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DINNER 
 
 TO THE 
 
 HON. DANIEL WEBSTER, 
 
 OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 BY 
 
 THE MERCHANTS, AND OTHER CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHU, 
 
 DECEMBER 2, 1846, 
 
 WITH 
 
 MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 CRISSY & MARKLEY, PRINTERS. 
 
 1847. 
 
s<> ^^^^^^^-^^^^^^^^^ 
 
DINNER 
 
 TO THK 
 
 HON. DANIEL AVEBSTER 
 
 OF MASSACHUSETTS: 
 
 BY 
 
 THE MERCHANTS, AND OTHER CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA, 
 
 DECEMBER 2, 1846, 
 
 WITH 
 
 MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 CRISSY & MARKLEY, PRINTERS, NO. 4 MINOR STREET. 
 
 1847. 
 
£7340 
 
^M EUMU U JUtr. »(rt^tl(rir< 
 
 The greatness of true Statesmanship — the excellence of sterling 
 Patriotism, at all times, challenge high regard, and of right, demand 
 from those who have been benefited by their exercise, not only a 
 public recognition of their value ; but a return, also, in some degree, 
 as an evidence of grateful feeling. 
 
 Military greatness, is too frequently a thing of rapid growth ; a 
 consequence, often, of chance, and liable to be dimmed by the same 
 causes which contributed to lend it tempoi'ary lustre. But the 
 glory which is the reward of the statesman, is slowly yielded, even 
 by those who are best served ; and the consideration and respect 
 due to those naturally fitted to direct and control the destinies of a 
 nation, are not given until there is in every heart the assurance 
 that they are well deserved. Peace and her victories, do not 
 strike, at once, upon the sense, with the greatness of their results ; 
 and men look back from present prosperity, to a time of trouble 
 and danger, in order to be assured that the civilian has done more 
 by preserving, enlarging and improving, than the soldier by de- 
 priving or destroying. 
 
IV 
 
 Among the statesmen of our country, Daniel Webster has 
 taken a foremost position, and but few of those who have striven 
 with him in the mighty efforts of intellect, which have brought 
 lustre upon his name, and added honor to the nation, have done so 
 much for the true interests of the people, or contributed so largely 
 to the perpetuity of peace. He has met and grappled difficulties 
 that seemed overshadowing the land — pregnant with omens of 
 war ; and under his careful guidance, the calm light of peace has 
 a<rain been diffused where it seemed almost extinguished. He has 
 soothed the angry feelings of the nation without abating its honor, 
 and added to its dignity, by sustaining with the ability which 
 belongs only to the highest powers, and the most enlarged intellect, 
 the claims of the country, both abroad and at home. He has 
 become a pillar of strength in defence of our National Constitution, 
 and aided, with wise forecast, to throw around our Commerce and 
 Manufactures, the guards and defences which have protected them 
 while feeble, and aided them in prosperous maturity. 
 
 He has become a citizen of the country, and has won a place in 
 the hearts of our people. New Hampshire may point with exulta- 
 tion to his birth-place among her granite hills, and Massachusetts 
 claim him as her favorite son ; but Pennsylvania, and every State 
 in the Confederacy, has a claim upon his matchless mind, and a 
 pride in his broadly diffiased fame. The services which have made 
 his name illustrious, were for the Union, and the Natiox yields 
 him the precious gift of gratitude lor what he has accomplished for 
 her permanent good. 
 
 No class of our people has derived more benefit from his far- 
 seein" wisdom, than the mercantile community ; and the merchants 
 of Philadelphia, in tendering to him a token of their appreciation of 
 his great acts, have but rendered him just honor, while, at the 
 same time, they have drawn to themselves the commendation of 
 
the entire class of our people, whom they represent. It was not 
 to subserve political or sectional views, that they proffered the 
 festivity, of which record is made in the following pages. It was 
 with no view to bias his feelings, or tempt him to the advocacy of 
 plans, specially to benefit the community, in the midst of which he 
 was honored. It was for what had been accomplished — for the 
 services of years, and in thankfulness for the substantial good 
 which had inured to the commerce and manufactures of the nation, 
 as a consequence of his efforts. Galm judgment, uninfluenced by 
 political hopes or fears, or political expediency, approved the mani- 
 festation of feeling, and Mr. Webster was made the recipient of 
 a moral homage, most acceptable, because it is rarely won or 
 tendered. 
 
 The festivity was one to be remembered, and in the record of all 
 that properly belongs to it, which follows, an endeavor has been 
 made to convey some idea of the spirit in which the compliment 
 was offered, and of the manner in which it was rendered. 
 
PRELIMINARY PROCEEDINGS. 
 
 On the 25th of April last, a meeting of the merchants and other 
 citizens, subscribers to the call for a Dinner to the Hox. Daniel 
 Webster, was held at the Philadelphia Exchange. 
 
 On motion of Mr. John H. Martin, 
 David S. Brown, Esq., was called to the Chair, and 
 Dr. George McClelland appointed Secretary. 
 
 The Chairman having stated the object of the Meeting, 
 Mr. Samuel C. Morton, offered the following Preamble and 
 Resolutions. 
 
 Whereas, a number of the citizens of Philadelphia are anxious 
 to tender a public dinner to the Hon. Daniel Webster, as an evi- 
 dence of their appreciation of his great public services. 
 
 Resolved, That a Committee of General Superintendence be 
 appointed, to consist of twenty-four subscribers, with jiowcr of sub- 
 stitution, and to increase their number to any extent they mav 
 deem necessary. 
 
 Resolved, That said Committee be instructed to correspond with 
 the Honorable Daniel Webster, and make all suitable preparations 
 \\)Y the occasion. 
 
VII 
 
 Resolved, That the following named gentlemen be appointed 
 said Committee, viz. : 
 
 Henry White, Joseph B. Myers, 
 
 Charles W. Churchman, Thomas Chambers, 
 
 David S. Brown, John Rice, 
 
 Alfred L. Elwyn, John McCandless, 
 
 Jacob M. Thomas, Frederick Fraley, 
 
 Singleton A. Mercer, William Struthers, 
 
 John H. Martin, John S. Riddle, 
 
 Alexander H. Freeman, Sampson Tams, 
 
 Thomas Smith, William D. Lewis, 
 
 Isaac R. Davis, William E. Whelan, 
 
 George McClelland, Samuel Haddock, Jr., 
 
 John Ashhurst, William Bargh. 
 
 In accordance with its assigned duty, the Committee met, and 
 addressed to the Hon. Daniel Webster, the following letter :— 
 
 Philadelphia, April 27th, 1846. 
 
 Dear Sir : — Your fellow citizens of this city, desirous of ex- 
 pressing their friendly regard and admiration of your services to 
 your country, tender to you a public dinner, to be given at a time 
 the most convenient to yourself. 
 
 Nearly all who offer this mark of esteem, are men of business, 
 removed from the party strifes of the country, though deeply inte- 
 rested and affected in all their relations, by the action and agitation 
 of party ; with these your name has long been associated as one 
 of those, whose advice, whether heeded or not ; whose abilities, 
 whether successfully exerted or not ; were always directed towards 
 the advancement of their interests, and always, in their opinion, 
 tending to the enhancement of their prosperity. They offer to you 
 this token of respect, as an evidence, not only of personal esteem, 
 but as a mark of sincere and grateful feeling. 
 
VIII 
 
 But in this expression of regard, they will not limit themselves to 
 what may be considered as more peculiarly their interests. As 
 members of this great Republic, they desire in this way, to express 
 their approbation and pride in those efforts, that have multiplied 
 and strengthened our ties with the family of nations ; that have 
 increased and made more stable, as well as intimate, our own 
 national sympathies; and which, by extending your reputation, 
 have given credit and fame to your country. 
 
 None cherish, with more interest, these, the lasting memorials 
 
 that you have given of your patriotism and devotion to the welfare 
 
 of your fellow citizens, than those, who now tender this token of 
 
 their esteem. 
 
 We have the honor to be, 
 
 With the highest respect, 
 
 Your friends and fellow citizens, 
 
 Henry White, Alfred L. Elwyn, * 
 
 Jacob M. Thomas, Charles W. Churchman, 
 
 George McClelland, David S. Brown, 
 
 Isaac R. Davis, John S. Riddle, 
 
 William D. Lewis, Frederick Fraley, 
 
 John Rice, John Ashhurst, 
 
 William E. Whelan, Alexander H. Freeman, 
 
 John II. Martin, Joseph B. Myers, 
 
 John McCandless, Singleton A. Mercer, 
 
 Thomas Smith, Thomas Chambers, 
 
 William Struthers, Sampson Tams, 
 Daniel Haddock, Jr. 
 
 To this letter, Mr. Webster made the following reply in accept- 
 ance of the invitation. 
 
 WAsriiT^GTON, May 1st, 1R40. 
 
 Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
 of your communication, of th(! "^Tth of April, inviting me to a pub- 
 lic dinner, in Philadelphia. 
 
IX 
 
 The character of this invitation, as well as the friendly manner 
 in which it is expressed, give it a peculiar claim on my regard ; 
 and render it indeed, on my part, not easy to be declined. 
 
 You describe those whom you represent, or who join you in this 
 mark of respect, as " men of business, removed from the party 
 strifes of the country, though deeply affected and interested in all 
 their relations, by the action and agitation of party movements." 
 
 I deem it a high honor. Gentlemen, to be requested by such men, 
 to accept a mark of their esteem ; and when my public duties shall 
 allow, I will gladly meet you and your friends, on such day as 
 may suit your convenience. 
 
 We are in the midst of all the business of one of the most im- 
 portant sessions of Congress, which have been holden under the 
 Constitution. 
 
 During its continuance, I shall hardly be able to leave the duties 
 
 of my place, even for a few days ; but after its conclusion, if you 
 
 will allow me, I will confer with you upon the time for carrying 
 
 your very respectful purpose into effect. 
 
 I am. Gentlemen, 
 
 With entire regard. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 DANIEL WEBSTER. 
 
 To Messrs. A. L. Elwyn, C. W. Churchman, D. S. Brown, and 
 other Gentlemen of the Committee. 
 
 The acceptance having been received, the General Committee of 
 
 Superintendence reassembled, and organized by the choice of the 
 following officers : — 
 
 Henry White, Chairman. 
 
 Jacob M. Thomas, Treasurer. 
 
 Daniel Haddock, > „ . . 
 ,1,. Ti i Secretaries. 
 
 William Bargh, \ 
 
Being thus constituted, and the manner of providing the enter- 
 tainment, being under consideration, it was resolved to appoint 
 the following Committees, with large powers, so as to secure an 
 efTective discharge of required duty : — 
 
 COMMITTEE ON INVITATIONS. 
 
 Charles W. Churchman, Singleton A. Mercer, 
 
 Dr. George McClelland, David S. Brown, 
 
 Dr. Alfred L. Elwyn, John Rice, 
 
 Jacob M. Thomas. 
 
 COMMITTEE TO PREPARE DINNER AND MAKE ARRANGEMENTS, 
 
 Henry White, John H. Martin, 
 
 John Ashhurst, John McCandless, 
 
 William E. Whelan, William Struthers, 
 
 Daniel Haddock, Jr., Frederick Fraley, 
 
 Thomas Smith, John S. Riddle, 
 
 Alexander H, Freeman, Isaac R. Davis, 
 
 Thomas Chambers, William D. Lewis, 
 
 Joseph B. Myers, Sampson Tams. 
 
 These Committees immediately proceeded to fulfil the duties en- 
 trusted to them, and a large and liberal preparation was the conse- 
 quence of their exertions. The first in its gathering together many 
 of the most eminent merchants and friends of Commerce, in the 
 country ; and the last in the noble feast at which the distinguished 
 Guest was honored. 
 
 The Committee on Invitations, with a pi'oper view of their duty, 
 addressed letters to the following distinguished gentlemen, request- 
 ing their presence at the festival : — 
 
 Philip Hone,* Simeon Draper, 
 
 R. M. ]51atchford,* Edward Curtis,* 
 
 Moses Grinnell, Fliram Ketchum,* 
 
 Charles King,* Samuel Jaudon,* 
 
XI 
 
 Commodore Stewart, 
 J. Prescott Hall, 
 Nathan Appleton, 
 James W. Paige, 
 Abbott Lawrence, 
 Robert C. Winthrop,* 
 Col. Thomas Perkins, 
 Rufus Choate, 
 Fletcher Webster,* 
 Thomas J. Stevenson, 
 Charles H. Warren,* 
 Washington Hunt, 
 George Ashmun,* 
 George Evans, 
 Charles T. Paine, 
 James Wilson,* 
 W. W. Seaton,* 
 Z. Collins Lee,* 
 Reverdy Johnson, 
 J. P. Kennedy,* 
 James Lyons, 
 
 John S. 
 
 T. T. H. McKennon, 
 Roswell L. Colt,* 
 Thomas Corwin, 
 J. J. Crittenden, 
 Thomas Butler King, 
 Samuel J. Vinton, 
 R. C. Schenck, 
 George T. Curtis, 
 Nathan Hale,i 
 J. T. Buckingham,^ 
 Wm. Hay den, ^ 
 Charles C. Stratton, 
 Andrew Stewart,* 
 Isaac Munroe,* 
 J. Brooks,** 
 John Inman,^ 
 Horace Greely,*' 
 Charles Stetson, 
 Alexander Ramsay,* 
 Freeman Hunt,* 
 Truman Smith,* 
 Skinner,* 
 
 Of these, the gentlemen whose names are marked with an aste- 
 risk, signified thfeir acceptance, and were, with but one or two 
 exceptions, present at the dinner. 
 
 The Committee to cause the Entertainment to be prepared, and 
 to make the necessary arrangements, fixed upon the great Saloon 
 of the Museum Building, as the place wherein the dinner should 
 take place, and also entrusted to Messrs. Bagley, McKenzie Sf Co., 
 the proprietors of the "Columbia House," in this city, the duty 
 
 1 Daily Advertiser, Boston. 4 Baltimore Patriot, Baltimore. 
 
 2 Courier, Boston. 5 Express, New York. 
 
 3 Atlas, Boston. G Editor Commercial Advertiser. 
 
 7 Editor of the New York Tribune. 
 
XII 
 
 of providing the Entertainment throughout, giving liberal and exten- 
 sive orders, which were promptly and properly carried out. 
 
 It having been determined that the ladies should share in the 
 pleasure of the festal evening, a proper disposition of seats in the 
 galleries was made, and the Chinese Saloon, beneath the apart- ^ 
 ment in which the dinner was given, prepared for their reception, 
 until the hour fixed for their admission to the galleries. These 
 and many minor duties, were faithfully discharged, and with such 
 comprehensiveness of action, and exercise of judgment, that the 
 festivity proceeded without the unpleasantness of the manifestation 
 of incomplete preparations. 
 
 The Dinner was fixed to take place on the Second of December, 
 and the HON. SAMUEL BRECK was chosen as the Presiding 
 Officer; to be aided by the following gentlemen, as Vice-Pre- 
 sidents : — 
 
 Henry White, John Rice, 
 
 Thomas Chambers, Joseph G. Clarkson, 
 
 Frederick Fraley, Dr. J. Rodman Paul, 
 
 Joseph Ripka. 
 
THE DINNER. 
 
 Few demonstrations of public attachment to one who has filled 
 no other stations than those which are the most eminent in civil life, 
 have been attended with so much of brilliancy, have been made 
 so effectively imposing, or have carried to the hearts of those who 
 witnessed it, a more impressive idea of the value of the gratitude of 
 a community or class, than the festival at which Daniel Webster 
 sat, in honorable eminence, as the guest of the merchants of Phila- 
 delphia. He had won his right to this consideration, by services of 
 the most enlarged and valuable nature, by the exercise of a 
 wisdom, profound and far-seeing, and by the timely exhibition of 
 acquired talents and learning, in defence of the people of this 
 country. And to no class of our people had his labors been more 
 directly beneficial, than to the merchants ; to the protection of 
 whose interests he has stood firmly, at all times. It was just to 
 him — it was just to themselves, therefore, that the merchants of 
 this city should recognize these services, and make an endeavor 
 to exhibit, in feeling at least, an evidence of their appreciation of 
 the value of his labors in their behalf. 
 
 It was a pleasing sight to see the immense saloon, when made 
 ready for the entertainers and the entertained. Eight tables were 
 arranged in three rows, nearly two hundred feet in length, each, 
 along the floor of the saloon ; the centre table on the north, being 
 elevated considerably above the rest. This was appropriated to 
 
XIV 
 
 the President of the Day, the Great Orator, and a number of invited 
 guests — covers being laid for twenty persons. In front of this ele- 
 vation, the Committee, and their table was adorned with a superb 
 confection, in the form of a Temple of Liberty, several feet high, 
 curiously constructed in sugar. On each face of the octagonal 
 base, within a wreath of laurel leaves, appeared the cyphers, 
 " D. W." in gold, and on every pinnacle, some device, very taste- 
 fully formed. The summit of the temple was crowned with a Cap 
 of Liberty, and the effect of the ornament was, in the highest decree, 
 pleasing. Along the tables, other ornaments in sugar, of the most 
 elaborate and beautiful designs, shot up in graceful elegance, from 
 amid the well arranged mass of delicate viands, with which the 
 board was loaded. Many of these ornaments were perfect triumphs 
 of patisserie, and they agreeably interrupted and relieved the view. 
 The elevated table was adorned in exquisite taste, and its effect was 
 very imposing. Two magnificent marble vases, filled with the 
 rarest exotics, vied, in effect, with a pair of superbly wrought Hebe 
 wine vases, several feet in height ; and these prominent objects 
 of beauty were neighbored by pyramids of fruits, in chrvstals 
 chastely arranged. A large cake surmounted by a statue of Wash- 
 ington beneath a curiously open-worked canopy of sugar, above 
 which appeared the American eagle, was also upon this table. 
 Beside each plate the carte du diner, exquisitely printed in o-old 
 colors, was laid, and the selection of dishes comprised all the varie- 
 ties of the table. Nothing was wanting to make the festivity 
 acceptable to the senses ; and the liberal caterers had no cause to 
 regret the nature or the extent of their preparation. 
 
 Chairs were set for five hundred and eighty-six persons, and 
 liberal regard was had for the comfort of all. At four o'clock 
 every seat was occupied, save those of the Guests and the Com- 
 mittee ; and when, at last, Mr. Webster appeared, with Mr. Breck, 
 the President of the Day, and followed by the invited Guests and 
 the Committee, the whole mass in the saloon rose to their feet and 
 saluted the distinguished Statesman with cheers that must have 
 rung proudly in his ears. The welcome was heart-warm, and the 
 generous tribute of gratitude was expressed in the united impulse 
 with which the cheers were uttered. 
 
XV 
 
 The dinner was soon discussed, and so great was the anxiety 
 to hear Mr. Webster, that the choice dessert was only partially 
 brought upon the table, and shortly after five o'clock, the cloth was 
 removed. 
 
 Pleasant as had been the festivity, it was, at this moment, made 
 more acceptable ; for the Ladies came thronging into the galleries, 
 which were quickly filled by the beauty and fashion of the city. 
 It was a glorious constellation, and the gentlemen rose from their 
 seats as they came in, and cheered with a zeal and fervor, that 
 indicated how much they prized the honor done them — how much 
 they aided to honor Mr. Webster, by their presence. It was an 
 unusual but most delightful feature in a public entertainment, and 
 imparted a keener point and zest to the enjoyment of the evening. 
 
 About six o'cock, the President announced the first regular toast, 
 as follows : 
 
 The Union — The experience of the ancient Republics demon- 
 strated its necessity. The benefits it has conferred upon our coun- 
 try require that it shall be now and forever, one and inseparable. 
 
 It was received and honored with warm cheers, as also was the 
 second, which was as follows : 
 
 A Protective Tarif—The peaceful power of the nation, preserv- 
 ing its independence and sustaining its Agriculture, Commerce and 
 Manufactures. 
 
 The third toast having direct reference to the distinguished 
 Guest, in whose honor the great assemblage was convened, Mr. 
 Breck arose, and happily introduced it with the following remarks : 
 
 Gentlemen: — I rise to propose a toast, expressive of the great 
 esteem and honor in which we hold the illustrious Guest, whom we 
 are assembled to welcome. It is cause for felicitation to have this 
 opportunity to receive him, and to meet him at our festive board. 
 
 In Philadelphia, we have long been accustomed to follow him, 
 with earnest attention, in his high vocations, in the legislative hall 
 and in the cabinet ; and have always seen him there, exercising his 
 great talents, for the true interests of our wide-spread Republic. 
 And we, in common with the American people, have felt the influ- 
 ence of liis wisdom and patriotism. 
 
XVI 
 
 ^Vhen rulers, not ashamed to become sinners, have clogged, by 
 their ignorance and wickedness, the wheels of government, we have 
 listened to his warning voice. In those seasons of danger, he has 
 been to us a living comforter ; and more than once, has restored 
 this nation to serenity, security and prosperity. 
 
 In a career of more than thirty years of i)oliticaI agitation, he, 
 with courageous constancy, unwavering integrity, and eminent 
 ability, lias carried out, as far as his agency could prevail, the true 
 principles of the American system of government. 
 
 I'or liis numerous public services we owe him much, and we 
 open our grateful hearts to him, in thanks ; we say to him, with 
 feelings of profound respect and warm aflection, that we are 
 rejoiced at his presence here, amid his Philadelphia friends — his 
 faithful Philadelphia friends and admirers. 
 
 I offer you the health of 
 
 Daniel Webster — The faithful Representative, the able Nego- 
 tiator, the fearless Statesman, the eloquent Defender of the Consti- 
 tution : His patriotic services demand our gratitude — his untarnished 
 honor is the Nation's property. 
 
