiau formerly to represent us at Washington ; that " the best men," aye. *' the real friends of the State," would be promoted. But what evi- «le«ce have we of this ? Who were the men that were arrayed in titled stateliness on the last Federal Congressional ticket ? John Hall, Luther Paine, Asa Willey, Elijah Hubbard ! What these gen- tlemen, or either of them, have ever done to entitle them to be called " the best men," or men of " the first talents," I leave for the per/ of Trumbull to describe. Another of the sins which the pamphlet bewails, is, that in th< .Senate of the United States, a gentleman " who has been no less dis- tinguished for brilliancy than solidity of talents," has been suprr- seiled. The sparkling gentleman here alluded to, is undoubtedi} the Hon. Mr. Daggett. Much was, indeed, expected from this gi^n- tleman by his friends, when he was first elected to the Senate; from his previous standing with his party, their anticipations were hig'ily wrought. They supposed that they had selected a man who would 8 at least dislingulsh lilmseli in the national councils, rather than devoi-. himself to the dalliance of a drawing-room, or the flirtations of ;. tea party. How these expectations have been realized, I leave the friends of the honourable gentleman to say. That he has talents 1 admit, but it is known that his conduct at Washington created mur- murings among his own party long before the revolution in Connec- ticut was elfected. And to them I appeal, when I say that this gen- tleman never originated, or was at all conspicuous in the discussion of a single important measure as a member of the Senate, during the six years of his service. He was indeed active in Ibrwarding a bill, after another had been elected to take his place in the Senate, to increase the number of Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States : whether it is true or not that he expected, had the bill been passed, to have been one of the additional Judges, I do not pretend to deteiinine. If, however, his influence was unknown in the Senate, it was ff It in the Legislature of his own State. Most of the rash acts of the Connecticut Assembly, during the war, which have since hurled the actors into retirement here, are traceable to the secret manage- ment of this individual. Indeed it is said that the law prohibiting the enlistment of minors into the army of the United States, while ?-lr. Monroe was Secretary at War, was originally penned by Mr. Daggett, and introduced into our Legislature at his request. These are the strongest claims which Trumbull, or any one else can urge in his favour ; and they doubtless were duly appreciated by the Le- gislature of Connecticut, when they saw fit to appoint his successor. There is no part of Trumbull's pamphlet, in which the writer has so completely removed his mask, and allowed us to look at his real character, as in that where he attempts to weaken tlie confidence of this community, in the highest Judicial Tribunal of the State. Speak- ing of our Supreme Court, he uses the following insidious language : " Your Judiciary, fellow citizens, where is it ? A few years since it " was your pride ; it was the admiration of your surrounding neigh- " hours : — where is it now?" This question, he afterwards answers thus : " I need not say, that the honour of our State is prostrate ; and " that we are humbled in the dust." We have here another specimcii of Trumbull's broad assertions, and wordy rant, without a solitary fact, or a particle of proof, to support any one allegation that he ad- vances. If the honour of our State were '"• indeed humbled in the dust," Trumbull could certainly point us to some flaw in the profes- sional or private character of some one of the Judges, which should render him unfit for his station. That Trumbull had every disposition to do this, if it could be done, the harsh language which I have quoted from his writings, clearly proves; and if he has not done if we may safely infer, it is owing not to a want of will, but to a warn of facts. But to show how far alike from truth, decency, and consistency, the author of the pamphlet, in the plenitude of his malice, is capable of wandering, I need only refer to the fact, that two of the five Judgr- of our Superior Court, who are thus accused of humbling our honou in tiie dust, were first elevated to their seats under the Federal ad- ministration. A third, is a gentleman who maintained the first pra< - tice, when at the bar, of any practitioaer in the western section oi 9 the state; and whose mind has for many years boon habitunlly (Wr- ciplincd to legal disqrasilions, by devotinc; his loisiire hours to quali- tying dillerent classes of students for admission