 Mr. Brcck was frequently obliged to pause in his remarks, by 
 the loud applauses of the assemblage ; and when, in concluding, he 
 introduced the distinguished Gukst, the feeling rose into perfect 
 enthusiasm, and the cheers, clapping of hands, the smiles and 
 waving handkerchiefs of the ladies, made the universal demonstra- 
 tion of welcome as rare and honorable as it was well deserved, 
 and worthily given. It must have stirred the pulses of his heart to 
 a quicker throb; and when he cast his eyes over the vast mass, 
 swayed by one strong impulse, and thundering out a welcome ; 
 and upon the fair array of beauty gathered to render him spe- 
 cial honor — he must have enjoyed feelings of the most enviable 
 character. 
 
 It was some minutes before his voice could be heard, and then 
 Mr. Webster spoke as follows : — 
 
ME. WEBSTER'S SPEECH. 
 
 It is my duty in the first place, to express the uncommon 
 emotions which I feel, in rising to discuss important subjects in 
 a presence, like that in the midst of which I am. It has not 
 been my fortune, heretofore, to enter upon such a duty as is now 
 before me, while galleries like these have been filled by an assem- 
 blage of the worth and beauty of the sex. Gentlemen, I come 
 among you to address you as men of business of the city of 
 Philadelphia, men engaged in the honorable pursuits of private 
 life, and having no other interest in the political events and occur- 
 rences of the day, than as the course and acts of Government, 
 affect life and liberty, property and industry. You are merchants, 
 you are therefore deeply concerned in the peace of the country, 
 and in whatever respects its commercial prosperity. You are 
 manufacturers, mechanics, artizans ; you have an interest, there- 
 fore, in all those wise laws which protect capital and labor thus 
 employed — all those laws which shed their benign influence over 
 the industrial pursuits of human life. You are holders of city 
 property — many of you are landholders in the country — many of 
 you are occupiers and cultivators of your own land in the neigh- 
 
borhood of the city. Finally, I know you are all Americans — 
 you arc all members of this great and glorious Republic — bound to 
 its destiny — partaking of all the happiness which its government is 
 calculated to afford, and interested in every thing that respects its 
 present prospects and its future renown. 
 
 I am honored, gentlemen, by an invitation to address such an 
 assemblage of my fellow citizens. I will say that it is always 
 agreeable to me to speak, and to think, upon great questions, 
 respecting our political institutions — their progress and their 
 results, in this city of Philadelphia. With no habits of public life, 
 but such as have connected me with the Constitution of the United 
 States — accustomed somewhat to study its history and its princi- 
 ples, and called upon now, for some years, to take a part in its 
 administration, so far as the action of Congress is concerned, it is 
 natural that I should look back to the origin of that Independence, 
 from which the Constitution sprung, and to the Constitution itself, 
 out of which the Government, now established over us, arose. 
 These reflections bring with them agreeable local associations. 
 The Independence of our country was declared in yonder Hall, 
 the Constitution was framed, also, within the same venerable 
 walls ; and if one to whom that declaration of Independence and 
 that Constitution are objects of the highest human regard enter 
 that Hall, it is natural that he should gather around him, in im- 
 agination, the great men — the illustrious sages, who filled it on 
 those successive occasions. They are all gone to their graves. 
 But they have left their works behind them, as imperishable 
 memorials of their wisdom. (^Loud applause.) 
 
 The city of Philadelphia is, in all respects, much connected with 
 the history of our country. [Applause,) She is, in all respects, 
 interested in whatever affects the weal or woe of the Republic. Her 
 position along the line of the coast is central and important, her 
 
population is large, the occupations of her people various — she is 
 the capital of the great State of Pennsylvania, not improperly- 
 called the "keystone" of the arch of this Union. (Applause.) 
 
 Gentlemen, some years ago in addressing a public meeting in the 
 neighborhood of this city, I said what I believed and now believe, 
 that, perhaps with the exception of England, there is no spot upon 
 the globe full of so much natural I'iches as the State ef Pennsyl- 
 vania. Gentlemen, she enjoys a mild and delightful climate, a 
 rich and exuberant soil, one of the best in the world, with mineral 
 wealth beyond calculation. I know no portion of the globe that can 
 go beyond her in any just statement of natui'al advantages, and of 
 productive power. Pennsylvania, too, gentlemen, is concerned in 
 every interest that belongs to the country. On her eastern bound- 
 ary she touches the tide waters of the Atlantic — on her western 
 border she touches the great river wliich carries, westward and 
 southward, her products raised, beyond the Alleghenies, to the 
 Gulf of Mexico. She is open to the Gulf on the south and west, 
 and to the ocean on the east. Her position is central, her 
 population is numerous. If she chooses to say that she will connect 
 the navigable waters which flow into the Gulf, witli the navigable 
 waters of the Atlantic, she can do it, without trespassing on any 
 stranger's territory. (Tremeiidous applause.) It is with her a 
 family affair. She has made one line of communication, she can 
 make, another, and as many as she please, to wed the waters of the 
 Ohio with those of the Atlantic. 
 
 Gentlemen, I cannot help thinking that what Pennsylvania is, 
 and that gi-eater, which Pennsylvania is to be, is and will be 
 greatly owing to the constitutional Government under which we live. 
 (Great applause.) I would not, with any idolatrous admiration, 
 regard the Constitution of the United States, nor any other work of 
 man ; but, this side of idolatry, I hold it in profound respect. I 
 
believe that no human working on such a subject — no human 
 ability exerted for such an end, has ever produced so much happi- 
 ness, or holds out, now, to so many millions of people the prospect, 
 through such a succession of ages and ages, of so much happiness, 
 as the Constitution of the United States. {Great applause.) We 
 who are here for one generation — for a single life, and yet in our 
 several stations and relations in society, entrusted, in some degree, 
 with its protection and support — what duty does it devolve ; what 
 duty does it not devolve upon us 1 
 
 Gentlemen, there were those in the country at the time the Con- 
 stitution was adopted, that did not approve it. Some feared it from 
 an excessive jealousy of power ; others, for various causes, disliked 
 it. The great majority of the people of the United States, how- 
 ever, adopted it, and placed Washington at the head of the first 
 administration of the Government. (^Loud applause.) This con- 
 stitution fairly expounded, justly interpreted, is the bond of our 
 Union. Those who opposed it were all bound, in honor and jus- 
 tice, to follow the example of Patrick Henry, who, himself, opposed 
 it, but who, when it had been adopted, took it in the fullness of its 
 spirit, and to the highest extent of its honest interpretation. {Great 
 applause.) It was not, then, fair for those who had opposed the 
 adoption of the Constitution, to come in under it, afterwards, and 
 attempt to fritter away its provisions, because they dislike them. 
 The people had adopted the instrument, as it stood, and they were 
 bound by it, in its fair and full construction and interpretation. 
 {^Applau&e^ For the same reason, gentlemen, those called upon 
 to exercise high functions under the Constitution, in our day, may 
 think that they could have made a better one. It may be the 
 misfortune of the age of our fathers, that they had not the intel- 
 ligence of this age. {Laughter.) These persons may think that 
 they could have made it much better, — that this thing and that. 
 
ought not to have been put in it, and thei-efore, they will try to 
 get them out of it. [Laughter.) That's not fair. Every man that 
 is called upon to administer the Constitution of the United States, 
 or act under it in any respect, is bound, in honor, and faith, and 
 duty, to take it in its ordinary acceptation — to act upon it, as it 
 was understood by those who framed it, and received by the peo- 
 ple when they adopted it ; and as it has been practised upon since, 
 thi'ough all administrations of the Government. 
 
 It may have happened — I think it has happened, that instances 
 have occurred, in which the spirit of this instrument has been 
 departed from ; in which, in effect, violations of that spii'it have 
 taken place. What of that ! Are we to abandon it on that account ? 
 Are we to abandon it ? Why, I should as soon think of abandoning 
 my own father when ruffians attacked him ! {Loud and long con- 
 tinued apjjlause.) No ! we are to rally around it with all our 
 power and all our force, determined to stand by it, or fall with 
 it. What was the conduct of the great lovers of liberty in the 
 early periods of English history? They wrested from a reluctant 
 monarch, king John, a Magna Chart a. The Crown, afterwards, 
 violated that Charter. What did they do? They remonstrated, 
 they resisted, they reasserted, they reinforced it — and that's what 
 we are to do, gentlemen. {Tremendous a,pplavse.) 
 
 Gentlemen, I have never felt more interested, I may say, never 
 so much interested, in the course of my public life, as during some 
 periods of the last session of Congress. I could not but persuade 
 myself that we were in the midst of most important events. It was 
 my purpose, towards the close of the session to consider, with 
 some care, the acts of Congress, and the course of the adminis- 
 tration during that session, and to express my opinions on them, in 
 my place in the Senate. It so happened, however, that in the 
 fleeting hours of the last week of the session, no opportunity was 
 
6 
 
 ofTcred ; and I therefore announced a purpose of taking some occa- 
 sion before the public, of reviewing the acts of Congress, during 
 the last session, and of making such comments upon them as, in my 
 humble judgment, they deserved. This may be a proper occasion 
 for fulfilling that duty. {Great applause^ But my purpose has 
 been so long deferred, that it has been anticipated. Other com- 
 mentators have arisen, more effective and authoritative than I, 
 and they have given their comments upon the conduct of the last 
 session of Congress, with an emphasis which must have penetrated 
 the dullest perception. [LmigJvter and applause.') 
 
 Gentlemen, the political events that have occurred in the coun- 
 try since the termination of the session, have impressed me with 
 very profound feelings. The results of the elections, especially in 
 the central States on the Atlantic, while they have awakened new 
 hopes and new prospects, have been, nevertheless, of a nature to 
 excite emotions far too deep, to be expressed in any evanescent 
 glow of party feeling. It appears to me quite plain, that no such 
 revolution of public opinion as wc have now witnessed, has hap- 
 pened in this country, before, for nearly fifty years. I may con- 
 fine my remarks, in this respect, to those two great States, Penn- 
 sylvania and New York. {Applause.) When has such a change 
 of public scntinicnt been manifested, before, in the State of Penn- 
 sylvania, since the great controversy of '99 and 1 800 ? At that 
 period, a very strong political dispute was carried on in this city, 
 as well as elsewhere throughout the State, of which controversy, the 
 election between Governor McKean and Mr. Ross, was one part and 
 one element. The former was elected, and certain highly important 
 political results followed. Since that time, no such an entire revolu- 
 tion of popular sentiment in regard to questions connected with the 
 General Government, as that witnessed within the last year, has 
 taken place. I may say the same, in substance, I believe, of New 
 
York. Since the time of the great controversy in that State, about 
 the same period, I know of no change of sentiment in New York, of 
 such magnitude, and which has taken every body so much by sur- 
 prise. At the same time, it is quite manifest that these changes 
 have not been produced by effort. The country has been cahTfi, 
 the pubHc mind serene. There have been no mass meetings, no 
 extraordinary efforts of the press, no great attempts of any kind 
 to influence men's opinions. It seems to me that the most remark- 
 able circumstance, qualifying the \\ hole occurrence, is the sponta- 
 neous, self-moved, conscientious conviction and feeling of the 
 people, producing this great result, {Great applause.) 
 
 Now, gentlemen, the question is, what is this revolution ? What 
 is its character ? For whom, and against whom 1 For what, and 
 against what? 
 
 Gentlemen, I intend to perform the duty before me, this evening, 
 without denunciation, without vituperation : I intend to avoid, as 
 far as possible, all reflections upon men, and all unjust reflections 
 upon parties. But it does appear to me as clear as the light of 
 noon day, that the revolution which has now taken place in the 
 country, in public sentiment, is a revolution against the measures 
 and the principles of this now existing administration. {Enthu- 
 siastic applause^ ichlch continued for several minutes.) It is 
 ac^ainst the manner in which this war with Mexico has been 
 brought on. {Loud cries of " you'r right /" " you'r rigid /" and 
 great applause.) It is against the tariff of 1846. {Deafening 
 applause.) It is against that absurdity of all absurdities — the 
 SUB-TREASURY BILL. {Roars of luughtcr.) It is against the 
 duplicate vetoes. {Great applause.) 
 
 Gentlemen, the present administration is not regarded as the 
 just representative, or the regular successor of any administration. 
 {Laughter and clieers.) In its principles and in its measures, it 
 
8 
 
 certainly does not resemble the administration of General Jackson 
 or of Mr. Van Buren — and God knows it resembles no other one. 
 {Roars of laughter.) Now we must be just — ^we must be just to 
 those who, in time past, have differed from us. We must, in some 
 measure, forget the things which are behind. I take this to be the 
 truth, that this administration has adopted a system of its own, and 
 measures of its own, and assumed a character of its own, distinct and 
 separate from what was the character of preceding administrations. 
 I take it to be for that reason, that hundreds and thousands of our 
 fellow citizens i)i this State and in other States, who were sup- 
 porters of Gen. Jackson's administration, and Mr. Van Buren's 
 administration, repudiate this administration. {Loud cheers.) I 
 think, therefore, that this administration stands alone — I will not say 
 in its glory, but certainly in its measures and its policy. I think 
 it is certain, that the sober-minded and intelligent portion of the 
 community who have, heretofore, sustained what has been called 
 the Democratic party, have found that this administration of Mr. 
 Polk either adopts new measures, not before known to the pai'ty, or 
 has carried the sentiments of the party, hitherto received and ex- 
 pressed, to such extremes, that it is impossible for honest and just 
 men to follow it; and that, therefore, they have come out, laying 
 aside the natural reluctance which men feel in acting against the 
 party of their friends — they have come out, nevertheless, and in order 
 to manifest their disapprobation of the principles and measures of 
 this administration, they have flocked to the polls by thousands, and 
 given plumpers to Whig candidates. {Applause^ Now, are they 
 right in this? Are they I'ight in supposing that this administration 
 has adopted new doctrines, or carried old doctrines to extremes ? 
 Gentlemen, it is perfectly evident to me that they are right ; that 
 on questions of vital interest to these central States, and to all the 
 States, the principles and measui'es of the present administration 
 
9 
 
 are marked departures from the principles and measures of Gene- 
 ral Jackson. 
 
 I will, with your permission and patience, gentlemen, illustrate 
 this sentiment by one or two instances, beginning with that of the 
 protective policy of the country. {Loud apiilause^ 
 
 It seems to me almost too light a question to ask whether, in 
 this respect, Young Hickory is like Old Hickory. But it is a great 
 question to be put to the people of the United States, and which 
 has been put, and which they have answered, whether the princi- 
 ples of the present administration, in regard to the protective 
 policy of the country, arc or are not, entire departures from the 
 pi'inciples of Andrew Jackson. 1 say, they are. [Loud ai^plause.^ 
 
 Gentlemen, I have not been an advocate of the policy of Gene- 
 ral Jackson. We all know that he Was a man of decided and 
 strong character. For one, I believe that in general, his wishes 
 were all for the happiness and glory of the country. [AjJj^lause.) 
 He (bought, perhaps, that to establish that happiness and perfect 
 that glory, it was incumbent on him to exert a little more power, 
 than I believed the Constitution gave him. [Laughter and cheers.) 
 But I never doubted that he meant well ; and that while he sought 
 to establish his own glory and renown, he intended to connect 
 them with the glory and renown of the whole country. 
 
 Gentlemen, after the passage of what is called, or has been 
 called, the Compromise Act of '33, no great agitation arose on the 
 Tariff subject until the expiration, or near the expiration, of the 
 period prescribed by that act. Within that time, Mr. Van Buren's 
 administration began, went through, and terminated. The cir- 
 cumstances of the country, therefore, and the business presented to 
 the consideration of the President and Congress, did not call on 
 Mr. Van Buren, during his Presidency, to express an opinion 
 
10 
 
 ill any particular, or formal manner, respecting the protective 
 policy of the country. 
 
 But, I will now compare the opinions and principles of the pre- 
 sent President of the United States, as expressed by him, officially, 
 with the principles and opinions of General Jackson, during his 
 Presidency, as expressed by himself, officially. I begin, gentle- 
 men, by reading to you what Mr. Polk says upon this subject of 
 protection, at the last session of Congress, in his message, being 
 his first annual message — and here it is. It will require some 
 attention from you, gentlemen. I hope you will not think me pre- 
 suming too much upon your patience. {Cries of'-'' No, no! goo?i.'") 
 
 Hear then, what Mr. Polk says in his message of last Decem- 
 ber, on tiic opening of Congress : 
 
 " The object of imposing duties on imports, should be to raise 
 revenue to pay the necessary expenses of Government. Congress 
 may, undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discrimi- 
 nati' in arranging the rates of duty on different articles ; but the 
 diseriuiinations should be within the revenue standard, and be made 
 with a view to raise money I'or the support of Government. 
 
 "If Congress levy a duty, for revenue, of one per cent, on a 
 given article, it will pi'oduce a given amount of money to the Trea- 
 sury, and will, incidentally and necessarily, afford protection or 
 advantage to the amount of one per cent, to the home manufac- 
 turer of a similar or like article over the importer. If the duty be 
 raised to ten per cent., it will produce a greater amount of money, 
 and afford greater protection. If it be raised to twenty, twenty- 
 five or thirty per cent., and if, as it is raised, the revenue derived 
 from it is found to be increased, the protection and advantage will 
 also be increased, but if it be raised to thirty-one per cent., and it 
 is found tlKit the revenue produced at that rate, is less than at the 
 rate of thirty, it ceases to be revenue duty. The precise jjoint in 
 the ascending scale of duties, at which it is ascertained from expe- 
 rience, that the revenue is greatest, is the maximum rate of duty 
 which can be laid for the bona fide purpose of collecting money for 
 the support of the Government." 
 
 Now, gentlemen, there are those who find difficulty in under- 
 standing, exactly, what Mr. Polk means by the " Revenue Stand- 
 
11 
 
 ard." Perhaps, this is not entirely plain. But one thing is clear, 
 whatever else he may or may not moan, he means to be against 
 all protection. He means that the sole and exclusive object to be 
 regarded by the legislator, in imposing duties on imports, is to 
 obtain money for the revenue. That is to be the single and entire 
 object. He says, truly, that if a duty be laid on an imported 
 article, an incidental benefit may accrue to the producer of a like 
 article, at home. But, then, this is incidental ; it is altogether 
 adventitious — an accident, a collateral or consequential result. It 
 is not a matter to be taken into the view of the law-makers. It is 
 to form no part of their purpose, in framing or passing the law. 
 That purpose is to be confined altogether, to the inquiry after that 
 " maximum rate of duty, which can be laid for the hona fide pur- 
 pose of collecting money for the support of the Government." 
 
 This is his doctrine, as plain as words can make it. It is to 
 lay such duties as may be most beneficial to revenue, and nothing 
 but revenue; and if, in raising a revenue duty, it shall happen 
 that domestic manufactures are protected, why that's all very well. 
 But the protection of domestic manufactures, is not to be any object 
 of concern, nor to furnish any motive, to those who make the law. 
 I think I have not misrepresented Mr. Polk. I think his meaning is 
 sufficiently plain, and is precisely as I state it. Indeed I have given 
 you his own words. He would not, himself, deny the meaning of 
 his words, as I have stated. He is for laying taxes for revenue, 
 and for revenue alone ; just as if there was no iron manufacturers, 
 or other manufacturers, in the United States. This is the doctrine 
 of Mr. Polk. 
 
 Now, was this General Jackson's doctrine 1 Was it ever his 
 doctrine ? Let us see. I read you an extract from General Jack- 
 son's first message. He says : 
 
12 
 
 " The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon 
 articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that, wliich will place 
 our own in fair competition with those of other countries ; and the 
 inducements to advance even a step beyond this point, are control- 
 ling, in regard to those articles which arc of primary necessity in 
 time of war." 
 
 What is this doctrine ? Does it not say, in so many words that, 
 in imposing duties upon articles of foreign manufactures, it is the 
 business of the framers of the law to lay such duties, and to lay 
 them in such a way, as shall give our own producers a fair com- 
 petition against the foi'cign producer, (^^p/^/a ?«<?,) And does not 
 General Jackson go further, and say — (and you, Pennsylvanians, 
 from here to Pittsburg, and all you workers in iron and owners of 
 iron mines, may consider it) — does he not go further and say that, 
 in regard to articles of primary importance, in time of war, we are 
 under controlling reasons for going a step farther, and putting down 
 foreign competition. (Applause.) Now, I submit to you, gentle- 
 men, instead of putting down foreign competition, is not the 
 Tariff of 1846, calculated to put down our own competition? 
 [Laughter and cheers.) 
 
 But I will read to you, gentlemen, an extract from General 
 Jackson's second message, which, in my opinion, advances the true 
 doctrine — the true American constitutional rule and principle, 
 fully, clearly, admirably. 
 
 "The power to impose duties on imports, oriirinally holonsed to 
 the several States ; the right to adjust those duties, ulth ilie viva- 
 to tlie encouragement of domestic branches of industry, is so com- 
 pletely identical with that power, that it is difficult to supi)ose the 
 existence ol'thc one without the other. 
 
 "The States have delegated their whole authority over imports 
 to the Gen('ral Government without imitation or restriction, savino- 
 the very inconsiderable reservation, relating to their inspection 
 laws. This ;uithi)rity having thus entirely passed from the States, 
 the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection, does not exist 
 
13 
 
 in them, and consequently, if it be not possessed by the General 
 Government, it must be extinct. Our political system would thus 
 present the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their 
 own industry, and to contract the most selfish and destructive 
 policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. 
 
 " Thi- , surely, cannot be the case ; this indispensable power thus 
 surrendered by the States, must be within the scope of the authority 
 on the subject expressly delegated to Congress. 
 