at the bar. 1 might add further, that he has in times past been recommended to the people, by the Fedrralists thenf;5, the Judges of the Superior Court were increased by an act of the Legislature, from Jive to nine. No honest Federalist will pretend, that public necessity, or convenience, even required us to support 'roai tlie Treasury, nine Judges for our Superior Court. No State In the Union, at the time of this accession to our bench, had more thiin live Judges ; and even the Supreme Court of the United States, ■fvhich performs business for immense circuits, consisted of but seven Judges. AVhy then should the small State of Connecticut, embracing an extent of territory hardly larger than the old county of Hamp- shire, in Massachusetts, support nine Judges, when the large States of Massachusetts on the north, and New-York on the west of us, have never felt the necessity of liaving more than five i The reason of this sudden increase of govermental patronage, which formed so conspicuous a part of the system of 1806, " cannot be found in the ordinary operations of party spirit, but must be sought after'' in the implacable and persecuting poUcy of the designing men, who at that time wielded the power of the State. That the additional Judges, who were thus unnecessarily placed upon the bench, were men of talents, cannot at all vary the justice of the measure; — if these ap- pointments were created to brace up a party, it was no more than right, that the law which authorized them, should be struck from the statute book when it ceased to answer the purpose for which it was made. Accordingly, among the leading acts of the Republican As- sembly in 181S, was a law to reduce the Superior Court from nine to five Judges, thereby restoring the bench to the situation in wliich it was when the Federalists began to tamper with it. Indeed, so self- evident was the propriety of tliis step, that although the bill to reduce the Court was introduced by a Republican, yet it was advocated and voted for by a majority of the Federal party in the House. In May, 1819, when the present court was organized, this law of the preceding session, limiting the court to five, came into operation ; and by an act which had been previously j)assed by a Federal as- sembly, the offices of all the old judges expired. Under these cir- cumstances, how should the new court have been organized ? Trum- bull would insinuate that the five new judges should all have been elected from the original nine ; indeed he would seem to claim that the whole nine should have been re-appointed, although tlie law con- lined the Legislature to five! The Assembly, however, in making their selection, took four of the judges from the old court; and the fifih, though not a member of the former court, was elected by an •almost unanimous vote. The supernumeraries, who were thus per- mitted to retire at the expiration of their ofljccs, according to Trum- 11 'biiii, rocrc turned nut. With what propriety this is said, I leave the reader to judge. Trumbull has also told us, that one of the supernumerar}' Judges had taken a part in the war of the revolution ; and lience he argues, that he. .vhatever might be iiis other qualifications, should have been selected as one of the five. Revolutionarv services certainly rank among the most honoinable testimonials for public otlice, and where the qualifications of rival candidates are equal, ought always to pre- ponderate. But dare the persecutors of Major \Villiam Judd and his associates, hold such language? The case <){ Major Judd was this. He had been a brave and an accomplished officer in the Re- volutionary war; he afterwards was a Justice of the Peace in Con- necticut ; and while he held this office, he asserted, in a Republican coiivention, that Connecticut ought to have a written constitution of ci\il government. For this declaration, he was arraigned as a cul- prit at the bar of the Assembly ; men were hired at the public ex- pense to conduct a prosecution against him ; and after a hearing, he was deprived of his commission of the Peace, in a way calculated above all others to wound the feelings of an honourable man. The accusers of this revolutionary patriot, were unv/illing that he should go out of office at the expiration of hrs terra ; six months was too long a period for a Republican, who had expressed opinions favour- able to the formation of a constitution, to hold even the office of a Justice of the Peace. And what adds to the damning nature of this procedure, is. that at the opening of the late convention, a vote was adopted, in which the Federalists themselves, with two or three ex ceptions, expressed the sentiments of Major Judd, by declaring thai it was then '' expedient, that the State of Connecticut should have a constitution of civil government." Surely, these men are the last who should venture to talk of revolutionary services as a recom- mendation lor public office, so long as they can be made to remember the name of JUDD. If Trumbull is to be beUeved, the republicans since they became a majority, have confined themselves to a system of political exclusion, hi their a]>pointments to office, which their predecessors knew nothing, of; — a system which is represented in high wrought colours, as bor- dering upon intolerance itself, — and which a fair retaliation upoii federahsm would not warrant. His language is this : " In regartl to sherifls, judges of courts of common pleas, justices of quorum, judge;; of probate, justices of peace, clerks of courts, and even down to commissioners of turnpike roads, there has been one sweep of remo- val, with few exceptions, arising out of particular circ^imstanci'S."' Ii Trumbull has here misrepresented the facts, we can find no apology for him, because the Registers of appointments under (he former, and present government, were ready at his hands, and a sliglit refer- ence to this documentary evidence, would have easily tested the com- parative liberality of the two administrations. As to justices of peace, who according to Trumbull have all, " with few exceptions," been monopolized by the present majority, 1 assert it as a fact, and appeal to the list of appointments for the present year, aspublished, for the truth of the declaration, that more than two hundred of the justices now in commission, were first ap- 12 j^ointcd uiidci- tiit; Icderiil administration j and I aL-o declare, and apixal to the public records lor the truth of what I say, that under the icucral administration, instead o( two hundred, tliere were not >V/Mepubli(ans in coniniission as justices. On whom tiien, does the charge otilJiberality and intokvance justly fall ? Which party has been v'uilty of monopolizing all the appointments, " with itiw exceptions, arising out of particulai' circumstances''? Two hundird to ten are rather fearful odds, — and yet the yutriotic pen of Trumbull way never known to move itself in iavor oi the rights of the minority during the twenty years that the chariot wheels of lederalisin were ;irinding democracy in the dust ! Init it is not in the minor appoint- lijonts of justices and road commissioners, that I would particularly draw a parallel between the two administrations, — but in regard to the higher and more lucrative appointments of '• sheriffs, judges of courts of common pKaj', justices of quorum, judges of probate, and clerks of courts." These oliices, •'' the peo[>l(,' of Connecticut" have been tokl, have "with few exceptions," all been filled by new ap- pointments. How stands the fact? Theie are in the state eight sheriffs, twenty-four judges of common pleas courts, and justices oi quorum — thirty judges >j( probate, twenty-one clerks of the superior, common pleas, and city courts ; making in all eighty-three offices, v.'hich Trumbull informs us, '• have been visited with a pestilential sweep of removal, with icw exceptions," since the republicans gained an ascendency, Uut on turning to Green's Connecticut P.egister, the reader will find that of the iwenty-lbur judges, and quorum jus- tices, one third nov/ in oJMce, were tirst appointed under the former administration, and have been continued in office by the present; — of thirty judges of probate, nearly one half received their commis- sions undi r the federal administration, — and of the twenty-one clerkships, twenty are now held by federalists, and but a solitary one by a republican ! These facts then, which are supported by tlie pub- lic records, may be thus condensed : of the eight //-three offices abovt: ■ numerated, and v.hich Trufnbull says have been cleared by a single '• sweej) of removal," hwt firfyfire have been filled by new appoint- ments, and th;' remaining thir'y-tight remain as they were when tlu repuLiicans came uito power, i^et us now see how this result com- j.aies witii the federal li.-t of appointments of 1S15, and ISlG. Among the tiien eighty-three offices above m-liced, but a solitary man (Isaac Silencer,) can be found who was a republican. There was a pciiod, during the early part of the federal administration, when a republi- can, the present collector of the port of New-Haven, was clerk of the superior court for tiie county to which he belonged ; and although all the other clerks in the state were at the time federalists, yet such was the polilical proscription of the day, that notwithstanding hi.