 " In this conclusion I am confirmed, as well by the opinions of 
 Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, who have, 
 each, repeatedly recommended the exercise of this right, under the 
 Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Congress, the continued 
 acquiesence of the States, and the general understanding of the 
 people." 
 
 It appears to me, gentlemen, that these extracts from General 
 Jackson's messages, read very differently from the extracts from 
 President Polk's message, at the opening of the last session of 
 Congress, which I have quoted. I think that his notion of a reve- 
 nue standard — if President Polk means any thing by it, beyond 
 this, that it is the sole business of this Government to obtain as 
 much money as it needs, and to obtain it in the best way it can ; 
 if he means to say that there is any other object belonging to the 
 revenue standard, w^hich is yet incidental, which may or may not 
 happen, all is visionary, vague, ideal ; and when touched by the 
 principles announced by General Jackson, explode like gun-cotton. 
 (^Applause.) You perceive, gentlemen, that in this Message to 
 Congress, General Jackson addressed himself directly to the object. 
 He says, in raising revenues, consider that your duty is so to 
 arrange duties on imports, as to give to the manufacturer of the 
 country a fair competition, and, in certain articles, to suppress 
 foreign competition. There is an object, a purpose, a motive in 
 protection and for protection, and it is not left to the cabalistic word, 
 " incidental." 
 
 I have said that I believe, that the people of this country see 
 the difference between the principles of General Jackson and the 
 
u 
 
 principles of this administration, on tlic great subject of protec- 
 tion, and I have endeavored to present that difference, plainly, and 
 in the very words of each. I think they see the difference, also, 
 upon other important subjects. 
 
 Now it happened in the course of General Jackson's adminis- 
 tration, in very excited times, that he negatived the Maysville 
 Road Bill, one Harbor Bill, and many other bills ; but I think 
 that the people of western New York, of Pennsylvania, of Michi- 
 gan, even of Indiana and Illinois, and all the West and Southwest, 
 think they see, in the exercise of the veto power, by the pre- 
 sent President, in regard to the Harbor Bill, of the late session, 
 an opposition to works of this kind, stronger, broader, and car- 
 ried to a far greater extent than General Jackson ever sanctioned. 
 More of this presently ; but in the next place, the war — the war 
 claims our attention, I am accustomed to mix so far as I am 
 able, and as my circumstances will allow, with men of all 
 classes and conditions in life; men of various political opinions; 
 and your own avocations and concerns in life, will have led you 
 to do the same ; and I now ask you, if you ever found a sensible 
 and reasonable man, who ever said to you, that he believed, that 
 if General Jackson or Mr. Van Buren had been at the head 
 of the Government, we should have had this Mexican war. 
 (Oieers.) I have found none such. Why, we all know, gentle- 
 men, that the President — I have not to settle questions of greater 
 or less worth, or the peculiar claims between gentlemen of a party 
 to which I do not belong — but we all know the fact, that Mr. Polk 
 came into office against Mr. Van Ruren. That he came in on the 
 Texas interest, and for a Texas purpose ; and we all know that 
 Texas and Texas purposes, have led on to this war. {A2yplause.) 
 Therefore I say, I know no man, of intelligence and sound judg- 
 ment, who believes that if the Baltimore Convention had nomi- 
 
15 
 
 nated, and the people elected, Mr. Van Buren to the Presidency, 
 we should now have on hand a Mexican war. 
 
 The purpose of these remarks has been to show you, gentlemen, 
 what I consider to have been the causes of the great change which 
 has taken place in public opinion, itself; and it is vain for any 
 bodv to say, that any local causes here, or local causes there, have 
 brought about this result. That anti-rentism in New York and 
 some Other is7n in Pennsylvania, have produced such important con- 
 sequences, it is folly to say; there is nntliing at all in it. {Lavghtcr.) 
 The test is this ; Do you say that questions of State policy, or 
 State elections only have influenced this result? If you say so, 
 then look at the elections for members of Congress. Members of 
 Congress have nothing to do with these State questions ; and the 
 truth is, that elections of members of Congress, in this State and 
 in New York, have been carried by larger majorities than any 
 other elections. (Cheers.) These elections have been governed 
 mainly by questions of national policy. There were counties in 
 New York, in which anti-rentism had nothing to do. There 
 were others in which anti-rent influence was as much on one 
 side as the other. But take the test, even in regard to them. 
 I find it stated, and I believe correctly, that Mr. Fish, the Whig 
 candidate for Lieutenant Governor, a most respectable and honor- 
 able man — but certainly not a supporter of those who call them- 
 selves in favor of anti-rent doctrine — I find it stated, that he obtain- 
 ed more votes for the office of Lieutenant Governor, than Mr. 
 Wrisht received as the democratic candidate for Governor. That 
 flattering unction, therefore, gentlemen, cannot lay to themselves. 
 There is, therefore, no getting over the result of the popular elec- 
 tion, nor getting beyond it, or getting around it, or behind it; nor 
 doing anything with it, but acknowledging it to be the expression of 
 public opinion, against the measures of the present administration. 
 
16 
 
 I proceed to make some remarks upon the occurrences of the 
 session, connected with the previous course of the administration, 
 since Mr. Polk assumed the office of President. 
 
 Thf; question respecting tlie territory of Oregon is a settled 
 question, and all are glad that it so. I am not about to disturb 
 it, nor do I wish to revive discussions connected with it ; but in two 
 or three particulars, it is worth while to make some remarks 
 upon it. 
 
 By the Treaty of Washington, of 1842, all questions subsisting 
 between the United States and England, were settled and adjusted, 
 with the exception of the Oregon controversy. ( Tremendous 
 c/ieers.) I must beg pardon, gentlemen, for the allusion. I did 
 not mean by any allusion, of that sort, to give occasion for any 
 expression of public feeling in connection with my own services. 
 (^Renewed apjdause.) The Oregon question remained; and it is 
 worthy of remark, that its importance, and the intensity with which 
 it was pressed upon the people of the United States, grew greater, 
 when every other subject of dispute had ceased. 
 
 I do not mention it as a matter of reproach, at all — for I hold 
 every man, especially every man in public life, to have an un- 
 doubted right tu the expression of his own opinion, and to dis- 
 charge his own duty according to the dictates of his own con- 
 science ; but I hope it may not be out of place to say that, upon 
 his accession to the Presidential office, it pleased the President of 
 the United States to entrust the duties of the State Department, 
 which has charge of our foreign relations, and pending this Oregon 
 controversy, to the hands of a distinguished gentleman, who was 
 one of the few, w ho opposed — and he did oppose with great zeal 
 and all his ability — the whole settlement of 1842. 
 
 The Baltimore Convention assembled in May, 1844. One of 
 its prominent proceedings, was the sentiment which it expressed 
 
17 
 
 respecting our title to Oregon. It passed a resolution in these 
 memorable words : 
 
 " Resolved, That our title to the whole of the Territory of Ore- 
 gon, is clear and unquestionable ; that no part of the same ought 
 to be ceded to England, or any other power." 
 
 Mr Polk, in his Inaugural Address, makes the same declaration, 
 in the very same words, with marks of quotation, as if in acknow- 
 ledgment of the authority of the Convention. Mr. Buchanan, by 
 direction of the President, repeats the declaration in his letter to 
 Mr. Packenham, of the 30th of August, 1845 ; and the President, 
 in his Message to Congress, last December, having made some 
 apology for entering into a negotiation, on the basis of former offers 
 of this Government, informs them, that our title to the whole of 
 Oregon had been asserted and maintained, as was believed, by 
 irrefragable facts and arguments. And through all the debates, 
 in the two Houses, on all occasions, down to the day of the 
 Treaty, our right to the whole Territory was pronounced " clear 
 and unquestionable." 
 
 In and out of Congress, the universal echo was that, " our title 
 to the witole of Oregon was clear and unquestionable." [Roars 
 of laugJder.) The Baltimore Resolutions, in sentiment and in 
 words, ran through all documents, all speeches and all newspapers. 
 If you knew what the Baltimore Convention had said, you knew 
 what all those who were attached (o the party had said, would 
 say, might have said, or could, would, or should say. (^Laughter.') 
 
 I remember, gentlemen, that when I was at school, I felt exceed- 
 ingly obliged to Homer's messengers for the exact literal fidelity 
 with which they delivered their messages. 
 
 The seven or eight lines of good Homeric Greek, in which 
 they had received the commands of Agamemnon or Achilles, they 
 recited to whomsoever the message was to be carried ; and as 
 
 2 
 
18 
 
 they repeated them verbatim, it saved me the trouble of learning so 
 much more Greek. {Laughter.) 
 
 Any body who ; ttended the Baltimore Convention, and heard 
 this Resolution would, in like manner, be familiar with what was 
 to come, and prepared to hear again of " our clear and unques- 
 tionable title." 
 
 Nevertheless, gentlemen, the clearness of the title was a good 
 deal questioned by a distinguished gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. 
 Benton) and the end was, I think, a just and satisfactory settle- 
 ment of the question by division of the Territory ; forty-nine 
 carrying it against fifty-four forty. {Loud cheers.) Now, gen- 
 tlemen, the remarkable characteristic of the settlement of this 
 Oregon question, by treaty, is this. In the general operation 
 of Government, treaties are negotiated by the President and 
 ratified by the Senate ; but here is the reverse — here is a treaty 
 negotiated by the Senate, and only agreed to by the President. 
 {Laughter.) In August, 1845, all oirort of the administration 
 to settle the Oregon question, by negotiation, had come to an 
 end ; and I am not aware that, from that day to the absolute 
 signature of the treaty, the administration, or its agents at 
 home, or its agents abroad, did the least thing upon earth to 
 advance the negotiation towards settlement in any shape, one 
 single step ; and if it had stood where they left it, it would have 
 remained unsettled at this moment. But it was settled. The 
 discussions in Congress, the discussions on the other side of the 
 water, the general sense of the community, all protested against 
 the iniquity of two of the greatest nations of modern times, rushing 
 into war and shedding Christian blood, in such a controversy. 
 All enforced the conviction that it was a question to be settled- by 
 an equitable and fair consideration — and it was settled. {Loud 
 applause.) And that being settled, there is only one other topic 
 
19 
 
 connected with this subject, upon which I will detain you with any 
 remarks. I would not do this, if I did not think the honor of the 
 country somewhat concerned, and if I did not desire to express my 
 own dissatisfaction with the course of the administration. What I 
 refer to is the repeated refusal, on the part of the administration, to 
 submit this question to honorable, fair arbitration. After the United 
 States Government had withdrawn all its offers, and the case stood 
 open, the British Minister, at Washington, by order of his Govern- 
 ment, offered arbitration. 
 
 On the 27th December, 1845, Mr. Packenham wrote to Mr. 
 Buchanan, as follows, viz. : 
 
 *' An attentive consideration of the present state of affairs, with 
 reference to the Oregon question, has determined the British 
 Government to instruct the undersigned, her Britannic Majesty's 
 Envoy, &c., again to represent, in pressing terms, to the Govern- 
 ment of the United States, the expediency of referring the whole 
 question of an equitable division of that Territory, to the arbitra- 
 tion of some friendly Sovereign or State. 
 
 " Her Majesty's Government deeply regret the failure of all 
 their efforts to effect a friendly settlement of the confficting claims, 
 by direct negotiation between the two Governments, 
 
 " They are still persuaded that great advantages would have 
 resulted to both parties, from such a mode of settlement, had it 
 been practicable ; but there are difficulties, now, in the way, in 
 that course of proceeding, which it might be tedious to remove, 
 while the importance of an early settlement seems to become, at 
 each moment, more urgent. 
 
 " Under these circumstances, her Majesty's Government think 
 that a resort to arbitration, is the most prudent and, perhaps, the 
 only feasible step which could be taken, and the best calculated to 
 allay the existing effervescence of popular feeling," &c. &c. 
 
 To this, Mr. Buchanan replied on the 3d January, 1846, that — 
 
 " This proposition assumes the fact, that the title of Great Bri- 
 tain to a portion of the Territory, is valid, and thus takes for 
 granted the very question in disputn. Under this proposition, the 
 very terms of the submission, would contain an express acknow- 
 ledgment of the right of Great Britain to a portion of the Ter- 
 ritory, and would necessarily preclude the United States from 
 
20 
 
 claiming the ^vhoIe, before the arbitration, and this too in the face 
 of the President's assertion of the 30th of August, 1845, made in 
 the most solemn manner, of the title of the United States to the 
 whole Territory. This, alone, (Mr. Buchanan remarks) would be 
 deemed sufficient reason for declining the proposition." 
 
 To remove this difficulty, Mr. Packenham, on the 16th of Ja- 
 nuary, 1846, addressed Mr. Buchanan, to inquire "whether, sup- 
 posino- the British Government to entertain no objection to such a 
 course, it would suit the views of the United States Government to 
 refer to arbitration, not, (as has already been proposed) the ques- 
 tion of an equitable partition of the Territory; but the question of 
 title in either of the two powers to the whole Territory; subject, of 
 course, to the condition, that if neither should be found, in the 
 opinion of the arbitrator, to possess a complete title to the whole 
 Territory, there should, in that case, be assigned to each that por- 
 tion, wiiich would, in the opinion of the arbitrating power, be called 
 for by a just appreciation of the respective claims of each." 
 
 Mr. Packenham proposed a reference to some friendly Sovereign 
 or State, or " to a mixed commission with an umpire appointed by 
 common consent ; or, to a Board composed of the most distin- 
 guished civilians and jurists, of the time, appointed in such a man- 
 ner as shall bring all pending questions to the decisions of the most 
 enlightened, impartial and independent minds." 
 
 This proposition, also, Mr. Buchanan, in a note of the 4th of 
 February, declines ; and for thus refusing it, he says one reason 
 was alone conclusive on the mind of the President, and that was, 
 " that he does not believe the territorial rights of this nation to be a 
 proper subject of arbitration." 
 
 Now, sir, how is this? What sort of new doctrine is here 
 advanced ? Why, sir, I take it, that every question of boundary 
 is a question of territory — and I take it that from the origin of our 
 Government, from General Washington's time, under all succes- 
 
21 
 
 sive administrations down to the present time, we have been in 
 the habit of referring questions of boundary to arbitration. The 
 Eastern questions, in General Washington's time, were referred to 
 arbitration. Each Government appointed two Commissioners ; 
 these four agreed upon a fifth ; or if they could not agree, he was 
 selected by lot, and the Government remained bound by it from 
 that day to this. This reference of disputed boundaries to some 
 form of arbitration, has received the sanction of Washington, Jeffer- 
 son, Madison, Jackson and Van Buren, and has always been sanc- 
 tioned by the Senate and House of Representatives, and people. 
 Now comes President Polk and says that, no question of territory 
 ought to be referred to any arbitration, whatever, however consti- 
 tuted. Well, what does this lead to? How are disputes between 
 different Governments to be settled ? Yes — there's the infirmity of 
 human nature. Two Governments, like two men, do not see their 
 respective rights, in the same light. Is there no way to adjust this 
 dispute, but to draw the sword? Who does not see that this doctrine 
 leads directly to maintain the rights of the strongest? [Cheers.) 
 Why, let us suppose a question of boundary between Russia and 
 Sweden. There's a dispute about a boundary, or about national 
 territory, which is the same thing. The parties cannot agree — 
 His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, holds his right to the 
 disputed territory to be clear and unquestionable. Sweden doubts 
 it — she argues the question — she puts forth her own claim. But 
 the Emperor is an inflexible fifty-four forty man, and still insists 
 that his right is clear and unquestionable. Sweden then proposes 
 arbitration, either to some friendly Sovereign, or to a Board of 
 intelligent, independent, and distinguished private individuals. 
 She offers to bring the matter, for decision, before the most en- 
 lightened minds of the times. But His Majesty is of opinion, that 
 a question of territory is not to be made the subject of arbitration — 
 
99 
 
 and what thru remains to the weaker power, but submission or 
 liopclcss .war .' 
 
 Do not all perceive, that sentiments like these, lead only to esta- 
 blish the power of the strongest ? That they withdraw public ques- 
 tions, between nations, from all the jurisdiction of Justice, and all 
 the authority of right; from the control of enlightened opinion, and 
 the general judgment of mankind, and leave them entirely to the 
 decision of the longest sword. I do not think this correspondence 
 has raised the character of the United States, in the estimate of the 
 civilized world. This spirit does not partake of the general spirit 
 of the age. It is at war with that spirit, as much as it is at war 
 with all our own history, from 1789 to the present day. The 
 sense of modern times, the law of humanity, the honor of civilized 
 States, and the authority of religion — all require, that controver- 
 sies of this sort, which cannot he adjusted by the parties, them- 
 selves, should be referred to the decision of some intelligent and 
 impartial tribunal. And now, that none can doubt our ability and 
 power to defend and maintain our own rights, I wish that there 
 should be as little doubt of our justice and moderation. 
 
 The remaining topic, and it is one of vast interest, connected 
 with our foreign relations, is the present war with Mexico. As tha' 
 is an existing war- — and as what we all say, in or out of Congress, 
 will of course be heard or read, if thought worthy of l)eing read, 
 in Mexico, as well as in the United States, I wish, for one, to 
 speak with caution and care, as well as with candor, in every thing 
 respecting it. Nevertheless there are some opinions connected 
 with the history of this case, which I sincerely entertain and which 
 I must avow. Now, gentlemen, allow me to go back and bring up 
 in short the history of the whole case. Texas achieved her inde- 
 pendence of Mexico unexpectedly, by bravery and good fortune, 
 displayed and obtained in a single battle. Texas threw off the 
 
23 
 
 dominion of Mexico, and for many years maintained a govern- 
 ment of her own. That government was acknowledged by the 
 Government of this country, and by the Governments of Europe. 
 Mexico, nevertheless, did not acknowledge the independence of 
 Texas. At the same time she made no effort to re-subjugate, or 
 re-annex the Territory to herself In this condition things i-emained 
 for many years. 
 
 Here 1 am reminded of a very strange state of diplomatic things 
 which existed in Washington, not long ago, growing out of these 
 successive revolutions which have taken place in the world during 
 the last thirty or forty years. There was at Washington a repre- 
 sentative of Texas, but Texas was not acknowledged by Mexico. 
 There was a representative of Mexico, but Mexico was not recog- 
 nized by Old Spain. There was a minister from Old Spain ; but 
 the present Dynasty of Spain was not recognized by Russia, and 
 there was a Minister of Russia — all recognized by the Government 
 of the United States. 
 
 Now I am not about to go into a history of the annexation of 
 Texas. I do not wish to revert to that. I . have to say, however, 
 that according to my view of the case, the objections which were 
 urged, and properly urged against the annexation of Texas, had 
 no great relation to any claim of Mexico. They were, first, That 
 the annexation of Texas, was not a fair exercise of constitutional 
 power. I thought so — others thought so — but a majority in the coun- 
 sels of the country overruled the objection. Second, That we had 
 already territory enough, and that there was some degree of danger 
 in extending our territory further than it was already extended ; 
 but in the third place — and this was insurmountable in my judg- 
 ment — that the annexation of Texas was to bring under the control 
 of our government, and make part of this Union, a country 
 
24 
 
 wliicli was tlien free from Slavery, but ^\■hich when annexed 
 would become subject to slave population and slave representation. 
 {Cheers.) That objection was insurmounta?jle in my mind, and 
 would be so at all times, under all circumstances, and in all 
 like cases. (^Applause.) 
 
 In the fourth place, it was evident, and so was urged, and urged 
 in Congress again and again, that the annexation of Texas inight 
 lead to a war with Mexico. These are the four grounds upon 
 which the annexation of Texas was opposed by those who did 
 ojjposc it. Now, gentlemen, there is not a "man in the country who 
 thinks less respectfully than I do of the Mexican Government. 
 
 Unhappy, unfortunate, misei-able, Mexico, has nothing, and has 
 had nothing that deserved to be called a government. When she 
 broke olF the yoke of Spain, and proclaimed herself disposed to 
 follow the example of the United States, and uttered the name of 
 Washington with respect — professed to cherish free principles, a 
 representative government, trial by jury, security of personal pro- 
 perty — why, we all hailed her, and wished her well. But unfortu- 
 nately the result has been, that she has had no. true representa- 
 tive government — has had no government under the influence of 
 representative principles. AH her Presidents from time to time 
 have been men created through the pronunciamentos of the mili* 
 tary — a fortunate general of to-day, supersedes him who was fortu- 
 nate yesterday, and is unfortunate to-day. One military man seizes 
 the government, and obtains what he can from the people, and uses 
 it in maintaining an army — another man to-morrow, makes another 
 seizure. of public or private property, and supersedes his predeces- 
 sor. Meantime the people are the victims. " Quicquid delirant 
 reges, plectunter Achivi." It has been one of the most irregular 
 and bad governments in my judgment that has ever existed upon 
 
the face of the earth. But the annexation was completed. The 
 western boundary was a matter about which disputes existed or 
 must arise. There was as between us and Mexico, as there had 
 between Texas and Mexico, no ascertained and acknowledged 
 western boundary. 
 
 This was the state of things after the annexation of Texas, and 
 when the President began military movements in that direction. 
 Now, gentlemen, that I may misrepresent nobody, and say nothing 
 which has not been clearly proved by official evidence, I will pro- 
 ceed to state to you three propositions, which, in my opinion, are 
 fairly maintainable by the correspondence of the Government in 
 its various branches and departments^ as officially communicated 
 to Congress. 
 
 1st. That the President directed the occupation of a territory by- 
 force of arms, to which the United States had no ascertained 
 title ; a territory which, if claimed by the United States, was also 
 claimed by Mexico, and was at the time in her actual occupation 
 and possession. 
 