> acknowledged capacity for the office, he was dismissed to make room Um- the present incumbent. With facts like these before us, the fede- lalisls of Connecticut should be tlie last men on earth to complain ol being excluded from office. Wliik- they were at the acme of power, among eiulit hundreil justices of their appointment, not ten republi- cans could be named; and among nearly one inindred of higher a[>- puintmenis, but a solitary democrat was tolerated in office ! ■ We are told by Truiubi:!!, at ll;e close of his pamphlet, and with ;■ \ie\vit* possible, lo create a division in the republitctn ranks, if iiis labours should in other respects be lost, that the new ap[)ointnients have been generally confined to what are denoniinaled '• toleration- Ists," or nie-n wiio lurnierly acted with the lederal party, — and the republicans of the old school, have '• during the pa.?t year, been left >n the back ground." Hcjually false and hypocritical with the rest, is this pretence. Of the forti/-Jire new appointments alluded to heretofore, fo/y/z-OHe are held by old school republicans, and hut fuur by gentlemen \vho were formerly connected with the federal party. And yet Trumbull has the unblushing impudence to declare, that '' the democrats of the old school have been left in the back ground," vvhei^ he, and every intelligent man of his party knows, that there are even now ten federalists in otiice to one of the tolerationists,"' whom he would represent as n:onopoli'/,ing the appointments." If Trumbull and his instigators have supposed that the " people of Connecticut" can be imposed upon by inconsistencies thus gross, by falsehoods thus flagrant, ihey have yet to learn the temper and cliai - cter of the peoi)le \vhoin they have thus attempted to dupe, h there ever was an administration that was completely justified in permitting a goodly portion of its officers to letire from their sta- rions, it was the adroinistration of Connecticut, after the bilter oppo- • ition it had encountered in the election of April, 1819. It will be remembered that the Assembly of May 1818, was the tlrst which af- forded the republicans a majority in both branches of the legislature, and imposed on them the responsibility of making the appointments. The public records of that session will warrant me in saying, that /wo t.'iirds of the then annual appointments, were re-appointments of men who were in office uiider the former administration. Indeed the higher and lucrative appointments, were almost without an excep- iion left in federal hands. The republicans in this respect were not only liberal, but they were liberal to a fault. Good men of both (larries, were at this time in hopes that the generous policy of the ad- ministration towards the minority, would serve in some measure to >nn)oth down the asperity o\ party violence. About this period, tho fideralists convened in caucus, and agreed to " strike their colours.'* -Hut little did we ti'.en suppose that this ceremony of striking colours was only to serve as a signal for the creeping, crooked warfare, '.vhich marked the opposition of 1818. It Avas always known that there were many excellent men who acted with the federal party, who were real republicans in principle, but who had been so often told that our school fund would be wasted, that our literary institu- tions would languish, and our judiciary be made to waver with every popular breeze, if the democrats should ever gain the ascendancy, that they were deterred from acting their real feelings. According- ly among the most prominent provisions of our constitution, we find ihat our school fund is guarded by barriers which no leoislative act can over dissolve— the charter of our college is confirmed, and our judiciary placed beyond the reach of party. If the federalists had been sincere in their former pretensions, would they not have cordial- ly approved of an instrument which secured to them and their pos- terity such important points ? In convention, and when acting under th'< "^ohnniity nf an nath, a majority of the federal dQlcgatcs did in- 14 deed approve of t-iis instrument, and in a solemn manner reconfi> mended it to their constituents for adoption. Jjut, fellow citizens, to tlie eternal disgrace of the federal party be it said, as soon as it was «.liscovered that there was a distant probability of rejecting the con- stitution, these same delegates, "in defiance of their best judgment, and when your interests and mine, and that of the state and posteri- ty, and the solemn oath of God required them'' to vote in favor of the ratification — •• voted in direct oppositioa to their own conviction, in obedience to the decision of a caucus ! .'