 The Texan Convention was to assemble July 4th, 1845, to pass 
 the annexation. Before this date, to wit : on the 28th of May, 
 General Taylor was ordered to move towards Texas ; and on the 
 15th of June, he was instructed by a letter from Mr. Bancroft to 
 enter Texas, and concentrate his forces on its " western boundary," 
 and to select and occupy a position " on or near the Rio Grande," 
 to protect what, in the event of annexation, will be our ivestern 
 border y 
 
 That the United States had no ascertained title to the territory, 
 appears from Mr. Marcy's letter to General Taylor of July 30th, 
 1845. General Taylor is there informed that what he is to 
 " occupy, defend and protect," is " the territory of Texas, to tlie 
 extent that it has been occupied by tlic i^^ople of Texas.'''' It 
 
26 
 
 appears in tlie despatch last quoted, that this territory had been 
 occupied by Mexico. 
 
 Mr. Marcy goes on to say : " The Rio Grande is claimed to be 
 the boundary between the two countries, and nj) to this boundary, 
 you are to extend your protection, only excejJting any j'osts on the 
 eastern side thereof which, am in the actual occupancy of Mexican 
 forces, or Mexican settlements over which the Republic of Texas 
 did not exercise jurisdiction at the period of annexation, or 
 shortly before that event." 
 
 This makes it perfectly clear, that the United States had no 
 ascertained title (and no apparent title) to this territory ; for it 
 admits that Texas only made a claim to it, Mexico having an ad- 
 verse claim, and having also actual possession. 
 
 2nd. That as early as July 1845, the President knew as well as 
 others acquainted with the subject, that this territory was in the 
 actual possession of Mexico ; that it contained IMexican settlements, 
 over which Texas had not exercised jurisdiction, up to the time 
 of annexation. 
 
 On the 8th of July, the Secretary of War wrote to General 
 Taylor, that " This Department is informed that Mexico has 
 some Military Establishments on the east side of the Rio Grande, 
 which are and for some time have been in the actual occupancy 
 of her troops." 
 
 On the 30th of July, the Secretary wrote as already mentioned, 
 directing General Taylor to except from his protection " any posts 
 on the eastern side thereof," (of the Rio Grande) which are in the 
 actual occupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements over 
 wliich fill! Republic of Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at the 
 period of annexation, or shortly before that event. 
 
 It manifestly appeai-s to have been the intention of the President, 
 from the 28th of May, down to the consummation of his purpose 
 
27 
 
 to take possession of this territory by force of arms, however 
 unwilHng Mexico might be to yichl it, or whatever might turn 
 out on examination to be her rio;ht to retain it. 
 
 He intended to extinguish the Mexican title by force ; otherwise 
 his acts and instructions are inexplicable. 
 
 The Government set up and afiirmed from the first that the Rio 
 Grande was the Western boundary of Texas as appears from the 
 letters to General Taylor of the 2Sth of May and 15th of 
 June, 1845. 
 
 On the 15th of June, General Taylor was instructed to take 
 such a position "on or near the Rio Grande" as " will be best to 
 repel invasion, and protect what in the event of annexation will be 
 our Western boundary." In accordance with, there are,. also, the 
 instructions of July 30th, to which I have already referred. 
 
 On the 6th of August, the Secretary wrote to General Taylor, 
 " although a state o[ war with Mexico, or an invasion of Texas by 
 her forces may not take place, it is, nevertheless, deemed proper 
 and necessary, that your force should be fully equal to meet with 
 certainty of success, any crisis which may arise in Texas, and 
 which would require you by force of arms to carry out the instruc- 
 tions of the Government.'''' He is then, in the same, letter, author- 
 ized to procure volunteers for Texas," &c. 
 
 On the 23d of August, the Secretary instructed General Taylor 
 thus : " Should Mexico assemble a large body of troops on the Rio 
 Grande, and cross it with a considerable ibrce, such a movement 
 must be regarded as an invasion of the United States, and the com- 
 mencement of hostilities." He is then instructed how to assemble 
 a large force," &c. die. 
 
 On the 30th of August he was instructed, in case any Mexican 
 force crossed the Rio Grande, " to drive all Mexican troops 
 beyond it ;" that any attempt, by the Mexicans, to cross the river 
 
28 
 
 with a considerable force, would be regarded as an invasion ; and 
 that on such an event, namely — "in case of war, either declared 
 or made manifest by hostile acts," he was not to confine his action 
 within the territory of Texas. 
 
 On the 16th of October, the Secretary wrote that, " The in- 
 formation xchich we have liere^ renders it iwobahle that no serious 
 attempts icill, at present, be made by Mexico to invade Texas." 
 But is still instructed to hold the country between the Nueces and 
 the Rio Grande. 
 
 " Previous instructions will have put you in possession of the 
 views of the Govei'nment of the United States, not only as to the 
 extent of its territorial claims, but of its determination to assert 
 them." 
 
 He is instructed to put his troops into winter quarters, accord- 
 ingly, as near the Rio Grande as circumstances will permit. Up 
 to this time and to the 11th of March, 1846, General Taylor was 
 at Corpus Christi. The open and decided step was taken on the 
 13th of January, on that day the Secretary at War directed Gene- 
 ral Taylor to march to the Rio Grande, and to take up a position 
 opposite Matamoras. In so doing he is instructed, in case Mexico 
 should declare war, or assume any open act of hostility, not to act 
 merely on the defensive. 
 
 Throughout the correspondence, it is plain that the intention was 
 to extinguish the Mexican title to this territory by armed occupa- 
 tion ; and the instructions are explicit, to treat every assertion of 
 title or niuvement on the part of Mexico, as an act of hostility, and 
 to proceed accordingly and resist it. 
 
 To show how General Taylor understood the instructions of his 
 Government, it may be observed that on the 2d of March, thirty 
 miles from Matamoras, at a stream called the Arrayo Colarado, he 
 was met by a party of Mexicans, whose commanding ollicer in- 
 
29 
 
 formed him that if he crossed the stream it would be deemed a 
 declaration of war, and put into his hand a copy of General Mejias's 
 proclamation to that effect. 
 
 General Taylor put his forces in order of battle, crossed the 
 stream and pushed on — the Mexicans retreating. 
 
 He arrived on the Rio Grande, opposite Matamoras, on the 29th 
 of March. 
 
 Let me now ask your attention to an extract of a letter from Mr. 
 Buchanan to Mr. Slidell, of January 20th, 1846. In this letter, 
 Mr. Buchanan says : 
 
 " In the meantime the President, in anticipation of the final 
 refusal of the Mexican Government to receive you, has ordered the 
 army of Texas to advance and take position on the lefl bank of the 
 Rio Grande ; and has directed that a strong fleet sliall be imme- 
 diately assembled in the Gulf of Mexico. He will thus be prepared 
 to act with vigor and promptitude, the moment that Congress shall 
 give him the authority." 
 
 Now, if by this advance of troops, possession would be taken on 
 the extreme line claimed by us, ichat furtlier vigormis action did 
 the President expect Congress to authorize ? Did he expect Con- 
 gress to make a general declaration of war ? Congress was then 
 in session. Why not consult it? Why take a step, not made 
 necessary by any pressing danger, and which might naturally lead 
 to war, without requiring the authority of Congress in advance? 
 With Congress is the power of peace and war ; to anticipate its 
 decision, by the adoption of measures leading to war, is nothing 
 less than an Executive interference with Legislative power. No- 
 thing but the necessity of self-defence, could justify the sending of 
 troops into a territory, claimed and occupied by a Power, with 
 which, at that time, no war existed. And there was, I think, no 
 case of such necessity of self-defence. 
 
30 
 
 Mr. Slidell replied to Mr. Buclianan on the 17th of February, 
 saying : " the advance of General Taylor's force, to the left bank 
 of the Rio (Irande, and the strengthening our squadron in the Gulf, 
 are wise measures, which may exercise a salutary influence upon 
 the course of this Government." 
 
 The army was thus ordered to the extreme limits of our claim ; 
 to our utmost boundary, as asserted by ourselves ; and here it was 
 to be prepared to act further, and to act with pi'omptitude and 
 vigor. 
 
 Now, it is a very significant inquiry — did the President mean by 
 this, to bring on, or to run the risk of bringing on, a general war? 
 Did he expect to be authorized by Congress to prosecute a general 
 war of invasion and acquisition ? I repeat the question, why not 
 take the opinion of Congress, it then being in session, before any 
 war-like movement was made ? 
 
 Mr. Buchanan's letter is of the 20th of January. The instruc- 
 tions to march to the Rio Grande had been given on the 13th. 
 Congress was in session, all this time, in the City of Washington ; 
 and why should, and why did, the Executive take an important 
 step, not necessary for self-defence, and leading to immediate war 
 without the authority of Congress 1 This is a grave question, and 
 well deserves an answer. 
 
 Allow me to repeat, for it is matter of history, that before and 
 at the time when these troops were ordered to the left bank of the 
 Rio Grande, there was no danger of invasion by Mexico, or appre- 
 hension of hostilities by her. 
 
 This is perfectly evident from General Taylor's letters to the 
 Government, through the preceding summer, and down to the time 
 the orders were given. 
 
 I now refer to these letters : 
 
31 
 
 On the 15th of August, General Taylor writes: "In regard to 
 the force at other points on the Rio Grande, except the militia 
 of the country, I have no information ; nor do I hear that the 
 reported concentration at Matamoras is for any purpose of in- 
 vasion." 
 
 On the 20th of August, he says : " Caravans of traders arrive, 
 occasionally, from the Rio Grande, but Ijring no news of import- 
 ance. They represent that there arc no regular troops on that 
 river, except at Matamoras, and do not seem to be aware of any 
 preparations for a demonstration on this bank of the river." 
 
 On the 6th of September, he writes thus : " I have the honor to 
 report that a confidential agent, despatched some days since to 
 Matamoras, has returned, and reports that no extraordinary prepa- 
 rations are going forward there ; that the garrison does not seem to 
 have been increased, and that our consul is of opinion there will be 
 no declaration of war." 
 
 On the 11th of October, he says : — 
 
 " Recent arrivals fi'om the Rio Grande bring no news or infor- 
 mation of a different aspect from that which I reported in my last. 
 The views expressed in previous communications relative to the 
 pacific disposition of the border people on both sides of the river 
 are continually confirmed." 
 
 This was the last despatch, I presume, received by the War 
 Department, before giving the order of January 13th, for the 
 march of the army. 
 
 A month after the order of march had been given, all General 
 Taylor's previous accounts were confirmed by him. 
 
 On the 16th of February, he thus writes to the Adjutant General 
 at Washington : — 
 
 " Many reports will doubtless reach the department, giving ex- 
 aggerated accounts of Mexican prc]»arations to resist our advance, 
 if not indeed to attempt an invasion of Texas. Such reports have 
 been circulated even at this place, and owe their origin to personal 
 
interests connected with the stay of the army here. I trust that 
 they will receive no attention at the War Department. From the 
 best information I am able to obtain, and which I deem as authentic 
 as any, I do not believe that our advance to the banks of the 
 Rio Grande will be resisted. The army, however, will go fully 
 prepared for a state of hostilities, should they unfortunately be 
 provoked by the Mexicans." 
 
 This official correspondence proves, I think, that there was no 
 danger of invasion, or of hostilities of any kind from Mexico, at 
 the time of the march of the army. 
 
 And it must be plain to every body, that the ordering the army 
 to the Rio Grande was a step, naturally, if not necessarily, tending 
 to provoke hostilities, and to bring on war. I shall use no inflam- 
 matory or exciting language, but it seems to me that this whole 
 proceeding is against the spirit of the Constitution, the just limi- 
 tations of Departments, an act pregnant with serious consequences, 
 and of dangerous precedent to the public liberties. 
 
 No power but Congress can declare war ; but what is the value 
 of this Constitutional provision, if the President of his own autho- 
 rity may make such military movements, as must bring on war ? 
 
 If the war power be in Congress, then every thing tending 
 directly or naturally, to bring on war, should be releri'ed to the 
 discretion of Congress, should it not ? Was this order of march 
 given, in the idle hope of coercing Mexico to treat ? If so, idle it 
 was, as the event proved. But it was something worse than a 
 mistake, or a responsible blunder ; it was, as it seems to me, an 
 extension of Executive authority, of a very dangerous character. 
 I see no necessity for it, and no apology for it ; since Congress 
 was in session at the same moment, at the other end of the Penn- 
 sylvania Avenue, and might have been consulted. 
 
 It will be contended, probably, that the conduct of the President 
 was all sanctioned by Congress, by the act of May 11th, It has 
 a Preamble, of which much has been said. I have only to remark 
 
33 
 
 that a Preamble, or other declaration of a Legislative body, cannot 
 create a fact, or alter a fact. 
 
 I remember to have heard Chief Justice Marshall ask counsel, 
 who was insisting upon the authority of an act of Legislation, if 
 he thought an act of Legislation could create, or destroy, a fact, or 
 change the truth of history. Would it alter the fact, said he, if a 
 Legislature should solemnly enact, that Mr. Hume never wrote the 
 history of England? A Legislature may alter the law, but no 
 power can reverse a fact. 
 
 I hardly suppose Congress, by the acts of the 11th of May, 
 meant more than to enable the President to defend the country, 
 to the extent of the limit claimed by him. 
 
 If those who concurred in that act meant thereby to encourage 
 the President to invade Mexico, and to carry on with the whole force 
 committed to his charge, a war of acquisition to establish pro- 
 vinces — to appoint governors — to call elections — to annex new 
 worlds to the United States — if that was their intention they have 
 never said it, and I for one do not believe it was their intention. 
 {^Loud cheers^ But I repeat, gentlemen, I repeat that Mexico is 
 highly unjustifiable in having refused to receive a Minister from the 
 United States. My remarks on this subject, have been drawn 
 forth by no sympathy with Mexico. I have no desire, God knows, 
 to show my country in the wrong. But these remarks originate, 
 purely, in a desire to maintain the powers of government as they 
 are established by the constitution between the different depart- 
 ments, and a hope that whether we have conquests or no con- 
 quests — war or no war — peace or no peace — we shall yet preserve, 
 in its integrity and strength, the Constitution of the United States. 
 ( Tremendous apjilause.) 
 
 Gentlemen, nevertheless, war is upon us. Armies arc in the 
 field, navies are upon the sea. We believe that the Government 
 
 3 
 
34 
 
 ought iiiimediately, in any honorable and satisfactory manner, 
 to bring that war to a conclusion, if possible. \Ve believe that 
 every reasonable effort should be made to put an end to this war. 
 But while the war lasts — while soldiers are upon the land, and 
 seamen on the sea, upholding the flag of the country, you feel, 
 and I feel, and every American feels, that they must be succoured 
 and sustained. [Thunders of applatise.) They bear the com- 
 mission of their Government. They are under its order and con- 
 trol. Their duty is obedience to superior command. They are 
 engaged en a foreign service. They have done honor to the 
 country to which they belong, and raised the character of its 
 military prowess. 
 
 I am behind no man in ascribing praise and honor to General 
 Taylor and all his forces ; (^great applmise) and I am behind no 
 man, and perhaps forward of most men, in the respect and admira- 
 tion which I feel for the good conduct of the volunteers who have 
 entered the field. {Great applause.^ We know no period in our 
 history — there is nothing in our annals — which shows superior 
 gallantry on the part of raw recruits, taken suddenly from the 
 pursuits of civil life and put into military service. Where can 
 we look for such steadiness, coolness, bravery and modesty, as 
 in these volunteers. {Great applause.) The most distinguished 
 incident in the history of our country — of the good conduct of 
 militia — of new raised levies from amongst the people, is perhaps 
 that of the battle of Bunker Hill. The gentleman who sits by me, 
 though not of years to bear arms, was of years to be present, and 
 to l(jok on and see others engaged in that conflict. He did all he 
 could, he poured his fervent youthful wishes into the general cause. 
 {Great applause.) I might go further, and say that at Bunker 
 TTill, the newly raised levies and recruits sheltered themselves behind 
 some temporary defences, but at Monterey, the volunteers assailed 
 
35 
 
 a fortified city. (^Cheers.) At any rate, gentlemen, whatever we 
 may think of the origin of the occasion which called them there, it 
 is gratifying to see what we can do through the agency of military 
 power whenever the exigencies of the country may require it. We 
 do show, that without the expense or the danger of large standing 
 ai-mies, there is military spirit enough, intelligence enough, per- 
 severance, and patience and submission to discipline, enough, 
 amongst the young men of the country, to uphold our stars and 
 stripes, whenever the government may order them to be unfurled. 
 {Great applause.^ 
 
 I will now leave all topics connected with the foreign relations 
 of the country, and pass to a consideration of some of the subjects 
 connected with measures bearing upon our internal and domestic 
 interests. Of these, there is one of just and great public import- 
 ance ; and another, connected with which, hundreds and thousands 
 of individuals have been made — shall I say it ? the victims of the 
 exercise of the veto power. I speak of the Harbor Bill, and of 
 the Bill making Indemnity for French Depredations on our com- 
 mei'ce before 1800. 
 
 There is, gentlemen, a clear veto power in the Constitution of 
 the United States. There is an express provision, that the Pre- 
 sident of the United States may withhold his approbation, if he see 
 fit, from a law of Congress ; and unless, after reasons stated by 
 him for so withholding his approbation, it shall be passed by two- 
 thirds of both Houses, it fails of legal validity, and becomes a dead 
 letter. 
 
 This, in common discourse, we call the veto power. Something 
 like it existed in ancient Rome. But the framers of our Constitu- 
 tion, borrowed it from England, and then qualified it. By the 
 Constitution of England, it theoretically exists absolutely in the 
 
36 
 
 monarch, and without qualifioation. The fraincrs of our Constitu- 
 tion in plarinn; it in the hands of the President, qualified it, so thafr 
 if upon reconsideration of the same measure, two-thirds of both 
 Houses concurred in it, the Bill should become a law, the Presi- 
 dent's negative notwithstanding. 
 
 In England, the power of the Crown to negative acts of Parlia- 
 ment, has not been exercised since the reign of William III., nearly 
 two hundred years ; and it has been generally said, that the reason 
 is, that since that period, such has been the course of the British 
 government in its administration, that the influence of the Crown, 
 in one or both Houses of Parliament, connected with the power 
 which the Crown possesses of dissolving Parliament, has been 
 sufficient to prevent the passage of bills with which the Crown was 
 not satisfied, without recourse to the exercise of the obnoxious veto 
 power. Modern commentators say that influence, in this respect, 
 has taken the place of prerogative. The King uses his influence, 
 but never actually negatives bills presented to him. As I have 
 said, our Constitution places the power in the hands of the Execu- 
 tive in a qualified manner. It is good, unless two-thirds of the 
 Houses concur in the measure. Well, rather a singular result has 
 happened from this. 
 
 I will not impute to Congress at any time, or to its members un- 
 der any administration, any liability to corrupt influence; certainly 
 not. But I suppose all will admit that frequently, and especially 
 in party times, party connections, perhaps some little hope of 
 office, some desire to benefit friends out of Congress, may soften 
 opposition to particular measures, in particular men's minds, and 
 may produce something, which if we would talk straight out, we 
 might call " undue influence." (^Laughter.) It has happened, 
 and if we arc curious in such researches, tu fix the chronology of 
 
37 
 
 occurrences, we might find instances not very remote, in which 
 persons still members of Congress, but who had failed in their re- 
 election, or were pretty sure of failing, have concurred in certain 
 measures ; and then, not being longer called on to serve their coun- 
 try in the halls of Congress, and particularly unwilling that the 
 country should lose their whole services, have condescended to take 
 office under the Executive. (Roars of laughter and cheers.) 
 Therefore the result in the practical administration of our govern- 
 ment seems to be this: Some degree of influence may be ex- 
 erted sufficient to bring one-third to concur with the sentiments of 
 the administration ; and then the President, by his veto, overwhelms 
 the other two-thirds ; so that if the purpose be to defeat a measure 
 passed by majorities of both Houses of Congress, if influence will 
 come in, and do one-third of the work ; Veto is ready to do the 
 rest. (Laughs and cheers.) 
 
 The first victim of the veto power, at the last session, was con- 
 nected with what is called, though not very correctly. Internal 
 Improvements. It was the Harbor Bill. 
 
 I confess to a feeling of a great interest in that bill. Seeing 
 nothing in it, as I thought, but such things as General Jackson's 
 administration had approved, and Mr. Van Buren's administration 
 had approved over and over again, I had no more apprehension 
 that the President of the United States would veto that bill, than 
 that he would veto an ordinary bill for the support of the army 
 or navy. I was as much surprised when it was announced that, 
 probably, he would send us the veto, as if it had been stated to me 
 that he would veto a bill necessary to carry on the Government. 
 But the veto did come. Now, gentlemen, that bill made an appro- 
 priation of one million, thi'ee hundred thousand dollars, for certain 
 harbor improvements, on the ocean, the gulf, the lakes, and the 
 
38 
 
 great and important navigable rivers of the country. A work of 
 peace, of improvement, of national progress. Something to carry 
 us forward, in convenience and prosperity, and in the acquisition of 
 wealth. Something to make permanent fixtures in the land, that 
 should do us good, and all our posterity for ever. 
 
 That was its object. The appropriation was small. The par- 
 ticular objects were somewhat numerous. The amount was no 
 burden, at all, upon the Treasury. In connection with its objects, 
 not worth considering. And yet here comes the veto ! Well, now, 
 what is to be done ? We cannot shut our eyes to what is around 
 us. Here we are. This vast country — with the Ocean on the 
 east, and the Gulf on the south, and the great Lakes on the north 
 and the west, and these great rivers penetrating it through hun- 
 dreds and thousands of miles, what are we to do? Is it not, of all 
 countries in the world, that, for which nature has done mighty 
 things, and yet calls most loudly for man to do his part ? (Loud 
 cheers.) 
 