* The constitution, however, triumphed over all the opposition that could be brought to bear against it. But although the colours of federalism had been formally struck, and although two thirds o{ the offices were held by federalists, yet the administration at the very next election in April, was assailed by an opposition more violent and viperous tlian it had ever before encountered. Will it be said that the re[)ublicans, under these circumstances, should have tamely sui- rendered up the reins of government? Should federal opposition be appeased at the expense of every office in the state ? — for it seems Hothing short of this could satisfy its demands. Or did self respect, did public tranquillity point out a different course ? I make the ap- peal to any honorable federalist — nay, I appeal to Trumbull himself, tv.) say what would have been the course that he would have advised, had circumstances been reversed. Would he have recommended a milder course than to disarm the leaders of this unreasonable clamour? I venerate that religion which teaches man to forgive his enemy, but I know of no rule of gospel charity that requires him to arm an enemy with u dagger which has been once aimed at his heart. But why does Trumbull fill up his pamphlet, by praising the merits of certain office Jtolclcis under the former administration, and slan- poinlments ? '' It is not my intention,'' says Trum- bull, '- to enter into a discussion of the particular acts of tlve General Assembly, since this party (the Republicans) obtained the ascendancy in our councils." This is tlie first time, I presume, that an adminis- tration has been attacked, wlic'n not one of its measures has beru shown to be undeserving of public confidence. It would have given me additional satisfaction to have met Trumbull here ; and although we may fairly construe his unwillingness to " enter into a discussion of the parii'.ular acts of tiie General Assembly," into a virtual ac- knowledgment that these acts deserve the continued support of the people of Connecticut, yet 1 will not on this subject avail myself of his tacit admissions, but propose briefly to examine some of the lead- *Tliis oiujcns was licld at Hartford soon after the rising of the convention,-^ and fioni it issued liie messengers, iiandliiils and circulars, wljicli were scattered in all parti of ibe state previous to the day on which liie coiislitulioii was iJti- fieu. 15 ing acts which have followed " the ascendancy of Republicanism in our councils." On no subject have the people of this State been so studiously de- ceived, as in the situation of the public funds. Before tlie late revolu- tion, they were told that the Treasury was always full, and that a change in that department would be necessarily attc^nded by a waste of the public money. The characteristic and laudable caiefulness of the people of Connecticut, on every subjert relating to the pecuniary interests of the state, was thus seized upon by artfid men, to strengthen diemselves in power. An occurrence happened soon after the election of the present Treasurer, which afforded an opportunity to the men who had been thus predicting a waste of the public money, to claim a fulfilment of their prophecy. I allude to the loan, which was au- thorized by the Assembly in October, 1818. No act of the present Administration has probably raised so much excitement as this loan for sixty days, in anticipation of the taxes. It was immediately turn- ed against the men in power, and made use of as the main battery of attack, throughout the slrongl}' contested election of 1819. Pam- phlets, hand bills, and newspapers, were loud in proclaiming that the democrats had dissipated the public mone}' ; and the loan to which [ have alluded, was relied on with perfect confidence, as placing the fact beyond a question. Little did the people at that time suppose, that the very men who were most instrumental in raising this clamour, had been in the constant habit for years, of feeding the hollow cofiers of their ^^ full 2'reasuri/,'- by a continued series of loans ; and that the measure, adopted in this instance by the Republicans, was but a continuation of a system of borrowing, which had been secrethj pur- sued by the Federalists, till the power was wrested from their hands. What Federalist, one year ago, would have acknowledged that the loan of October, 1818, was a measure which grew out of Federal policy — a measure, that was forced upon the Legislature by the im- poverished state of the Treasury, at the time it was placed under Repubhcan controul ? And yet, such is the undeniable fact. To show- that I am correct on this point, I need but refer to the following transcripts of the public records, authorizing Mr. Kingsbury to bor- Tow money, to keep up the credit of the State. LOAN OF 1808. STATE OP CONNECTICUT. " At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford on the 2d Thursday of May, being the 12th day of said month, and continued by adjournment until the 3d day of June, 1808 : " Resolved, by this Assembly, that the Treasurer of this State, be and he is hereby authorized to borrow any sum or sums not ex- ceeding eight thousand dollars, for the purpose of defraying the Civil List expenses of this State, for the current year, and paying the last instalments due the Core Company. " Resolved, by this Assembly, that such dividends as shall within one year from the rising of this Assembly, be received of the Com- missioner of loans, on account of reimbursement of principal of tho stock ckwncd by this State in the funds of the United States, be ap- 16 piled in payment of the Civil List c:;penscs of tliis ilaic ioi tiic : , rent year. •' A tnio copv of record, examined In THOJMAS DAY, Secretary. LOAN IN OCTOCEK, ISOS. " Resolved, by tliis Assembly, that the Treasurer of this State be. and he is hereby authorized, to borrow on the credit of the State, such sum or sums not exceeding fifteen tho'i«and dollars, as may be found necessary to dischart^r the Civil List demands on the Treasury previous to the first day of February next, over and -above the sums that now are or may be paid into the Treasury previous to that pe- riod. '•' A true copy of record, examined by " THOMAS DAY, Secretary." LOAN IN OCTOBER, 1809. '•• Resolved, by this Assembly, that the Treasurer of this State be, ;ind he is hereby authorized, to borrow on the credit of the State, *vvelve thousand dollars of any bank or banks incorporated by thi-* .State, to be repaid as soon as the exigencies of the Treasurer wiH permit. '■'• A true copy of record, examined by "THOMAS DAY, Secretary." LOAN LN MAY, 1815. '• Resolved, by this Assembly, that the Treasurer of this State be. and he is hereby authorized to borrow such sum or sums of money as may be necessary to supply the deficiencies of the Treasury in defraying the expenses of the State, until the session of the Genera) \ssembly in October next. '•' A true coi\v of record, examined by « THOMAS DAY, Secretary." LOAN IN OCTOBER, 1813. *' Resolved, by this Assembly, that the Treasurer of this Sate be- and he is hereby authorized to borrow on the credit of the State, such sum or sums of money as may be necessary, not e.xceeding thirty thousand dollars, to be repaid as soon the exigencies of the Treasury M'ill perniil. '' A true cop3' of record, examined by " THOMAS DAY, Secretary." These resolutions, as I am informed, were always passed just at the close of each session of the Assembly, when the members began to think more of their debenture bill, than the means by which it was to be met ; and such was the management by which these resolutions were hurried througli, in the confusion of closing the session, that hardly ten men in the house, excepting: the Spea'.er, V.nrw their oh- 17 jcct. Indeed, so completely were die people kept in llic dark oi» UM subject, that since the publication of these resolutions, hardly a man can be found, even amony: the oldest federal members of the i^egis- / lature, who knew, or is willing to acknowledge, that such means had been resorted to by his party. To bring the Treasury into a situation that would enable it to meet the demands upon it, without imposing additional taxes, and to re- deem it from the time-serving policy of secret loans, which had been necessary to sustain its credit during the ten last years of the Federal administration, were among the first objects to which the Republicans turned their attention. Hence, most of their leading acts have tend- ed to lessen, and not a single act has tended to increase the expenses of the government. A recapitulation of some of these acts may not come amiss. By reducing the number of judges of the superior court from nine to five, an annual saving has been made of ^4,200 By reducing the county courts from five to three, in each county, our expenses have been lessened 3,00Q By dispensing with the fall session of the assembly, there will ordinarily be saved 12,500 By reducing the school fund commissioner's extra salary 500 $20,200 Making in all upwards of twknty thousand dollars per annum ; a sum amounting to more than ttoojifths of the whole nett proceeds of the state tax. Had the men who have been loud in accusing the republicans, of wasting the public money, instead of increasing the expenses of our courts in 1806, by an unexampled and useless in- crease of judges, — then laid the foundation for similar retrenchment, of public expenditures, they would have been able, instead of suiren- dering up in 1818, an exhausted treasury, to have transferred up- wards of THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS, in addition to the present permanent funds of the state. And yet, it is no less singu- lar than true, that the particular acts of the men in power, which have efl'ected this salutary reduction of our ex])enses, have been more severely censured, and more violently assailed by their oppo- nents, than any other measures of the assembly. Hence the reduc- tion of the number of our judges, is rudely called " a prostration of our judiciary;" the dispensing with the fall session of the legislature, is called " a wanton disrespect to the best habits of the state ;" ancl even dispensing with the extra pay of the school fund commissioner, called forth a resentful communication from that officer to the legis- lature, in which he very distinctly intimated, when alluding to this re- duction, that nothing but a sense of public duty prevented him from depriving the people at once of his future services, by wididrawing from his station. Indeed it seems to be openly avowed by the federal newspapers, that a reversal of these measures, which thus diminish the public burthens, would take place, should their ticket be elected. What success ought to attend a list oi candidates, thus lin.ided by a perpetual olaim of twenty thousand dollars a year upon the pub- lic treasury, I leave to be determined by the sound sense and honest independence of the electors. The school fund, which we were often told would melt away, should it be placed within republican reach, I have already observ- ed instead of being diminished, lias been by an article of the consti-^ 18 tution, W'liich i"io legiblalivc act can vaA- ' inviolably anpropMatcci to the support and encouragement of tlie public schf»nk thro*igh'>»it the state, and for the equal benefit of all the people thereof." And when we consider, that during the late war, when the treasury was pressed for money, some of the leading politicians of the day advo- cated the appropriation of a part of our school money to defray the expenses of the state in its mad projects against the union — I say, when this is taken into consideration, we may view the article of the constitution above noticed, by itself, ;i< wortii all vhe toil and expense which the constitution has cost the slnte. Had that instrument con- tained but this single provision, it would have been cheaply purchas- ed. The same article which has tliiis guarded this " precious depo- sit," also provides, that •■' the value and amount of said' fund shall as soon as practicable, be ascertained, in such manner as the epneral assembly may prescribe, published, and recorded in the comptroller's office." The importance of such a provision, which places this sa- cred fund constantly under the eye of the assembly, will be felt, when it is remembered that although this fund was originally scan-ed to the state at an interest of six per cent, yet its dividends have never averaged over from three to four per cent. I do not say, nor do I insinuate, that this diminution of dividends below the rate which was originally secured, is owing to any want of good management, since the present commissioner was appointed, — but I do say, that the party who, when entrusted by the people with their property to the amount of a million of dollars, secured at six jjer cent, have not been able to divide over four per cent, should be the last to charge their opponents with incapacity. They may if they please, style themselves " the real friends of the state,'' but the mouths of such "friends of the state," should be forever closed on the subject of the school fund. The new system of taxation, perhaps, ranks among the most con- spicuous measures of the republican administration. This system is bottomed upon the principle, that property should be made to pay towards the support of governnK.nt, in proportion to its value and income, ahyays provided tiiat articles of luxury should be taxed higher than those articles which constitute the necessaries of life. The radical defect of our old law was, that it was calculated to ope- rate upon an entirely diflerent state of society from what now exists in Connecticut. Commerce had not at the formation of that sys- tem, created the inequalities in wealth which now exist. The pro- perty of the state was more uniformly distributed, and less concen- trated in overgrown fortunes, than it has been since the establish- ment of banks, and the grov.'th of our cities and large towns — the lux- uries of a more extravagant state of society had not been introduced, and the variety of bank, bridge, turnpike, insurance, and government {Stocks, which now swallow up the surplus funds of our wealthy capi- talists, were unknovv'n in Connecticut. Hence our forn.er systenfj was predicated upon the supposition that all property of the same kind, was of the same value, or of about the same value; and no dis- ciimination was made between the taxable value of the same species of property. The house in the country, for instance worth 800 dollars, was made to contribute as much as the house in one of our large towns, Worth 8000 dollars, if they each had an equal number of fire- places. The horse worth tiiirty dollars, paid as much as the horse • worth one hundred and lil'ty dolhus. The watch worth ten dollars^ 19 • •uiich .'