 Providence has given us a country capable of impovement. It 
 is not perfected ; we are called to do something for ourselves, to 
 wake up, in this day of improvement, and do the deeds that belong 
 to improvement, to facilitate internal intercourse, to furnish har- 
 bors for the protection of life and property, to clear up the rivers, 
 to do every thing, all, and singular, which a large and liberal 
 policy will stimulate an intelligent people with abundance of 
 means, to do ; in advancement of the national prosperity. ( Great 
 applause.) We live in an age, gentlemen, when we are not to 
 shut our eyes to the great examples set us, all over the eastern 
 Continent. I mean the European Continent. I do not speak of 
 England, where private enterprise and wealth have gone so far 
 ahead. But look to Russia, to Prussia, to Saxony, to Sardinia, 
 
39 
 
 every where we see a spirit of improvement, active, stimulated and 
 persevering. We behold mountains penetrated by railroads, safe 
 harbors constructed, every thing done by Government for the 
 people, which in the nature of the case, the people cannot do for 
 themselves, {Loud cheers.) 
 
 Let us contemplate, for a moment, the Mississippi. This noble 
 and extraordinary stream, with seven or eight millions of people 
 on its banks, and on the waters falling into it, absolutely calls for 
 harbors, for clearing out rivers, for the removal o^ snags and other 
 obstacles to safe navigation. Who is to do this. Will any one of 
 the States do it ? Can all of the States do it ? Is it the appropriate 
 duty of any State or any number of States ? — No, no — we know it 
 is not. We know that unless this Government be placed in the 
 hands of men who feel that it is their constitutional authority and 
 duty to make these improvements, they never will be made ; and 
 the waters of the Mississippi will roll over snags, and snags, and 
 snags, for a century to come. {Great cheering^ 
 
 These improvements must come from the Government of the 
 United States, or in the nature of things, they cannot come at all ,* 
 and I say that every steamboat that is lost by one of these snags — 
 every life that is sacrificed, goes to make up a great account 
 against this Government. {Applause.) Why, what a world is 
 there ! What rivers and what cities on their banks ! — Cincinnatti, 
 New Orleans, St. Louis, Louisville, Natchez, and others that 
 spring up while we are talking of them, or, indeed, before we begin 
 to speak of them ; commercial marts, great places for the exchange 
 of commodities along these rivers, which are so many inland seas, 
 as it were ! And what ! the General Government no authority 
 over them — no power of improvement ? Why, that will be thought 
 the most incredible thing, hereafter, that ever was heard of. It 
 
40 
 
 will not be believed, that it ever had entered into the head of any 
 administration, that these were not objects deserving the care and 
 attention of the Government. I think, therefore, that the Harbor 
 Bill, negatived by the President, raises a vital question. This ques- 
 tion was put in Congress, it has been put since, it was put at 
 the polls. I put it, now, to be the question, whether these internal 
 improvements of the waters of the lakes and rivers, shall be made 
 or shall not be made ; and those who say they shall not be made, 
 arc right to adhere to Mr. Polk ; and those who say they shall be 
 made, and must be made, and that they will have them made, why 
 then they have the work in their own hands, (ajjpluuse) and if 
 they be a majority of the people, will do it. (^Renewed ap2')lause.) 
 
 I do not know that we, of the east and north, have any espe- 
 cial interest in this ; but I tell you what we of the east think, 
 that we have an especial interest in. I have thought so, at least, 
 ever since I have been in Congress, and I believe all my associates 
 from Massachusetts have also thought so. We think we have an 
 interest, and an especial interest, in manifesting a spirit of liberality 
 in regard to all expenses for improvements of those parts of the 
 country, watered by the Mississippi and the lakes. [Applause.) 
 We think it belongs, both to our interest and our reputation, to 
 sustain improvements on the Western waters. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, what was the Harbor Bill of the last Session ? 
 
 What was that bill, which both Houses passed, and the President 
 
 vetoed ? Here it is. And although this bill had three readings in 
 
 Congress, and one more when it came back, vetoed : I would ask 
 
 for it a fifth reading, now. [Laughter.) Mr. Hone, of New York, 
 
 here read the bill, as follows: 
 
 Be it enacted by tlie Seriate and House of Representatives ofiJie 
 United States of America, in Cojigress assembled. That a sum of 
 money be, and the same is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of 
 
41 
 
 any unappropriated money in the Treasury, sufficient for the fol- 
 lowing purposes, viz, : 
 
 1836. J.* — For the continuation of the Breakwater structure at 
 BurUngton, on lake Champlain, $15,000. 
 
 1836. J. — For the continuation of the Breakwater structure, at 
 Plattsburg, on lake Champlain, 815,000. 
 
 1836. J. — For the repairs and working of the Steam Dredge, on 
 lake Champlain, $9,000. 
 
 For the improvement of the Harbor at Port Ontario, on 
 lake Ontario, $40,000. 
 
 1831. J.— For the improvement of the Harbor at Oswego, on 
 lake Ontario, $10,000. 
 
 1830. J. — For the improvement of Big Sodus Bay, on lake Onta- 
 rio, $5,000. 
 
 For the improvement of Little Sodus Bay, on lake On- 
 tario, $5,000. 
 
 1830. J. — For the improvement of the Harbor at the mouth of 
 
 Genesee river, on lake Ontario, $10,000. 
 1836. J. — For the improvement of the Oak Orchard Harbor, 
 StateofNew York, $7,000. 
 
 For the construction of a Dredge Boat, for lake Onta- 
 rio and river St. Lawrence, $20,000. 
 
 1831. J. — For repairing and improving the Harbor at Buffalo, on 
 
 lake Erie, and the continuation of the Sea Wall for 
 
 the protection of the same, $50,000. 
 1830. J.— For improving the Harbor at Dunkirk, on lake Erie, 
 
 $15,000. 
 
 For improving the Harbor at Erie, on lake Erie, 
 
 $40,000. 
 1830. J.— For improving Grand River Harbor, on lake Erie, 
 
 $100,000. 
 
 1832. J. — For improving Ashtabula Harbor, on lake Erie, 
 
 $10,000. 
 1830. J. — For improving the Harbor at Cleveland, on lake Erie, 
 
 $20,000. 
 1830. J. — For improving the Harbor at Huron, on lake Erie, 
 
 $5,000. 
 
 For improving the Harbor at Sandusky city, on lake 
 
 Erie, $11,000. 
 1836. J. — For improving the River Raison Harbor, on lake Erie, 
 
 $13,000. 
 1836. J.— For constructing a Dredge Boat to be used on lake 
 
 Erie, $20,000. 
 
 * J. stands for Jackson. 
 
4>2 
 
 1836. J. — For the improvement of the St. Clair Flats, so called, 
 so as to prevent their obstructing the passage of ves- 
 sels from Buffalo, to the ports on lake Michigan, 
 $40,000. 
 
 1830. J. — For improving the Grand River Harbor, on lake Mi- 
 
 chigan, so as to give protection to vessels sailing on 
 said lake, $10,000. 
 
 For improving the Harbor at the mouth of Kalamazoo 
 river, on lake Michigan, so as to give protection to 
 vessels sailing on said lake, $10,000. 
 183G. J. — For improving the Harbor at St. Joseph, on lake Mi- 
 chigan, $10,000. 
 
 1831. J. — For improving the Harbor at Michigan city, on lake 
 
 Michigan, $40,000. 
 
 For the improvement of Little Fort Harbor, on lake 
 Michigan, $12,000. 
 
 For improving the Harbor at Racine, on lake Michi- 
 gan, $15,000. 
 
 For improving the Harbor at Southport, on lake Mi- 
 chigan, $10,000. 
 
 1836, J. — For improving the Harbor at Mihvaukie, on lake Mi- 
 chigan, $20,000. 
 
 1836. J. — For improving the Harbor at Chicago, on lake Michi- 
 gan, $12,000. 
 
 For constructing a Dredge Boat, to be used on lake 
 Michigan, $15,000. 
 
 1836. J. — For improving the Harbor at St. Louis, $75,000. 
 
 1836. J. — For constructing a Breakwater Structure, at Stamford 
 Ledge, Maine, $20,000. 
 
 1832. J. — For improving the Harbor of Boston, $40,000. 
 1836. J. — For continuing the Works at Bridgeport, Connecticut, 
 
 $15,000. 
 
 For removing the obstruction at the Crook in the Har- 
 
 bor of Providence, Rhode' Island, $5,000. 
 
 1830. J.— For improving the Harbor at New Castle, Del. $15,000. 
 
 1830. J. — For improving the Harbor at Port Penn, Delaware, 
 $5,000. 
 
 1830. J. — For completing the Delaware Breakvvater, $75,000. 
 
 For removing obstructions in Newark Bay, New Jer- 
 sey, $15,000. 
 
 1836. J. — For improving the Harbor at Baltimore city, $20,000. 
 For the improvement of the Harbor at Havre de Grace, 
 Maryland, $20,000. 
 
 1832. J. — For the improvement of Savannah Harbor and the 
 Naval Anchorage, near Fort Pulaski, $50,000. 
 
43 
 
 1832. J. — For the improvement of the Great Wood Hole Harbor, 
 Massachusetts, 81,450. 
 
 1836. J. — For the continuing the improvements of the Naviga- 
 
 tion of the Hudson river, above and below Albany, in 
 the State of New Jersey, $75,000. 
 
 1837. J. — For the improvement of tlie Ohio River, above the 
 
 Falls at Louisville, $80,000. 
 
 1830. J. — For the improvement of the Ohio river, below the Falls 
 
 at Louisville, and of the Mississippi, Missouri and 
 Arkansas rivers, #240,000. 
 
 1831. J. — For removing the Raft of Red River, and for the im- 
 
 provement of said river, $80,000. 
 For repairs and preservation of Harbor Works hereto- 
 fore constructed on the Atlantic coast, $20,000. 
 
 Such, gentlemen, (continued Mr. Webster,) is an enumeration 
 of the appropriations of this bill, running along the shores of 
 the sea and the lakes down the Gulf and the rivers ; forty-nine 
 objects in all. I notice but one important omission. I think there 
 ought to have been a very liberal appropriation for the better navi- 
 gation of Salt River ! [Roars of laughter, in which the ladies in 
 the gallery heartily joined.) Now, this is the bill that the Presi- 
 dent negatived, and I will shortly state to you his reasons, as I 
 collect them from his Messages, and make such remarks on those 
 reasons, as I may, whilst I go along. The President assumes that 
 these harbors are internal improvements, and because there is no 
 power vested in Congress, by the Constitution, under that specific 
 head, he denies the existence of such a power, altogether. 
 
 The course of the Government has been just the other way. 
 The people have not only acquiesced in these improvements, but 
 clamored for them, and they are now, very likely, to clamor again. 
 He continues : 
 
 [Mr. W. here read that portion of the veto message, in which 
 the President assigns as a reason for the veto, that several of his 
 predecessors had denied the constitutionality of Congress to make 
 internal improvements.] 
 
44 
 
 I know not whore, said Mr. ^Vobster. If ho intonds to say, that 
 some of his predecessors denied the general power of making all 
 kinds of internal improvements, if that be what he means, why, 
 nobody contends that such a general power as that is in the Con- 
 stitution. But then the question is, docs this belong to any such 
 power? These works are not internal improvements, in that gene- 
 ral sense ; they are harbor improvements, connected with com- 
 merce, and the question is whether, as such, they are not provided 
 for in the Constitution ? 
 
 The President says that some of the objects provided for by the 
 bill are local, and lie within the limits of a single State. Well I 
 dare say they do. It would be somewhat remarkable if a harbor 
 were found lying in two or three States. (^Laughter.) It would 
 be rather a large harbor that would embrace parts of even Connec- 
 ticut and Rhode Island ; two of the smallest of the States. The 
 question is not whether the site be local, or whether the expenditure 
 be local, but whether the purpose be general, a national purpose, 
 and object. (^Apjdause.) 
 
 As well might it be said that expenditure upon the Capitol was 
 local and not provided for, as to say that expenditure upon a har- 
 bor or breakwater, which is necessary for the general purposes of 
 the commerce of the country, is a local expenditure made within a 
 State, and therefore not constitutional. The President proceeds to 
 say that the power exercised by Congress was novel. 
 
 [Here several sentences were lost in consequence of interrup- 
 tion by individuals in the vicinity of the Reporters.] 
 
 The President draws a distinction between improvements for the 
 benefit of foreign commerce, and those for the benefit of internal 
 trade, and that these olijccts are for the benefit of internal trade 
 only. 1 wonder, (said Mr. Webster) where he finds any authority 
 
45 
 
 to found a distinction on that fact, even if it existed, which is 
 hardly the case, I tliink, in any one instance. 
 
 The President says that many of these appropriations were made 
 for the first time, for these particular objects. Well, if appropria- 
 tions had been made for them before, and they had been adequate, 
 there would be no occasion for making new ones ; but the question is, 
 are not these new objects in principle, like those, for which appropri- 
 ations have been made, very many times. I think they are. {Much 
 laughter.) Now let us not be carried away by a vague notion 
 that the Constitution of the United States has no power to make 
 internal improvements, and therefore does not authorize expendi- 
 tures on a harbor. We are speaking of things not by any general 
 name, not by classification or classes, we are speaking of things 
 by phrases descriptive of the things themselves. We call a harbor, 
 a harbor. If the President of the United States says that is a 
 matter of internal improvement, why then, I say that the name 
 cannot alter the thing, the thing is a harbor. And does not every 
 one of these harbors touch navigable waters ? Is not every one of 
 them on the shore of the sea, bay, gulf, or navigable river ? and 
 are not the navigable waters of the ocean, and gulf, and bays and 
 rivers, are they not all for commercial purposes out of the jurisdic- 
 tion of the States, and in the jurisdiction of the United States? 
 
 How can it be said that these are within the particular jurisdic- 
 tion of the States? Wherever the money is so expended, it is ex- 
 pended within the jurisdiction of the United States, and for pui-poses 
 conceded to it by the Constitution ; that is to say, the regulation 
 and protection of commerce. 
 
 But let us now go to the origin of this power. Let us appeal 
 from the opinions of the President of the United States to the writ- 
 ten text of the Constitution ; and let us sec what that is. The 
 power of the Government of the United States in this respect, is 
 
46 
 
 expressed in the Constitution in a very few words. It says, that 
 " Congress shall luvoe pmver to regulate commerce with foreign 
 nations^ and among the several States, and icith the Indian 
 tribes ! 
 
 The whole force is concentrated in that word " regulate." Well, 
 Mr. Polk himself admits that the word regulate as applied to facili- 
 ties for foreign trade, does extend to the making of beacons, 
 piers and light-houses ; but his whole message attempts to run a 
 distinction between foreign trade, and trade between the States. 
 But the power over each is given in the same clause of the 
 Constitution, in the very same words, and is exactly of equal 
 length and breadth with the other. If one is denied, both are 
 denied — if one is conceded, both must be conceded. It is impossible 
 to separate them by any argument or logical process, worthy of a 
 statesman's mind. It is wholly arbitrary I say, without the least 
 foundation, to say that Congress may make provision for a harbor 
 accommodation for foreign commerce, and not for domestic trade. 
 Is the latter not as important as the former 1 Is not the breakwater 
 at the mouth of the Delaware Bay, as important for the trade of 
 Philadelphia with New Orleans, as with Liverpool ? and so every 
 where else ? Is not bur coasting trade one of the largest branches 
 of our maritime interest, and can we yet do nothing for that? 
 
 It is strange that any man should entertain the idea that such 
 a distinction could be drawn. I have before me a long list of acts 
 of Congress, of a good deal of importance, as I think, tending to 
 show that the President is mistaken when he speaks of the acqui- 
 escence and approbation of the people, in opinions adverse to Harbor 
 improvements. The opinion, both of Congress and the people, 
 seems quite the other way. Here is a list of provisions of this 
 kind, made in Mr. Adams's time, in General Jackson's time, and 
 in Mr. Van Buren's time, for exactly similar objects, and some of 
 
47 
 
 them for the same objects; and I should take the pains, and tax 
 your patience to read this list, if I had not another more con- 
 vincing statement to make to you and which will close the consi- 
 deration of this part of the subject. 
 
 [Mr. "Webster kindly furnished the Reporter with the list, which 
 is as follows :] 
 
 By the Act of March 2d, 1829. 
 
 Thirty thousand dollars for extending the pier of Black Rock 
 Harbor, at the outlet of Lake Erie, to a point opposite Bird's 
 Island. 
 
 For removing obstructions at the entrance of the harbor of Big 
 Sodus Bay, on Lake Ontario, twelve thousand five hundred dollars. 
 
 For the improvement of the navigation of the Genesee River, in 
 the state of New York, ten thousand dollars 
 
 State of Ohio. — Seventy-five thousand dollars for improving the 
 navigation of Conneaut Creek, by removing the bar at the mouth 
 of the same. 
 
 By the Act 23d April, 1830. 
 
 For removing obstructions at the mouth of Huron 
 
 River, Ohio, .--._--- $1,880 36 
 
 For completing the removal of obstructions at the 
 
 mouth of Grand River, Ohio, ... - 5,563 18 
 
 For completing the improvements of Cleveland Har- 
 bor, Ohio, ...---- 1,786 56 
 
 For removing sand bar at or near the mouth of Black 
 
 River, Ohio, - - 8,559 77 
 
 For improving the navigation of Conneaut Creek, Ohio, 6,135 65 
 
 For completing piers at the mouth of Dunkirk Har- 
 bor, New York, 1,342 75 
 
 For completing piers at Buffalo Harbor, New York, 15,488 00 
 
 For extending the pier at Black Rock, - - - 3,198 00 
 
 For improving the navigation of Genesee River, New 
 
 York, -" 13,335 00 
 
 For removing obstructions at the mouth of Big Sodus 
 
 Bay, New York, - - ".-..■. " 15,28000 
 
 For improving the navigation of the Mississippi and 
 
 Ohio Rivers, 50,000 00 
 
 By the Act of March 2d, 1831. 
 For removing obstructions at the mouth of Huron 
 
 River, Ohio, - - 3,480 00 
 
 For removing sand bar at or near the mouth of Black 
 
 river, Ohio, 9,275 00 
 
48 
 
 For completing the removal of obstructions at the 
 
 mouth of Grand River, Ohio, .... $5,680 00 
 
 For removing obstructions at the mouth of Big Sodus 
 
 Bay, New York, 17,450 00 
 
 For completing piers at Oswego, New York, - - 2,812 92 
 
 For securing the works of Oswego Harbor, New York, 
 
 by a stone pier head and mole, .... 18,600 00 
 
 For completing the pier at the mouth of Buffalo Har- 
 bor, New York, 12,900 00 
 
 For securing and completing the works at the harbor 
 
 of Dunkirk, New York, 6,400 00 
 
 For completing the improvements of Cleveland Har- 
 bor, 3,670 00 
 
 For completing the removal of obstructions at the 
 
 mouth of Ashtabula Creek, Ohio, - - - 7,015 00 
 
 For improving the navigation of Conneaut River, 
 
 Ohio, 6,370 00 
 
 For improving the navigation of Genesee River, New 
 
 York, 16,670 00 
 
 By the Act of June 2eth, 1834. 
 
 For carrying on the improvements of Ocracock Inlet, 
 
 North Carolina, 15,000 00 
 
 For improving the navigation of Ohio, Missouri, and 
 
 Mississippi Rivers, 50,000 00 
 
 For improving the harbor of Chicago, Illinois, - 32,801 00 
 
 For the piers at La Plaisance Bay, Slichigan, - - 4,895 00 
 
 For continuing and securing the works at Oswego 
 
 Harbor, New York, 30,000 00 
 
 For completing the works at Genesee River, New 
 
 York, on the present plan, .... 20,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvements of Black Rock Har- 
 bor, New York, 12,000 00 
 
 For completing the works at Buffalo, New York, - 20,000 00 
 
 For completing and securing the works at Cleveland 
 
 Harbor, Ohio, 13,315 00 
 
 For repairing and securing the works at Grand River, 
 
 Ohio, 10,000 00 
 
 For securing the works at Black River, Ohio, - - 5,000 00 
 
 For extending and securing the works at Huron River, 
 
 Ohio, 6,700 00 
 
 For continuing the improvements at Ashtabula Creek, 
 
 Ohio, 5,000 00 
 
 And for defraying the expense of surveys pursuant to the Act ol' the 
 30th of April, 1824— including arrearages for 1333, S29,000, of 
 
49 
 
 which sum ^5,000 shall be appropriated and appUed to geolo- 
 gical and mineralogical survey and researches. 
 
 By the Act of March 3d, 1835. 
 
 For improving the harbor at Chicago, in addition to 
 
 the balance of former appropriations, - - - $32,800 00 
 
 For securing the works at Black River, - - - 4,400 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement at Ashtabula Creek, 
 
 in addition to the balance of former appropriations, 7,591 00 
 
 For completing the works at Genesee river, - - 2,390 00 
 
 For improving the navigation of the Ohio River, below 
 
 the Falls, and the Missouri and Mississippi rivers, 50,000 00 
 
 For the improvement of the navigation of the Ohio River between 
 Pittsburgh and the Falls of the Ohio, 850,000, to be expended 
 under the direction of the War Department, and under the care 
 of a Superintendent for that part of Ohio. 
 
 For completing the removal of the obstructions to the navigation 
 of Red River, in addition to the appropriation of $50,000, made 
 at the last session of Congress, the sum of §50,000. 
 
 For improving the navigation of the Arkansas River, 
 
 and for constructing a boat with an iron hull, - $40,000 00 
 
 By tlie Act of July 1th, 1838. 
 
 For continuing the improvements of the harbor of Chi- 
 cago, Illinois, 30,000 00 
 
 For continuing the construction of a harbor at Michi- 
 gan city, Indiana, - . . . . . 60,733 59 
 
 For continuing the construction of a pier or break- 
 water, at the mouth of the river St. Joseph, Michigan, 51,113 00 
 
 For the continuation of the works at the harbor near 
 
 the mouth of the river Raisin, Michigan, - - 15,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the harbor at 
 
 White Hall,"New York, 15,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the Channel at the 
 
 mouth of the Genesee River, New York, - - 25,000 00 
 
 For continuing the removal of obstructions at Black 
 
 River, Ohio, 5,000 00 
 
 For continuing the removal of obstructions at the 
 
 mouth of the Huron River, in Ohio, - - - 5,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the navigation at 
 
 the mouth of Vermilion River, Ohio, - - - 3,626 57 
 
 For continuing the improvement of Cleveland Harbor, 
 
 Ohio, 51,856 GO 
 
 For continuing the removal of obstructions at Cun- 
 ningham Creek, Ohio, 5,000 00 
 
 4 
 
50 
 
 For (•untimiiiig the removal of obstructions at Ashta- 
 bula Creek', Ohio, 8,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of Dunkirk Harbor, 
 
 New York, 10,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the harbor of Port- 
 land, Lake Erie, New York, .... 35,466 00 
 
 For continuing the improvements of the harbor at 
 
 Cattaraugus Creek, Lake Erie, New York, - - 32,410 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the harbor of 
 
 Salmon River, Lake Ontario, New York, - - 30,000 00 
 
 For continuing the construction of a Breakwater at 
 
 Plattsburgh, New York, 27,500 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the harbor at the 
 
 mouth of Oak Orchard creek, New York, - - 5,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement at Big Sodus Bay, 
 
 New York, 10,000 00 
 
 For continuing the Pier and Mole at Oswego Harbor, 
 
 New York, - 46,067 00 
 
 For continuing the construction of a Breakwater at 
 
 Burlington, Vermont, ..... 50,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the Cumberland 
 
 River in Kentucky and Tennessee, below Nashville, 20,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the Ohio River, 
 
 between the Falls and Pittsburgh, - - - 50,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the Ohio and Mis- 
 sissippi Rivers from Louisville to New Orleans, - 70,000 00 
 
 For continuing the improvement of the Mississippi 
 river, above the mouth of the Ohio and the Missouri 
 river, - - - 20,000 
 
 For continuing the removal of obstructions in Grand 
 
 river, Ohio, 10,000 
 
 For continuing the Works at Buffalo, - - - 20,500 
 
 For erecting a Mound or Sea Wall along the Peninsula 
 which separates lake Erie from Buffalo Creek, to 
 prevent the influx of the Lake over said Peninsula, - 48,000 
 
 For the Improvement of the Arkansas river, - - 40,000 
 
 And he it further enacted. That the several sums ap[)ropriated 
 
 by the first section of this act, which exceed twelve thousand dollars 
 
 each, one half thereof, if the public service require it, shall be paid 
 
 out during the year 1838, to be applied to the objects above speci- 
 fied, and the other half, in like manner, in the year 1839." 
 
 I have already placed before you the bill, (continued Mr. W.) 
 the Harbor Bill, as it passed both Houses, last Session. Some of 
 its enactments were read by my friend near me, Mr. Hone ; and 
 
51 
 
 now let me add, that I have caused the objects of expenditure and 
 appropriation in that bill, to be carefully examined, and former 
 legislation, in regard to these several objects to be investigated ; and 
 now I state to you the result. Here are forty-nine distinct objects 
 of appropriation, in this bill of last Session ; and I say to you that 
 out of this list of forty-nine, thirty-three of them are the identical 
 objects for which appropriations were made under the authority of 
 General Jackson, in his time. (^Cheers.) Well, then, there remain 
 sixteen; and I say io you that, upon cai'eful examination, it will 
 appear that these sixteen objects that have grown up since the time 
 of Genei'al Jackson, and which Congress thought proper to pro- 
 vide for in this bill, are every one harbors, connected with the 
 external trade of the country, and, therefore, strictly within Mr. 
 Polk's own rule. {Cheers.) 
 
 Gentlemen, I leave this question. In the free discussions that 
 have taken place on it, in and out of Congress, the argument is 
 exhausted. The question is, whether we-are convinced, and whether 
 we are to stand up to our convictions. The question is, whether 
 the great West, so important a part of the country, bearing its 
 share of all the common burdens, is to be struck out of all partici- 
 pation in the benefits which are bestowed upon other portions of the 
 Union? (^Cheers.) I think net. The question is put already. I 
 expect to hear an answer to it from the North, the Northwest, and 
 the South. But, then, I do not rely upon Conventions at Memphis 
 or St. Louis ; I do not rely on resolutions. I rely on the disposi- 
 tion of the people to understand what their constitutional rights are, 
 and then to take care that those constitutional rights shall be fairly 
 protected, by being intrusted to proper hands. 
 
 Gentlemen, before I leave this part of the subject, I must say a 
 word upon an important Report made to the Senate at the last 
 
52 
 
 Session, by a Committee, to whom the resolutions, passed by the 
 Memphis Convention, were referred. A distinguished Senator from 
 South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun) was Chairman of the Committee, 
 and framed that elaborate report. So far as he admits any thing 
 done by Congress to have been rightfully done, and admits any 
 degree of authority in Congress to do what has not yet been done, 
 I concur with him. The rest I reject ; for I do not think the dis- 
 tinctions taken^ by that eminent man, are sound. I regret that it 
 is my misfortune to differ from him. 
 
 The report proposes, I may state in brief, that where a river 
 divides two States, or only two States are concerned, these two 
 States must make the necessary improvements, themselves. I do 
 not agree with that ; I do not suppose that it is any matter of con- 
 sequence whether the necessary improvements are connected with 
 two States, or four, or only one. 
 
 It is not a question of location — it is a question of public import- 
 ance. Look, for instance, at that portion of the North river which 
 runs between two shores, both of which belong to New York. 
 There, I suppose, the power of Congress over Governor Marcy's 
 overslaugh farm, as it is called, is as perfect as it is to make a 
 similar improvement further down where the river divides the States 
 of New York and New Jersey. The distinction attempted, as it 
 strikes me, is a distinction without a difference. 
 
 Well, having thus alluded in the most respectful manner to the 
 Report of the Committee of the Senate, and not having time to dis- 
 cuss its propositions at any considerable length, I will now, by 
 way of conclusion, give to you my opinion on all this question of 
 the power of making harbors. 
 
 In my opinion, Congress has the power to make harbors on the 
 rivers and on the lakes, to the full extent to which it has ever pro- 
 posed to exercise such power. 
 
53 
 
 That whether these proposed harbors be judged useful for foreign 
 commerce, or only for commerce among the States, themselves, 
 the principle is the same, and the constitutional power given in the 
 same clause, and in the same words. 
 
 That Congress has power to clear out obstructions from all 
 rivers suited to the purposes of commerce, foreign or domestic, and 
 "to improve their navigation and utility, by appropriations from the 
 Treasury of the United States. 
 
 That, whether a river divide two States, or more tlian two, or 
 run through two States, or more than two, or is wholly confined to 
 one State, is immaterial, provided its importance to commerce, for- 
 eign or domestic, be admitted. 
 
 For example, the North river is a navigable tide water river, for 
 many miles, while running entirely within the territory of the State 
 of New York. Yet, I suppose the removing of obstructions in this 
 part of the river, is as fully within the power of Congress, as the 
 removing of obstructions in other parts of the river where it divides 
 New York from New Jersev. 
 
 I think it wholly immaterial, whether a proposed improvement 
 in a river for coinmercial purposes, be above or below, an actually 
 existing port of entry. 
 
 If instead of clearing out the rocks, and in that manner im- 
 proving the channel of a river, it is found better to make a canal 
 around falls which are in it, I have no doubt whatever of the power 
 of Congress to construct such a canal. I tiiink, for instance, that 
 Congress has the power to purchase the Louisville canal around the 
 Falls of the Ohio ; and that it ought to exercise that power now, if 
 the work can be purchased for a reasonable price ; and that the 
 canal should then be free to all who have occasion to use it, 
 reserving such tolls, only, as should be sufficient to keep the works 
 in repair. 
 
54 
 
 It seems to me that these propositions all flow from the nature of 
 our Government, and its equal power over trade with foreign 
 nations and among the States ; and from the fact resulting from 
 these powers, that the commerce of the United States is a unit. 
 
 I have no conception of any such thing, as seems to be thought 
 possible by the Report of the Committee of the Senate, that is, an 
 external commerce existing between two States, carried on by laws 
 and regulations of their own, whether such laws and regulations 
 were adopted with or without the consent of Congress. 
 
 I do not understand how there can be a Pennsylvania vessel, 
 built, manned, and equipped under Pennsylvania laws, trading as 
 such Pennsylvania vessel with New York or Maryland, or having 
 any rights or privileges not conferred by acts of Congress ; and 
 consequently that the idea is unfounded, which supposes that when 
 only two States are interested in the navigation of a river, or its 
 waters touch the shores of only two States, the improvement of such 
 river is excluded from the power of Congress, and must be left 
 to the care of the two States themselves, under an agreement, 
 which they may enter into, with the consent of Congress, for that 
 purpose. 
 
 In my opinion, the provision of the Constitution which forbids a 
 State from entering into any alliance, compact, or agreement with 
 another State, without consent of Congress, can draw after it no such 
 conclusion as that, with the consent of Congress, two States ought 
 to be bound to improve the navigation of a river which separates 
 their territories; and that, therefore, the power of Congress to 
 make such improvements, is taken away. A river flowing between 
 two States, and two States only, may bo highly important to the 
 commerce of the whole Union. It can hardly be necessary to dis- 
 cuss this point. It is sufficient to say that the whole argument is 
 founded on the notion that the Constitution prohibits more than two 
 
55 
 
 States from entering into agreements, even ivith the consent of 
 Congress. 
 
 This is manifestly untenable. The Constitution extends as fully 
 to agreements between three, four, or five States, as between two 
 only ; and the consent of Congress makes an agreement between 
 five as valid as between two. If, therefore, two States can improve 
 rivers with the consent of Congress, so can five or more ; and, if it 
 be a sufficient reason for denying the power of Congress to improve 
 a river in a particular case, that two States can, themselves, do it, 
 having first obtained the assent of Congress, it is an equally valid 
 reason in the case where five or ten States are concerned. They 
 too may do the same thing, with the consent of Congress. The 
 distinction, thei'efore, between what may be done by Congress, 
 where only two States are concerned with a river, and what may 
 be done in cases where more than two are so connected, entirely 
 vanishes. I hold the whole doctrine of the report of the Com- 
 mittee, on this point, to be unsound, I am also of opinion that 
 there is no difference between the power to construct a pier, and 
 the power to construct a harbor. I think that a single pier, of 
 itself, affords a degree of shelter and protection from winds and 
 seas ; that two parallel piers make a harbor ; and that, if one pier 
 may be rightfully constructed, it is no extravagant stretch of con- 
 stitutional power to construct another. In fine, I am of opinion 
 that Congress does, constitutionally, possess the power of establish- 
 ing light-houses, buoys, beacons, piers, breakwaters, and harbors, 
 on the ocean, the gulf, the lakes, and the navigable rivers ; that it, 
 does constitutionally possess the power of improving the great rivers 
 of the country, clearing out their channels by deepening them or 
 removing obstructions, in order to render navigation upon them 
 more safe for life and property; and that, for the same reason, 
 
56 
 
 Congress may construct canals around falls in rivers, in all neces- 
 sary cases. 
 
 All this authority, in my opinion, flows from the power over 
 commerce, foreign and domestic, conferred on Congress by the 
 Constitution ; and, if auxiliary considerations, or corroborative 
 argument be required, they are found in two facts, viz. : — 1st, That 
 improvements, such as have been mentioned, whether on the ocean 
 or the gulf, on the lakes or the rivers, are improvements which, 
 from their nature, are such as no single State, nor any number of 
 States, can make, or ought to be called on to make. All idea of 
 States undertaking such improvements is, in my opinion, prepos- 
 terous. And, in the second place, as all the revenues derived from 
 commerce accrue to the General Government, and none of it to 
 the States, the charge of improving the means of commerce and 
 commercial intercourse, by such works as have been mentioned, 
 properly devolves on the Treasury of that Government, and on 
 that Treasury alone. 
 
 I had intended to discuss, at length, the President's veto of the 
 Bill for Indemnity to the sufferers under French spoliations before 
 1800. I must omit much of what I had intended to say on that 
 subject, but I will state the history of it in as few words as possible, 
 so that there may be no mistake or misapprehension. 
 
 On the breaking; out of the French Revolution, French priva- 
 teers, for whose conduct the Government of France was respon- 
 sible, made, and continued to make, spoliations on American com- 
 merce. The United States remonstrated, and sent embassy after 
 embassy to France. The French Government repeatedly promised 
 indemnification. Now, the French Revolution broke out in 1793, 
 and between that year and 1800, a vast amount of American 
 property was illegally seized by French cruisers, for which our 
 
51 
 
 Government demanded indemnity. France repeatedly promised 
 compliance with these demands ; but, by the treaty of 1800, France 
 having asserted certain claims against the United States, growing 
 out of the treaty of alliance of 1778, and the American Govern- 
 ment pressing these claims for spoliations, at the same time the 
 result was, without going into any unnecessary detail of the nego- 
 tiation, an agreement between the two Governments, that, if France 
 would relinquish all claim on her part to the fulfilment of the treaty 
 of 1778, the United States would relinquish all claims of our citizens 
 on France, for spoliations up to that time. That was the result of 
 the arrangement between the two Governments. The wars con- 
 tinued. Other depredations were made ; and after the peace of 
 Europe and the restoration of the Bourbons, and, indeed, after the 
 accession of the present King of France, in 1831, the United States,. 
 through the agency of Mr. Rives, in Paris, negotiated a treaty with 
 France for the satisfaction of claims of American citizens. The 
 terms were general. They embraced all claims, and twenty-five 
 millions of francs, or five millions of dollars, were appropriated by 
 the Government of France, to pay these claims, and a commission 
 was appointed by the Government of the United States, to whom 
 was left the distribution of this fund. This Commission sat at 
 Washington. Persons brought in their claims. One man said, 
 " My ship was captured in 1801 ; here are my papers ; my loss 
 was $50,000." Very well ; he was paid. But here comes another, 
 whose ship was captured in '99, and he says : " I have a good 
 claim ; I had a ship properly documented, seized by French 
 cruisers, condemned, and confiscated. Here is the register and 
 bill of lading ; my damages are $50,000." But the Commis- 
 sioners say, you are not to be admitted to partake in this fund, 
 because the Government of the United States, by the treaty of 
 1800, for a consideration useful and of great value to itself, relin- 
 
58 
 
 quishcd to France, all claims, up to that time. Well, then, these 
 claimants have come to Congress for redress, insisting, that as the 
 Government did, in fact, apply their claims to its own use, it 
 ought to indemnify the claimants, and Congress, at the last Ses- 
 sion, passed a bill for their indemnity. Mr. Polk vetoed the bill. 
 Well, this is interference of the veto power with cases of private 
 right. (Applause.) Here is no Constitutional question. 
 
 What is Mr. Polk's answer ? T have said, and I repeat it, that 
 the whole argument is trivial. It wants the dignity of an argu- 
 ment. He says, for instance, " you have been long before Con- 
 gress ; there is no more reason to pay you now than there was 
 near half a century ago." (Shouts of laughter.) In the first place, 
 this is not true in fact ; for until within less than twenty years 
 it had not been decided that the claimants had no right to call 
 further on France. But suppose it was so. Suppose that these 
 claimants, in pursuance of a just debt, had called upon Congress, 
 irom year to year, and been put off by one evasion or another, 
 but had at last succeeded in convincing Congress that the debt 
 ought to be paid. Is it any reason for negativing the bill, to say, 
 that there was no more reason to pay them now than twenty years 
 ago 1 I hasten to leave this, but will not without making one remark. 
 There are opponents of the Administration who are actuated only 
 by political dissatisfaction and political dislike ; but the Executive, 
 by the veto of this bill, which deprives so many poor persons, 
 widows, and orphans of their last hope, has touched the hearts of 
 hundreds and thousands, with something much stronger than mere 
 political dislike. ( Tremendous applause.) 
 
 The next great subject is the recent Tariff, which I discussed 
 at the time it was established, and about which I liave nothing 
 new to say. My object is, and has been, in every thing connected 
 with the protective policy — the true policy of the United States 
 
59 
 
 to see, that the labor of the country, the eiDployment of the coun- 
 try, is properly provided for. I am looking not for a law, such as 
 benefits the capitalists — they can take care of themselves — but for 
 a law that shall induce capitalists to employ their capital in such a 
 manner, as shall occupy and employ American labor. 
 
 I am for such laws as shall induce capitalists not to with- 
 hold their capital from actual operations, giving employment to 
 thousands of hands. I look to capital, therefore, in no other view 
 than as I wish it drawn out and used for the public good, and the 
 employment of the labor of the country. Now on this subject I 
 shall hand to the gentlemen of the press, a series of Resolutions 
 passed in Massachusetts, which I have not time to read, but which 
 entirely embody my own sentiments. 
 
 " Resolved, That the passage of the Tariff Bill of 1846, adopt- 
 ing new and vicious principles in our revenue system, is a por- 
 tentous experiment, threatening disturbance and injury to the great 
 interests of the country. 
 
 " Resolved, That from the first establishment of the Federal 
 Government, two principles have been embodied in our revenue 
 laws ; the first, that, as far as practicable, all duties should be spe- 
 cific, as most simple in collection, and most secure against fraud ; 
 the other, a discrimination in the rates of duty, whh a vievv^ to fos- 
 ter and protect the industry of the country, and to invite capital 
 into the establishment of manufactures." 
 
 These principles, directly recognized in the first act of Con- 
 gress, in 1789, more fully developed in 1816, and in subsequent 
 acts of legislation, were fully consummated in the act of 1812 ; an 
 act which, moderating and reducing the protective duties of the act 
 of 1832 — an act receiving the sanction of nearly the entire Demo- 
 cracy of the country — was prepared with more labour and care, it 
 is believed, than had been bestowed on any previous revenue law. 
 
 " Resolved, That under this system the whole country has pros- 
 pered in a degree which has no parallel in the history of nations. 
 
[ 
 
 60 
 
 While the western wilderness has been giving, place to cultivation 
 and civilization, the older States have been transplanting and esta- 
 blishing the arts and manufactures of Europe, thus converting the 
 whole country into a scene of active industry, in which diversified 
 labor, mutually exchanging its products on terms of equality, real- 
 izes a remuneration and reward wholly unknown in the overpeo- 
 pled countries of the Old World. 
 
 " liesoh'cd, That we deprecate the changes introduced by the 
 Tariti'of 184G, ibr the following reasons: 
 
 " We deprecate the change from specific to ad valorem duties, as 
 atFordintf increased facilities for fraud — as settincr aside the lijiht of 
 all experience, and the opinions of all commercial men. We depre- 
 cate it as a revenue measure, inasmuch as it reduces the revenue 
 upwards of five millions of dollai's on the average importation of 
 the last three years, while our war expenditures require a great 
 increase of revenue, and are actually met by an increase of debt in 
 the issue of Treasury notes. We deprecate the principles of attempt- 
 ing to provide for this deficiency by an increased importation of 
 products, to come in competition with our own, displacing and pa- 
 ralyzing to an equal extent our own industrj^, and eventually pro- 
 ducing a great reduction in the wages of labor. 
 
 " Wc further deprecate the principle of increasing the importa- 
 tion of foreign manufactures, always tending to excess, and to 
 causing the exportation oi" specie in return, the fruitful source of 
 deranirement in our currency, and of embai'rassment in all branches 
 of trade and industry. Wc deprecate the sudden change, as wan- 
 tonly sporting with the interests of capital invested under the im- 
 plied pledge of Government for its continued protection. But we 
 deprecate it far more as wantonly sacrificing the interests of labor 
 by opening upon it the foreign competition of the under-fed and 
 over- worked labor of Europe, the avowed purpose of the new policy. 
 We deprecate it as the result of Executive dictation and stringent 
 party discipline, adopted under the coercion of a mijiority, with- 
 out examination and without discussion, against the sober judgment 
 of a majority of both Houses of Congress. 
 
 " Resolved, Tliat the allegation that the protective system favors 
 capital more than labor, is equally contradictory to every sound 
 principle of political economy, to all experience, and to common 
 sense. Whilst capital is considered necessary to set labor in motion, 
 it is an admitted |>rinciple that there is a uniform tendency, in capi- 
 tal employed in different pursuits, to an equalization of profits 
 through a free com|)etition. Whilst other propositions are disputed, 
 this is never contested. It is confirmed by all our experience. 
 Every branch of manufacture which has been successful, has been 
 sul)jected to occasional checks and embarrassments through over- 
 action. The prosperity which has followed the establishment of 
 
61 
 
 fhe tariff of 1842, has led to new construction and new cxpeiidi- 
 tures in all .branches of industry, beyond any Ibrnier precedent. 
 In fact, we are. told by the friends of the Administration, as if in 
 double mockery of their own reasoning, and our apprehensions, 
 that the mcmvfactitrer has more, to fear from home comj^ctition and 
 over-production, than from any foreign competition uhicli can 
 reach him under the present tarif. It is, in fact, obvious to the 
 most simple understanding, that the investment of capital in works 
 which can only be made productive by the employment of many 
 hands, is putting capital in the power of labor, rather than in a 
 position to control it. 
 