•s Uic '. ii one liuiKired dollats. And liie acre oi 1! )«' land WDiil 'ollars, as much as tlie acre of plow land worth eighty dollars. And even the poor man's cow, whicli the law humanely considers, so far an " article necessary to uphold life," as to exempt it from being taken for debt, was made to pay a higher tax than two hundred dollars in bank stock — more than six acres of plow land worth forty dollars per acre — more than eighteen acres oi (uninclosedj wood land, worth eighty dollars per acre — more than forty-one acres of second rate (uninclosed) wood land, worth fifty dollars an acre — more than a table set of silver plate— more than three building lots located in one of our principal cities, worth in all, three thousand dollars. Indeed the poor man's cow, when the ownei' was not possessed of land enough for the animal to stand upon, xvas taxed for its protection, while the nabob v/ho lived wilhout labour jpon the dividends of his insurance, bridge, turnpike, and United States stock, Was not required to pay a dollar for his wealth ! It was to renied\' these and other similar inequalities, that the new tax law was framed. Whether it has effected itsoljject, an examination of its bearings will show. Under the new law, the house Vvorth eight thousand dollars, instead of paying no more than one worth eight hundred, must pay ten dollars, where the house worth eight hundred pays one. The horse worth one hundred and fifty dollars, must pay five dollars, where a horse worth thirty pays one dollar. The watch worth one hundred dollars, must pay ten dollars, wdiile a watch worth ten pays one dollar. The plow land worth eighty dollars per acre, instead of paying no more than similar land worth twenty dol- lars, must now pay four times as much as the inferior land. The two hundred dollar? in bank stock, which formeily paid less than the cow of a poor family, must now pay as much as ten cows ; the tabic set of silver plate, must pay as much as forty cows, the three thou- sand dollars invested in building lots, as much as seventy cows. I might run the parallel further, but enough has already been said to explain the principles of the former, and the present system. A complaint has indeed been made, that articles of luxury will pay a higher tax under the new law than ought to be imposed upon them. I'hese articles, such as high priced carriages, silver plate, expensive mansion houses, &c. have in all governments, been con- sidered as ranking among the first and fairest objects of taxation. The tax upon these articles, like the former whiskey tax of the United States, is one which can be either dispensed with or not, by the citi- zen. If, however, it should appear that these articles have been placed at too high a rate in the list, the connective power is in the next legislature, who can vary the rates, if necessary, without inter- fering at all witli the general features of the system, as their consti' tuents shall will. TrOmbull has, indeed, given us an oblique objec- tion (the only one he condescends to make) to the system ; which is, that " it provides no rules for the valuation of the articles subject to taxation." And hence he would leave us to infer, that the asses- sors of one town may adopt a different rule in their valuations, from that adopted by the assessors of its neighbouruig town. This ob- jection might apply with some force in other states, but it cannot here. Because, in Connecticut, each town dr.'xws from tiie treasury its school money in proportion to the taxes paid in ; and every town receives more in this way from the state treasury than it pays. By the original bill, as rir=;t reported to th^ legislature, it was provide^ 'ihai a commissioner should be appointct took up my pen. With Trum- bull, I will only say, that " my appeal is not to any party, bui lo the friends of the State ; and I Irtist I shall not make (he appea) in vai.T.' If (lie imnrove- inenls which iiave been noticed are worth preserving, it is the duly ot eveiy ;,ood citizen to see that they are protected from the assaiUts of demagogues, aud fjjnilcd ilywfi uninijirircd to potlerity. JUDD. k /G