 " Resolved, That the assertion, so oft repeated, that the taritl" of 
 1842 has operated as an unequal tax upon the laboring classes, in 
 the manufactures consumed by them, is wholly destitute of truth. 
 Our application of manufacturing industry has always been made, 
 in the first instance, to those productions requiring little labor in 
 proportion to the raw material. In these, the success has been 
 greatest, and it is notorious that, in the manufacture of cotton, wool, 
 leather, hats, etc., the common articles used by the laboring classes, 
 are produced at prices which may defy all foreign competition. 
 Even the cotton minimum, the object of so much undeserved oblo- 
 quy, is well known to be all but nominal in respect to the lower 
 branches of the manufacture, and that its only actual effect was to 
 levy a high duty on its higher branches, on what may well be 
 termed luxuries. 
 
 " Resolved, That while the loss of capital by this change of sys- 
 tern is sudden and determinate, the effect upon labor will be a con- 
 tinuous wastincr disease, with no remedy but the retracing our steps. 
 
 " Resolved^^ Thai the high reward o"f labour, in all its branches, 
 is the peculiar advantage of our country — is intimately connected 
 with the general diffusion of education and intelligence, and is the 
 best security for the permanence of our free institutions. The pro- 
 tective system acts as the proper guardian of this boon. 
 
 " Resolved, That while we welcome and approve the repeal of 
 the British corn laws eis a concession and benefit to the depressed 
 labor of England, by increasing its means of subsistence, the Go- 
 vernment is acting a very different part towards our own labor, in 
 opening its prodiicts to a free competition with those of the under- 
 paid laborers of Europe. 
 
 « Resolved, That the principles of free trade advocated by the 
 modern economists of Europe is founded on a state of society essen- 
 tially different from our own. It contemplates labor in excess, con- 
 tent with a bare subsistence, and with no hope of improving its con- 
 dition. It regards only the profits of capital. With us labor is 
 active in accumulation for itself; going hand in hand with capital, 
 
Q2 
 
 and requiring especially the shield of the protective system against 
 foreign interference. 
 
 " Therefore resolved, That it is the duty of the Whig party, and 
 of all friends of their country, to urge upon Congress the duty of 
 revising and modifying the existing tariff, of 1846, so that it may 
 furnish revenue sufficient for the wants of the Government, and 
 re-establishing the principle of specific duties in all practicable 
 cases, and of discrimination in the rates of duty with a view to 
 foster and protect the industry of the country in all its branches. 
 
 " Resolved, That, whilst Massachusetts is deeply interested in 
 the protection of her capital, and her labor devoted to manufac- 
 turing and the mechanic arts, it is a great mistake, propagated for 
 party purposes, and received by a too easy credulity, that protection 
 is a local or party policy. We esteem it a policy equally favorable 
 to every part of the country, and to all the States of the Union." 
 
 Now, I will say, at once, that I am for protection, (cheers,) 
 ample, permanent— founded on just principles ; and the next thing 
 I have to say is, that, in my judgment, the principles of the act of 
 1842, are the true principles — (loud atid lofig continued cheering) 
 —^specific duties, and not ad valorem assessment ? (cheering) just 
 discrimination; and, in that just discrimination, gi'eat care not to tax 
 the i*aw material so high as to be a bounty to the foreign man- 
 ufacturer and an oppression on our own. Discrimination and spe- 
 cific duties, and such duties as are full and adequate to the purposes 
 of protection. These are the principles of the act of 1842. (Great 
 cheering and loud applause.) And whenever there is presented 
 to me any proposition, from any quarter, which contains adequate 
 protection, founded on those indispensable principles, I shall take 
 it. ( Thunders of applause.) My object is to obtain, the best way 
 I can, and when I can, and as I can, full and adequate, and tho- 
 rough protection to the domestic industry of the country, upon just 
 principles. (Loud cheering^ 
 
 And in the next place, I have to say that, I will take no part in 
 any tinkering of the present law, while its vicious principles remain. 
 And, in the next place, I desire to say that, the great responsibility 
 
63 
 
 of the administration, as far as I am concerned, they shall not get 
 rid of, by any tinkering, with a view to particular political interests. 
 {Great cJtcering.) Allow me to say, frankly, ye iron men, and ye 
 coal men of Pennsylvania, I know you are incapable of com- 
 promising in such a case ; but if you were, and any inducements 
 were held out to you to make your iron a little softer, and your 
 coal burn a little clearer, while you left the hand-loom weaver * * 
 (TIi€ loud shouts of "-IJo! ho!'' and vociferous cheering ivhich 
 liere burst forth, drowned the remainder of the sentence.^ 
 
 I understand there are seven thousand hand-loom weavers in 
 the city and county of Philadelphia ; that their wages have hitherto 
 averaged five dollars a week ; that the ad valorem duty, as applied 
 to cottons, affects them very injuriously, in its tendency to reduce 
 wages and earnings ; especially as the wages of a hand-loom 
 weaver, in Scotland, hardly exceeds one dollar and seventy-five 
 cents or two dollars per week. What the precise result may be, 
 remains to be seen. The carpet-weavers, it is said, may find some 
 indemnity in the reduced price of wool. If this be so, it only 
 shows that the loss is shifted from the weaver to the wool grower. 
 Washington county, Fayette county, and other counties, in this 
 State, will probably learn how this is. 
 
 It has been estimated that the value of manufactures in the city 
 and county of Philadelphia, scarcely falls short of the value of 
 those at Lowell ; and their production, it is supposed, employs 
 more hands here than are employed in Lowell. 
 
 Gentlemen, on the Tariff I have spoken so often and so much, 
 that I am sure no gentleman wishes me to utter the word again. 
 There are some things, however, worth while to remember. Of 
 all countries in the world England, for centuries, was the most 
 tenacious in adhering to her protective principles, both in matters 
 of commerce and manufacture. 
 
64 
 
 She has of late years relaxed, having found that her position 
 could afford somewhat of free trade. She is skilful — she has vast 
 machinerv and vast capital — she has a dense population — a cheaply 
 working, because a badly fed and badly clothed, population. She 
 can run her career, therefore, in free trade. We cannot, unless 
 willing to becorne badly fed and badly clothed also. Gentlemen, 
 for the gymnastics, men strip themselves naked, and for this strife 
 and competition in free trade our laborei*s must strip themselves 
 naked, also. [Loud cheeis.) 
 
 It is, after all, an insidious system, in a country of arts, attain- 
 ments, and varied pursuits of labor, and different occupations of 
 life. If all men in a country were merely agricultural producers, 
 free trade would be very well. But where divers employments 
 and pursuits spring up and exist together, it is natural that they 
 should succour and support one another, and defend all against 
 dangerous foreign competition. 
 
 We may see, at this moment, what consequences result from 
 the doctrines of Free Trade carried to extremes. Ireland is a 
 signal example. The failure of a potato crop, half starves a popu- 
 lation of eight millions. The people have no employment, ena- 
 bling them to purchase food. Government, itself, is already abso- 
 lutely obliged to furnish employment, often on works of no great 
 value, to keep the people from positive famine. And yet, there 
 are able men, able I admit them to be — but theoretic men, T think 
 them to be ; distinguished men, nevertheless, who maintain that 
 Ireland now is no worse off than if all the great landholders, hold- 
 ing estates in Ireland, and receiving rents from the estates, and 
 spending their incomes in England, instead of living in England 
 and spending there, the money from their Irish estates, lived in 
 Ireland, and supported Irish labor with it, on their farms and about 
 their establishments, and in the work-sho|)s. 
 
i}5 
 
 What does Ireland now want ? What is her cry 1 Employ- 
 ment, employment ! And has it not come even to that pass, that the 
 Government is obliged to employ hundreds and thousands of the 
 people and pay them, and put them on works of very little utility, 
 merely to give them bread ? I wish that every Irishman in the 
 State of Pennsylvania could be here to-night, so that I could ask 
 him to remember the condition of the people of his own country, 
 who are starving for the want of employment, and compare that 
 condition with his own, here in Pennsylvania, where he has good 
 employment, and fair wages. 
 
 Gentlemen, this notion of free trade, which goes to cut off the 
 employment of men on the ground that it is best to buy where you 
 can buy cheapest, is a folly, in a country like ours. The case of 
 England is not analagous. What is the cry of free trade in Eng- 
 land? Why, it is for cheap bread. In England the deficiency 
 is in bread. Labor is limited in its reward. It can earn but so 
 much, and we have JVIr. Cobden's authority for saying, that three 
 is a disposition to reduce its earnings still lower. It has, therefore, 
 a vital interest in reducing the price of food. Therefore free trade 
 in England, is but another name for cheap bread. It is not so 
 with us. What we desire for our laboring population is employ- 
 ment. We do not expect food to be cheaper in this country ; our 
 object is to make it dear ; that is to say, our agricultural interests 
 desire to raise the price of grain ; and the laboring classes can 
 stand this, if their employments are protected, and the price of labor 
 kept up. Our hope — and let all rejoice in it — is, that the price 
 of our agricultural productions may rise for the benefit of the 
 farmer. Manufacturers and operators, so long as they get steady 
 employment and good wages, can buy at any reasonable rate. 
 Now, who, of all Europe, imitates England ? Nobody, as far as 1 
 
 5 
 
66 
 
 know, except Holland and Turkey. Austria, Russia, Spain and 
 France, hold on, to what I call the common-sense doctrine of pro- 
 tectinir their own labor. 
 
 Mr. Dupin, in the French Chamber of Deputies, said last year, 
 " that the instincts of Finance were in favor of the protection of 
 French labor." (Clieers.) Our American instincts from the first 
 have been very much of the same character. Whence arose all 
 those ?i(3W-importation agreements, soon after the Revolutionary 
 war, but from an instinct, or feeling that the interests of our own 
 industrious population ought to be consulted and promoted ? And 
 I happen to have a very important document here, which one of 
 your fellow-citizens caused to be copied and printed in a very hand- 
 some manner. It is a ??o;z.importation agreement, (loud cheers,) 
 entered into in this city as early as 1765. That was an American 
 instinct ! Here are names to be forever remembered ! I perceive 
 amongst them Robert Morris, the financier of the Revolution, 
 Charles Thompson, the Secretary of Congress, and other illustrious 
 names, whose representatives are still amongst us. 
 
 Gentlemen, there is an imputation that honest men ought to re- 
 sist, which is, that the protective policy aids capitalists, and is 
 meant to do so, exclusively. We hear every day of the great capi- 
 talists and rich corporations of New England. A word dissipates 
 all this. A corporation in New England is a form of partnership. 
 Any body enters into it that chooses. Where individuals invest 
 their property to build a mill, they do it in the form of a corporation, 
 their private responsibility still remaining in a qualified sense, and 
 in that way they embark in the enterprise. The talk about rich 
 and exclusive corporations is idle. It is false. There is not one 
 of them into which men of moderate means may not enter, and 
 many such men do enter, and are interested in them to a consi- 
 derable extent. 
 
67 
 
 Gentlemen, I have already alluded to the great importance of 
 the protective policy in this State and in other States, to the han- 
 dicrafts : that was the original specific aim and design of the policy. 
 
 At the time of the adoption of the Constitution large manufac- 
 turing Corporations were not known. No great works existed, 
 though sagacious and far-seeing men perceived, that the appli- 
 cation of water power must one day greatly advance the manu- 
 facturing interests. At that day, the handicrafts, the mechanics, 
 and artizans in the city were looked upon, as those whose labor it 
 was desirable to protect. 
 
 Will you pardon me, gentlemen, for recalling to the recollec- 
 tion of your older fellow citizens, an interesting celebration which 
 took place in this city, on the 4th day of July, 1788. 
 
 On Friday, 4th of July, 1788, the citizens of Philadelphia, cele- 
 brated the declaration of Independence made by the thirteen Uni- 
 ted States of America on the 4th of July, 1776, and the esta- 
 blishment of the Constitution or frame of Government, then 
 recently adopted by ten States. 
 
 A procession was formed. The military and companies of 
 the various trades and professions united in it. It was organized 
 and commanded by Generals Mifflin and Stewart, and some other 
 well known gentlemen. 
 
 The various companies displayed their flags and banners with 
 appropriate devices and mottoes. 
 
 Richard Bache, Esq., on horseback, as a herald, attended by 
 a trumpet, proclaimed a " New Era." 
 
 The Hon, Peter Muhlenberg, carried a blue flag with the words 
 " 17th of September, 1787," in silver letters. 
 
 Chief Justice McKean, and his associates, in their robes of office, 
 were seated in a lofty car, shaped like an eagle, and drawn by 
 
68 
 
 six white horses. The Chief Justice supported a tall staff, on the 
 top of which was the Cap of Liberty; under the cap the "New 
 Constitution," framed and ornamented, and immediately under the 
 Constitution the words " The People," in large gold letters. 
 
 Then followed various corps and troops and associations, con- 
 suls, collectors, judges, and others. 
 
 Then came the Agricultural Society, with its flag and motto, 
 «« Venerate the Plough." 
 
 Then the Manufacturing Society, with their sjnnning, and 
 carding machines, looms, ^c. Mr. Gallaudet carried the flag, 
 the device on which was a Bee Hive, standing in the beams of the 
 sun — bees issuing from the hive ; the flag a blue silk ; motto, 
 '" In its rays we shall feel new vigor." 
 
 This was followed by a carriage holding men weavi^ig and 
 pri7iting. A lady and her four daughters sat upon it, penciling 
 a piece of chintz, and all dressed in cotton of their own manu- 
 facture, and over them all, on a lofty staff, was a flag with this 
 motto, " May the Union Government protect the Manu- 
 factures OF America." 
 
 The Federal ship " Union," followed next, and after her boat- 
 builders, sail-makers, merchants, and others interested in commerce. 
 
 Then the other trades, cabinet and chair-makers, with a flag 
 and motto, " Br Unity we support Society." 
 
 Next bricklayers, with a flag on which was a brickyard and kiln 
 burning ; hands at work ; and in the distance a Federal city build- 
 ing, with this motto, " It was hard in Egypt, but this Pros- 
 pect MAKES IT EASY." 
 
 Then came the porters, bearing on their flag the motto, " May 
 Industry ever be encouraged." After them various trades 
 again, and then whip and cane-makers, with their motto, " Lost 
 
69 
 
 us ENCOURAGE OUR OWN MANUFACTURES." After them still 
 others, and amongst the last the brewers, with a flag with this 
 motto, " Home Brewed is Best." 
 
 [This statement was received with loud and enthusiastic ap- 
 plausej] 
 
 I now ask you whether these sentiments and banners indicated 
 that Government was to lay duties only for revenue, and without 
 respect to home industry? (Cries of no, no.) Do you believe 
 the doctrines of Mr. Polk, or those of the citizens of Philadelphia in 
 1788? (Loud shouts of ^^eighty-eight" and long-continued 
 cheering.) 
 
 Gentlemen, I had intended to make some remarks upon the pre- 
 sent state of the finances and the prospects of the public Treasury. 
 But I have not time to present them. I will hand the documents 
 to the gentlemen of the press, and if they see fit they can publish 
 them. The following is the statement referred to. 
 
 a 
 
 For the year ending 30th June, 1846, the Secretary of the 
 Treasury will be enabled to present to Congress, a more favorable 
 state of the finances than he had previously estimated. 
 
 In his Annual Report at the commencement of the last 
 
 Session, he estimated the receipts of the year at $26,820,000 
 
 And he stated that the actual balance in the Treasury 
 on the 1st of July, 1845, (the beginning of that 
 year,) was 7,058,000 
 
 Making the total means for the year, as estimated, - 34,478,000 
 He estimated the expenditures for the same year at ■ 20,627,000 
 
70 
 
 Leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury, 1st of 
 
 July, 1846, of $4,851,000 
 
 But it is believed that the actual receipts for the year 
 
 in question were about ..... 29,500,000 
 
 And the actual expenditures no more than about . 28,000,000 
 
 If this be correct, the actual receipts exceeded the Se 
 
 cretary's estimate ... 
 And the actual expenditures fell short of his estimate 
 Instead, then, of this balance remaining 1st of July 
 
 1846, as the Secretary estimated - . . 
 
 2,700,000 
 1,600,000 
 
 4,851,000 
 
 Actual balance in the Treasury at that date must have 
 
 been about - - . - - - - 9,151,000 
 
 Being 84,300,000 more than the estimate. Accord- 
 ingly, it appears from the monthly statement of the 
 Treasurer that the balance in Treasury, 29th June, 
 1846, was . ' 9,310,000 
 
 But the Secretary will probably not be so fortunate in 
 respect to his estimate for the present fiscal year, 
 ending 30th June, 1847. 
 
 He estimates the revenue for this year at - - - 25,000,000 
 
 And the expenditures for the same period at - - 25,500,000 
 
 The actual revenue for the 1st quarter of the same 
 
 year, viz. : from 30th June to 30th Sept., 1846, was 6,782,000 
 And the actual expenditure for the same quarter was - 14,088,000 
 
 Leaving a deficiency for that quarter of - - - 7,306,000 
 
71 
 
 If the first quarter be a fair sample of the whole year, 
 both as to the revenue and expenditures, the defi- 
 ciency at the end of the year will be - - $29,224,000 
 
 To this deficiency the balance in the Treasury 1st of 
 
 July, 1846, is applicable, viz. : .... 9,310,000 
 
 And the remainder, unless other provision be made, 
 
 goes to increase the public debt, - - - . 19,914,000 
 The previously existing public debt was - - - 17,075,000 
 
 The whole public debt, therefore, on 1st July, 1847, 
 both Stock and Treasury notes, on this calculation, 
 would be $36,989,000 
 
 These are, of course, but estimates, except so far as they are 
 collected from the monthly and quarterly reports from the Trea- 
 sury. It may be that the receipts and expenditures for the first 
 quarter of the present fiscal year, will not turn out to be a true 
 index to the remaining three-quarters. 
 
 We have yet to see, too, what will be the actual effect of the new 
 tariff on the revenue. 
 
 And it is also to be borne in mind, that in stating the above 
 receipts and expenditures no allowance lohatevcr is mwle for ex- 
 penses incurred^ but not yet defrayed. The raising of more troops 
 of course enhances the expense of the war, and on tho whole 
 it is probable that the deficiency at the end of the year may be 
 $30,000,000. 
 
 It is evident enough, that the country is incurring a considerable 
 debt, rapidly, which must necessarily go on increasing while the 
 war lasts. 
 
72 
 
 Estimated amount of the Public Debt, if the war 
 
 continue till next spring, 
 Annual interest of this, - - - . 
 Sinking fund, ..... 
 
 Ordinary expenses, .... 
 
 should 
 
 $100,000,000 
 . 6,000,000 
 . 2,000,000 
 - 28,000,000 
 
 36,000,000 
 Deduct income from public lands and all other sources, 
 
 as estimated by Secretary Walker, for the year end- 
 ing 30th June, 1847, 2,500,000 
 
 Leaving to be provided for by duties on imports - 33,500,000 
 
 If the imports under the new tariff should be the same 
 as they were for the year ending June 30th, 1845, 
 say 8103,000,000, after deducting exports, it is esti- 
 mated that the nett revenue from imports will be - 23,000,000 
 
 Leaving Si 0,500,000 to be raised by duties on in- 
 creased imports, ..... $10,500,000 
 
 To produce this sum, there must be an increased import of 
 $47,021,190, making a total import of $150,021,790, after deduct- 
 ing all exports of foreign goods to be consumed in the country and 
 paid for if we have the ability. The exports of our products, 
 fisheries, &c., for the present year of short crops of grain in Eu- 
 rope, will not exceed $135,000,000, leaving $15,000,000 to be 
 paid for in specie, which we cannot spare ; it would immediately 
 derange our currency, depress business, and destroy all credit. 
 
 If the public debt should reach only to fifty millions, then three 
 millions of annual expenditure will be saved, and the exports of 
 specie on the foregoing calculation bo twelve millions instead of 
 sixteen. 
 
73 
 
 I think there will be a great deficiency, and I rather expect that 
 the President will recommend a tax upon tea and coffee. Well, all 
 I have to say is this : there was a majority found in either branch 
 of Congress sufficient to carry the present tariff measure — a mea- 
 sure which has, in my judgment, destroyed the best system that 
 this country ever enjoyed — I mean the tariff of 1842 — whether for 
 revenue, or protection, or public credit. {^Great cheering.) This, 
 there were majorities found to destroy. These same majorities 
 exist. By that act, they struck off five millions from the annual 
 income. They may, or may not — I will not anticipate — receive 
 an equal amount under their own new tariff. Let events decide 
 that. Tf they do not ; if they want more money ; if they must 
 have more money, they have the same majorities, for any mea- 
 sures which they may see fit to adopt. 
 
 If they will take my advice, should they be in want of money, I 
 would say to them, restore what you have destroyed — {cries of 
 " Exactly, that's it,"" and loud clieers) — give us back that system 
 of credit — put, as soon as you can, honorably, an end to this war. 
 
 You may have increased your public debt ; give us a good 
 system to live under, and pay under, and we can meet the loss. 
 But if you mean to overwhelm us with foreign importation ; if you 
 think you will receive — as you will not — forty millions of new 
 importations, how do you expect to meet this demand 1 It is true, 
 the times favor and support the hope of getting along for some little 
 time, under the present system. The high price of iron in Eng- 
 land keeps up the price of that article here, whilst the famine in 
 Ireland, and the general scarcity in other parts of Europe, aug- 
 ment the exportation of American produce. 
 
 But, looking to the end, I entertain a confident opinion that the 
 importations of the country will not reach such an amount as will 
 make good the loss sustained by the dcstructionof the tariff of 1842 ; 
 
74 
 
 and if such importation should take place, and the people of the 
 United States were foolish enough to purchase foreign commodities 
 to that extent, what must be the consequences? Why, that our 
 exports would not pay for our imports, and the country would be 
 drained of specie. This seems to me inevitable; and derangement 
 of the currency, and pressure in commercial alFairs must follow. 
 
 Gentlemen, I now take my leave of you and of the occasion, by 
 returning thanks to the ladies who have honored me, and all of us 
 by attending this meeting. If they have not received pleasure 
 they have fulfilled, so far, tlie duty and destiny of the sex in confer 
 ring it. {^Enthusiastic cheerhig.) If the audience immediately be 
 fore me have sometimes felt that their ears were weary, their eyes 
 nevertheless, have been alwayspleased. [Renewed clieering.) 
 
 They may well rejoice in the prosperity of happy homes, and a 
 happy country, and in the innumerable blessings Providence has 
 vouchsafed to pour upon us. Who is there — are there any — who 
 can look back with more pleasure and honest pride, upon the his- 
 tory of the past? Who is there, in any part of. the earth, that can 
 contemplate the {)resent circumstances which surround them, with 
 more satisfaction than one of this coodlv land ? And where are 
 there fathers and mothers, who can look forward with higher or 
 better hopes for the happiness of their children, and their children's 
 children, than the fathers and mothers now before me? {Loud 
 cheers.) 
 
 Let us soften political duties and political differences by surround- 
 ing them with friendly associations and kind feelings ; and while the 
 fathers, and the sons, through successive generations shall, with 
 manly strength, uphold the pillars of the State, may those pillars be 
 ornamented by the grace and beauty of mothers and daughters ! 
 {Loud and long continued cheering.) 
 
75 
 
 It is impossible to describe the effect of the Speech upon tlie 
 assemblage, which listened with deep interest, during its delivery, 
 and broke in upon the Speaker with frequent cheers and plaudits. 
 But at its close, the enthusiasm which had attended its commence- 
 ment, was renewed. For a time, the excitement which pervaded 
 the mass, was loudly spoken, and Mr. Webster resumed his seat 
 amid a storm of plaudits. 
 
 The fourth toast was then read : — 
 
 New Hamjoshire — She struck the first blow against British op- 
 pression, in 1774, and her sons will never falter from the princi- 
 ples then announced by their fathers. 
 
 Gen. Wilson, of Neiv Hampshire, rose to honor this remem- 
 brance of his own State, and, in a brief and eloquent speech, he 
 spoke in behalf of the Whigs of the Old Granite State; pointed to 
 their acts, and the proofs of their love for, and adherence to, whig 
 principles ; and in the names of Langdon, Starke, Cilley and other 
 eminent and valued men, who were born upon her soil, brought to 
 remembrance the valuable services she has rendered to the Union. 
 Among her statesmen, she was proud to reckon the Hon. Ebenezer 
 Webster, the father of our distinguished Senator and Statesman ; 
 and prouder still to claim to have given birth to the great Defender 
 of the National Constitution. A graceful reference to the political 
 revolution, recently achieved in New Hampshire, brought his 
 remarks to a close, and the frequent cheers of the assemblage, 
 gave gratifying proof of the acceptable nature of what he had 
 spoken. 
 
 The fifth toast proposed, was — 
 
 New York— The patriotic energies of her people have made her 
 the Empire State, and proved that " Excelsior" is hers of right. 
 
76 
 
 Philip IIoxe, Esq., of New York, arose to reply, and spoke 
 briefly and felicitously, for the State he represented. 
 
 The sixth toast was announced : — 
 Kentucky ! Kentucky ! — Music to the ear of every Whig. 
 
 A perfect tempest of applause greeted this sentiment, and Alex- 
 ander H. Freeman, Esq., a member of the Committee, gave it new 
 force and enthusiasm, by remembering the Sage of Ashland, and 
 offering as a toast, the well applied words — 
 
 " TJie Star oftlie West." 
 
 It was a sudden, but most welcome demonstration of affection for 
 Henry Clay. 
 
 The seventh toast — 
 
 Maryland — Founded by a wise and liberal statesman upon the 
 basis of universal toleration, she stands a faithful witness before 
 the world that our country regards all mankind as brethren. 
 
 The Hon. John P. Kennedy, of Maryland, arose and returned 
 his thanks for the honorable mention of his own State, and held 
 the assemblage, for a time, in pleased attention to his declaration, 
 for himself, and for the Whigs of Maryland, in favor of protective 
 principles, mingling with his remarks some caustic sentences, con- 
 cerning those who oppose this great doctrine of the Whig party. 
 In conclusion, he offered the following toast : — 
 
 The Constitution of the United States. — May it very soon be 
 confided to the official care of those who will administer it in the 
 spirit in which it was conceived by its authors, in which it was illus- 
 trated by Madison, Hamilton and Jay, and in which it is maintained 
 and expounded by Webster. 
 
77 
 
 The sentiment was drank amid strong marks of approbation, 
 and then 
 
 The eighth toast was read : — 
 
 Connecticut — Her spirit is to be found in the East, the West, the 
 North and the South, and every where her children show forth her 
 steady and successful principles. 
 
 The ninth toast succeeded : — 
 
 Massachv setts — There she is — behold her for yourselves — the 
 World knows her history. 
 
 This called up the Hon. Robert C. Winturop, of Massachu- 
 setts, in reply, and, with an eloquence as pleasing as it was elfec- 
 tive, he alluded to the absence of the necessity for remarks upon 
 him, when another son of Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster) had so 
 ably spoken the sentiments of its people — they could not have been 
 more faithfully or more truly represented. Fanueil Hall, the 
 " Cradle of Liberty," rejoiced to be united to the Hall of Independ- 
 ence, and he felt unusual pride and pleasure in being a participant 
 in the festivity which had called so large a mass of Whigs together. 
 In doing honor to Mr. Webster, they did honor to the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States — for he was and had been its ablest 
 expounder and defender. In honoring Mr. Webster, they had hon- 
 ored the principle of peace ; for he had preserved it, when war was 
 impending. In honoring Mr. Webster, he felt they were giving a 
 renewed pledge of allegiance to the laws and the Constitution, 
 which owed so much to his mighty intellect and matchless mind. 
 
 After reverting, in terms of eloquent reprobation of the course of 
 the present administration, Mr. Winthrop closed by offering the 
 following sentiment : — 
 
 Pennsylvania — May she always prove politically, as she is phy- 
 sically, a link of iron between the North and the South. 
 
78 
 
 This toast was warmly welcomed ; and then — • 
 
 The tenth regular toast was otlercd, as Ibllows, and drank : — 
 
 PcnnsTjlvania — The Keystone o{ the Union — the wealth of her 
 mountains, and the fidelity of her sons will always keep the Key- 
 stone in iis right place. 
 
 The eleventh regular toast : — 
 
 New Jersey — While Trenton and Princeton remain, the world 
 will never forcet her: — 
 
 "O^ 
 
 having been read, Charles King, Esu., arose and spoke a few 
 minutes, very pleasantly and pertinently, in reply. 
 
 The following remembrance of the good city of Boston, was the 
 
 next regular toast -.-^ 
 
 The City of Boston — Pennsylvania owes her much, for she gave 
 us Franklin. 
 
 The compliment to the ladies closed the regular toasts, and the 
 following was drank with enthusiasm : — 
 
 The Matrons and Daughters of America — " None know them 
 but to love them — none name them but to praise." 
 
 Morton McMichael, Esq., rose to answer for tlie ladies, and 
 drew out, by a toast, 
 
 Horace Greelv, Esq., editor of the New York Tribune, one of 
 the tried and steadfast friends of Protection. He spoke for a ^cw 
 minutes, with reference to his favorite subject of " Protection," and 
 its relation to the elemental theories of government, and the practi- 
 cal well-being of the people. His clear, luminous and logical 
 exposition was listened to with much attention. 
 
79 
 
 "The Armv and Navy of the United States," 
 
 was offered for a pledge in bumpers; by Joseph B. Myers, Esq., 
 and drank with loud cliccrs. 
 
 The Hon. George Ashjiun, of Massachusetts, spoke, briefly, in 
 answer to a toast, and gave a sentiment, in honor of the Hon. 
 Joseph R. Ingeesoll, which was drunk with great approbation ; 
 and after some other speaking some pleasant sallies, and inter- 
 change of agreeable courtesies, 
 
 The Hon. Daniel Webster claimed and riveted the attention 
 of the assembage, while he spoke as follows : — 
 
 I rise, without the permission of the Chair, to propose a toast ; 
 and for this violation of rule and order, I hope I may find a justifi- 
 cation in the sentiment, or the fervent wish, which I am about to 
 express. 
 
 The Honorable Gentleman, near whom I stand, and who has 
 done us the favor to preside on this occasion, is a native citizen of 
 Massachusetts, but now, for many years, a resident in this city and 
 its neighborhood. 
 
 I need hardly say, here, that he is universally beloved for the 
 integrity of his private life, and his amiability and social virtues, 
 while he is liighly respected for the fidelity and ability with which 
 he has discharged important public trusts. It has been my good 
 fortune to serve with him in Congress ; and I am happy in this 
 occasion of expressing my high regard for his public principles, 
 and his political conduct. 
 
 Of the propriety and grace as well as the kindness and good 
 feeling with which he has, this evening, discharged the duties of 
 the chair, it is not necessary to speak. 
 
 I see already, above me, and before me, manifestations of eager- 
 ness, to do him just honor ; and therefore, without further remark, 
 
80 
 
 I projjose to the galleries, as well as to those on the benches of the 
 Saloon — 
 
 " The Health of Mk. Bkeck." 
 
 At this announcement, the gentlemen all rose, with loud accla- 
 mations, and thousands of handkerchiefs were waved in the gal- 
 leries. 
 
 Mr. Breck returned thanks. He confessed himself deeply 
 affected by the kind notice and flattering compliment; and hoped 
 he could properly feel and appreciate the honor conferred upon him 
 by so great and distinguished an individual : an honor which called 
 for his grateful acknowledgments, and they were freely and earn- 
 estly made, both to him and to the company, who had so cheer- 
 fully received the toast. 
 
 A thunder of applause greeted this toast, and the whole assem- 
 blage rose, at once, to do honor to the respected President of the 
 day. It was a gratifying and deserved compliment, and brought 
 the pleasing festivities of the evening to a harmonious termination, 
 for soon afterward the assemblage broke up. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The following are some of the Letters received from Gentlemen 
 invited, but unable to attend : — 
 
 Baltimore, 21st Nov. 1846. 
 
 Gentlemen : — The invitation with which you have honored me 
 to the dinner, to be given to Mr. Webster, on the Second of Decem- 
 ber, by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, it would 
 give me great pleasure to accept. But professional engagements, 
 which I am not at liberty to postpone, render it impossible. 
 
 Nothing could gratify nae more than being present, to witness 
 the enthusiasm with which, I am sure will be received, so distin- 
 guished a citizen, by gentlemen of Philadelphia, whose intelligence 
 and patriotism make them eminently competent to appreciate, as 
 they deserve, the invaluable service he has, at various times, done 
 his country. 
 
 I should indeed take an especial delight in participating in such 
 a meeting, from knowing that it originated in an instinctive desire, 
 common to every virtuous and honorable mind, openly to express 
 detestation of calumny, no matter where uttered, or by whom 
 uttered, against an American gentleman, in whose unspotted fame 
 the nation has an abiding interest. 
 
 But, from the reason stated, I am forced to forego the gralilica- 
 tion — and conclude with asking you, gentlemen, to do me the favor, 
 
 6 
 
82 
 
 if a fit occasion offers, to present for me, at the dinner, this senti- 
 ment — 
 
 " A Statesman who has so served liis country, as to elevate his 
 name wherever patriotism is felt or letters known — a magnanimous 
 people will never suffer to be slandered with impunity." 
 
 Very respectfully. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 REVERDY JOHNSON. 
 
 To Messrs. Churchman, McLelland, Elwyn and others, Commit- 
 tee, &c., Philadelphia. 
 
 Washington, Nov. 30, 1846. 
 
 Gentlemen : — At the moment of departure from my i-esidence 
 in Maine, some days ago, I had the honor to receive your invita- 
 tion to attend a public dinner to be given by the merchants and 
 other citizens of Philadelphia, to the Hon. Daniel Webster, on 
 Wednesday next. 
 
 I indulged the hope that it would be in my power to accept this 
 obliging mark of your favor, and I have not relinquished it, until I 
 find that the duties of a public nature, which called me here, prior 
 to the commencement of the session of Congress, still require my 
 presence. 
 
 I am, therefore, very reluctantly compelled to forego the great 
 gratification I should enjoy, in witnessing the manifestations of 
 respect and esteem, which the intelligent and patriotic citizens of 
 Philadelphia propose to show toward a statesman so eminent and 
 deserving. 
 
 Cordially concurring in this tribute of regard and confidence, 
 and grateful for the honor of your invitation, 
 I am. Gentlemen, with great respect. 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 GEO. EVANS. 
 
 Messrs. Chas. W. Churchman, George McClelland, A. L. Elwyn, 
 and others, Committee, &c. 
 
83 
 
 New York, Nov. 26th, 1846. 
 
 Gentlemen : — ^Your invitation to " the Webster Dinner," was 
 received just as I was leaving your city yesterday. Nothing could 
 afford me more pleasure than to be with you on that occasion ; and 
 if I can return from Boston in time, I will certainly be there. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. STEWART. 
 
 Messrs. Churchman, Elwyn, Brown, Thomas, Mercer, and Rice, 
 Committee of Invitation. 
 
 New York, Nov. 21, 1846. 
 
 Dea.r Sir : — I had the pleasure to receive, on the 17th instant, 
 an invitation from the Committee, of which you are the Secretary, 
 to be present at a dinner to be given by the merchants and other 
 citizens of Philadelphia, to the Hon. Daniel Webster, qn the Second 
 of December next. 
 
 I beg to assure the Committee, through you, that I am greatly 
 indebted to them for this honor, and that if I could consult my 
 own gratification, I should not fail to be present, and participate in 
 this testimonial to the public character and services of your distin- 
 guished guest. My professional engagements, however, will pre- 
 clude me from enjoying this pleasure, and compel me to decline 
 the invitation of your Committee. 
 
 With my best regards to the gentlemen of the Committee of 
 Invitation, and yourself, 
 
 I am your much obliged servant, 
 
 J. PRESCOTT HALL. 
 
84 
 
 Richmond, Nov. 26, 1846, 
 
 Gentlemen : — I have the pleasure to acknowledge the invitation 
 to the dinner to be given to Mr. Webster, on the Second of Decem- 
 ber next, by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, with 
 which you have kindly honored me. 
 
 I wish I could have the pleasure, also, of accepting it — with 
 great alacrity would I do so — for no one entertains a higher 
 admiration of Mr. Webster than I do ; and no man is better entitled 
 to the cheering and gratifying mark of public approbation, which 
 you are about to bestow upon liim, than he is. Few men have 
 devoted so large a portion of their lives to the public service ; and 
 few, very few, have marked that service with such varied and pre- 
 eminent ability as Mr. Webster has. Most fitting is it, then, that 
 he should receive that highest and best reward of a public servant, 
 the grateful approbation of the people. 
 
 I regret, however, most deeply, that it will not be in my power 
 to be with you on the occasion referred to. My professional 
 engagements, at this season of the year, do not permit me to leave 
 Richmond. 
 
 Do me the favor to present the subjoined sentiment for me, at 
 your table, and be 
 
 Assured of my profound 
 
 And grateful respect. 
 
 JAMES LYONS. 
 
 TJie Defenders of the Constitution — Whether in the field or the 
 forum, equally the defenders of the country, and equally entitled to 
 the approbation of the people whom they serve. 
 
 Boston, Nov. 29, 1846. 
 To the Committee of Invitation : — 
 
 Gentlemen : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
 of your note of the 25th instant, inviting me to a dinner, to be 
 
85 
 
 given by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, to the 
 Hon. Daniel Webster, on Wednesday next. 
 
 In common with almost every son of Massachusetts, I am highly 
 gratified in observing this expression of respect and confidence, 
 from the citizens of Philadelphia, to our distinguished townsman. 
 Such an approval of the political principles of which he has been 
 the able Expounder and Defender, by so respectable a body of your 
 citizens, tends to give increased confidence in the ultimate preva- 
 lence of those principles in the administration of the Government, 
 and in the public sentiment of the counti-y. 
 
 It would give me great pleasure to be present, and to witness 
 this proof of the devotion of your citizens to a sound political faith, 
 and of their respect for one who is so faithful and efficient in his 
 efforts to propagate and defend it. I, therefore, extremely regret 
 that, on account of engagements of business, I am under the neces- 
 sity of declining your kind invitation. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 NATHAN HALE. 
 
 Charles W. Churchman, A. L. Elwyn, David S. Brown, Jacob M. 
 Thomas, Singleton A. Mercer, and John Rice, Esqs., Committee 
 of Invitation of the Citizens of Philadelphia. 
 
 LocKPOKT, Nov. 23, 1846. 
 
 Gentlemen: — I have received your letter of the 18th instant, 
 inviting me to attend a dinner to be given to the Hon. Daniel Web- 
 ster, by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, on the 2d 
 instant. It would afford me very sincere pleasure to unite with 
 you in paying deserved honors to that eminent statesman and 
 patriot ; and I regret that ])rivate engagements, of a pressing 
 
86 
 
 nature, will render it impracticable for me to reach your city in 
 time to avail myself of the opportunity, 
 
 I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, your obedient servant, 
 
 W. HUNT. 
 
 To Charles W. Churchman, George McClelland, and others, &c. 
 
 Baltimore, Nov. 30, 1846. 
 
 Gentlemkiv : — I am honored with your polite invitation to be 
 present at the public dinner to be given on Thursday next, in your 
 city, to the Hon. Daniel Webster. To be present at such an assem- 
 blage of patriotic citizens, as will be gathered on that occasion, for 
 so just and honorable a purpose, would be most gratifying to my 
 feelings, but I find, greatly to my regret, that I cannot leave here 
 at the present time. 
 
 I rejoice at this distinguished manifestation of respect towards the 
 " Great Defender of the Constitution," for he well deserves the 
 highest consideration from his conntrymen, for his long and great 
 public services, particularly at the last session of Congress. It 
 comes well and appropriately from the Emporium of the great 
 manufacturing and commercial " Key State" — a State that has so 
 long groped in political darkness, but which has, at last, most for- 
 tunately for herself, and the whole country, come out into the light 
 of the brightest sunshine. 
 
 I am with you, in heart and sentiment ; but as I cannot be per- 
 sonally present, allow me to propose the following — 
 
 Pennsylvcniia — In her recent triumphant victory, she has ac- 
 quired a glory for herself and country, that may be registered with 
 the achievements of " Old Rough and Ready" at Palo Alto, at 
 Rcsaca de la Palma and Monterey. 
 
 Most cordially and respectfully, your friend and obedient servant, 
 
 ISAAC MUNROE. 
 
 To Messrs. Churchman, Elwyn, Brown, Thomas, Mercer, Rice, 
 Committee, &c. 
 
87 
 
 Gallipolis, Ohio, Nov. 29, 1846. 
 Daniel Hadack, Jr. Esq. : — 
 
 Dear Sir : — On my return home, yesterday, after an absence 
 of some weeks, I received your letter of the 13th instant, inviting 
 me, on behalf of the Committee of Correspondence, to a dinner to 
 be given by the merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, to the 
 Hon. Daniel Webster, on the 2d of next month. I could not reach 
 Philadelphia by that time, if it were even possible for me to leave 
 home immediately, which it is not. It would give the highest gra- 
 tification, if in my power, to be present, and unite with the citizens 
 of Philadelphia in their demonstrations of respect and high regard 
 for an individual of such exalted worth and ability, whoso eminent 
 public services, for a quarter of a century, have justly given him a 
 fame both at home and abroad, not surpassed by that of any other 
 American statesman. 
 
 You will please tender to the gentlemen of the Committee, my 
 thanks for the kind invitation which they conveyed to me, through 
 you. And I beg leave to avail myself of this, as a fitting occasion 
 to express to them, through you, the high estimation, in which I 
 have ever held the good city of Philadelphia, for its many virtues, 
 general intelligence and moral worth. 
 
 I am, with great respect. 
 
 Your very obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL F. VINTON. 
 
 Norwich, Nov. 27, 1846. 
 
 Gentlemen : — I have received your letter of invitation to the 
 dinner to be given to the Hon. Daniel Webster, on the 2d of 
 December next, by the merchants and other citizens of Phila- 
 delphia. I regret that engagements made previous to its receipt, 
 will prevent me from meeting and uniting with you in this mani- 
 festation of the respect which is entertained for this distinguished 
 citizen. No place is so appropriate as the city of Philadelphia, to 
 
88 
 
 do honor to one who has so ably maintained the great principles on 
 which the declaration of American Independence, and the Consti- 
 tution of the United States are founded ; and no portion of our 
 fellow citizens, with more propriety than the merchants and men 
 of business of that city, can manifest their regard for one, who, in 
 addition to his other eminent public services, has always, and 
 with great ability, supported measures calculated to promote the 
 prosperity, and sustain the business of the people of this country. 
 With great respect, 
 
 I am your obedient servant, 
 
 J. W. HUNTINGTON. 
 
 To A. Langdon Elwyn, John Rice, C.W. Churchman, Esqrs., Com- 
 mitttee, &c. 
 
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